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Title: Complete Prose Works

Author: Walt Whitman

Release date: September 1, 2005 [eBook #8813]
Most recently updated: June 2, 2013

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMPLETE
PROSE WORKS ***

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COMPLETE PROSE WORKS
Specimen Days and Collect, November Boughs and Good Bye
My Fancy

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By Walt Whitman

CONTENTS
DETAILED CONTENTS
SPECIMEN DAYS
A HAPPY HOUR'S COMMAND
COLLECT
ONE OR TWO INDEX ITEMS
DEMOCRATIC VISTAS
ORIGINS OF ATTEMPTED SECESSION
PREFACES TO "LEAVES OF GRASS"
PREFACE, 1855 To first issue of Leaves of Grass. Brooklyn, N.Y.
PREFACE, 1872 To As a Strong Bird on Pinions Free Now Thou
Mother with
PREFACE, 1876 To the two-volume Centennial Edition of Leaves
of Grass
A MEMORANDUM AT A VENTURE
DEATH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN LECTURE
TWO LETTERS
NOTES LEFT OVER

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APPENDIX
PIECES IN EARLY YOUTH
NOVEMBER BOUGHS
OUR EMINENT VISITORS
THE BIBLE AS POETRY
FATHER TAYLOR (AND ORATORY)
THE SPANISH ELEMENT IN OUR NATIONALITY
WHAT LURKS BEHIND SHAKSPERE'S HISTORICAL
PLAYS
A THOUGHT ON SHAKSPERE
ROBERT BURNS AS POET AND PERSON
A WORD ABOUT TENNYSON
SLANG IN AMERICA
AN INDIAN BUREAU REMINISCENCE
SOME DIARY NOTES AT RANDOM
SOME WAR MEMORANDA
FIVE THOUSAND POEMS
THE OLD BOWERY
NOTES TO LATE ENGLISH BOOKS
PREFACE TO THE READER IN THE BRITISH ISLANDS
—"Specimen Days in
PREFACE TO "DEMOCRATIC VISTAS" WITH OTHER
PAPERS—English Edition
ABRAHAM LINCOLN

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NEW ORLEANS IN 1848
SMALL MEMORANDA
LAST OF THE WAR CASES
Endnotes (such as they are) founded on
GOOD-BYE MY FANCY
AMERICAN NATIONAL LITERATURE
A DEATH-BOUQUET
SOME LAGGARDS YET
MEMORANDA
PREFACE
WALT WHITMAN'S LAST {49}

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DETAILED CONTENTS
SPECIMEN DAYS
SPECIMEN DAYS
A Happy Hour's Command
Answer to an Insisting Friend
Genealogy—Van Velsor and Whitman
The Old Whitman and Van Velsor Cemeteries
The Maternal Homestead
Two Old Family Interiors
Paumanok, and my Life on it as Child and Young Man
My First Reading—Lafayette
Printing Office—Old Brooklyn
Growth—Health—Work
My Passion for Ferries
Broadway Sights
Omnibus Jaunts and Drivers
Plays and Operas too
Through Eight Years
Sources of Character—Results—1860
Opening of the Secession War
National Uprising and Volunteering
Contemptuous Feeling
Battle of Bull Run, July, 1861
The Stupor Passes—Something Else Begins
Down at the Front
After First Fredericksburg
Back to Washington
Fifty Hours Left Wounded on the Field
Hospital Scenes and Persons
Patent-Office Hospital
The White House by Moonlight
An Army Hospital Ward
A Connecticut Case

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Two Brooklyn Boys
A Secesh Brave
The Wounded from Chancellorsville
A Night Battle over a Week Since
Unnamed Remains the Bravest Soldier
Some Specimen Cases
My Preparations for Visits
Ambulance Processions
Bad Wounds—the Young
The Most Inspiriting of all War's Shows
Battle of Gettysburg
A Cavalry Camp
A New York Soldier
Home-Made Music
Abraham Lincoln
Heated Term
Soldiers and Talks
Death of a Wisconsin Officer
Hospitals Ensemble
A Silent Night Ramble
Spiritual Characters among the Soldiers
Cattle Droves about Washington
Hospital Perplexity
Down at the Front
Paying the Bounties
Rumors, Changes, Etc.
Virginia
Summer of 1864
A New Army Organization fit for America
Death of a Hero
Hospital Scenes—Incidents
A Yankee Soldier
Union Prisoners South
Deserters
A Glimpse of War's Hell-Scenes
Gifts—Money—Discrimination
Items from My Note Books

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A Case from Second Bull Run
Army Surgeons—Aid Deficiencies
The Blue Everywhere
A Model Hospital
Boys in the Army
Burial of a Lady Nurse
Female Nurses for Soldiers
Southern Escapees
The Capitol by Gas-Light
The Inauguration
Attitude of Foreign Governments During the War
The Weather—Does it Sympathize with These Times?
Inauguration Ball
Scene at the Capitol
A Yankee Antique
Wounds and Diseases
Death of President Lincoln
Sherman's Army Jubilation—its Sudden Stoppage
No Good Portrait of Lincoln
Releas'd Union Prisoners from South
Death of a Pennsylvania Soldier
The Armies Returning
The Grand Review
Western Soldiers
A Soldier on Lincoln
Two Brothers, one South, one North
Some Sad Cases Yet
Calhoun's Real Monument
Hospitals Closing
Typical Soldiers
"Convulsiveness"
Three Years Summ'd up
The Million Dead, too, Summ'd up
The Real War will never get in the Books
An Interregnum Paragraph
New Themes Enter'd Upon
Entering a Long Farm-Lane

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To the Spring and Brook
An Early Summer Reveille
Birds Migrating at Midnight
Bumble-Bees
Cedar-Apples
Summer Sights and Indolences
Sundown Perfume—Quail-Notes—the Hermit Thrush
A July Afternoon by the Pond
Locusts and Katy-Dids
The Lesson of a Tree
Autumn Side-Bits
The Sky—Days and Nights—Happiness
Colors—A Contrast
November 8, '76
Crows and Crows
A Winter-Day on the Sea-Beach
Sea-Shore Fancies
In Memory of Thomas Paine
A Two Hours' Ice-Sail
Spring Overtures—Recreations
One of the Human Kinks
An Afternoon Scene
The Gates Opening
The Common Earth, the Soil
Birds and Birds and Birds
Full-Starr'd Nights
Mulleins and Mulleins
Distant Sounds
A Sun-Bath—Nakedness
The Oaks and I
A Quintette
The First Frost—Mems
Three Young Men's Deaths
February Days
A Meadow Lark
Sundown Lights
Thoughts Under an Oak—A Dream

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Clover and Hay Perfume
An Unknown
Bird Whistling
Horse-Mint
Three of Us
Death of William Cullen Bryant
Jaunt up the Hudson
Happiness and Raspberries
A Specimen Tramp Family
Manhattan from the Bay
Human and Heroic New York
Hours for the Soul
Straw-Color'd and other Psyches
A Night Remembrance
Wild Flowers
A Civility Too Long Neglected
Delaware River—Days and Nights
Scenes on Ferry and River—Last Winter's Nights
The First Spring Day on Chestnut Street
Up the Hudson to Ulster County
Days at J.B.'s—Turf Fires—Spring Songs
Meeting a Hermit
An Ulster County Waterfall
Walter Dumont and his Medal
Hudson River Sights
Two City Areas Certain Hours
Central Park Walks and Talks
A Fine Afternoon, 4 to 6
Departing of the Big Steamers
Two Hours on the Minnesota
Mature Summer Days and Night
Exposition Building—New City Hall—River-Trip
Swallows on the River
Begin a Long Jaunt West
In the Sleeper
Missouri State
Lawrence and Topeka, Kansas

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The Prairies—(and an Undeliver'd Speech)
On to Denver—A Frontier Incident
An Hour on Kenosha Summit
An Egotistical "Find"
New Scenes—New Joys
Steam-Power, Telegraphs, Etc.
America's Back-Bone
The Parks
Art Features
Denver Impressions
I Turn South and then East Again
Unfulfill'd Wants—the Arkansas River
A Silent Little Follower—the Coreopsis
The Prairies and Great Plains in Poetry
The Spanish Peaks—Evening on the Plains
America's Characteristic Landscape
Earth's Most Important Stream
Prairie Analogies—the Tree Question
Mississippi Valley Literature
An Interviewer's Item
The Women of the West
The Silent General
President Hayes's Speeches
St. Louis Memoranda
Nights on the Mississippi
Upon our Own Land
Edgar Poe's Significance
Beethoven's Septette
A Hint of Wild Nature
Loafing in the Woods
A Contralto Voice
Seeing Niagara to Advantage
Jaunting to Canada
Sunday with the Insane
Reminiscence of Elias Hicks
Grand Native Growth
A Zollverein between the U. S. and Canada

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The St. Lawrence Line
The Savage Saguenay
Capes Eternity and Trinity
Chicoutimi, and Ha-ha Bay
The Inhabitants—Good Living
Cedar-Plums Like—Names
Death of Thomas Carlyle
Carlyle from American Points of View
A Couple of Old Friends—A Coleridge Bit
A Week's Visit to Boston
The Boston of To-Day
My Tribute to Four Poets
Millet's Pictures—Last Items
Birds—and a Caution
Samples of my Common-Place Book
My Native Sand and Salt Once More
Hot Weather New York
"Ouster's Last Rally"
Some Old Acquaintances—Memories
A Discovery of Old Age
A Visit, at the Last, to R. W. Emerson
Other Concord Notations
Boston Common—More of Emerson
An Ossianic Night—Dearest Friends
Only a New Ferry Boat
Death of Longfellow
Starting Newspapers
The Great Unrest of which We are Part
By Emerson's Grave
At Present Writing—Personal
After Trying a Certain Book
Final Confessions—Literary Tests
Nature and Democracy—Morality
COLLECT
COLLECT
ONE OR TWO INDEX ITEMS

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ONE OR TWO INDEX ITEMS
DEMOCRATIC VISTAS
DEMOCRATIC VISTAS
ORIGINS OF ATTEMPTED SECESSION
ORIGINS OF ATTEMPTED SECESSION
PREFACES TO "LEAVES OF GRASS"
PREFACES TO "LEAVES OF GRASS"
Preface, 1855, to first issue of "Leaves of Grass"
Preface, 1872, to "As a Strong Bird on Pinions Free"
Preface, 1876, to L. of G. and "Two Rivulets"
POETRY TO-DAY IN AMERICA—SHAKESPEARE—THE FUTURE
A MEMORANDUM AT A VENTURE
A MEMORANDUM AT A VENTURE
DEATH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
TWO LETTERS
TWO LETTERS
NOTES LEFT OVER
NOTES LEFT OVER
Nationality (and Yet)
Emerson's Books (the Shadows of Them)
Ventures, on an Old Theme
British Literature
Darwinism (then Furthermore)
"Society"
The Tramp and Strike Questions
Democracy in the New World
Foundation Stages—then Others
General Suffrage, Elections, Etc.
Who Gets the Plunder?
Friendship (the Real Article)
Lacks and Wants Yet
Rulers Strictly Out of the Masses

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Monuments—the Past and Present
Little or Nothing New After All
A Lincoln Reminiscence
Freedom
Book-Classes-America's Literature
Our Real Culmination
An American Problem
The Last Collective Compaction
PIECES IN EARLY YOUTH
PIECES IN EARLY YOUTH
Dough Face Song
Death in the School-Room
One Wicked Impulse
The Last Loyalist
Wild Frank's Return
The Boy Lover
The Child and the Profligate
Lingave's Temptation
Little Jane
Dumb Kate
Talk to an Art Union
Blood-Money
Wounded in the House of Friends
Sailing the Mississippi at Midnight
NOVEMBER BOUGHS
NOVEMBER BOUGHS
OUR EMINENT VISITORS, Past, Present and Future
THE BIBLE AS POETRY
THE BIBLE AS POETRY
FATHER TAYLOR (AND ORATORY)
FATHER TAYLOR (AND ORATORY)
THE SPANISH ELEMENT IN OUR NATIONALITY

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THE SPANISH ELEMENT IN OUR NATIONALITY
WHAT LURKS BEHIND SHAKSPERE'S HISTORICAL PLAYS?
A THOUGHT ON SHAKSPERE
A THOUGHT ON SHAKSPERE
ROBERT BURNS AS POET AND PERSON
ROBERT BURNS AS POET AND PERSON
A WORD ABOUT TENNYSON
A WORD ABOUT TENNYSON
SLANG IN AMERICA
SLANG IN AMERICA
AN INDIAN BUREAU REMINISCENCE
AN INDIAN BUREAU REMINISCENCE
SOME DIARY NOTES AT RANDOM
SOME DIARY NOTES AT RANDOM
Negro Slaves in New York
Canada Nights
Country Days and Nights
Central Park Notes
Plate Glass Notes
SOME WAR MEMORANDA
SOME WAR MEMORANDA
Washington Street Scenes
The 195th Pennsylvania
Left-hand Writing by Soldiers
Central Virginia in '64
Paying the First Color'd Troops
FIVE THOUSAND POEMS
FIVE THOUSAND POEMS
THE OLD BOWERY

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THE OLD BOWERY
NOTES TO LATE ENGLISH BOOKS
NOTES TO LATE ENGLISH BOOKS
Preface to Reader in British Islands
Additional Note, 1887
Preface to English Edition "Democratic Vistas"
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
NEW ORLEANS IN 1848
NEW ORLEANS IN 1848
SMALL MEMORANDA
SMALL MEMORANDA
Attorney General's Office, 1865
A Glint Inside of Abraham Lincoln's Cabinet Appointments
Note to a Friend
Written Impromptu in an Album
The Place Gratitude fills in a Fine Character
LAST OF THE WAR CASES
LAST OF THE WAR CASES
ELIAS HICKS, Notes (such as they are)
George Fox and Shakspere
GOOD-BYE MY FANCY
GOOD-BYE MY FANCY
AN OLD MAN'S REJOINDER
OLD POETS
Ship Ahoy
For Queen Victoria's Birthday
AMERICAN NATIONAL LITERATURE
AMERICAN NATIONAL LITERATURE
GATHERING THE CORN
A DEATH BOUQUET

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SOME LAGGARDS YET
SOME LAGGARDS YET
The Perfect Human Voice
Shakspere for America
"Unassailed Renown"
Inscription for a Little Book on Giordano Bruno
Splinters
Health (Old Style)
Gay-heartedness
As in a Swoon
L. of G.
After the Argument
For Us Two, Reader Dear
MEMORANDA
MEMORANDA
A World's Show
New York—the Bay—the Old Name
A Sick Spell
To be Present Only
"Intestinal Agitation"
"Walt Whitman's Last 'Public'"
Ingersoll's Speech
Feeling Fairly
Old Brooklyn Days
Two Questions
Preface to a Volume
An Engineer's Obituary
Old Actors, Singers, Shows, Etc., in New York
Some Personal and Old Age Jottings
Out in the Open Again
America's Bulk Average
Last Saved Items
WALT WHITMAN'S LAST

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Page 21

SPECIMEN DAYS

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A HAPPY HOUR'S COMMAND
Down in the Woods, July 2d, 1882.-If I do it at all I must delay no longer.
Incongruous and full of skips and jumps as is that huddle of diary-jottings,
war-memoranda of 1862-'65, Nature-notes of 1877-'81, with Western and
Canadian observations afterwards, all bundled up and tied by a big string,
the resolution and indeed mandate comes to me this day, this hour,—(and
what a day! What an hour just passing! the luxury of riant grass and
blowing breeze, with all the shows of sun and sky and perfect temperature,
never before so filling me, body and soul),—to go home, untie the bundle,
reel out diary-scraps and memoranda, just as they are, large or small, one
after another, into print-pages,{1} and let the melange's lackings and wants
of connection take care of themselves. It will illustrate one phase of
humanity anyhow; how few of life's days and hours (and they not by
relative value or proportion, but by chance) are ever noted. Probably
another point, too, how we give long preparations for some object, planning
and delving and fashioning, and then, when the actual hour for doing
arrives, find ourselves still quite unprepared, and tumble the thing together,
letting hurry and crudeness tell the story better than fine work. At any rate I
obey my happy hour's command, which seems curiously imperative. May
be, if I don't do anything else, I shall send out the most wayward,
spontaneous, fragmentary book ever printed.
Endnotes:
{1} The pages from 1 to 15 are nearly verbatim an off-hand letter of mine
in January, 1882, to an insisting friend. Following, I give some gloomy
experiences. The war of attempted secession has, of course, been the
distinguishing event of my time. I commenced at the close of 1862, and
continued steadily through '63, '64 and '65, to visit the sick and wounded of
the army, both on the field and in the hospitals in and around Washington
city. From the first I kept little note-books for impromptu jottings in pencil
to refresh my memory of names and circumstances, and what was specially
wanted, &c. In these, I brief'd cases, persons, sights, occurrences in camp,
by the bed-side, and not seldom by the corpses of the dead. Some were
scratch'd down from narratives I heard and itemized while watching, or

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waiting, or tending somebody amid those scenes. I have dozens of such
little note-books left, forming a special history of those years, for myself
alone, full of associations never to be possibly said or sung. I wish I could
convey to the reader the associations that attach to these soil'd and creas'd
livraisons, each composed of a sheet or two of paper, folded small to carry
in the pocket, and fasten'd with a pin. I leave them just as I threw them by
after the war, blotch'd here and there with more than one blood-stain,
hurriedly written, sometimes at the clinique, not seldom amid the
excitement of uncertainty, or defeat, or of action, or getting ready for it, or a
march. Most of the pages from 20 to 75 are verbatim copies of those lurid
and blood-smuch'd little notebooks.
Very different are most of the memoranda that follow. Some time after
the war ended I had a paralytic stroke, which prostrated me for several
years. In 1876 I began to get over the worst of it. From this date, portions of
several seasons, especially summers, I spent at a secluded haunt down in
Camden county, New Jersey—Timber creek, quite a little river (it enters
from the great Delaware, twelve miles away)—with primitive solitudes,
winding stream, recluse and woody banks, sweet-feeding springs, and all
the charms that birds, grass, wild-flowers, rabbits and squirrels, old oaks,
walnut trees, &c., can bring. Through these times, and on these spots, the
diary from page 76 onward was mostly written.
The COLLECT afterwards gathers up the odds and ends of whatever
pieces I can now lay hands on, written at various times past, and swoops all
together like fish in a net.
I suppose I publish and leave the whole gathering, first, from that eternal
tendency to perpetuate and preserve which is behind all Nature, authors
included; second, to symbolize two or three specimen interiors, personal
and other, out of the myriads of my time, the middle range of the
Nineteenth century in the New World; a strange, unloosen'd, wondrous
time. But the book is probably without any definite purpose that can be told
in a statement.

ANSWER TO AN INSISTING FRIEND

You ask for items, details of my early life—of genealogy and parentage,
particularly of the women of my ancestry, and of its far-back Netherlands

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stock on the maternal side—of the region where I was born and raised, and
my mother and father before me, and theirs before them—with a word
about Brooklyn and New York cities, the times I lived there as lad and
young man. You say you want to get at these details mainly as the go-
befores and embryons of "Leaves of Grass." Very good; you shall have at
least some specimens of them all. I have often thought of the meaning of
such things—that one can only encompass and complete matters of that
kind by 'exploring behind, perhaps very far behind, themselves directly, and
so into their genesis, antecedents, and cumulative stages. Then as luck
would have it, I lately whiled away the tedium of a week's half-sickness and
confinement, by collating these very items for another (yet unfulfilled,
probably abandon'd,) purpose; and if you will be satisfied with them,
authentic in date-occurrence and fact simply, and told my own way,
garrulous-like, here they are. I shall not hesitate to make extracts, for I catch
at anything to save labor; but those will be the best versions of what I want
to convey.

GENEALOGY—VAN VELSOR AND WHITMAN

The later years of the last century found the Van Velsor family, my
mother's side, living on their own farm at Cold Spring, Long Island, New
York State, near the eastern edge of Queen's county, about a mile from the
harbor.{2} My father's side—probably the fifth generation from the first
English arrivals in New England—were at the same time farmers on their
own land—(and a fine domain it was, 500 acres, all good soil, gently
sloping east and south, about one-tenth woods, plenty of grand old trees,)
two or three miles off, at West Hills, Suffolk county. The Whitman name in
the Eastern States, and so branch and South, starts undoubtedly from one
John Whitman, born 1602, in Old England, where he grew up, married, and
his eldest son was born in 1629. He came over in the "True Love" in 1640
to America, and lived in Weymouth, Mass., which place became the
mother-hive of the New-Englanders of the name; he died in 1692. His
brother, Rev. Zechariah Whitman, also came over in the "True Love," either
at that time or soon after, and lived at Milford, Conn. A son of this
Zechariah, named Joseph, migrated to Huntington, Long Island, and
permanently settled there. Savage's "Genealogical Dictionary" (vol. iv, p.
524) gets the Whitman family establish'd at Huntington, per this Joseph,

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before 1664. It is quite certain that from that beginning, and from Joseph,
the West Hill Whitmans, and all others in Suffolk county, have since
radiated, myself among the number. John and Zechariah both went to
England and back again divers times; they had large families, and several of
their children were born in the old country. We hear of the father of John
and Zechariah, Abijah Whitman, who goes over into the 1500's, but we
know little about him, except that he also was for some time in America.
These old pedigree-reminiscences come up to me vividly from a visit I
made not long since (in my 63d year) to West Hills, and to the burial
grounds of my ancestry, both sides. I extract from notes of that visit, written
there and then:
Note:
{2} Long Island was settled first on the west end by the Dutch from
Holland, then on the east end by the English—the dividing line of the two
nationalities being a little west of Huntington where my father's folks lived,
and where I was born.

THE OLD WHITMAN AND VAN VELSOR CEMETERIES

July 29, 1881.—After more than forty years' absence, (except a brief
visit, to take my father there once more, two years before he died,) went
down Long Island on a week' s jaunt to the place where I was born, thirty
miles from New York city. Rode around the old familiar spots, viewing and
pondering and dwelling long upon them, every-thing coming back to me.
Went to the old Whitman homestead on the upland and took a view
eastward, inclining south, over the broad and beautiful farm lands of my
grandfather (1780,) and my father. There was the new house (1810,) the big
oak a hundred and fifty or two hundred years old; there the well, the sloping
kitchen-garden, and a little way off even the well-kept remains of the
dwelling of my great-grandfather (1750-'60) still standing, with its mighty
timbers and low ceilings. Near by, a stately grove of tall, vigorous black-
walnuts, beautiful, Apollo-like, the sons or grandsons, no doubt, of black-
walnuts during or before 1776. On the other side of the road spread the
famous apple orchard, over twenty acres, the trees planted by hands long
mouldering in the grave (my uncle Jesse's,) but quite many of them
evidently capable of throwing out their annual blossoms and fruit yet.

Page 26

I now write these lines seated on an old grave (doubtless of a century
since at least) on the burial hill of the Whitmans of many generations. Fifty
or more graves are quite plainly traceable, and as many more decay'd out of
all form—depress'd mounds, crumbled and broken stones, cover'd with
moss—the gray and sterile hill, the clumps of chestnuts outside, the silence,
just varied by the soughing wind. There is always the deepest eloquence of
sermon or poem in any of these ancient graveyards of which Long Island
has so many; so what must this one have been to me? My whole family
history, with its succession of links, from the first settlement down to date,
told here—three centuries concentrate on this sterile acre.
The next day, July 30, I devoted to the maternal locality, and if possible
was still more penetrated and impress'd. I write this paragraph on the burial
hul of the Van Velsors, near Cold Spring, the most significant depository of
the dead that could be imagin'd, without the slightest help from art, but far
ahead of it, soil sterile, a mostly bare plateau-flat of half an acre, the top of
a hill, brush and well grown trees and dense woods bordering all around,
very primi-tive, secluded, no visitors, no road (you cannot drive here, you
have to bring the dead on foot, and follow on foot.) Two or three-score
graves quite plain; as many more almost rubb'd out. My grandfather
Cornelius and my grandmother Amy (Naomi) and numerous relatives
nearer or remoter, on my mother's side, lie buried here. The scene as I stood
or sat, the delicate and wild odor of the woods, a slightly drizzling rain, the
emotional atmosphere of the place, and the inferr'd reminiscences, were
fitting accompaniments.

THE MATERNAL HOMESTEAD

I went down from this ancient grave place eighty or ninety rods to the
site of the Van Velsor homestead, where my mother was born (1795,) and
where every spot had been familiar to me as a child and youth (1825-'40.)
Then stood there a long rambling, dark-gray, shingle-sided house, with
sheds, pens, a great barn, and much open road-space. Now of all those not a
vestige left; all had been pull'd down, erased, and the plough and harrow
pass'd over foundations, road-spaces and everything, for many summers;
fenced in at present, and grain and clover growing like any other fine fields.
Only a big hole from the cellar, with some little heaps of broken stone,
green with grass and weeds, identified the place. Even the copious old

Page 27

brook and spring seem'd to have mostly dwindled away. The whole scene,
with what it arous'd, memories of my young days there half a century ago,
the vast kitchen and ample fireplace and the sitting-room adjoining, the
plain furniture, the meals, the house full of merry people, my grandmother
Amy's sweet old face in its Quaker cap, my grandfather "the Major," jovial,
red, stout, with sonorous voice and characteristic physiognomy, with the
actual sights themselves, made the most pronounc'd half-day's experience of
my whole jaunt.
For there with all those wooded, hilly, healthy surroundings, my dearest
mother, Louisa Van Velsor, grew up—(her mother, Amy Williams, of the
Friends' or Quakers' denomination—the Williams family, seven sisters and
one brother—the father and brother sailors, both of whom met their deaths
at sea.) The Van Velsor people were noted for fine horses, which the men
bred and train'd from blooded stock. My mother, as a young woman, was a
daily and daring rider. As to the head of the family himself, the old race of
the Netherlands, so deeply grafted on Manhattan island and in Kings and
Queens counties, never yielded a more mark'd and full Americanized
specimen than Major Cornelius Van Velsor.

TWO OLD FAMILY INTERIORS

Of the domestic and inside life of the middle of Long Island, at and just
before that time, here are two samples:
"The Whitmans, at the beginning of the present century, lived in a long
story-and-a-half farm-house, hugely timber'd, which is still standing. A
great smoke-canopied kitchen, with vast hearth and chimney, form'd one
end of the house. The existence of slavery in New York at that time, and the
possession by the family of some twelve or fifteen slaves, house and field
servants, gave things quite a patriarchial look. The very young darkies
could be seen, a swarm of them, toward sundown, in this kitchen, squatted
in a circle on the floor, eating their supper of Indian pudding and milk. In
the house, and in food and furniture, all was rude, but substantial. No
carpets or stoves were known, and no coffee, and tea or sugar only for the
women. Rousing wood fires gave both warmth and light on winter nights.
Pork, poultry, beef, and all the ordinary vegetables and grains were
plentiful. Cider was the men's common drink, and used at meals. The
clothes were mainly homespun. Journeys were made by both men and

Page 28

women on horseback. Both sexes labor'd with their own hands-the men on
the farm—the women in the house and around it. Books were scarce. The
annual copy of the almanac was a treat, and was pored over through the
long winter evenings. I must not forget to mention that both these families
were near enough to the sea to behold it from the high places, and to hear in
still hours the roar of the surf; the latter, after a storm, giving a peculiar
sound at night. Then all hands, male and female, went down frequently on
beach and bathing parties, and the men on practical expeditions for cutting
salt hay, and for clamming and fishing."—John Burroughs's NOTES.
"The ancestors of Walt Whitman, on both the paternal and maternal sides,
kept a good table, sustained the hospitalities, decorums, and an excellent
social reputation in the county, and they were often of mark'd individuality.
If space permitted, I should consider some of the men worthy special
description; and still more some of the women. His great-grandmother on
the paternal side, for instance, was a large swarthy woman, who lived to a
very old age. She smoked tobacco, rode on horseback like a man, managed
the most vicious horse, and, becoming a widow in later life, went forth
every day over her farm-lands, frequently in the saddle, directing the labor
of her slaves, in language in which, on exciting occasions, oaths were not
spared. The two immediate grandmothers were, in the best sense, superior
women. The maternal one (Amy Williams before marriage) was a Friend, or
Quakeress, of sweet, sensible character, house-wifely proclivities, and
deeply intuitive and spiritual. The other (Hannah Brush,) was an equally
noble, perhaps stronger character, lived to be very old, had quite a family of
sons, was a natural lady, was in early life a school-mistress, and had great
solidity of mind. W. W. himself makes much of the women of his
ancestry."—The Same.
Out from these arrieres of persons and scenes, I was born May 31, 1819.
And now to dwell awhile on the locality itself—as the successive growth-
stages of my infancy, childhood, youth and manhood were all pass'd on
Long Island, which I sometimes feel as if I had incorporated. I roam'd, as
boy and man, and have lived in nearly all parts, from Brooklyn to Montauk
point.

PAUMANOK, AND MY LIFE ON IT AS CHILD AND
YOUNG MAN

Page 29

Worth fully and particularly investigating indeed this Paumanok, (to give
the spot its aboriginal name{3},) stretching east through Kings, Queens and
Suffolk counties, 120 miles altogether—on the north Long Island sound, a
beautiful, varied and picturesque series of inlets, "necks" and sea-like
expansions, for a hundred miles to Orient point. On the ocean side the great
south bay dotted with countless hummocks, mostly small, some quite large,
occasionally long bars of sand out two hundred rods to a mile-and-a-half
from the shore. While now and then, as at Rockaway and far east along the
Hamptons, the beach makes right on the island, the sea dashing up without
intervention. Several light-houses on the shores east; a long history of
wrecks tragedies, some even of late years. As a youngster, I was in the
atmosphere and traditions of many of these wrecks—of one or two almost
an observer. Off Hempstead beach for example, was the loss of the ship
"Mexico" in 1840, (alluded to in "the Sleepers" in L. of G.) And at
Hampton, some years later, the destruction of the brig "Elizabeth," a fearful
affair, in one of the worst winter gales, where Margaret Fuller went down,
with her husband and child.
Inside the outer bars or beach this south bay is everywhere comparatively
shallow; of cold winters all thick ice on the surface. As a boy I often went
forth with a chum or two, on those frozen fields, with hand-sled, axe and
eel-spear, after messes of eels. We would cut holes in the ice, sometimes
striking quite an eel-bonanza, and filling our baskets with great, fat, sweet,
white-meated fellows. The scenes, the ice, drawing the hand-sled, cutting
holes, spearing the eels, &c., were of course just such fun as is dearest to
boyhood. The shores of this bay, winter and summer, and my doings there
in early life, are woven all through L. of G. One sport I was very fond of
was to go on a bay-party in summer to gather sea-gull's eggs. (The gulls lay
two or three eggs, more than half the size of hen's eggs, right on the sand,
and leave the sun's heat to hatch them.)
The eastern end of Long Island, the Peconic bay region, I knew quite
well too—sail'd more than once around Shelter island, and down to
Montauk—spent many an hour on Turtle hill by the old light-house, on the
extreme point, looking out over the ceaseless roll of the Atlantic. I used to
like to go down there and fraternize with the blue-fishers, or the annual
squads of sea-bass takers. Sometimes, along Montauk peninsula, (it is some
15 miles long, and good grazing,) met the strange, unkempt, half-barbarous
herdsmen, at that time living there entirely aloof from society or

Page 30

civilization, in charge, on those rich pasturages, of vast droves of horses,
kine or sheep, own'd by farmers of the eastern towns. Sometimes, too, the
few remaining Indians, or half-breeds, at that period left on Montauk
peninsula, but now I believe altogether extinct.
More in the middle of the island were the spreading Hempstead plains,
then (1830-'40) quite prairie-like, open, uninhabited, rather sterile, cover'd
with kill-calf and huckleberry bushes, yet plenty of fair pasture for the
cattle, mostly milch-cows, who fed there by hundreds, even thousands, and
at evening, (the plains too were own'd by the towns, and this was the use of
them in common,) might be seen taking their way home, branching off
regularly in the right places. I have often been out on the edges of these
plains toward sundown, and can yet recall in fancy the interminable cow-
processions, and hear the music of the tin or copper bells clanking far or
near, and breathe the cool of the sweet and slightly aromatic evening air,
and note the sunset.
Through the same region of the island, but further east, extended wide
central tracts of pine and scrub-oak, (charcoal was largely made here,)
monotonous and sterile. But many a good day or half-day did I have,
wandering through those solitary crossroads, inhaling the peculiar and wild
aroma. Here, and all along the island and its shores, I spent intervals many
years, all seasons, sometimes riding, sometimes boating, but generally
afoot, (I was always then a good walker,) absorbing fields, shores, marine
incidents, characters, the bay-men, farmers, pilots-always had a plentiful
acquaintance with the latter, and with fishermen—went every summer on
sailing trips—always liked the bare sea-beach, south side, and have some of
my happiest hours on it to this day.
As I write, the whole experience comes back to me after the lapse of
forty and more years—the soothing rustle of the waves, and the saline smell
—boyhood's times, the clam-digging, bare-foot, and with trowsers roll'd up
—hauling down the creek—the perfume of the sedge-meadows—the hay-
boat, and the chowder and fishing excursions;—or, of later years, little
voyages down and out New York bay, in the pilot boats. Those same later
years, also, while living in Brooklyn, (1836-'50) I went regularly every
week in the mild seasons down to Coney Island, at that time a long, bare
unfrequented shore, which I had all to myself, and where I loved, after
bathing, to race up and down the hard sand, and declaim Homer or

Page 31

Shakspere to the surf and sea gulls by the hour. But I am getting ahead too
rapidly, and must keep more in my traces.
Endnotes:
{3} "Paumanok, (or Paumanake, or Paumanack, the Indian name of Long
Island,) over a hundred miles long; shaped like a fish—plenty of sea shore,
sandy, stormy, uninviting, the horizon boundless, the air too strong for
invalids, the bays a wonderful resort for aquatic birds, the south-side
meadows cover'd with salt hay, the soil of the island generally tough, but
good for the locust-tree, the apple orchard, and the blackberry, and with
numberless springs of the sweetest water in the world. Years ago, among the
bay-men—a strong, wild race, now extinct, or rather entirely changed—a
native of Long Island was called a Paumanacker, or Creole-
'Paumanacker."—John Burroughs.

MY FIRST READING—LAFAYETTE

From 1824 to '28 our family lived in Brooklyn in Front, Cranberry and
Johnson streets. In the latter my father built a nice house for a home, and
afterwards another in Tillary street. We occupied them, one after the other,
but they were mortgaged, and we lost them. I yet remember Lafayette's
visit.{4} Most of these years I went to the public schools. It must have been
about 1829 or '30 that I went with my father and mother to hear Elias Hicks
preach in a ball-room on Brooklyn heights. At about the same time
employ'd as a boy in an office, lawyers', father and two sons, Clarke's,
Fulton street, near Orange. I had a nice desk and window-nook to myself;
Edward C. kindly help'd me at my handwriting and composition, and, (the
signal event of my life up to that time,) subscribed for me to a big
circulating library. For a time I now revel'd in romance-reading of all kinds;
first, the "Arabian Nights," all the volumes, an amazing treat. Then, with
sorties in very many other directions, took in Walter Scott's novels, one
after another, and his poetry, (and continue to enjoy novels and poetry to
this day.)
Endnotes:
{4} "On the visit of General Lafayette to this country, in 1824, he came
over to Brooklyn in state, and rode through the city. The children of the
schools turn'd out to join in the welcome. An edifice for a free public library

Page 32

for youths was just then commencing, and Lafayette consented to stop on
his way and lay the corner-stone. Numerous children arriving on the
ground, where a huge irregular excavation for the building was already dug,
surrounded with heaps of rough stone, several gentlemen assisted in lifting
the children to safe or convenient spots to see the ceremony. Among the
rest, Lafayette, also helping the children, took up the five-year-old Walt
Whitman, and pressing the child a moment to his breast, and giving him a
kiss, handed him down to a safe spot in the excavation."—John Burroughs.

PRINTING OFFICE—OLD BROOKLYN

After about two years went to work in a weekly newspaper and printing
office, to learn the trade. The paper was the "Long Island Patriot," owned
by S. E. Clements, who was also postmaster. An old printer in the office,
William Hartshorne, a revolutionary character, who had seen Washington,
was a special friend of mine, and I had many a talk with him about long
past times. The apprentices, including myself, boarded with his grand-
daughter. I used occasionally to go out riding with the boss, who was very
kind to us boys; Sundays he took us all to a great old rough, fortress-
looking stone church, on Joralemon street, near where the Brooklyn city
hall now is—(at that time broad fields and country roads everywhere
around.{5}) Afterward I work'd on the "Long Island Star," Alden Spooner's
paper. My father all these years pursuing his trade as carpenter and builder,
with varying fortune. There was a growing family of children—eight of us
—my brother Jesse the oldest, myself the second, my dear sisters Mary and
Hannah Louisa, my brothers Andrew, George, Thomas Jefferson, and then
my youngest brother, Edward, born 1835, and always badly crippled, as I
am myself of late years.
Endnotes:
{5} Of the Brooklyn of that time (1830-40) hardly anything remains,
except the lines of the old streets. The population was then between ten and
twelve thousand. For a mile Fulton street was lined with magnificent elm
trees. The character of the place was thoroughly rural. As a sample of
comparative values, it may be mention'd that twenty-five acres in what is
now the most costly part of the city, bounded by Flatbush and Fulton
avenues, were then bought by Mr Parmentier, a French emigré, for $4000.
Who remembers the old places as they were? Who remembers the old

Page 33

citizens of that time? Among the former were Smith & Wood's, Coe
Downing's, and other public houses at the ferry, the old Ferry itself, Love
lane, the Heights as then, the Wallabout with the wooden bridge, and the
road out beyond Fulton street to the old toll-gate. Among the latter were the
majestic and genial General Jeremiah Johnson, with others, Gabriel
Furman, Rev. E. M. Johnson, Alden Spooner, Mr. Pierrepont, Mr.
Joralemon, Samuel Willoughby, Jonathan Trotter, George Hall, Cyrus P.
Smith, N. B. Morse, John Dikeman, Adrian Hegeman, William Udall, and
old Mr. Duflon, with his military garden.

GROWTH—HEALTH—WORK

I develop'd (1833-4-5) into a healthy, strong youth (grew too fast, though,
was nearly as big as a man at 15 or 16.) Our family at this period moved
back to the country, my dear mother very ill for a long time, but recover'd.
All these years I was down Long Island more or less every summer, now
east, now west, sometimes months at a stretch. At 16, 17, and so on, was
fond of debating societies, and had an active membership with them, off
and on, in Brooklyn and one or two country towns on the island. A most
omnivorous novel-reader, these and later years, devour'd everything I could
get. Fond of the theatre, also, in New York, went whenever I could—
sometimes witnessing fine performances.
1836-7, work'd as compositor in printing offices in New York city. Then,
when little more than 18, and for a while afterwards, went to teaching
country schools down in Queens and Suffolk counties, Long Island, and
"boarded round." (This latter I consider one of my best experiences and
deepest lessons in human nature behind the scenes and in the masses.) In
'39, '40, I started and publish'd a weekly paper in my native town,
Huntington. Then returning to New York city and Brooklyn, work'd on as
printer and writer, mostly prose, but an occasional shy at "poetry".

MY PASSION FOR FERRIES

Living in Brooklyn or New York city from this time forward, my life,
then, and still more the following years, was curiously identified with
Fulton ferry, already becoming the greatest of its sort in the world for
general importance, volume, variety, rapidity, and picturesqueness. Almost

Page 34

daily, later, ('50 to '60,) I cross'd on the boats, often up in the pilot-houses
where I could get a full sweep, absorbing shows, accompaniments,
surroundings. What oceanic currents, eddies, underneath—the great tides of
humanity also, with ever-shifting movements. Indeed, I have always had a
passion for ferries; to me they afford inimitable, streaming, never-failing,
living poems. The river and bay scenery, all about New York island, any
time of a fine day—the hurrying, splashing sea-tides—the changing
panorama of steamers, all sizes, often a string of big ones outward bound to
distant ports—the myriads of white-sail'd schooners, sloops, skiffs, and the
marvellously beautiful yachts—the majestic sound boats as they rounded
the Battery and came along towards 5, afternoon, eastward bound—the
prospect off towards Staten Island, or down the Narrows, or the other way
up the Hudson—what refreshment of spirit such sights and experiences
gave me years ago (and many a time since.) My old pilot friends, the
Balsirs, Johnny Cole, Ira Smith, William White, and my young ferry friend,
Tom Gere—how well I remember them all.

BROADWAY SIGHTS

Besides Fulton ferry, off and on for years, I knew and frequented
Broadway—that noted avenue of New York's crowded and mixed humanity,
and of so many notables. Here I saw, during those times, Andrew Jackson,
Webster, Clay, Seward, Martin Van Buren, filibuster Walker, Kossuth, Fitz
Greene Halleck, Bryant, the Prince of Wales, Charles Dickens, the first
Japanese ambassadors, and lots of other celebrities of the time. Always
something novel or inspiriting; yet mostly to me the hurrying and vast
amplitude of those never-ending human currents. I remember seeing James
Fenimore Cooper in a court-room in Chambers street, back of the city hall,
where he was carrying on a law case—(I think it was a charge of libel he
had brought against some one.) I also remember seeing Edgar A. Poe, and
having a short interview with him, (it must have been in 1845 or '6,) in his
office, second story of a corner building, (Duane or Pearl street.) He was
editor and owner or part owner of "the Broadway Journal." The visit was
about a piece of mine he had publish'd. Poe was very cordial, in a quiet
way, appear'd well in person, dress, &c. I have a distinct and pleasing
remembrance of his looks, voice, manner and matter; very kindly and
human, but subdued, perhaps a little jaded. For another of my

Page 35

reminiscences, here on the west side, just below Houston street, I once saw
(it must have been about 1832, of a sharp, bright January day) a bent, feeble
but stout-built very old man, bearded, swathed in rich furs, with a great
ermine cap on his head, led and assisted, almost carried, down the steps of
his high front stoop (a dozen friends and servants, emulous, carefully
holding, guiding him) and then lifted and tuck'd in a gorgeous sleigh,
envelop'd in other furs, for a ride. The sleigh was drawn by as fine a team of
horses as I ever saw. (You needn't think all the best animals are brought up
nowadays; never was such horseflesh as fifty years ago on Long Island, or
south, or in New York city; folks look'd for spirit and mettle in a nag, not
tame speed merely.) Well, I, a boy of perhaps 13 or 14, stopp'd and gazed
long at the spectacle of that fur-swathed old man, surrounded by friends and
servants, and the careful seating of him in the sleigh. I remember the
spirited, champing horses, the driver with his whip, and a fellow-driver by
his side, for extra prudence. The old man, the subject of so much attention, I
can almost see now. It was John Jacob Astor.
The years 1846, '47, and there along, see me still in New York City,
working as writer and printer, having my usual good health, and a good
time generally.

OMNIBUS JAUNTS AND DRIVERS

One phase of those days must by no means go unrecorded—namely, the
Broadway omnibuses, with their drivers.
The vehicles still (I write this paragraph in 1881) give a portion of the
character of Broadway—the Fifth avenue, Madison avenue, and Twenty-
third street lines yet running. But the flush days of the old Broadway stages,
characteristic and copious, are over. The Yellow-birds, the Red-birds, the
original Broadway, the Fourth avenue, the Knickerbocker, and a dozen
others of twenty or thirty years ago, are all gone. And the men specially
identified with them, and giving vitality and meaning to them—the drivers
—a strange, natural, quick-eyed and wondrous race—(not only Rabelais
and Cervantes would have gloated upon them, but Homer and Shakspere
would)—how well I remember them, and must here give a word about
them. How many hours, forenoons and afternoons—how many exhilarating
night-times I have had—perhaps June or July, in cooler air-riding the whole
length of Broadway, listening to some yarn, (and the most vivid yarns ever

Page 36

spun, and the rarest mimicry)—or perhaps I declaiming some stormy
passage from Julius Caesar or Richard, (you could roar as loudly as you
chose in that heavy, dense, uninterrupted street-bass.) Yes, I knew all the
drivers then, Broadway Jack, Dressmaker, Balky Bill, George Storms, Old
Elephant, his brother Young Elephant (who came afterward,) Tippy, Pop
Rice, Big Frank, Yellow Joe, Pete Callahan, Patsey Dee, and dozens more;
for there were hundreds. They had immense qualities, largely animal—
eating, drinking; women—great personal pride, in their way—perhaps a
few slouches here and there, but I should have trusted the general run of
them, in their simple good-will and honor, under all circumstances. Not
only for comradeship, and sometimes affection—great studies I found them
also. (I suppose the critics will laugh heartily, but the influence of those
Broadway omnibus jaunts and drivers and declamations and escapades
undoubtedly enter'd into the gestation of "Leaves of Grass.")

PLAYS AND OPERAS TOO

And certain actors and singers, had a good deal to do with the business.
All through these years, off and on, I frequented the old Park, the Bowery,
Broadway and Chatham-square theatres, and the Italian operas at
Chambers-street, Astor-place or the Battery—many seasons was on the free
list, writing for papers even as quite a youth. The old Park theatre—what
names, reminiscences, the words bring back! Placide, Clarke, Mrs. Vernon,
Fisher, Clara F., Mrs. Wood, Mrs. Seguin, Ellen Tree, Hackett, the younger
Kean, Macready, Mrs. Richardson, Rice—singers, tragedians, comedians.
What perfect acting! Henry Placide in "Napoleon's Old Guard" or
"Grandfather Whitehead,"—or "the Provoked Husband" of Gibber, with
Fanny Kemble as Lady Townley—or Sheridan Knowles in his own
"Virginius"—or inimitable Power in "Born to Good Luck." These, and
many more, the years of youth and onward. Fanny Kemble—name to
conjure up great mimic scenes withal—perhaps the greatest. I remember
well her rendering of Bianca in "Fazio," and Marianna in "the Wife."
Nothing finer did ever stage exhibit—the veterans of all nations said so, and
my boyish heart and head felt it in every minute cell. The lady was just
matured, strong, better than merely beautiful, born from the footlights, had
had three years' practice in London and through the British towns, and then
she came to give America that young maturity and roseate power in all their

Page 37

noon, or rather forenoon, flush. It was my good luck to see her nearly every
night she play'd at the old Park—certainly in all her principal characters. I
heard, these years, well render'd, all the Italian and other operas in vogue,
"Sonnambula," "the Puritans," "Der Freischutz," "Huguenots," "Fille
d'Regiment," "Faust," "Etoile du Nord," "Poliuto," and others. Verdi's
"Ernani," "Rigoletto," and "Trovatore," with Donnizetti's "Lucia" or
"Favorita" or "Lucrezia," and Auber's "Massaniello," or Rossini's "William
Tell" and "Gazza Ladra," were among my special enjoyments. I heard
Alboni every time she sang in New York and vicinity—also Grisi, the tenor
Mario, and the baritone Badiali, the finest in the world.
This musical passion follow'd my theatrical one. As a boy or young man I
had seen, (reading them carefully the day beforehand,) quite all Shakspere's
acting dramas, play'd wonderfully well. Even yet I cannot conceive
anything finer than old Booth in "Richard Third," or "Lear," (I don't know
which was best,) or Iago, (or Pescara, or Sir Giles Overreach, to go outside
of Shakspere)—or Tom Hamblin in "Macbeth"—or old Clarke, either as the
ghost in "Hamlet," or as Prospero in "the Tempest," with Mrs. Austin as
Ariel, and Peter Richings as Caliban. Then other dramas, and fine players in
them, Forrest as Metamora or Damon or Brutus—John R. Scott as Tom
Cringle or Rolla—or Charlotte Cushman's Lady Gay Spanker in "London
Assurance." Then of some years later, at Castle Garden, Battery, I yet recall
the splendid seasons of the Havana musical troupe under Maretzek—the
fine band, the cool sea-breezes, the unsurpass'd vocalism—Steffan'one,
Bosio, Truffi, Marini in "Marino Faliero," "Don Pasquale," or "Favorita."
No better playing or singing ever in New York. It was here too I afterward
heard Jenny Lind. (The Battery—its past associations—what tales those old
trees and walks and sea-walls could tell!)

THROUGH EIGHT YEARS.

In 1848, '49, I was occupied as editor of the "daily Eagle" newspaper, in
Brooklyn. The latter year went off on a leisurely journey and working
expedition (my brother Jeff with me) through all the middle States, and
down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Lived awhile in New Orleans, and
work'd there on the editorial staff of "daily Crescent" newspaper. After a
time plodded back northward, up the Mississippi, and around to, and by
way of the great lakes, Michigan, Huron, and Erie, to Niagara falls and

Page 38

lower Canada, finally returning through central New York and down the
Hudson; traveling altogether probably 8,000 miles this trip, to and fro. '51,
'53, occupied in house-building in Brooklyn. (For a little of the first part of
that time in printing a daily and weekly paper, "the Freeman.") '55, lost my
dear father this year by death. Commenced putting "Leaves of Grass" to
press for good, at the job printing office of my friends, the brothers Rome,
in Brooklyn, after many MS. doings and undoings—(I had great trouble in
leaving out the stock "poetical" touches, but succeeded at last.) I am now
(1856-'7) passing through my 37th year.

SOURCES OF CHARACTER—RESULTS—1860

To sum up the foregoing from the outset (and, of course, far, far more
unrecorded,) I estimate three leading sources and formative stamps to my
own character, now solidified for good or bad, and its subsequent literary
and other outgrowth—the maternal nativity-stock brought hither from far-
away Netherlands, for one, (doubtless the best)—the subterranean tenacity
and central bony structure (obstinacy, wilfulness) which I get from my
paternal English elements, for another—and the combination of my Long
Island birth-spot, sea-shores, childhood's scenes, absorptions, with teeming
Brooklyn and New York—with, I suppose, my experiences afterward in the
secession outbreak, for the third.
For, in 1862, startled by news that my brother George, an officer in the
51st New York volunteers, had been seriously wounded (first
Fredericksburg battle, December 13th,) I hurriedly went down to the field
of war in Virginia. But I must go back a little.

OPENING OF THE SECESSION WAR

News of the attack on fort Sumter and the flag at Charleston harbor, S.
C., was receiv'd in New York city late at night (13th April, 1861,) and was
immediately sent out in extras of the newspapers. I had been to the opera in
Fourteenth street that night, and after the performance was walking down
Broadway toward twelve o'clock, on my way to Brooklyn, when I heard in
the distance the loud cries of the newsboys, who came presently tearing and
yelling up the street, rushing from side to side even more furiously than
usual. I bought an extra and cross'd to the Metropolitan hotel (Niblo's)

Page 39

where the great lamps were still brightly blazing, and, with a crowd of
others, who gather'd impromptu, read the news, which was evidently
authentic. For the benefit of some who had no papers, one of us read the
telegram aloud, while all listen'd silently and attentively. No remark was
made by any of the crowd, which had increas'd to thirty or forty, but all
stood a minute or two, I remember, before they dispers'd. I can almost see
them there now, under the lamps at midnight again.

NATIONAL UPRISING AND VOLUNTEERING

I have said somewhere that the three Presidentiads preceding 1861
show'd how the weakness and wickedness of rulers are just as eligible here
in America under republican, as in Europe under dynastic influences. But
what can I say of that prompt and splendid wrestling with secession slavery,
the arch-enemy personified, the instant he unmistakably show'd his face?
The volcanic upheaval of the nation, after that firing on the flag at
Charleston, proved for certain something which had been previously in
great doubt, and at once substantially settled the question of disunion. In my
judgment it will remain as the grandest and most encouraging spectacle yet
vouchsafed in any age, old or new, to political progress and democracy. It
was not for what came to the surface merely—though that was important—
but what it indicated below, which was of eternal importance. Down in the
abysms of New World humanity there had form'd and harden'd a primal
hardpan of national Union will, determin'd and in the majority, refusing to
be tamper'd with or argued against, confronting all emergencies, and
capable at any time of bursting all surface bonds, and breaking out like an
earthquake. It is, indeed, the best lesson of the century, or of America, and it
is a mighty privilege to have been part of it. (Two great spectacles,
immortal proofs of democracy, unequall'd in all the history of the past, are
furnish'd by the secession war—one at the beginning, the other at its close.
Those are, the general, voluntary, arm'd upheaval, and the peaceful and
harmonious disbanding of the armies in the summer of 1865.)

CONTEMPTUOUS FEELING

Even after the bombardment of Sumter, however, the gravity of the
revolt, and the power and will of the slave States for a strong and continued

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military resistance to national authority, were not at all realized at the North,
except by a few. Nine-tenths of the people of the free States look'd upon the
rebellion, as started in South Carolina, from a feeling one-half of contempt,
and the other half composed of anger and incredulity. It was not thought it
would be join'd in by Virginia, North Carolina, or Georgia. A great and
cautious national official predicted that it would blow over "in sixty days,"
and folks generally believ'd the prediction. I remember talking about it on a
Fulton ferry-boat with the Brooklyn mayor, who said he only "hoped the
Southern fire-eaters would commit some overt act of resistance, as they
would then be at once so effectually squelch'd, we would never hear of
secession again—but he was afraid they never would have the pluck to
really do anything."
I remember, too, that a couple of companies of the Thirteenth Brooklyn,
who rendezvou'd at the city armory, and started thence as thirty days' men,
were all provided with pieces of rope, conspicuously tied to their musket-
barrels, with which to bring back each man a prisoner from the audacious
South, to be led in a noose, on our men's early and triumphant return!

BATTLE OF BULL RUN, JULY, 1861

All this sort of feeling was destin'd to be arrested and revers'd by a
terrible shock—the battle of first Bull Run—certainly, as we now know it,
one of the most singular fights on record. (All battles, and their results, are
far more matters of accident than is generally thought; but this was
throughout a casualty, a chance. Each side supposed it had won, till the last
moment. One had, in point of fact, just the same right to be routed as the
other. By a fiction, or series of fictions, the national forces at the last
moment exploded in a panic and fled from the field.) The defeated troops
commenced pouring into Washington over the Long Bridge at daylight on
Monday, 22d—day drizzling all through with rain. The Saturday and
Sunday of the battle (20th, 21st,) had been parch'd and hot to an extreme—
the dust, the grime and smoke, in layers, sweated in, follow'd by other
layers again sweated in, absorb'd by those excited souls—their clothes all
saturated with the clay-powder filling the air—stirr'd up everywhere on the
dry roads and trodden fields by the regiments, swarming wagons, artillery,
&c.—all the men with this coating of murk and sweat and rain, now
recoiling back, pouring over the Long Bridge—a horrible march of twenty

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miles, returning to Washington baffed, humiliated, panic-struck. Where are
the vaunts, and the proud boasts with which you went forth? Where are
your banners, and your bands of music, and your ropes to bring back your
prisoners? Well, there isn't a band playing—and there isn't a flag but clings
ashamed and lank to its staff.
The sun rises, but shines not. The men appear, at first sparsely and
shame-faced enough, then thicker, in the streets of Washington—appear in
Pennsylvania avenue, and on the steps and basement entrances. They come
along in disorderly mobs, some in squads, stragglers, companies.
Occasionally, a rare regiment, in perfect order, with its officers (some gaps,
dead, the true braves,) marching in silence, with lowering faces, stern,
weary to sinking, all black and dirty, but every man with his musket, and
stepping alive; but these are the exceptions. Sidewalks of Pennsylvania
avenue, Fourteenth street, &c., crowded, jamm'd with citizens, darkies,
clerks, everybody, lookers-on; women in the windows, curious expressions
from faces, as those swarms of dirt-cover'd return'd soldiers there (will they
never end?) move by; but nothing said, no comments; (half our lookers-on
secesh of the most venomous kind—they say nothing; but the devil snickers
in their faces.) During the forenoon Washington gets all over motley with
these defeated soldiers—queer-looking objects, strange eyes and faces,
drench'd (the steady rain drizzles on all day) and fearfully worn, hungry,
haggard, blister'd in the feet. Good people (but not over-many of them
either,) hurry up something for their grub. They put wash-kettles on the fire,
for soup, for coffee. They set tables on the side-walks—wagon-loads of
bread are purchas'd, swiftly cut in stout chunks. Here are two aged ladies,
beautiful, the first in the city for culture and charm, they stand with store of
eating and drink at an improvis'd table of rough plank, and give food, and
have the store replenished from their house every half-hour all that day; and
there in the rain they stand, active, silent, white-hair'd, and give food,
though the tears stream down their cheeks, almost without intermission, the
whole time. Amid the deep excitement, crowds and motion, and desperate
eagerness, it seems strange to see many, very many, of the soldiers sleeping
—in the midst of all, sleeping sound. They drop down anywhere, on the
steps of houses, up close by the basements or fences, on the sidewalk, aside
on some vacant lot, and deeply sleep. A poor 17 or 18 year old boy lies
there, on the stoop of a grand house; he sleeps so calmly, so profoundly.

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Some clutch their muskets firmly even in sleep. Some in squads; comrades,
brothers, close together—and on them, as they lay, sulkily drips the rain.
As afternoon pass'd, and evening came, the streets, the bar-rooms, knots
everywhere, listeners, questioners, terrible yarns, bugaboo, mask'd batteries,
our regiment all cut up, &c.—stories and story-tellers, windy, bragging,
vain centres of street-crowds. Resolution, manliness, seem to have
abandon'd Washington. The principal hotel, Willard's, is full of shoulder-
straps—thick, crush'd, creeping with shoulder-straps. (I see them, and must
have a word with them. There you are, shoulder-straps!—but where are
your companies? where are your men? Incompetents! never tell me of
chances of battle, of getting stray'd, and the like. I think this is your work,
this retreat, after all. Sneak, blow, put on airs there in Willard's sumptuous
parlors and bar-rooms, or anywhere—no explanation shall save you. Bull
Run is your work; had you been half or one-tenth worthy your men, this
would never have happen'd.)
Meantime, in Washington, among the great persons and their entourage, a
mixture of awful consternation, uncertainty, rage, shame, helplessness, and
stupefying disappointment. The worst is not only imminent, but already
here. In a few hours—perhaps before the next meal—the secesh generals,
with their victorious hordes, will be upon us. The dream of humanity, the
vaunted Union we thought so strong, so impregnable—lo! it seems already
smash'd like a china plate. One bitter, bitter hour—perhaps proud America
will never again know such an hour. She must pack and fly—no time to
spare. Those white palaces—the dome-crown'd capitol there on the hill, so
stately over the trees—shall they be left—or destroy'd first? For it is certain
that the talk among certain of the magnates and officers and clerks and
officials everywhere, for twenty-four hours in and around Washington after
Bull Run, was loud and undisguised for yielding out and out, and
substituting the southern rule, and Lincoln promptly abdicating and
departing. If the secesh officers and forces had immediately follow'd, and
by a bold Napoleonic movement had enter'd Washington the first day, (or
even the second,) they could have had things their own way, and a powerful
faction north to back them. One of our returning colonels express'd in
public that night, amid a swarm of officers and gentlemen in a crowded
room, the opinion that it was useless to fight, that the southerners had made
their title clear, and that the best course for the national government to
pursue was to desist from any further attempt at stopping them, and admit

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them again to the lead, on the best terms they were willing to grant. Not a
voice was rais'd against this judgment, amid that large crowd of officers and
gentlemen. (The fact is, the hour was one of the three or four of those crises
we had then and afterward, during the fluctuations of four years, when
human eyes appear'd at least just as likely to see the last breath of the Union
as to see it continue.)

THE STUPOR PASSES—SOMETHING ELSE BEGINS

But the hour, the day, the night pass'd, and whatever returns, an hour, a
day, a night like that can never again return. The President, recovering
himself, begins that very night—sternly, rapidly sets about the task of
reorganizing his forces, and placing himself in positions for future and surer
work. If there were nothing else of Abraham Lincoln for history to stamp
him with, it is enough to send him with his wreath to the memory of all
future time, that he endured that hour, that day, bitterer than gall—indeed a
crucifixion day—that it did not conquer him—that he unflinchingly
stemm'd it, and resolv'd to lift himself and the Union out of it.
Then the great New York papers at once appear'd, (commencing that
evening, and following it up the next morning, and incessantly through
many days afterwards,) with leaders that rang out over the land with the
loudest, most reverberating ring of clearest bugles, full of encouragement,
hope, inspiration, unfaltering defiance; Those magnificent editorials! they
never flagg'd for a fortnight. The "Herald" commenced them—I remember
the articles well. The "Tribune" was equally cogent and inspiriting—and the
"Times," "Evening Post," and other principal papers, were not a whit
behind. They came in good time, for they were needed. For in the
humiliation of Bull Run, the popular feeling north, from its extreme of
superciliousness, recoil'd to the depth of gloom and apprehension.
(Of all the days of the war, there are two especially I can never forget.
Those were the day following the news, in New York and Brooklyn, of that
first Bull Run defeat, and the day of Abraham Lincoln's death. I was home
in Brooklyn on both occasions. The day of the murder we heard the news
very early in the morning. Mother prepared breakfast—and other meals
afterward—as usual; but not a mouthful was eaten all day by either of us.
We each drank half a cup of coffee; that was all. Little was said. We got

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every newspaper morning and evening, and the frequent extras of that
period, and pass'd them silently to each other.)

DOWN AT THE FRONT

FALMOUTH, VA., opposite Fredericksburgh, December 21, 1862.—
Begin my visits among the camp hospitals in the army of the Potomac.
Spend a good part of the day in a large brick mansion on the banks of the
Rappahannock, used as a hospital since the battle—seems to have receiv'd
only the worst cases. Out doors, at the foot of a tree, within ten yards of the
front of the house, I notice a heap of amputated feet, legs, arms, hands, &c.,
a full load for a one-horse cart. Several dead bodies lie near, each cover'd
with its brown woolen blanket. In the door-yard, towards the river, are fresh
graves, mostly of officers, their names on pieces of arrel-staves or broken
boards, stuck in the dirt. (Most of these bodies were subsequently taken up
and transported north to their friends.) The large mansion is quite crowded
upstairs and down, everything impromptu, no system, all bad enough, but I
have no doubt the best that can be done; all the wounds pretty bad, some
frightful, the men in their old clothes, unclean and bloody. Some of the
wounded are rebel soldiers and officers, prisoners. One, a Mississippian, a
captain, hit badly in leg, I talk'd with some time; he ask'd me for papers,
which I gave him. (I saw him three months afterward in Washington, with
his leg amputated, doing well.) I went through the rooms, downstairs and
up. Some of the men were dying. I had nothing to give at that visit, but
wrote a few letters to folks home, mothers, &c. Also talk'd to three or four,
who seem'd most susceptible to it, and needing it.

AFTER FIRST FREDERICKSBURG

December 23 to 31.—The results of the late battle are exhibited
everywhere about here in thousands of cases, (hundreds die every day,) in
the camp, brigade, and division hospitals. These are merely tents, and
sometimes very poor ones, the wounded lying on the ground, lucky if their
blankets are spread on layers of pine or hemlock twigs, or small leaves. No
cots; seldom even a mattress. It is pretty cold. The ground is frozen hard,
and there is occasional snow. I go around from one case to another. I do not
see that I do much good to these wounded and dying; but I cannot leave

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them. Once in a while some youngster holds on to me convulsively, and I
do what I can for him; at any rate, stop with him and sit near him for hours,
if he wishes it.
Besides the hospitals, I also go occasionally on long tours through the
camps, talking with the men, &c. Sometimes at night among the groups
around the fires, in their shebang enclosures of bushes. These are curious
shows, full of characters and groups. I soon get acquainted anywhere in
camp, with officers or men, and am always well used. Sometimes I go down
on picket with the regiments I know best. As to rations, the army here at
present seems to be tolerably well supplied, and the men have enough, such
as it is, mainly salt pork and hard tack. Most of the regiments lodge in the
flimsy little shelter-tents. A few have built themselves huts of logs and mud,
with fire-places.

BACK TO WASHINGTON

January, '63.—Left camp at Falmouth, with some wounded, a few days
since, and came here by Aquia creek railroad, and so on government
steamer up the Potomac. Many wounded were with us on the cars and boat.
The cars were just common platform ones. The railroad journey of ten or
twelve miles was made mostly before sunrise. The soldiers guarding the
road came out from their tents or shebangs of bushes with rumpled hair and
half-awake look. Those on duty were walking their posts, some on banks
over us, others down far below the level of the track. I saw large cavalry
camps off the road. At Aquia creek landing were numbers of wounded
going north. While I waited some three hours, I went around among them.
Several wanted word sent home to parents, brothers, wives, &c., which I
did for them, (by mail the next day from Washington.) On the boat I had my
hands full. One poor fellow died going up.
I am now remaining in and around Washington, daily visiting the
hospitals. Am much in Patent-office, Eighth street, H street, Armory-square,
and others. Am now able to do a little good, having money, (as almoner of
others home,) and getting experience. To-day, Sunday afternoon and till
nine in the evening, visited Campbell hospital; attended specially to one
case in ward I, very sick with pleurisy and typhoid fever, young man,
farmer's son, D. F. Russell, company E, 60th New York, downhearted and
feeble; a long time before he would take any interest; wrote a letter home to

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his mother, in Malone, Franklin county, N. Y., at his request; gave him some
fruit and one or two other gifts; envelop'd and directed his letter, &c. Then
went thoroughly through ward 6, observ'd every case in the ward, without, I
think, missing one; gave perhaps from twenty to thirty persons, each one
some little gift, such as oranges, apples, sweet crackers, figs, &c.
Thursday, Jan. 21.—Devoted the main part of the day to Armory-square
hospital; went pretty thoroughly through wards F, G, H, and I; some fifty
cases in each ward. In ward F supplied the men throughout with writing
paper and stamp'd envelope each; distributed in small portions, to proper
subjects, a large jar of first-rate preserv'd berries, which had been donated
to me by a lady—her own cooking. Found several cases I thought good
subjects for small sums of money, which I furnish'd. (The wounded men
often come up broke, and it helps their spirits to have even the small sum I
give them.) My paper and envelopes all gone, but distributed a good lot of
amusing reading matter; also, as I thought judicious, tobacco, oranges,
apples, &c. Interesting cases in ward I; Charles Miller, bed 19, company D,
53d Pennsylvania, is only 16 years of age, very bright, courageous boy, left
leg amputated below the knee; next bed to him, another young lad very
sick; gave each appropriate gifts. In the bed above, also, amputation of the
left leg; gave him a little jar of raspberries; bed J, this ward, gave a small
sum; also to a soldier on crutches, sitting on his bed near.... (I am more and
more surprised at the very great proportion of youngsters from fifteen to
twenty-one in the army. I afterwards found a still greater proportion among
the southerners.)
Evening, same day, went to see D. F. R., before alluded to; found him
remarkably changed for the better; up and dress'd—quite a triumph; he
afterwards got well, and went back to his regiment.
Distributed in the wards a quantity of note-paper, and forty or fifty
stamp'd envelopes, of which I had recruited my stock, and the men were
much in need.

FIFTY HOURS LEFT WOUNDED ON THE FIELD

Here is a case of a soldier I found among the crowded cots in the Patent-
office. He likes to have some one to talk to, and we will listen to him. He
got badly hit in his leg and side at Fredericksburgh that eventful Saturday,

Page 47

13th of December. He lay the succeeding two days and nights helpless on
the field, between the city and those grim terraces of batteries; his company
and regiment had been compell'd to leave him to his fate. To make matters
worse, it happen'd he lay with his head slightly down hill, and could not
help himself. At the end of some fifty hours he was brought off, with other
wounded, under a flag of truce. I ask him how the rebels treated him as he
lay during those two days and nights within reach of them—whether they
came to him—whether they abused him? He answers that several of the
rebels, soldiers and others, came to him at one time and another. A couple of
them, who were together, spoke roughly and sarcastically, but nothing
worse. One middle-aged man, however, who seem'd to be moving around
the field, among the dead and wounded, for benevolent purposes, came to
him in a way he will never forget; treated our soldier kindly, bound up his
wounds, cheer'd him, gave him a couple of biscuits and a drink of whiskey
and water; asked him if he could eat some beef. This good secesh, however,
did not change our soldier's position, for it might have caused the blood to
burst from the wounds, clotted and stagnated. Our soldier is from
Pennsylvania; has had a pretty severe time; the wounds proved to be bad
ones. But he retains a good heart, and is at present on the gain. (It is not
uncommon for the men to remain on the field this way, one, two, or even
four or five days.)

HOSPITAL SCENES AND PERSONS

Letter Writing.—When eligible, I encourage the men to write, and
myself, when called upon, write all sorts of letters for them (including love
letters, very tender ones.) Almost as I reel off these memoranda, I write for
a new patient to his wife. M. de F., of the 17th Connecticut, company H, has
just come up (February 17th) from Windmill point, and is received in ward
H, Armory-square. He is an intelligent looking man, has a foreign accent,
black-eyed and hair'd, a Hebraic appearance. Wants a telegraphic message
sent to his wife, New Canaan, Conn. I agree to send the message—but to
make things sure I also sit down and write the wife a letter, and despatch it
to the post-office immediately, as he fears she will come on, and he does not
wish her to, as he will surely get well.
Saturday, January 30th.—Afternoon, visited Campbell hospital. Scene of
cleaning up the ward, and giving the men all clean clothes—through the

Page 48

ward (6) the patients dressing or being dress'd—the naked upper half of the
bodies—the good-humor and fun—the shirts, drawers, sheets of beds, &c.,
and the general fixing up for Sunday. Gave J. L. 50 cents.
Wednesday, February 4th.—Visited Armory-square hospital, went pretty
thoroughly through wards E and D. Supplied paper and envelopes to all
who wish'd—as usual, found plenty of men who needed those articles.
Wrote letters. Saw and talk'd with two or three members of the Brooklyn
14th regt. A poor fellow in ward D, with a fearful wound in a fearful
condition, was having some loose splinters of bone taken from the
neighborhood of the wound. The operation was long, and one of great pain
—yet, after it was well commenced, the soldier bore it in silence. He sat up,
propp'd—was much wasted—had lain a long time quiet in one position (not
for days only but weeks,) a bloodless, brown-skinn'd face, with eyes full of
determination—belong'd to a New York regiment. There was an unusual
cluster of surgeons, medical cadets, nurses, &c., around his bed—I thought
the whole thing was done with tenderness, and done well. In one case, the
wife sat by the side of her husband, his sickness typhoid fever, pretty bad.
In another, by the side of her son, a mother—she told me she had seven
children, and this was the youngest. (A fine, kind, healthy, gentle mother,
good-looking, not very old, with a cap on her head, and dress'd like home—
what a charm it gave to the whole ward.) I liked the woman nurse in ward E
—I noticed how she sat a long time by a poor fellow who just had, that
morning, in addition to his other sickness, bad hemorrhage—she gently
assisted him, reliev'd him of the blood, holding a cloth to his mouth, as he
coughed it up—he was so weak he could only just turn his head over on the
pillow.
One young New York man, with a bright, handsome face, had been lying
several months from a most disagreeable wound, receiv'd at Bull Run. A
bullet had shot him right through the bladder, hitting him front, low in the
belly, and coming out back. He had suffer'd much—the water came out of
the wound, by slow but steady quantities, for many weeks—so that he lay
almost constantly in a sort of puddle—and there were other disagreeable
circumstances. He was of good heart, however. At present comparatively
comfortable, had a bad throat, was delighted with a stick of horehound
candy I gave him, with one or two other trifles.

Page 49

PATENT-OFFICE HOSPITAL

February 23.—I must not let the great hospital at the Patent-office pass
away without some mention. A few weeks ago the vast area of the second
story of that noblest of Washington buildings was crowded close with rows
of sick, badly wounded and dying soldiers. They were placed in three very
large apartments. I went there many times. It was a strange, solemn, and,
with all its features of suffering and death, a sort of fascinating sight. I go
sometimes at night to soothe and relieve particular cases. Two of the
immense apartments are fill'd with high and ponderous glass cases, crowded
with models in miniature of every kind of utensil, machine or invention, it
ever enter'd into the mind of man to conceive; and with curiosities and
foreign presents. Between these cases are lateral openings, perhaps eight
feet wide and quite deep, and in these were placed the sick, besides a great
long double row of them up and down through the middle of the hall. Many
of them were very bad cases, wounds and amputations. Then there was a
gallery running above the hall in which there were beds also. It was, indeed,
a curious scene, especially at night when lit up. The glass cases, the beds,
the forms lying there, the gallery above, and the marble pavement under
foot—the suffering, and the fortitude to bear it in various degrees—
occasionally, from some, the groan that could not be repress'd—sometimes
a poor fellow dying, with emaciated face and glassy eye, the nurse by his
side, the doctor also there, but no friend, no relative—such were the sights
but lately in the Patent-office. (The wounded have since been removed from
there, and it is now vacant again.)

THE WHITE HOUSE BY MOONLIGHT

February 24th.—A spell of fine soft weather. I wander about a good deal,
sometimes at night under the moon. Tonight took a long look at the
President's house. The white portico—the palace-like, tall, round columns,
spotless as snow—the walls also—the tender and soft moonlight, flooding
the pale marble, and making peculiar faint languishing shades, not shadows
—everywhere a soft transparent hazy, thin, blue moon-lace, hanging in the
air—the brilliant and extra-plentiful clusters of gas, on and around the
façade, columns, portico, &c.—everything so white, so marbly pure and
dazzling, yet soft—the White House of future poems, and of dreams and

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dramas, there in the soft and copious moon—the gorgeous front, in the
trees, under the lustrous flooding moon, full of realty, full of illusion—the
forms of the trees, leafless, silent, in trunk and myriad—angles of branches,
under the stars and sky—the White House of the land, and of beauty and
night—sentries at the gates, and by the portico, silent, pacing there in blue
overcoats—stopping you not at all, but eyeing you with sharp eyes,
whichever way you move.

AN ARMY HOSPITAL WARD

Let me specialize a visit I made to the collection of barrack-like one-
story edifices, Campbell hospital, out on the flats, at the end of the then
horse railway route, on Seventh street. There is a long building appropriated
to each ward. Let us go into ward 6. It contains, to-day, I should judge,
eighty or a hundred patients, half sick, half wounded. The edifice is nothing
but boards, well whitewash'd inside, and the usual slender-framed iron
bedsteads, narrow and plain. You walk down the central passage, with a row
on either side, their feet towards you, and their heads to the wall. There are
fires in large stoves, and the prevailing white of the walls is reliev'd by
some ornaments, stars, circles, &c., made of evergreens. The view of the
whole edifice and occupants can be taken at once, for there is no partition.
You may hear groans or other sounds of unendurable suffering from two or
three of the cots, but in the main there is quiet—almost a painful absence of
demonstration; but the pallid face, the dull'd eye, and the moisture of the
lip, are demonstration enough. Most of these sick or hurt are evidently
young fellows from the country, farmers' sons, and such like. Look at the
fine large frames, the bright and broad countenances, and the many yet
lingering proofs of strong constitution and physique. Look at the patient and
mute manner of our American wounded as they lie in such a sad collection;
representatives from all New England, and from New York, and New
Jersey, and Pennsylvania—indeed from all the States and all the cities—
largely from the west. Most of them are entirely without friends or
acquaintances here—no familiar face, and hardly a word of judicious
sympathy or cheer, through their sometimes long and tedious sickness, or
the pangs of aggravated wounds.

A CONNECTICUT CASE

Page 51

This young man in bed 25 is H. D. B. of the 27th Connecticut, company
B. His folks live at Northford, near New Haven. Though not more than
twenty-one, or thereabouts, he has knock'd much around the world, on sea
and land, and has seen some fighting on both. When I first saw him he was
very sick, with no appetite. He declined offers of money—said he did not
need anything. As I was quite anxious to do something, he confess'd that he
had a hankering for a good home-made rice pudding—thought he could
relish it better than anything. At this time his stomach was very weak. (The
doctor, whom I consulted, said nourishment would do him more good than
anything; but things in the hospital, though better than usual, revolted him.)
I soon procured B. his rice pudding. A Washington lady, (Mrs. O'C.),
hearing his wish, made the pudding herself, and I took it up to him the next
day. He subsequently told me he lived upon it for three or four days. This B.
is a good sample of the American eastern young man—the typical Yankee. I
took a fancy to him, and gave him a nice pipe for a keepsake. He receiv'd
afterwards a box of things from home, and nothing would do but I must
take dinner with him, which I did, and a very good one it was.

TWO BROOKLYN BOYS

Here in this same ward are two young men from Brooklyn, members of
the 51st New York. I had known both the two as young lads at home, so
they seem near to me. One of them, J. L., lies there with an amputated arm,
the stump healing pretty well. (I saw him lying on the ground at
Fredericksburgh last December, all bloody, just after the arm was taken off.
He was very phlegmatic about it, munching away at a cracker in the
remaining hand—made no fuss.) He will recover, and thinks and talks yet
of meeting Johnny Rebs.

A SECESH BRAVE

The grand soldiers are not comprised in those of one side, any more than
the other. Here is a sample of an unknown southerner, a lad of seventeen. At
the War department, a few days ago, I witness'd a presentation of captured
flags to the Secretary. Among others a soldier named Gant, of the 104th
Ohio volunteers, presented a rebel battle-flag, which one of the officers
stated to me was borne to the mouth of our cannon and planted there by a

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boy but seventeen years of age, who actually endeavor'd to stop the muzzle
of the gun with fence-rails. He was kill'd in the effort, and the flag-staff was
sever'd by a shot from one of our men.

THE WOUNDED FROM CHANCELLORSVILLE

May '63.—As I write this, the wounded have begun to arrive from
Hooker's command from bloody Chancellorsville. I was down among the
first arrivals. The men in charge told me the bad cases were yet to come. If
that is so I pity them, for these are bad enough. You ought to see the scene
of the wounded arriving at the landing here at the foot of Sixth street, at
night. Two boat loads came about half-past seven last night. A little after
eight it rain'd a long and violent shower. The pale, helpless soldiers had
been debark'd, and lay around on the wharf and neighborhood anywhere.
The rain was, probably, grateful to them; at any rate they were exposed to it.
The few torches light up the spectacle. All around—on the wharf, on the
ground, out on side places—the men are lying on blankets, old quilts, &c.,
with bloody rags bound round heads, arms, and legs. The attendants are
few, and at night few outsiders also—only a few hard-work'd transportation
men and drivers. (The wounded are getting to be common, and people grow
callous.) The men, whatever their condition, lie there, and patiently wait till
their turn comes to be taken up. Near by, the ambulances are now arriving
in clusters, and one after another is call'd to back up and take its load.
Extreme cases are sent off on stretchers. The men generally make little or
no ado, whatever their sufferings. A few groans that cannot be suppress'd,
and occasionally a scream of pain as they lift a man into the ambulance. To-
day, as I write, hundreds more are expected, and to-morrow and the next
day more, and so on for many days. Quite often they arrive at the rate of
1000 a day.

A NIGHT BATTLE OVER A WEEK SINCE

May 12.—There was part of the late battle at Chancellorsville, (second
Fredericksburgh,) a little over a week ago, Saturday, Saturday night and
Sunday, under Gen. Joe Hooker, I would like to give just a glimpse of—(a
moment's look in a terrible storm at sea—of which a few suggestions are
enough, and full details impossible.) The fighting had been very hot during

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the day, and after an intermission the latter part, was resumed at night, and
kept up with furious energy till 3 o'clock in the morning. That afternoon
(Saturday) an attack sudden and strong by Stonewall Jackson had gain'd a
great advantage to the southern army, and broken our lines, entering us like
a wedge, and leaving things in that position at dark. But Hooker at 11 at
night made a desperate push, drove the secesh forces back, restored his
original lines, and resumed his plans. This night scrimmage was very
exciting, and afforded countless strange and fearful pictures. The fighting
had been general both at Chancellorsville and northeast at Fredericksburgh.
(We hear of some poor fighting, episodes, skedaddling on our part. I think
not of it. I think of the fierce bravery, the general rule.) One corps, the 6th,
Sedgewick's, fights four dashing and bloody battles in thirty-six hours,
retreating in great jeopardy, losing largely but maintaining itself, fighting
with the sternest desperation under all circumstances, getting over the
Rappahannock only by the skin of its teeth, yet getting over. It lost many,
many brave men, yet it took vengeance, ample vengeance.
But it was the tug of Saturday evening, and through the night and Sunday
morning, I wanted to make a special note of. It was largely in the woods,
and quite a general engagement. The night was very pleasant, at times the
moon shining out full and clear, all Nature so calm in itself, the early
summer grass so rich, and foliage of the trees—yet there the battle raging,
and many good fellows lying helpless, with new accessions to them, and
every minute amid the rattle of muskets and crash of cannon, (for there was
an artillery contest too,) the red life-blood oozing out from heads or trunks
or limbs upon that green and dew-cool grass. Patches of the woods take fire,
and several of the wounded, unable to move, are consumed—quite large
spaces are swept over, burning the dead also—some of the men have their
hair and beards singed—some, burns on their faces and hands—others holes
burnt in their clothing. The flashes of fire from the cannon, the quick flaring
flames and smoke, and the immense roar—the musketry so general, the
light nearly bright enough for each side to see the other—the crashing,
tramping of men—the yelling—close quarters—we hear the secesh yells—
our men cheer loudly back, especially if Hooker is in sight—hand to hand
conflicts, each side stands up to it, brave, determin'd as demons, they often
charge upon us—a thousand deeds are done worth to write newer greater
poems on—and still the woods on fire—still many are not only scorch'd—
too many, unable to move, are burned to death.

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Then the camps of the wounded—O heavens, what scene is this?—is this
indeed humanity—these butchers' shambles? There are several of them.
There they lie, in the largest, in an open space in the woods, from 200 to
300 poor fellows—the groans and screams—the odor of blood, mixed with
the fresh scent of the night, the grass, the trees—that slaughter-house! O
well is it their mothers, their sisters cannot see them—cannot conceive, and
never conceiv'd, these things. One man is shot by a shell, both in the arm
and leg—both are amputated—there lie the rejected members. Some have
their legs blown off—some bullets through the breast—some indescribably
horrid wounds in the face or head, all mutilated, sickening, torn, gouged out
—some in the abdomen—some mere boys—many rebels, badly hurt—they
take their regular turns with the rest, just the same as any—the surgeons use
them just the same. Such is the camp of the wounded—such a fragment, a
reflection afar off of the bloody scene—while all over the clear, large moon
comes out at times softly, quietly shining. Amid the woods, that scene of
flitting souls—amid the crack and crash and yelling sounds—the
impalpable perfume of the woods—and yet the pungent, stifling smoke—
the radiance of the moon, looking from heaven at intervals so placid—the
sky so heavenly the clear-obscure up there, those buoyant upper oceans—a
few large placid stars beyond, coming silently and languidly out, and then
disappearing—the melancholy, draperied night above, around. And there,
upon the roads, the fields, and in those woods, that contest, never one more
desperate in any age or land—both parties now in force—masses—no fancy
battle, no semi-play, but fierce and savage demons fighting there—courage
and scorn of death the rule, exceptions almost none.
What history, I say, can ever give—for who can know—the mad,
determin'd tussle of the armies, in all their separate large and little squads—
as this—each steep'd from crown to toe in desperate, mortal purports? Who
know the conflict, hand-to-hand—the many conflicts in the dark, those
shadowy-tangled, flashing moonbeam'd woods—the writhing groups and
squads—the cries, the din, the cracking guns and pistols—the distant
cannon—the cheers and calls and threats and awful music of the oaths—the
indescribable mix—the officers' orders, persuasions, encouragements—the
devils fully rous'd in human hearts—the strong shout, Charge, men, charge
—the flash of the naked sword, and rolling flame and smoke? And still the
broken, clear and clouded heaven—and still again the moonlight pouring
silvery soft its radiant patches over all. Who paint the scene, the sudden

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partial panic of the afternoon, at dusk? Who paint the irrepressible advance
of the second division of the Third corps, under Hooker himself, suddenly
order'd up—those rapid-filing phantoms through the woods? Who show
what moves there in the shadows, fluid and firm—to save, (and it did save,)
the army's name, perhaps the nation? as there the veterans hold the field.
(Brave Berry falls not yet—but death has mark'd him—soon he falls.)

UNNAMED REMAINS THE BRAVEST SOLDIER

Of scenes like these, I say, who writes—whoe'er can write the story? Of
many a score—aye, thousands, north and south, of unwrit heroes, unknown
heroisms, incredible, impromptu, first-class desperations—who tells? No
history ever—no poem sings, no music sounds, those bravest men of all—
those deeds. No formal general's report, nor book in the library, norcolumn
in the paper, embalms the bravest, north or south, east or west. Unnamed,
unknown, remain, and still remain, the bravest soldiers. Our manliest—our
boys—our hardy darlings; no picture gives them. Likely, the typic one of
them (standing, no doubt, for hundreds, thousands,) crawls aside to some
bush-clump, or ferny tuft, on receiving his death-shot—there sheltering a
little while, soaking roots, grass and soil, with red blood—the battle
advances, retreats, flits from the scene, sweeps by—and there, haply with
pain and suffering (yet less, far less, than is supposed,) the last lethargy
winds like a serpent round him—the eyes glaze in death——none recks—
perhaps the burial-squads, in truce, a week afterwards, search not the
secluded spot—and there, at last, the Bravest Soldier crumbles in mother
earth, unburied and unknown.

SOME SPECIMEN CASES

June 18th.—In one of the hospitals I find Thomas Haley, company M,
4th New York cavalry—a regular Irish boy, a fine specimen of youthful
physical manliness—shot through the lungs—inevitably dying—came over
to this country from Ireland to enlist—has not a single friend or
acquaintance here—is sleeping soundly at this moment, (but it is the sleep
of death)—has a bullet-hole straight through the lung. I saw Tom when first
brought here, three days since, and didn't suppose he could live twelve
hours—(yet he looks well enough in the face to a casual observer.) He lies

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there with his frame exposed above the waist, all naked, for coolness, a fine
built man, the tan not yet bleach'd from his cheeks and neck. It is useless to
talk to him, as with his sad hurt, and the stimulants they give him, and the
utter strangeness of every object, face, furniture, &c., the poor fellow, even
when awake, is like some frighten'd, shy animal. Much of the time he
sleeps, or half sleeps. (Sometimes I thought he knew more than he show'd.)
I often come and sit by him in perfect silence; he will breathe for ten
minutes as softly and evenly as a young babe asleep. Poor youth, so
handsome, athletic, with profuse beautiful shining hair. One time as I sat
looking at him while he lay asleep, he suddenly, without the least start,
awaken'd, open'd his eyes, gave me a long steady look, turning his face very
slightly to gaze easier—one long, clear, silent look—a slight sigh—then
turn'd back and went into his doze again. Little he knew, poor death-
stricken boy, the heart of the stranger that hover'd near.
W.H.E., Co. F, 2nd N.Y.—His disease is pneumonia. He lay sick at the
wretched hospital below Aquia creek, for seven or eight days before
brought here. He was detail'd from his regiment to go there and help as
nurse, but was soon taken down himself. Is an elderly, sallow-faced, rather
gaunt, gray-hair'd man, a widower, with children. He express'd a great
desire for good, strong green tea. An excellent lady, Mrs. W., of
Washington, soon sent him a package; also a small sum of money. The
doctor said give him the tea at pleasure; it lay on the table by his side, and
he used it every day. He slept a great deal; could not talk much, as he grew
deaf. Occupied bed 15, ward I, Armory. (The same lady above, Mrs. W.,
sent the men a large package of tobacco.)
J. G. lies in bed 52, ward I; is of company B, 7th Pennsylvania. I gave
him a small sum of money, some tobacco, and envelopes. To a man
adjoining also gave twenty-five cents; he flush'd in the face when I offer'd it
—refused at first, but as I found he had not a cent, and was very fond of
having the daily papers to read, I prest it on him. He was evidently very
grateful, but said little.
J.T.L., of company F, 9th New Hampshire, lies in bed 37, ward I. Is very
fond of tobacco. I furnish him some; also with a little money. Has gangrene
of the feet; a pretty bad case; will surely have to lose three toes. Is a regular
specimen of an old-fashion'd, rude, hearty, New England countryman,

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impressing me with his likeness to that celebrated singed cat, who was
better than she look'd.
Bed 3, ward E, Armory, has a great hankering for pickles, something
pungent. After consulting the doctor, I gave him a small bottle of horse-
radish; also some apples; also a book. Some of the nurses are excellent. The
woman-nurse in this ward I like very much. (Mrs. Wright—a year
afterwards I found her in Mansion house hospital, Alexandria—she is a
perfect nurse.)
In one bed a young man, Marcus Small, company K, 7th Maine—sick
with dysentery and typhoid fever—pretty critical case—I talk with him
often—he thinks he will die—looks like it indeed. I write a letter for him
home to East Livermore, Maine—I let him talk to me a little, but not much,
advise him to keep very quiet—do most of the talking myself—stay quite a
while with him, as he holds on to my hand—talk to him in a cheering, but
slow, low and measured manner—talk about his furlough, and going home
as soon as he is able to travel.
Thomas Lindly, 1st Pennsylvania cavalry, shot very badly through the
foot—poor young man, he suffers horridly, has to be constantly dosed with
morphine, his face ashy and glazed, bright young eyes—I give him a large
handsome apple, lay it in sight, tell him to have it roasted in the morning, as
he generally feels easier then, and can eat a little breakfast. I write two
letters for him.
Opposite, an old Quaker lady sits by the side of her son, Amer Moore, 2d
U. S. artillery—shot in the head two weeks since, very low, quite rational—
from hips down paralyzed—he will surely die. I speak a very few words to
him every day and evening—he answers pleasantly—wants nothing—(he
told me soon after he came about his home affairs, his mother had been an
invalid, and he fear'd to let her know his condition.) He died soon after she
came.

MY PREPARATIONS FOR VISITS

In my visits to the hospitals I found it was in the simple matter of
personal presence, and emanating ordinary cheer and magnetism, that I
succeeded and help'd more than by medical nursing, or delicacies, or gifts
of money, or anything else. During the war I possess'd the perfection of

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physical health. My habit, when practicable, was to prepare for starting out
on one of those daily or nightly tours of from a couple to four or five hours,
by fortifying myself with previous rest, the bath, clean clothes, a good meal,
and as cheerful an appearance as possible.

AMBULANCE PROCESSIONS

June 23, Sundown.—As I sit writing this paragraph I see a train of about
thirty huge four-horse wagons, used as ambulances, fill'd with wounded,
passing up Fourteenth street, on their way, probably, to Columbian, Carver,
and Mount Pleasant hospitals. This is the way the men come in now, seldom
in small numbers, but almost always in these long, sad processions.
Through the past winter, while our army lay opposite Fredericksburg, the
like strings of ambulances were of frequent occurrence along Seventh
street, passing slowly up from the steamboat wharf, with loads from Aquia
creek.

BAD WOUNDS—THE YOUNG

The soldiers are nearly all young men, and far more American than is
generally supposed—I should say nine-tenths are native-born. Among the
arrivals from Chancellorsville I find a large proportion of Ohio, Indiana,
and Illinois men. As usual, there are all sorts of wounds. Some of the men
fearfully burnt from the explosions of artillery caissons. One ward has a
long row of officers, some with ugly hurts. Yesterday was perhaps worse
than usual. Amputations are going on—the attendants are dressing wounds.
As you pass by, you must be on your guard where you look. I saw the other
day a gentlemen, a visitor apparently from curiosity, in one of the wards,
stop and turn a moment to look at an awful wound they were probing. He
turn'd pale, and in a moment more he had fainted away and fallen to the
floor.

THE MOST INSPIRITING OF ALL WAR'S SHOWS

June 29.—Just before sundown this evening a very large cavalry force
went by—a fine sight. The men evidently had seen service. First came a
mounted band of sixteen bugles, drums and cymbals, playing wild martial

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tunes—made my heart jump. Then the principal officers, then company
after company, with their officers at their heads, making of course the main
part of the cavalcade; then a long train of men with led horses, lots of
mounted negroes with special horses—and a long string of baggage-
wagons, each drawn by four horses—and then a motley rear guard.
It was a pronouncedly warlike and gay show; the sabres clank'd, the men
look'd young and healthy and strong; the electric tramping of so many
horses on the hard road, and the gallant bearing, fine seat, and bright faced
appearance of a thousand and more handsome young American men, were
so good to see. An hour later another troop went by, smaller in numbers,
perhaps three hundred men. They too look'd like serviceable men,
campaigners used to field and fight.
July 3.—This forenoon, for more than an hour, again long strings of
cavalry, several regiments, very fine men and horses, four or five abreast. I
saw them in Fourteenth street, coming in town from north. Several hundred
extra horses, some of the mares with colts, trotting along. (Appear'd to be a
number of prisoners too.) How inspiriting always the cavalry regiments.
Our men are generally well mounted, feel good, are young, gay on the
saddle, their blankets in a roll behind them, their sabres clanking at their
sides. This noise and movement and the tramp of many horses' hoofs has a
curious effect upon one. The bugles play—presently you hear them afar off,
deaden'd, mix'd with other noises. Then just as they had all pass'd, a string
of ambulances commenc'd from the other way, moving up Fourteenth street
north, slowly wending along, bearing a large lot of wounded to the
hospitals.

BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG

July 4th.—The weather to-day, upon the whole, is very fine, warm, but
from a smart rain last night, fresh enough, and no dust, which is a great
relief for this city. I saw the parade about noon, Pennsylvania avenue, from
Fifteenth street down toward the capitol. There were three regiments of
infantry, (I suppose the ones doing patrol duty here,) two or three societies
of Odd Fellows, a lot of children in barouches, and a squad of policemen.
(A useless imposition upon the soldiers—they have work enough on their
backs without piling the like of this.)

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As I went down the Avenue, saw a big flaring placard on the bulletin
board of a newspaper office, announcing "Glorious Victory for the Union
Army!" Meade had fought Lee at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, yesterday and
day before, and repuls'd him most signally, taken 3,000 prisoners, &c. (I
afterwards saw Meade's despatch, very modest, and a sort of order of the
day from the President himself, quite religious, giving thanks to the
Supreme, and calling on the people to do the same.)
I walk'd on to Armory hospital—took along with me several bottles of
blackberry and cherry syrup, good and strong, but innocent. Went through
several of the wards, announc'd to the soldiers the news from Meade, and
gave them all a good drink of the syrups with ice water, quite refreshing—
prepar'd it all myself, and serv'd it around. Meanwhile the Washington bells
are ringing their sun-down peals for Fourth of July, and the usual fusilades
of boys' pistols, crackers, and guns.

A CAVALRY CAMP

I am writing this, nearly sundown, watching a cavalry company (acting
Signal service,) just come in through a shower, making their night's camp
ready on some broad, vacant ground, a sort of hill, in full view opposite my
window. There are the men in their yellow-striped jackets. All are
dismounted; the freed horses stand with drooping heads and wet sides; they
are to be led off presently in groups, to water. The little wall-tents and
shelter tents spring up quickly. I see the fires already blazing, and pots and
kettles over them. Some among the men are driving in tent-poles, wielding
their axes with strong, slow blows. I see great huddles of horses, bundles of
hay, groups of men (some with unbuckled sabres yet on their sides,) a few
officers, piles of wood, the flames of the fires, saddles, harness, &c. The
smoke streams upward, additional men arrive and dismount—some drive in
stakes, and tie their horses to them; some go with buckets for water, some
are chopping wood, and so on.
July 6th.—A steady rain, dark and thick and warm. A train of six-mule
wagons has just pass'd bearing pontoons, great square-end flatboats, and the
heavy planking for overlaying them. We hear that the Potomac above here
is flooded, and are wondering whether Lee will be able to get back across
again, or whether Meade will indeed break him to pieces. The cavalry camp
on the hill is a ceaseless field of observation for me. This forenoon there

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stand the horses, tether'd together, dripping, steaming, chewing their hay.
The men emerge from their tents, dripping also. The fires are half quench'd.
July 10th.—Still the camp opposite—perhaps fifty or sixty tents. Some of
the men are cleaning their sabres (pleasant to-day,) some brushing boots,
some laying off, reading, writing—some cooking, some sleeping. On long
temporary cross-sticks back of the tents are cavalry accoutrements—
blankets and overcoats are hung out to air—there are the squads of horses
tether'd, feeding, continually stamping and whisking their tails to keep off
flies. I sit long in my third story window and look at the scene—a hundred
little things going on—peculiar objects connected with the camp that could
not be described, any one of them justly, without much minute drawing and
coloring in words.

A NEW YORK SOLDIER

This afternoon, July 22d, I have spent a long time with Oscar F. Wilber,
company G, 154th New York, low with chronic diarrhoea, and a bad wound
also. He asked me to read him a chapter in the New Testament. I complied,
and ask'd him what I should read. He said, "Make your own choice." I
open'd at the close of one of the first books of the evangelists, and read the
chapters describing the latter hours of Christ, and the scenes at the
crucifixion. The poor, wasted young man ask'd me to read the following
chapter also, how Christ rose again. I read very slowly, for Oscar was
feeble. It pleased him very much, yet the tears were in his eyes. He ask'd me
if I enjoy'd religion. I said, "Perhaps not, my dear, in the way you mean, and
yet, may-be, it is the same thing." He said, "It is my chief reliance." He
talk'd of death, and said he did not fear it. I said, "Why, Oscar, don't you
think you will get well?" He said, "I may, but it is not probable." He spoke
calmly of his condition. The wound was very bad, it discharg'd much. Then
the diarrhoea had prostrated him, and I felt that he was even then the same
as dying. He behaved very manly and affectionate. The kiss I gave him as I
was about leaving he return'd fourfold. He gave me his mother's address,
Mrs. Sally D. Wilber, Alleghany pest-office, Cattaraugus county, N. Y. I had
several such interviews with him. He died a few days after the one just
described.

HOME-MADE MUSIC

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August 8th.—To-night, as I was trying to keep cool, sitting by a wounded
soldier in Armory-square, I was attracted by some pleasant singing in an
adjoining ward. As my soldier was asleep, I left him, and entering the ward
where the music was, I walk'd halfway down and took a seat by the cot of a
young Brooklyn friend, S. R., badly wounded in the hand at
Chancellorsville, and who has suffer'd much, but at that moment in the
evening was wide awake and comparatively easy. He had turn'd over on his
left side to get a better view of the singers, but the mosquito-curtains of the
adjoining cots obstructed the sight. I stept round and loop'd them all up, so
that he had a clear show, and then sat down again by him, and look'd and
listen'd. The principal singer was a young lady-nurse of one of the wards,
accompanying on a melodeon, and join'd by the lady-nurses of other wards.
They sat there, making a charming group, with their handsome, healthy
faces, and standing up a little behind them were some ten or fifteen of the
convalescent soldiers, young men, nurses, &c., with books in their hands,
singing. Of course it was not such a performance as the great soloists at the
New York opera house take a hand in, yet I am not sure but I receiv'd as
much pleasure under the circumstances, sitting there, as I have had from the
best Italian compositions, express'd by world-famous performers. The men
lying up and down the hospital, in their cots, (some badly wounded—some
never to rise thence,) the cots themselves, with their drapery of white
curtains, and the shadows down the lower and upper parts of the ward; then
the silence of the men, and the attitudes they took—the whole was a sight to
look around upon again and again. And there sweetly rose those voices up
to the high, whitewash'd wooden roof, and pleasantly the roof sent it all
back again. They sang very well, mostly quaint old songs and declamatory
hymns, to fitting tunes. Here, for instance:

My days are swiftly gliding by, and I a pilgrim stranger,
Would not detain them as they fly, those hours of toil and danger;
For O we stand on Jordan's strand, our friends are passing over,
And just before, the shining shore we may almost discover.
We'll gird our loins my brethren dear, our distant home discerning,
Our absent Lord has left us word, let every lamp be burning,
For O we stand on Jordan's strand, our friends are passing over,
And just before, the shining shore we may almost discover.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

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August 12th.—I see the President almost every day, as I happen to live
where he passes to or from his lodgings out of town. He never sleeps at the
White House during the hot season, but has quarters at a healthy location
some three miles north of the city, the Soldiers' home, a United States
military establishment. I saw him this morning about 8 1/2 coming in to
business, riding on Vermont avenue, near L street. He always has a
company of twenty-five or thirty cavalry, with sabres drawn and held
upright over their shoulders. They say this guard was against his personal
wish, but he let his counselors have their way. The party makes no great
show in uniform or horses. Mr. Lincoln on the saddle generally rides a
good-sized, easy-going gray horse, is dress'd in plain black, somewhat rusty
and dusty, wears a black stiff hat, and looks about as ordinary in attire, &c.,
as the commonest man. A lieutenant, with yellow straps, rides at his left,
and following behind, two by two, come the cavalry men, in their yellow-
striped jackets. They are generally going at a slow trot, as that is the pace
set them by the one they wait upon. The sabres and accoutrements clank,
and the entirely unornamental cortège as it trots towards Lafayette square
arouses no sensation, only some curious stranger stops and gazes. I see very
plainly ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S dark brown face, with the deep-cut lines,
the eyes, always to me with a deep latent sadness in the expression. We
have got so that we exchange bows, and very cordial ones. Sometimes the
President goes and comes in an open barouche. The cavalry always
accompany him, with drawn sabres. Often I notice as he goes out evenings
—and sometimes in the morning, when he returns early—he turns off and
halts at the large and handsome residence of the Secretary of War, on K
street, and holds conference there. If in his barouche, I can see from my
window he does not alight, but sits in his vehicle, and Mr. Stanton comes
out to attend him. Sometimes one of his sons, a boy of ten or twelve,
accompanies him, riding at his right on a pony. Earlier in the summer I
occasionally saw the President and his wife, toward the latter part of the
afternoon, out in a barouche, on a pleasure ride through the city. Mrs.
Lincoln was dress'd in complete black, with a long crape veil. The equipage
is of the plainest kind, only two horses, and they nothing extra. They pass'd
me once very close, and I saw the President in the face fully, as they were
moving slowly, and his look, though abstracted, happen'd to be directed
steadily in my eye. He bow'd and smiled, but far beneath his smile I noticed
well the expression I have alluded to. None of the artists or pictures has

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caught the deep, though subtle and indirect expression of this man's face.
There is something else there. One of the great portrait painters of two or
three centuries ago is needed.

HEATED TERM

There has lately been much suffering here from heat; we have had it upon
us now eleven days. I go around with an umbrella and a fan. I saw two
cases of sun-stroke yesterday, one in Pennsylvania avenue, and another in
Seventh street. The City railroad company loses some horses every day. Yet
Washington is having a livelier August, and is probably putting in a more
energetic and satisfactory summer, than ever before during its existence.
There is probably more human electricity, more population to make it, more
business, more light-heartedness, than ever before. The armies that swiftly
circumambiated from Fredericksburgh—march'd, struggled, fought, had out
their mighty clinch and hurl at Gettysburg—wheel'd, circumambiated again,
return'd to their ways, touching us not, either at their going or coming. And
Washington feels that she has pass'd the worst; perhaps feels that she is
henceforth mistress. So here she sits with her surrounding hills spotted with
guns, and is conscious of a character and identity different from what it was
five or six short weeks ago, and very considerably pleasanter and prouder.

SOLDIERS AND TALKS

Soldiers, soldiers, soldiers, you meet everywhere about the city, often
superb-looking men, though invalids dress'd in worn uniforms, and carrying
canes or crutches. I often have talks with them, occasionally quite long and
interesting. One, for instance, will have been all through the peninsula
under McClellan—narrates to me the fights, the marches, the strange, quick
changes of that eventful campaign, and gives glimpses of many things
untold in any official reports or books or journals. These, indeed, are the
things that are genuine and precious. The man was there, has been out two
years, has been through a dozen fights, the superfluous flesh of talking is
long work'd off him, and he gives me little but the hard meat and sinew. I
find it refreshing, these hardy, bright, intuitive, American young men,
(experienc'd soldiers with all their youth.) The vocal play and significance
moves one more than books. Then there hangs something majestic about a

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man who has borne his part in battles, especially if he is very quiet
regarding it when you desire him to unbosom. I am continually lost at the
absence of blowing and blowers among these old-young American
militaires. I have found some man or other who has been in every battle
since the war began, and have talk'd with them about each one in every part
of the United States, and many of the engagements on the rivers and
harbors too. I find men here from every State in the Union, without
exception. (There are more Southerners, especially border State men, in the
Union army than is generally supposed. {A}) I now doubt whether one can
get a fair idea of what this war practically is, or what genuine America is,
and her character, without some such experience as this I am having.

DEATH OF A WISCONSIN OFFICER

Another characteristic scene of that dark and bloody 1863, from notes of
my visit to Armory-square hospital, one hot but pleasant summer day. In
ward H we approach the cot of a young lieutenant of one of the Wisconsin
regiments. Tread the bare board floor lightly here, for the pain and panting
of death are in this cot. I saw the lieutenant when he was first brought here
from Chancellorsville, and have been with him occasionally from day to
day and night to night. He had been getting along pretty well till night
before last, when a sudden hemorrhage that could not be stopt came upon
him, and to-day it still continues at intervals. Notice that water-pail by the
side of the bed, with a quantity of blood and bloody pieces of muslin, nearly
full; that tells the story. The poor young man is struggling painfully for
breath, his great dark eyes with a glaze already upon them, and the choking
faint but audible in his throat. An attendant sits by him, and will not leave
him till the last; yet little or nothing can be done. He will die here in an hour
or two, without the presence of kith or kin. Meantime the ordinary chat and
business of{6} the ward a little way off goes on indifferently. Some of the
inmates are laughing and joking, others are playing checkers or cards,
others are reading, &c.
I have noticed through most of the hospitals that as long as there is any
chance for a man, no matter how bad he may be, the surgeon and nurses
work hard, sometimes with curious tenacity, for his life, doing everything,
and keeping somebody by him to execute the doctor's orders, and minister
to him every minute night and day. See that screen there. As you advance

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through the dusk of early candle-light, a nurse will step forth on tip-toe, and
silently but imperiously forbid you to make any noise, or perhaps to come
near at all. Some soldier's life is flickering there, suspended between
recovery and death. Perhaps at this moment the exhausted frame has just
fallen into a light sleep that a step might shake. You must retire. The
neighboring patients must move in their stocking feet. I have been several
times struck with such mark'd efforts—everything bent to save a life from
the very grip of the destroyer. But when that grip is once firmly fix'd,
leaving no hope or chance at all, the surgeon abandons the patient. If it is a
case where stimulus is any relief, the nurse gives milk-punch or brandy, or
whatever is wanted, ad libitum. There is no fuss made. Not a bit of
sentimentalism or whining have I seen about a single death-bed in hospital
or on the field, but generally impassive indifference. All is over, as far as
any efforts can avail; it is useless to expend emotions or labors. While there
is a prospect they strive hard—at least most surgeons do; but death certain
and evident, they yield the field.
Endnotes:
{6}MR. GARFIELD (In the House of Representatives, April 15,'79.) "Do
gentlemen know that (leaving out all the border States) there were fifty
regiments and seven companies of white men in our army fighting for the
Union from the States that went into rebellion? Do they know that from the
single State of Kentucky more Union soldiers fought under our flag than
Napoleon took into the battle of Waterloo? more than Wellington took with
all the allied armies against Napoleon? Do they remember that 186,000
color'd men fought under our flag against the rebellion and for the Union,
and that of that number 90,000 were from the States which went into
rebellion?"

HOSPITALS ENSEMBLE

Aug., Sept., and Oct., '63.—I am in the habit of going to all, and to
Fairfax seminary, Alexandria, and over Long bridge to the great
Convalescent camp. The journals publish a regular directory of them—a
long list. As a specimen of almost any one of the larger of these hospitals,
fancy to yourself a space of three to twenty acres of ground, on which are
group'd ten or twelve very large wooden barracks, with, perhaps, a dozen or
twenty, and sometimes more than that number, small buildings, capable

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altogether of accommodating from five hundred to a thousand or fifteen
hundred persons. Sometimes these wooden barracks or wards, each of them
perhaps from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet long, are rang'd in a
straight row, evenly fronting the street; others are plann'd so as to form an
immense V; and others again are ranged around a hollow square. They
make altogether a huge cluster, with the additional tents, extra wards for
contagious diseases, guard-houses, sutler's stores, chaplain's house; in the
middle will probably be an edifice devoted to the offices of the surgeon in
charge and the ward surgeons, principal attaches, clerks, &c. The wards are
either letter'd alphabetically, ward G, ward K, or else numerically, 1, 2, 3,
&c. Each has its ward surgeon and corps of nurses. Of course, there is, in
the aggregate, quite a muster of employes, and over all the surgeon in
charge. Here in Washington, when these army hospitals are all fill'd, (as
they have been already several times,) they contain a population more
numerous in itself than the whole of the Washington of ten or fifteen years
ago. Within sight of the capitol, as I write, are some thirty or forty such
collections, at times holding from fifty to seventy thousand men. Looking
from any eminence and studying the topography in my rambles, I use them
as landmarks. Through the rich August verdure of the trees, see that white
group of buildings off yonder in the outskirts; then another cluster half a
mile to the left of the first; then another a mile to the right, and another a
mile beyond, and still another between us and the first. Indeed, we can
hardly look in any direction but these clusters are dotting the landscape and
environs. That little town, as you might suppose it, off there on the brow of
a hill, is indeed a town, but of wounds, sickness, and death. It is Finley
hospital, northeast of the city, on Kendall green, as it used to be call'd. That
other is Campbell hospital. Both are large establishments. I have known
these two alone to have from two thousand to twenty-five hundred inmates.
Then there is Carver hospital, larger still, a wall'd and military city regularly
laid out, and guarded by squads of sentries. Again, off east, Lincoln
hospital, a still larger one; and half a mile further Emory hospital. Still
sweeping the eye around down the river toward Alexandria, we see, to the
right, the locality where the Convalescent camp stands, with its five, eight,
or sometimes ten thousand inmates. Even all these are but a portion. The
Harewood, Mount Pleasant, Armory-square, Judiciary hospitals, are some
of the rest, and all large collections.

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A SILENT NIGHT RAMBLE

October 20th.—To-night, after leaving the hospital at 10 o'clock, (I had
been on self-imposed duty some five hours, pretty closely confined,) I
wander'd a long time around Washington. The night was sweet, very clear,
sufficiently cool, a voluptuous halfmoon, slightly golden, the space near it
of a transparent blue-gray tinge. I walk'd up Pennsylvania avenue, and then
to Seventh street, and a long while around the Patent-office. Somehow it
look'd rebukefully strong, majestic, there in the delicate moonlight. The sky,
the planets, the constellations all so bright, so calm, so expressively silent,
so soothing, after those hospital scenes. I wander'd to and fro till the moist
moon set, long after midnight.

SPIRITUAL CHARACTERS AMONG THE SOLDIERS

Every now and then, in hospital or camp, there are beings I meet—
specimens of unworldliness, disinterestedness, and animal purity and
heroism—perhaps some unconscious Indianian, or from Ohio or Tennessee
—on whose birth the calmness of heaven seems to have descended, and
whose gradual growing up, whatever the circumstances of work-life or
change, or hardship, or small or no education that attended it, the power of a
strange spiritual sweetness, fibre and inward health, have also attended.
Something veil'd and abstracted is often a part of the manners of these
beings. I have met them, I say, not seldom in the army, in camp, and in the
hospitals. The Western regiments contain many of them. They are often
young men, obeying the events and occasions about them, marching,
soldiering, righting, foraging, cooking, working on farms or at some trade
before the war—unaware of their own nature, (as to that, who is aware of
his own nature?) their companions only understanding that they are
different from the rest, more silent, "something odd about them," and apt to
go off and meditate and muse in solitude.

CATTLE DROVES ABOUT WASHINGTON

Among other sights are immense droves of cattle with their drivers,
passing through the streets of the city. Some of the men have a way of
leading the cattle by a peculiar call, a wild, pensive hoot, quite musical,

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prolong'd, indescribable, sounding something between the cooing of a
pigeon and the hoot of an owl. I like to stand and look at the sight of one of
these immense droves—a little way off—(as the dust is great.) There are
always men on horseback, cracking their whips and shouting—the cattle
low—some obstinate ox or steer attempts to escape—then a lively scene—
the mounted men, always excellent riders and on good horses, dash after the
recusant, and wheel and turn—a dozen mounted drovers, their great
slouch'd, broad-brim'd hats, very picturesque—another dozen on foot—
everybody cover'd with dust—long goads in their hands—an immense
drove of perhaps 1000 cattle—the shouting, hooting, movement, &c.

HOSPITAL PERPLEXITY

To add to other troubles, amid the confusion of this great army of sick, it
is almost impossible for a stranger to find any friend or relative, unless he
has the patient's specific address to start upon. Besides the directory printed
in the newspapers here, there are one or two general directories of the
hospitals kept at provost's head-quarters, but they are nothing like complete;
they are never up to date, and, as things are, with the daily streams of
coming and going and changing, cannot be. I have known cases, for
instance such as a farmer coming here from northern New York to find a
wounded brother, faithfully hunting round for a week, and then compell'd to
leave and go home without getting any trace of him. When he got home he
found a letter from the brother giving the right address.

DOWN AT THE FRONT

CULPEPPER, VA., Feb. '64.—Here I am FRONT pretty well down
toward the extreme front. Three or four days ago General S., who is now in
chief command, (I believe Meade is absent, sick,) moved a strong force
southward from camp as if intending business. They went to the Rapidan;
there has since been some manoeuvering and a little fighting, but nothing of
consequence. The telegraphic accounts given Monday morning last, make
entirely too much of it, I should say. What General S. intended we here
know not, but we trust in that competent commander. We were somewhat
excited, (but not so very much either,) on Sunday, during the day and night,
as orders were sent out to pack up and harness, and be ready to evacuate, to

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fall back towards Washington. But I was very sleepy and went to bed. Some
tremendous shouts arousing me during the night, I went forth and found it
was from the men above mention'd, who were returning. I talk'd with some
of the men; as usual I found them full of gayety, endurance, and many fine
little outshows, the signs of the most excellent good manliness of the world.
It was a curious sight to see those shadowy columns moving through the
night. I stood unobserv'd in the darkness and watch'd them long. The mud
was very deep. The men had their usual burdens, overcoats, knapsacks,
guns and blankets. Along and along they filed by me, with often a laugh, a
song, a cheerful word, but never once a murmur. It may have been odd, but
I never before so realized the majesty and reality of the American people en
masse. It fell upon me like a great awe. The strong ranks moved neither fast
nor slow. They had march'd seven or eight miles already through the
slipping unctuous mud. The brave First corps stopt here. The equally brave
Third corps moved on to Brandy station. The famous Brooklyn 14th are
here, guarding the town. You see their red legs actively moving everywhere.
Then they have a theatre of their own here. They give musical
performances, nearly everything done capitally. Of course the audience is a
jam. It is good sport to attend one of these entertainments of the 14th. I like
to look around at the soldiers, and the general collection in front of the
curtain, more than the scene on the stage.

PAYING THE BOUNTIES

One of the things to note here now is the arrival of the paymaster with his
strong box, and the payment of bounties to veterans re-enlisting. Major H.
is here to-day, with a small mountain of greenbacks, rejoicing the hearts of
the 2d division of the First corps. In the midst of a rickety shanty, behind a
little table, sit the major and clerk Eldridge, with the rolls before them, and
much moneys. A re-enlisted man gets in cash about $200 down, (and heavy
instalments following, as the pay-days arrive, one after another.) The show
of the men crowding around is quite exhilarating; I like to stand and look.
They feel elated, their pockets full, and the ensuing furlough, the visit
home. It is a scene of sparkling eyes and flush'd cheeks. The soldier has
many gloomy and harsh experiences, and this makes up for some of them.
Major H. is order'd to pay first all the re-enlisted men of the First corps their
bounties and back pay, and then the rest. You hear the peculiar sound of the

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rustling of the new and crisp greenbacks by the hour, through the nimble
fingers of the major and my friend clerk E.

RUMORS, CHANGES, ETC.

About the excitement of Sunday, and the orders to be ready to start, I
have heard since that the said orders came from some cautious minor
commander, and that the high principalities knew not and thought not of
any such move; which is likely. The rumor and fear here intimated a long
circuit by Lee, and flank attack on our right. But I cast my eyes at the mud,
which was then at its deepest and palmiest condition, and retired
composedly to rest. Still it is about time for Culpepper to have a change.
Authorities have chased each other here like clouds in a stormy sky. Before
the first Bull Run this was the rendezvous and camp of instruction of the
secession troops. I am stopping at the house of a lady who has witness'd all
the eventful changes of the war, along this route of contending armies. She
is a widow, with a family of young children, and lives here with her sister in
a large handsome house. A number of army officers board with them.

VIRGINIA

Dilapidated, fenceless, and trodden with war as Virginia is, wherever I
move across her surface, I find myself rous'd to surprise and admiration.
What capacity for products, improvements, human life, nourishment and
expansion. Everywhere that I have been in the Old Dominion, (the subtle
mockery of that title now!) such thoughts have fill'd me. The soil is yet far
above the average of any of the northern States. And how full of breadth the
scenery, everywhere distant mountains, everywhere convenient rivers. Even
yet prodigal in forest woods, and surely eligible for all the fruits, orchards,
and flowers. The skies and atmosphere most luscious, as I feel certain, from
more than a year's residence in the State, and movements hither and yon. I
should say very healthy, as a general thing. Then a rich and elastic quality,
by night and by day. The sun rejoices in his strength, dazzling and burning,
and yet, to me, never unpleasantly weakening. It is not the panting tropical
heat, but invigorates. The north tempers it. The nights are often
unsurpassable. Last evening (Feb. 8,) I saw the first of the new moon, the
outlined old moon clear along with it; the sky and air so clear, such

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transparent hues of color, it seem'd to me I had never really seen the new
moon before. It was the thinnest cut crescent possible. It hung delicate just
above the sulky shadow of the Blue mountains. Ah, if it might prove an
omen and good prophecy for this unhappy State.

SUMMER OF 1864

I am back again in Washington, on my regular daily and nightly rounds.
Of course there are many specialties. Dotting a ward here and there are
always cases of poor fellows, long-suffering under obstinate wounds, or
weak and dishearten'd from typhoid fever, or the like; mark'd cases, needing
special and sympathetic nourishment. These I sit down and either talk to, or
silently cheer them up. They always like it hugely, (and so do I.) Each case
has its peculiarities, and needs some new adaptation. I have learnt to thus
conform—learnt a good deal of hospital wisdom. Some of the poor young
chaps, away from home for the first time in their lives, hunger and thirst for
affection; this is sometimes the only thing that will reach their condition.
The men like to have a pencil, and something to write in. I have given them
cheap pocket-diaries, and almanacs for 1864, interleav'd with blank paper.
For reading I generally have some old pictorial magazines or story papers—
they are always acceptable. Also the morning or evening papers of the day.
The best books I do not give, but lend to read through the wards, and then
take them to others, and so on; they are very punctual about returning the
books. In these wards, or on the field, as I thus continue to go round, I have
come to adapt myself to each emergency, after its kind or call, however
trivial, however solemn, every one justified and made real under its
circumstances—not only visits and cheering talk and little gifts—not only
washing and dressing wounds, (I have some cases where the patient is
unwilling any one should do this but me)—but passages from the Bible,
expounding them, prayer at the bedside, explanations of doctrine, &c. (I
think I see my friends smiling at this confession, but I was never more in
earnest in my life.) In camp and everywhere, I was in the habit of reading or
giving recitations to the men. They were very fond of it, and liked
declamatory poetical pieces. We would gather in a large group by ourselves,
after supper, and spend the time in such readings, or in talking, and
occasionally by an amusing game called the game of twenty questions.

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A NEW ARMY ORGANIZATION FIT FOR AMERICA

It is plain to me out of the events of the war, north and south, and out of
all considerations, that the current military theory, practice, rules and
organization, (adopted from Europe from the feudal institutes, with, of
course, the "modern improvements," largely from the French,) though
tacitly follow'd, and believ'd in by the officers generally, are not at all
consonant with the United States, nor our people, nor our days. What it will
be I know not—but I know that as entire an abnegation of the present
military system, and the naval too, and a building up from radically
different root-bases and centres appropriate to us, must eventually result, as
that our political system has resulted and become establish'd, different from
feudal Europe, and built up on itself from original, perennial, democratic
premises. We have undoubtedly in the United States the greatest military
power—an exhaustless, intelligent, brave and reliable rank and file—in the
world, any land, perhaps all lands. The problem is to organize this in the
manner fully appropriate to it, to the principles of the republic, and to get
the best service out of it. In the present struggle, as already seen and
review'd, probably three-fourths of the losses, men, lives, &c., have been
sheer superfluity, extravagance, waste.

DEATH OF A HERO

I wonder if I could ever convey to another—to you, for instance, reader
dear—the tender and terrible realities of such cases, (many, many
happen'd,) as the one I am now going to mention. Stewart C. Glover,
company E, 5th Wisconsin—was wounded May 5, in one of those fierce
tussles of the Wilderness-died May 21—aged about 20. He was a small and
beardless young man—a splendid soldier—in fact almost an ideal
American, of his age. He had serv'd nearly three years, and would have
been entitled to his discharge in a few days. He was in Hancock's corps. The
fighting had about ceas'd for the day, and the general commanding the
brigade rode by and call'd for volunteers to bring in the wounded. Glover
responded among the first—went out gayly—but while in the act of bearing
in a wounded sergeant to our lines, was shot in the knee by a rebel
sharpshooter; consequence, amputation and death. He had resided with his
father, John Glover, an aged and feeble man, in Batavia, Genesee county, N.

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Y., but was at school in Wisconsin, after the war broke out, and there
enlisted—soon took to soldier-life, liked it, was very manly, was belov'd by
officers and comrades. He kept a little diary, like so many of the soldiers.
On the day of his death he wrote the following in it, to-day the doctor says I
must die—all is over with me—ah, so young to die. On another blank leaf he
pencill'd to his brother, dear brother Thomas, I have been brave but wicked
—pray for me.

HOSPITAL SCENES—INCIDENTS

It is Sunday afternoon, middle of summer, hot and oppressive, and very
silent through the ward. I am taking care of a critical case, now lying in a
half lethargy. Near where I sit is a suffering rebel, from the 8th Louisiana;
his name is Irving. He has been here a long time, badly wounded, and lately
had his leg amputated; it is not doing very well. Right opposite me is a sick
soldier-boy, laid down with his clothes on, sleeping, looking much wasted,
his pallid face on his arm. I see by the yellow trimming on his jacket that he
is a cavalry boy. I step softly over and find by his card that he is named
William Cone, of the 1st Maine cavalry, and his folks live in Skowhegan.
Ice Cream Treat.—One hot day toward the middle of June, I gave the
inmates of Carver hospital a general ice cream treat, purchasing a large
quantity, and, under convoy of the doctor or head nurse, going around
personally through the wards to see to its distribution. An Incident.—In one
of the rights before Atlanta, a rebel soldier, of large size, evidently a young
man, was mortally wounded top of the head, so that the brains partially
exuded. He lived three days, lying on his back on the spot where he first
dropt. He dug with his heel in the ground during that time a hole big enough
to put in a couple of ordinary knapsacks. He just lay there in the open air,
and with little intermission kept his heel going night and day. Some of our
soldiers then moved him to a house, but he died in a few minutes.
Another.—After the battles at Columbia, Tennessee, where we repuls'd
about a score of vehement rebel charges, they left a great many wounded on
the ground, mostly within our range. Whenever any of these wounded
attempted to move away by any means, generally by crawling off, our men
without exception brought them down by a bullet. They let none crawl
away, no matter what his condition.

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A YANKEE SOLDIER

As I turn'd off the Avenue one cool October evening into Thirteenth
street, a soldier with knapsack and overcoat stood at the corner inquiring his
way. I found he wanted to go part of the road in my direction, so we walk'd
on together. We soon fell into conversation. He was small and not very
young, and a tough little fellow, as I judged in the evening light, catching
glimpses by the lamps we pass'd. His answers were short, but clear. His
name was Charles Carroll; he belong'd to one of the Massachusetts
regiments, and was born in or near Lynn. His parents were living, but were
very old. There were four sons, and all had enlisted. Two had died of
starvation and misery in the prison at Andersonville, and one had been kill'd
in the west. He only was left. He was now going home, and by the way he
talk'd I inferr'd that his time was nearly out. He made great calculations on
being with his parents to comfort them the rest of their days.

UNION PRISONERS SOUTH

Michael Stansbury, 48 years of age, a seafaring man, a southerner by
birth and raising, formerly captain of U. S. light ship Long Shoal, station'd
at Long Shoal point, Pamlico sound—though a southerner, a firm Union
man—was captur'd Feb. 17, 1863, and has been nearly two years in the
Confederate prisons; was at one time order'd releas'd by Governor Vance,
but a rebel officer re-arrested him; then sent on to Richmond for exchange
—but instead of being exchanged was sent down (as a southern citizen, not
a soldier,) to Salisbury, N. C., where he remain'd until lately, when he
escap'd among the exchang'd by assuming the name of a dead soldier, and
coming up via Wilmington with the rest. Was about sixteen months in
Salisbury.
Subsequent to October, '64, there were about 11,000 Union prisoners in
the stockade; about 100 of them southern unionists, 200 U. S. deserters.
During the past winter 1500 of the prisoners, to save their lives, join'd the
confederacy, on condition of being assign'd merely to guard duty. Out of the
11,000 not more than 2500 came out; 500 of these were pitiable, helpless
wretches—the rest were in a condition to travel. There were often 60 dead
bodies to be buried in the morning; the daily average would be about 40.
The regular food was a meal of corn, the cob and husk ground together, and

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sometimes once a week a ration of sorghum molasses. A diminutive ration
of meat might possibly come once a month, not oftener. In the stockade,
containing the 11,000 men, there was a partial show of tents, not enough for
2000. A large proportion of the men lived in holes in the ground, in the
utmost wretchedness. Some froze to death, others had their hands and feet
frozen. The rebel guards would occasionally, and on the least pretence, fire
into the prison from mere demonism and wantonness. All the horrors that
can be named, starvation, lassitude, filth, vermin, despair, swift loss of self-
respect, idiocy, insanity, and frequent murder, were there. Stansbury has a
wife and child living in Newbern—has written to them from here—is in the
U. S. light-house employ still—(had been home to Newbern to see his
family, and on his return to the ship was captured in his boat.) Has seen men
brought there to Salisbury as hearty as you ever see in your life—in a few
weeks completely dead gone, much of it from thinking on their condition—
hope all gone. Has himself a hard, sad, strangely deaden'd kind of look, as
of one chill' d for years in the cold and dark, where his good manly nature
had no room to exercise itself.

DESERTERS

Oct. 24.—Saw a large squad of our own deserters (over 300) surrounded
with a cordon of arm'd guards, marching along Pennsylvania avenue. The
most motley collection I ever saw, all sorts of rig, all sorts of hats and caps,
many fine-looking young fellows, some of them shame-faced, some sickly,
most of them dirty, shirts very dirty and long worn, &c. They tramp'd along
without order, a huge huddling mass, not in ranks. I saw some of the
spectators laughing, but I felt like anything else but laughing. These
deserters are far more numerous than would be thought. Almost every day I
see squads of them, sometimes two or three at a time, with a small guard;
sometimes ten or twelve, under a larger one. (I hear that desertions from the
army now in the field have often averaged 10,000 a month. One of the
commonest sights in Washington is a squad of deserters.)

A GLIMPSE OF WAR'S HELL-SCENES

In one of the late movements of our troops in the valley, (near Upperville,
I think,) a strong force of Moseby's mounted guerillas attack'd a train of

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wounded, and the guard of cavalry convoying them. The ambulances
contain'd about 60 wounded, quite a number of them officers of rank. The
rebels were in strength, and the capture of the train and its partial guard
after a short snap was effectually accomplish'd. No sooner had our men
surrender'd, the rebels instantly commenced robbing the train and
murdering their prisoners, even the wounded. Here is the scene, or a sample
of it, ten minutes after. Among the wounded officers in the ambulances
were one, a lieutenant of regulars, and another of higher rank. These two
were dragg'd out on the ground on their backs, and were now surrounded by
the guerillas, a demoniac crowd, each member of which was stabbing them
in different parts of their bodies. One of the officers had his feet pinn'd
firmly to the ground by bayonets stuck through them and thrust into the
ground. These two officers, as afterwards found on examination, had
receiv'd about twenty such thrusts, some of them through the mouth, face,
&c. The wounded had all been dragg'd (to give a better chance also for
plunder,) out of their wagons; some had been effectually dispatch'd, and
their bodies were lying there lifeless and bloody. Others, not yet dead, but
horribly mutilated, were moaning or groaning. Of our men who surrender'd,
most had been thus maim'd or slaughter'd.
At this instant a force of our cavalry, who had been following the train at
some interval, charged suddenly upon the secesh captors, who proceeded at
once to make the best escape they could. Most of them got away, but we
gobbled two officers and seventeen men, in the very acts just described. The
sight was one which admitted of little discussion, as may be imagined. The
seventeen captur'd men and two officers were put under guard for the night,
but it was decided there and then that they should die. The next morning the
two officers were taken in the town, separate places, put in the centre of the
street, and shot. The seventeen men were taken to an open ground, a little
one side. They were placed in a hollow square, half-encompass'd by two of
our cavalry regiments, one of which regiments had three days before found
the bloody corpses of three of their men hamstrung and hung up by the
heels to limbs of trees by Moseby's guerillas, and the other had not long
before had twelve men, after surrendering, shot and then hung by the neck
to limbs of trees, and jeering inscriptions pinn'd to the breast of one of the
corpses, who had been a sergeant. Those three, and those twelve, had been
found, I say, by these environing regiments. Now, with revolvers, they
form'd the grim cordon of the seventeen prisoners. The latter were placed in

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the midst of the hollow square, unfasten'd, and the ironical remark made to
them that they were now to be given "a chance for themselves." A few ran
for it. But what use? From every side the deadly pills came. In a few
minutes the seventeen corpses strew'd the hollow square. I was curious to
know whether some of the Union soldiers, some few, (some one or two at
least of the youngsters,) did not abstain from shooting on the helpless men.
Not one. There was no exultation, very little said, almost nothing, yet every
man there contributed his shot.
Multiply the above by scores, aye hundreds—verify it in all the forms
that different circumstances, individuals, places, could afford—light it with
every lurid passion, the wolf's, the lion's lapping thirst for blood—the
passionate, boiling volcanoes of human revenge for comrades, brothers
slain—with the light of burning farms, and heaps of smutting, smouldering
black embers—and in the human heart everywhere black, worse embers—
and you have an inkling of this war.

GIFTS—MONEY—DISCRIMINATION

As a very large proportion of the wounded came up from the front
without a cent of money in their pockets, I soon discover'd that it was about
the best thing I could do to raise their spirits, and show them that somebody
cared for them, and practically felt a fatherly or brotherly interest in them,
to give them small sums in such cases, using tact and discretion about it. I
am regularly supplied with funds for this purpose by good women and men
in Boston, Salem, Providence, Brooklyn, and New York. I provide myself
with a quantity of bright new ten-cent and five-cent bills, and, when I think
it incumbent, I give 25 or 30 cents, or perhaps 50 cents, and occasionally a
still larger sum to some particular case. As I have started this subject, I take
opportunity to ventilate the financial question. My supplies, altogether
voluntary, mostly confidential, often seeming quite Providential, were
numerous and varied. For instance, there were two distant and wealthy
ladies, sisters, who sent regularly, for two years, quite heavy sums,
enjoining that their names should be kept secret. The same delicacy was
indeed a frequent condition. From several I had carte blanche. Many were
entire strangers. From these sources, during from two to three years, in the
manner described, in the hospitals, I bestowed, as almoner for others, many,
many thousands of dollars. I learn'd one thing conclusively—that beneath

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all the ostensible greed and heartlessness of our times there is no end to the
generous benevolence of men and women in the United States, when once
sure of their object. Another thing became clear to me—while cash is not
amiss to bring up the rear, tact and magnetic sympathy and unction are, and
ever will be, sovereign still.

ITEMS FROM MY NOTE BOOKS

Some of the half-eras'd, and not over-legible when made, memoranda of
things wanted by one patient or another, will convey quite a fair idea. D. S.
G., bed 52, wants a good book; has a sore, weak throat; would like some
horehound candy; is from New Jersey, 28th regiment. C. H. L., 145th
Pennsylvania, lies in bed 6, with jaundice and erysipelas; also wounded;
stomach easily nauseated; bring him some oranges, also a little tart jelly;
hearty, full-blooded young fellow—(he got better in a few days, and is now
home on a furlough.) J. H. G., bed 24, wants an undershirt, drawers, and
socks; has not had a change for quite a while; is evidently a neat, clean boy
from New England—(I supplied him; also with a comb, tooth-brush, and
some soap and towels; I noticed afterward he was the cleanest of the whole
ward.) Mrs. G., lady-nurse, ward F, wants a bottle of brandy—has two
patients imperatively requiring stimulus—low with wounds and exhaustion.
(I supplied her with a bottle of first-rate brandy from the Christian
commission rooms.)

A CASE FROM SECOND BULL RUN

Well, Poor John Mahay is dead. He died yesterday. His was a painful and
long-lingering case (see p. 24 ante.) I have been with him at times for the
past fifteen months. He belonged to company A, 101st New York, and was
shot through the lower region of the abdomen at second Bull Run, August,
'62. One scene at his bedside will suffice for the agonies of nearly two
years. The bladder had been perforated by a bullet going entirely through
him. Not long since I sat a good part of the morning by his bedside, ward E,
Armory square. The water ran out of his eyes from the intense pain, and the
muscles of his face were distorted, but he utter'd nothing except a low groan
now and then. Hot moist cloths were applied, and reliev'd him somewhat.
Poor Mahay, a mere boy in age, but old in misfortune. He never knew the

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love of parents, was placed in infancy in one of the New York charitable
institutions, and subsequently bound out to a tyrannical master in Sullivan
county, (the scars of whose cowhide and club remain'd yet on his back.) His
wound here was a most disagreeable one, for he was a gentle, cleanly, and
affectionate boy. He found friends in his hospital life, and, indeed, was a
universal favorite. He had quite a funeral ceremony.

ARMY SURGEONS—AID DEFICIENCIES

I must bear my most emphatic testimony to the zeal, manliness, and
professional spirit and capacity, generally prevailing among the surgeons,
many of them young men, in the hospitals and the army. I will not say much
about the exceptions, for they are few; (but I have met some of those few,
and very incompetent and airish they were.) I never ceas'd to find the best
men, and the hardest and most disinterested workers, among the surgeons in
the hospitals. They are full of genius, too. I have seen many hundreds of
them and this is my testimony. There are, however, serious deficiencies,
wastes, sad want of system, in the commissions, contributions, and in all the
voluntary, and a great part of the governmental nursing, edibles, medicines,
stores, &c. (I do not say surgical attendance, because the surgeons cannot
do more than human endurance permits.) Whatever puffing accounts there
may be in the papers of the North, this is the actual fact. No thorough
previous preparation, no system, no foresight, no genius. Always plenty of
stores, no doubt, but never where they are needed, and never the proper
application. Of all harrowing experiences, none is greater than that of the
days following a heavy battle. Scores, hundreds of the noblest men on earth,
uncomplaining, lie helpless, mangled, faint, alone, and so bleed to death, or
die from exhaustion, either actually untouch'd at all, or merely the laying of
them down and leaving them, when there ought to be means provided to
save them.

THE BLUE EVERYWHERE

This city, its suburbs, the capitol, the front of the White House, the places
of amusement, the Avenue, and all the main streets, swarm with soldiers
this winter, more than ever before. Some are out from the hospitals, some
from the neighboring camps, &c. One source or another, they pour

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plenteously, and make, I should say, the mark'd feature in the human
movement and costume-appearance of our national city. Their blue pants
and overcoats are everywhere. The clump of crutches is heard up the stairs
of the paymasters' offices, and there are characteristic groups around the
doors of the same, often waiting long and wearily in the cold. Toward the
latter part of the afternoon, you see the furlough'd men, sometimes singly,
sometimes in small squads, making their way to the Baltimore depot. At all
times, except early in the morning, the patrol detachments are moving
around, especially during the earlier hours of evening, examining passes,
and arresting all soldiers without them. They do not question the one-
legged, or men badly disabled or main'd, but all others are stopt. They also
go around evenings through the auditoriums of the theatres, and make
officers and all show their passes, or other authority, for being there.

A MODEL HOSPITAL

Sunday, January 29th, 1865.—Have been in Armory-square this
afternoon. The wards are very comfortable, new floors and plaster walls,
and models of neatness. I am not sure but this is a model hospital after all,
in important respects. I found several sad cases of old lingering wounds.
One Delaware soldier, William H. Millis, from Bridgeville, whom I had
been with after the battles of the Wilderness, last May, where he receiv'd a
very bad wound in the chest, with another in the left arm, and whose case
was serious (pneumonia had set in) all last June and July, I now find well
enough to do light duty. For three weeks at the time mention'd he just
hovered between life and death.

BOYS IN THE ARMY

As I walk'd home about sunset, I saw in Fourteenth street a very young
soldier, thinly clad, standing near the house I was about to enter. I stopt a
moment in front of the door and call'd him to me. I knew that an old
Tennessee regiment, and also an Indiana regiment, were temporarily
stopping in new barracks, near Fourteenth street. This boy I found belonged
to the Tennessee regiment. But I could hardly believe he carried a musket.
He was but 15 years old, yet had been twelve months a soldier, and had
borne his part in several battles, even historic ones. I ask'd him if he did not

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suffer from the cold, and if he had no overcoat. No, he did not suffer from
cold, and had no overcoat, but could draw one whenever he wish'd. His
father was dead, and his mother living in some part of East Tennessee; all
the men were from that part of the country. The next forenoon I saw the
Tennessee and Indiana regiments marching down the Avenue. My boy was
with the former, stepping along with the rest. There were many other boys
no older. I stood and watch'd them as they tramp'd along with slow, strong,
heavy, regular steps. There did not appear to be a man over 30 years of age,
and a large proportion were from 15 to perhaps 22 or 23. They had all the
look of veterans, worn, stain'd, impassive, and a certain unbent, lounging
gait, carrying in addition to their regular arms and knapsacks, frequently a
frying-pan, broom, &c. They were all of pleasant physiognomy; no
refinement, nor blanch'd with intellect, but as my eye pick'd them, moving
along, rank by rank, there did not seem to be a single repulsive, brutal or
markedly stupid face among them.

BURIAL OF A LADY NURSE

Here is an incident just occurr'd in one of the hospitals. A lady named
Miss or Mrs. Billings, who has long been a practical friend of soldiers, and
nurse in the army, and had become attached to it in a way that no one can
realize but him or her who has had experience, was taken sick, early this
winter, linger'd some time, and finally died in the hospital. It was her
request that she should be buried among the soldiers, and after the military
method. This request was fully carried out. Her coffin was carried to the
grave by soldiers, with the usual escort, buried, and a salute fired over the
grave. This was at Annapolis a few days since.

FEMALE NURSES FOR SOLDIERS

There are many women in one position or another, among the hospitals,
mostly as nurses here in Washington, and among the military stations; quite
a number of them young ladies acting as volunteers. They are a help in
certain ways, and deserve to be mention'd with respect. Then it remains to
be distinctly said that few or no young ladies, under the irresistible
conventions of society, answer the practical requirements of nurses for
soldiers. Middle-aged or healthy and good condition'd elderly women,

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mothers of children, are always best. Many of the wounded must be
handled. A hundred things which cannot be gainsay'd, must occur and must
be done. The presence of a good middle-aged or elderly woman, the
magnetic touch of hands, the expressive features of the mother, the silent
soothing of her presence, her words, her knowledge and privileges arrived
at only through having had children, are precious and final qualifications. It
is a natural faculty that is required; it is not merely having a genteel young
woman at a table in a ward. One of the finest nurses I met was a red-faced
illiterate old Irish woman; I have seen her take the poor wasted naked boys
so tenderly up in her arms. There are plenty of excellent clean old black
women that would make tip-top nurses.

SOUTHERN ESCAPEES

Feb. 23, '65.—I saw a large procession of young men from the rebel
army, (deserters they are call'd, but the usual meaning of the word does not
apply to them,) passing the Avenue to-day. There were nearly 200, come up
yesterday by boat from James river. I stood and watch'd them as they
shuffled along, in a slow, tired, worn sort of way; a large proportion of
light-hair'd, blonde, light gray-eyed young men among them. Their
costumes had a dirt-stain'd uniformity; most had been originally gray; some
had articles of our uniform, pants on one, vest or coat on another; I think
they were mostly Georgia and North Carolina boys. They excited little or
no attention. As I stood quite close to them, several good looking enough
youths, (but O what a tale of misery their appearance told,) nodded or just
spoke to me, without doubt divining pity and fatherliness out of my face,
for my heart was full enough of it. Several of the couples trudg'd along with
their arms about each other, some probably brothers, as if they were afraid
they might somehow get separated. They nearly all look'd what one might
call simple, yet intelligent, too. Some had pieces of old carpet, some
blankets, and others old bags around their shoulders. Some of them here
and there had fine faces, still it was a procession of misery. The two
hundred had with them about half a dozen arm'd guards. Along this week I
saw some such procession, more or less in numbers, every day, as they were
brought up by the boat. The government does what it can for them, and
sends them north and west.

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Feb. 27.—Some three or four hundred more escapees from the
confederate army came up on the boat. As the day has been very pleasant
indeed, (after a long spell of bad weather,) I have been wandering around a
good deal, without any other object than to be out-doors and enjoy it; have
met these escaped men in all directions. Their apparel is the same ragged,
long-worn motley as before described. I talk'd with a number of the men.
Some are quite bright and stylish, for all their poor clothes—walking with
an air, wearing their old head-coverings on one side, quite saucily. I find the
old, unquestionable proofs, as all along the past four years, of the
unscrupulous tyranny exercised by the secession government in
conscripting the common people by absolute force everywhere, and paying
no attention whatever to the men's time being up—keeping them in military
service just the same. One gigantic young fellow, a Georgian, at least six
feet three inches high, broad-sized in proportion, attired in the dirtiest, drab,
well smear'd rags, tied with strings, his trousers at the knees all strips and
streamers, was complacently standing eating some bread and meat. He
appear'd contented enough. Then a few minutes after I saw him slowly
walking along. It was plain he did not take anything to heart.
Feb. 28.—As I pass'd the military headquarters of the city, not far from
the President's house, I stopt to interview some of the crowd of escapees
who were lounging there. In appearance they were the same as previously
mention'd. Two of them, one about 17, and the other perhaps 25 or '6, I
talk'd with some time. They were from North Carolina, born and rais'd
there, and had folks there. The elder had been in the rebel service four
years. He was first conscripted for two years. He was then kept arbitrarily in
the ranks. This is the case with a large proportion of the secession army.
There was nothing downcast in these young men's manners; the younger
had been soldiering about a year; he was conscripted; there were six
brothers (all the boys of the family) in the army, part of them as conscripts,
part as volunteers; three had been kill'd; one had escaped about four months
ago, and now this one had got away; he was a pleasant and well-talking lad,
with the peculiar North Carolina idiom (not at all disagreeable to my ears.)
He and the elder one were of the same company, and escaped together—and
wish'd to remain together. They thought of getting transportation away to
Missouri, and working there; but were not sure it was judicious. I advised
them rather to go to some of the directly northern States, and get farm work
for the present. The younger had made six dollars on the boat, with some

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tobacco he brought; he had three and a half left. The elder had nothing; I
gave him a trifle. Soon after, met John Wormley, 9th Alabama, a West
Tennessee rais' d boy, parents both dead—had the look of one for a long
time on short allowance—said very little—chew'd tobacco at a fearful rate,
spitting in proportion—large clear dark-brown eyes, very fine—didn't know
what to make of me—told me at last he wanted much to get some clean
underclothes, and a pair of decent pants. Didn't care about coat or hat
fixings. Wanted a chance to wash himself well, and put on the underclothes.
I had the very great pleasure of helping him to accomplish all those
wholesome designs.
March 1st.—Plenty more butternut or clay-color'd escapees every day.
About 160 came in to-day, a large portion South Carolinians. They
generally take the oath of allegiance, and are sent north, west, or extreme
south-west if they wish. Several of them told me that the desertions in their
army, of men going home, leave or no leave, are far more numerous than
their desertions to our side. I saw a very forlorn looking squad of about a
hundred, late this afternoon, on their way to the Baltimore depot.

THE CAPITOL BY GAS-LIGHT

To-night I have been wandering awhile in the capitol, which is all lit up.
The illuminated rotunda looks fine. I like to stand aside and look a long,
long while, up at the dome; it comforts me somehow. The House and Senate
were both in session till very late. I look'd in upon them, but only a few
moments; they were hard at work on tax and appropriation bills. I wander'd
through the long and rich corridors and apartments under the Senate; an old
habit of mine, former winters, and now more satisfaction than ever. Not
many persons down there, occasionally a flitting figure in the distance.

THE INAUGURATION

March 4th.—The President very quietly rode down to the capitol in his
own carriage, by himself, on a sharp trot, about noon, either because he
wish'd to be on hand to sign bills, or to get rid of marching in line with the
absurd procession, the muslin temple of liberty and pasteboard monitor. I
saw him on his return, at three o'clock, after the performance was over. He
was in his plain two-horse barouche, and look'd very much worn and tired;

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the lines, indeed, of vast responsibilities, intricate questions, and demands
of life and death, cut deeper than ever upon his dark brown face; yet all the
old goodness, tenderness, sadness, and canny shrewdness, underneath the
furrows. (I never see that man without feeling that he is one to become
personally attach'd to, for his combination of purest, heartiest tenderness,
and native western form of manliness.) By his side sat his little boy, of ten
years. There were no soldiers, only a lot of civilians on horseback, with
huge yellow scarfs over their shoulders, riding around the carriage. (At the
inauguration four years ago, he rode down and back again surrounded by a
dense mass of arm'd cavalrymen eight deep, with drawn sabres; and there
were sharpshooters station'd at every corner on the route.) I ought to make
mention of the closing levee of Saturday night last. Never before was such a
compact jam in front of the White House—all the grounds fill'd, and away
out to the spacious sidewalks. I was there, as I took a notion to go—was in
the rush inside with the crowd—surged along the passage-ways, the blue
and other rooms, and through the great east room. Crowds of country
people, some very funny. Fine music from the Marine band, off in a side
place. I saw Mr. Lincoln, drest all in black, with white kid gloves and a
claw-hammer coat, receiving, as in duty bound, shaking hands, looking
very disconsolate, and as if he would give anything to be somewhere else.

ATTITUDE OF FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS DURING THE
WAR

Looking over my scraps, I find I wrote the following during 1864. The
happening to our America, abroad as well as at home, these years, is indeed
most strange. The democratic republic has paid her today the terrible and
resplendent compliment of the united wish of all the nations of the world
that her union should be broken, her future cut off, and that she should be
compell'd to descend to the level of kingdoms and empires ordinarily great.
There is certainly not one government in Europe but is now watching the
war in this country, with the ardent prayer that the United States may be
effectually split, crippled, and dismember'd by it. There is not one but
would help toward that dismemberment, if it dared. I say such is the ardent
wish to-day of England and of France, as governments, and of all the
nations of Europe, as governments. I think indeed it is to-day the real,
heartfelt wish of all the nations of the world, with the single exception of

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Mexico—Mexico, the only one to whom we have ever really done wrong,
and now the only one who prays for us and for our triumph, with genuine
prayer. Is it not indeed strange? America, made up of all, cheerfully from
the beginning opening her arms to all, the result and justifier of all, of
Britain, Germany, France and Spain—all here—the accepter, the friend,
hope, last resource and general house of all—she who has harm'd none, but
been bounteous to so many, to millions, the mother of strangers and exiles,
all nations—should now, I say, be paid this dread compliment of general
governmental fear and hatred. Are we indignant? alarm'd? Do we feel
jeopardized? No; help'd, braced, concentrated, rather. We are all too prone
to wander from ourselves, to affect Europe, and watch her frowns and
smiles. We need this hot lesson of general hatred, and henceforth must
never forget it. Never again will we trust the moral sense nor abstract
friendliness of a single government of the old world.

THE WEATHER—DOES IT SYMPATHIZE WITH THESE
TIMES?

Whether the rains, the heat and cold, and what underlies them all, are
affected with what affects man in masses, and follow his play of passionate
action, strain'd stronger than usual, and on a larger scale than usual—
whether this, or no, it is certain that there is now, and has been for twenty
months or more, on this American continent north, many a remarkable,
many an unprecedented expression of the subtile world of air above us and
around us. There, since this war, and the wide and deep national agitation,
strange analogies, different combinations, a different sunlight, or absence of
it; different products even out of the ground. After every great battle, a great
storm. Even civic events the same. On Saturday last, a forenoon like
whirling demons, dark, with slanting rain, full of rage; and then the
afternoon, so calm, so bathed with flooding splendor from heaven's most
excellent sun, with atmosphere of sweetness; so clear, it show'd the stars,
long long before they were due. As the President came out on the capitol
portico, a curious little white cloud, the only one in that part of the sky,
appear'd like a hovering bird, right over him.
Indeed, the heavens, the elements, all the meteorological influences, have
run riot for weeks past. Such caprices, abruptest alternation of frowns and
beauty, I never knew. It is a common remark that (as last summer was

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different in its spells of intense heat from any preceding it,) the winter just
completed has been without parallel. It has remain'd so down to the hour I
am writing. Much of the daytime of the past month was sulky, with leaden
heaviness, fog, interstices of bitter cold, and some insane storms. But there
have been samples of another description. Nor earth nor sky ever knew
spectacles of superber beauty than some of the nights lately here. The
western star, Venus, in the earlier hours of evening, has never been so large,
so clear; it seems as if it told something, as if it held rapport indulgent with
humanity, with us Americans. Five or six nights since, it hung close by the
moon, then a little past its first quarter. The star was wonderful, the moon
like a young mother. The sky, dark blue, the transparent night, the planets,
the moderate west wind, the elastic temperature, the miracle of that great
star, and the young and swelling moon swimming in the west, suffused the
soul. Then I heard, slow and clear, the deliberate notes of a bugle come up
out of the silence, sounding so good through the night's mystery, no hurry,
but firm and faithful, floating along, rising, falling leisurely, with here and
there a long-drawn note; the bugle, well play'd, sounding tattoo, in one of
the army hospitals near here, where the wounded (some of them personally
so dear to me,) are lying in their cots, and many a sick boy come down to
the war from Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and the rest.

INAUGURATION BALL

March 6.—I have been up to look at the dance and supper-rooms, for the
inauguration ball at the Patent office; and I could not help thinking, what a
different scene they presented to my view a while since, fill'd with a
crowded mass of the worst wounded of the war, brought in from second
Bull Run, Antietam, and Fredericksburgh. To-night, beautiful women,
perfumes, the violin's sweetness, the polka and the waltz; then the
amputation, the blue face, the groan, the glassy eye of the dying, the clotted
rag, the odor of wounds and blood, and many a mother's son amid strangers,
passing away untended there, (for the crowd of the badly hurt was great,
and much for nurse to do, and much for surgeon.)

SCENE AT THE CAPITOL

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I must mention a strange scene at the capitol, the hall of Representatives,
the morning of Saturday last, (March 4th.) The day just dawn'd, but in half-
darkness, everything dim, leaden, and soaking. In that dim light, the
members nervous from long drawn duty, exhausted, some asleep, and many
half asleep. The gas-light, mix'd with the dingy day-break, produced an
unearthly effect. The poor little sleepy, stumbling pages, the smell of the
hall, the members with heads leaning on their desks, the sounds of the
voices speaking, with unusual intonations—the general moral atmosphere
also of the close of this important session—the strong hope that the war is
approaching its close—the tantalizing dread lest the hope may be a false
one—the grandeur of the hall itself, with its effect of vast shadows up
toward the panels and spaces over the galleries—all made a mark'd
combination.
In the midst of this, with the suddenness of a thunderbolt, burst one of the
most angry and crashing storms of rain and hail ever heard. It beat like a
deluge on the heavy glass roof of the hall, and the wind literally howl'd and
roar'd. For a moment, (and no wonder,) the nervous and sleeping
Representatives were thrown into confusion. The slumberers awaked with
fear, some started for the doors, some look'd up with blanch'd cheeks and
lips to the roof, and the little pages began to cry; it was a scene. But it was
over almost as soon as the drowsied men were actually awake. They
recover'd themselves; the storm raged on, beating, dashing, and with loud
noises at times. But the House went ahead with its business then, I think, as
calmly and with as much deliberation as at any time in its career. Perhaps
the shock did it good. (One is not without impression, after all, amid these
members of Congress, of both the Houses, that if the flat routine of their
duties should ever be broken in upon by some great emergency involving
real danger, and calling for first-class personal qualities, those qualities
would be found generally forthcoming, and from men not now credited
with them.)

A YANKEE ANTIQUE

March 27, 1865.—Sergeant Calvin F. Harlowe, company C, 29th
Massachusetts, 3d brigade, 1st division, Ninth corps—a mark'd sample of
heroism and death, (some may say bravado, but I say heroism, of grandest,
oldest order)—in the late attack by the rebel troops, and temporary capture

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by them, of fort Steadman, at night. The fort was surprised at dead of night.
Suddenly awaken'd from their sleep, and rushing from their tents, Harlowe,
with others, found himself in the hands of the secesh—they demanded his
surrender—he answer'd, Never while I live. (Of course it was useless. The
others surrender'd; the odds were too great.) Again he was ask'd to yield,
this time by a rebel captain. Though surrounded, and quite calm, he again
refused, call'd sternly to his comrades to fight on, and himself attempted to
do so. The rebel captain then shot him—but at the same instant he shot the
captain. Both fell together mortally wounded. Harlowe died almost
instantly. The rebels were driven out in a very short time. The body was
buried next day, but soon taken up and sent home, (Plymouth county,
Mass.) Harlowe was only 22 years of age—was a tall, slim, dark-hair'd,
blue-eyed young man—had come out originally with the 29th; and that is
the way he met his death, after four years' campaign. He was in the Seven
Days fight before Richmond, in second Bull Run, Antietam, first
Fredericksburgh, Vicksburgh, Jackson, Wilderness, and the campaigns
following—was as good a soldier as ever wore the blue, and every old
officer in the regiment will bear that testimony. Though so young, and in a
common rank, he had a spirit as resolute and brave as any hero in the books,
ancient or modern—It was too great to say the words "I surrender"—and so
he died. (When I think of such things, knowing them well, all the vast and
complicated events of the war, on which history dwells and makes its
volumes, fall aside, and for the moment at any rate I see nothing but young
Calvin Harlowe's figure in the night, disdaining to surrender.)

WOUNDS AND DISEASES

The war is over, but the hospitals are fuller than ever, from former and
current cases. A large' majority of the wounds are in the arms and legs. But
there is every kind of wound, in every part of the body. I should say of the
sick, from my observation, that the prevailing maladies are typhoid fever
and the camp fevers generally, diarrhoea, catarrhal affections and
bronchitis, rheumatism and pneumonia. These forms of sickness lead; all
the rest follow. There are twice as many sick as there are wounded. The
deaths range from seven to ten per cent, of those under treatment.{7}
Endnotes:

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{7} In the U. S. Surgeon-General's office since, there is a formal record
and treatment of 153, 142 cases of wounds by government surgeons. What
must have been the number unofficial, indirect—to say nothing of the
Southern armies?

DEATH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

April 16, '65.—I find in my notes of the time, this passage on the death of
Abraham Lincoln: He leaves for America's history and biography, so far,
not only its most dramatic reminiscence—he leaves, in my opinion, the
greatest, best, most characteristic, artistic, moral personality. Not but that he
had faults, and show'd them in the Presidency; but honesty, goodness,
shrewdness, conscience, and (a new virtue, unknown to other lands, and
hardly yet really known here, but the foundation and tie of all, as the future
will grandly develop,) UNIONISM, in its truest and amplest sense, form'd
the hard-pan of his character. These he seal'd with his life. The tragic
splendor of his death, purging, illuminating all, throws round his form, his
head, an aureole that will remain and will grow brighter through time, while
history lives, and love of country lasts. By many has this Union been help'd;
but if one name, one man, must be pick'd out, he, most of all, is the
conservator of it, to the future. He was assassinated—but the Union is not
assassinated—ça ira! One falls and another falls. The soldier drops, sinks
like a wave—but the ranks of the ocean eternally press on. Death does its
work, obliterates a hundred, a thousand—President, general, captain,
private,—but the Nation is immortal.

SHERMAN'S ARMY'S JUBILATION—ITS SUDDEN
STOPPAGE

When Sherman's armies, (long after they left Atlanta,) were marching
through Southand North Carolina—after leaving Savannah, the news of
Lee's capitulation having been receiv'd—the men never mov'd a mile
without from some part of the line sending up continued, inspiriting shouts.
At intervals all day long sounded out the wild music of those peculiar army
cries. They would be commenc'd by one regiment or brigade, immediately
taken up by others, and at length whole corps and armies would join in
these wild triumphant choruses. It was one of the characteristic expressions

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of the western troops, and became a habit, serving as a relief and outlet to
the men—a vent for their feelings of victory, returning peace, &c. Morning,
noon, and afternoon, spontaneous, for occasion or without occasion, these
huge, strange cries, differing from any other, echoing through the open air
for many a mile, expressing youth, joy, wildness, irrepressible strength, and
the ideas of advance and conquest, sounded along the swamps and uplands
of the South, floating to the skies. ("There never were men that kept in
better spirits in danger or defeat—what then could they do in victory?"—
said one of the 15th corps to me, afterwards.) This exuberance continued till
the armies arrived at Raleigh. There the news of the President's murder was
receiv'd. Then no more shouts or yells, for a week. All the marching was
comparatively muffled. It was very significant—hardly a loud word or
laugh in many of the regiments. A hush and silence pervaded all.

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NO GOOD PORTRAIT OF LINCOLN

Probably the reader has seen physiognomies (often old farmers, sea-
captains, and such) that, behind their homeliness, or even ugliness, held
superior points so subtle, yet so palpable, making the real life of their faces
almost as impossible to depict as a wild perfume or fruit-taste, or a
passionate tone of the living voice—and such was Lincoln's face, the
peculiar color, the lines of it, the eyes, mouth, expression. Of technical
beauty it had nothing—but to the eye of a great artist it furnished a rare
study, a feast and fascination. The current portraits are all failures—most of
them caricatures.

RELEAS'D UNION PRISONERS FROM SOUTH

The releas'd prisoners of war are now coming up from the southern
prisons. I have seen a number of them. The sight is worse than any sight of
battle-fields, or any collection of wounded, even the bloodiest. There was,
(as a sample,) one large boat load, of several hundreds, brought about the
25th, to Annapolis; and out of the whole number only three individuals
were able to walk from the boat. The rest were carried ashore and laid down
in one place or another. Can those be men—those little livid brown, ash-
streak'd, monkey-looking dwarfs?—are they really not mummied, dwindled
corpses? They lay there, most of them, quite still, but with a horrible look in
their eyes and skinny lips (often with not enough flesh on the lips to cover
their teeth.) Probably no more appalling sight was ever seen on this earth.
(There are deeds, crimes, that may be forgiven; but this is not among them.
It steeps its perpetrators in blackest, escapeless, endless damnation. Over
50,000 have been compell' d to die the death of starvation—reader, did you
ever try to realize what starvation actually is?—in those prisons—and in a
land of plenty.) An indescribable meanness, tyranny, aggravating course of
insults, almost incredible—was evidently the rule of treatment through all
the southern military prisons. The dead there are not to be pitied as much as
some of the living that come from there—if they can be call' d living—
many of them are mentally imbecile, and will never recuperate.{8}
Endnotes:

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{8} From a review of "ANDERSONVILLE, A STORY OF SOUTHERN
MILTTARY PRISONS," published serially in the Toledo "Blade" in 1879,
and afterwards in book form.
"There is a deep fascination in the subject of Andersonville—for that
Golgotha, in which lie the whitening bones of 13,000 gallant young men,
represents the dearest and costliest sacrifice of the war for the preservation
of our national unity. It is a type, too, of its class. Its more than hundred
hecatombs of dead represent several times that number of their brethren, for
whom the prison gates of Belle Isle, Danville, Salisbury, Florence,
Columbia, and Cahaba open'd only in eternity. There are few families in the
North who have not at least one dear relative or friend among these 60,000
whose sad fortune it was to end their service for the Union by lying down
and dying for it in a southern prison pen. The manner of their death, the
horrors that cluster'd thickly around every moment of their existence, the
loyal, unfaltering steadfastness with which they endured all that fate had
brought them, has never been adequately told. It was not with them as with
their comrades in the field, whose every act was perform'd in the presence
of those whose duty it was to observe such matters and report them to the
world. Hidden from the view of their friends in the north by the
impenetrable veil which the military operations of the rebels drew around
the so-called confederacy, the people knew next to nothing of their career or
their sufferings. Thousands died there less heeded even than the hundreds
who perish'd on the battlefield. Grant did not lose as many men kill'd
outright, in the terrible campaign from the Wilderness to the James river—
43 days of desperate fighting—as died in July and August at Andersonville.
Nearly twice as many died in that prison as fell from the day that Grant
cross'd the Rapidan, till he settled down in the trenches before Petersburg.
More than four times as many Union dead lie under the solemn soughing
pines about that forlorn little village in southern Georgia, than mark the
course of Sherman from Chattanooga to Atlanta. The nation stands aghast at
the expenditure of life which attended the two bloody campaigns of 1864,
which virtually crush'd the confederacy, but no one remembers that more
Union soldiers died in the rear of the rebel lines than were kill'd in the front
of them. The great military events which stamp'd out the rebellion drew
attention away from the sad drama which starvation and disease play'd in
those gloomy pens in the far recesses of sombre southern forests."
From a letter of "Johnny Bouquet," in N. Y. "Tribune," March 27, '81.

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"I visited at Salisbury, N. C., the prison pen or the site of it, from which
nearly 11,000 victims of southern politicians were buried, being confined in
a pen without shelter, exposed to all the elements could do, to all the disease
herding animals together could create, and to all the starvation and cruelty
an incompetent and intense caitiff government could accomplish. From the
conversation and almost from the recollection of the northern people this
place has dropp' d, but not so in the gossip of the Salisbury people, nearly
all of whom say that the half was never told; that such was the nature of
habitual outrage here that when Federal prisoners escaped the townspeople
harbor'd them in their barns, afraid the vengeance of God would fall on
them, to deliver even their enemies back to such cruelty. Said one old man
at the Boyden House, who join'd in the conversation one evening: 'There
were often men buried out of that prison pen still alive. I have the testimony
of a surgeon that he had seen them pull'd out of the dead cart with their eyes
open and taking notice, but too weak to lift a finger. There was not the least
excuse for such treatment, as the confederate government had seized every
sawmill in the region, and could just as well have put up shelter for these
prisoners as not, wood being plentiful here. It will be hard to make any
honest man in Salisbury say that there was the slightest necessity for those
prisoners having to live in old tents, caves and holes half-full of water.
Representations were made to the Davis government against the officers in
charge of it, but no attention was paid to them. Promotion was the
punishment for cruelty there. The inmates were skeletons. Hell could have
no terrors for any man who died there, except the inhuman keepers.'"

DEATH OF A PENNSYLVANIA SOLDIER

Frank H. Irwin, company E, 93rd Pennsylvania—died May 1, '65—My
letter to his mother—Dear madam: No doubt you and Frank's friends have
heard the sad fact of his death in hospital here, through his uncle, or the
lady from Baltimore, who took his things. (I have not seen them, only heard
of them visiting Frank.) I will write you a few lines—as a casual friend that
sat by his death-bed. Your son, corporal Frank H. Irwin, was wounded near
fort Fisher, Virginia, March 25th, 1865—the wound was in the left knee,
pretty bad. He was sent up to Washington, was receiv'd in ward C, Armory-
square hospital, March 28th—the wound became worse, and on the 4th of
April the leg was amputated a little above the knee—the operation was

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perform' d by Dr. Bliss, one of the best surgeons in the army—he did the
whole operation himself—there was a good deal of bad matter gather'd—
the bullet was found in the knee. For a couple of weeks afterwards he was
doing pretty well. I visited and sat by him frequently, as he was fond of
having me. The last ten or twelve days of April I saw that his case was
critical. He previously had some fever, with cold spells. The last week in
April he was much of the time flighty—but always mild and gentle. He died
first of May. The actual cause of death was pyaemia, (the absorption of the
matter in the system instead of its discharge.) Frank, as far as I saw, had
everything requisite in surgical treatment, nursing, &c. He had watches
much of the time. He was so good and well-behaved and affectionate, I
myself liked him very much. I was in the habit of coming in afternoons and
sitting by him, and soothing him, and he liked to have me—liked to put his
arm out and lay his hand on my knee—would keep it so a long while.
Toward the last he was more restless and flighty at night—often fancied
himself with his regiment—by his talk sometimes seem'd as if his feelings
were hurt by being blamed by his officers for something he was entirely
innocent of—said, "I never in my life was thought capable of such a thing,
and never was." At other times he would fancy himself talking as it seem'd
to children or such like, his relatives I suppose, and giving them good
advice; would talk to them a long while. All the time he was out of his head
not one single bad word or idea escaped him. It was remark'd that many a
man's conversation in his senses was not half as good as Frank's delirium.
He seem'd quite willing to die—he had become very weak and had suffer'd
a good deal, and was perfectly resign'd, poor boy. I do not know his past
life, but I feel as if it must have been good. At any rate what I saw of him
here, under the most trying circumstances, with a painful wound, and
among strangers, I can say that he behaved so brave, so composed, and so
sweet and affectionate, it could not be surpass'd. And now like many other
noble and good men, after serving his country as a soldier, he has yielded
up his young life at the very outset in her service. Such things are gloomy—
yet there is a text, "God doeth all things well"—the meaning of which, after
due time, appears to the soul.
I thought perhaps a few words, though from a stranger, about your son,
from one who was with him at the last, might be worth while—for I loved
the young man, though I but saw him immediately to lose him. I am merely
a friend visiting the hospitals occasionally to cheer the wounded and sick.

Page 97

W. W.

THE ARMIES RETURNING

May 7.—Sunday.—To-day as I was walking a mile or two south of
Alexandria, I fell in with several large squads of the returning Western
army, (Sherman's men as they call'd themselves) about a thousand in all, the
largest portion of them half sick, some convalescents, on their way to a
hospital camp. These fragmentary excerpts, with the unmistakable Western
physiognomy and idioms, crawling along slowly—after a great campaign,
blown this way, as it were, out of their latitude—I mark'd with curiosity,
and talk'd with off and on for over an hour. Here and there was one very
sick; but all were able to walk, except some of the last, who had given out,
and were seated on the ground, faint and despondent. These I tried to cheer,
told them the camp they were to reach was only a little way further over the
hill, and so got them up and started, accompanying some of the worst a
little way, and helping them, or putting them under the support of stronger
comrades.
May 21.—Saw General Sheridan and his cavalry to-day; a strong,
attractive sight; the men were mostly young, (a few middle-aged,) superb-
looking fellows, brown, spare, keen, with well-worn clothing, many with
pieces of water-proof cloth around their shoulders, hanging down. They
dash'd along pretty fast, in wide close ranks, all spatter'd with mud; no
holiday soldiers; brigade after brigade. I could have watch'd for a week.
Sheridan stood on a balcony, under a big tree, coolly smoking a cigar. His
looks and manner impress'd me favorably.
May 22.—Have been taking a walk along Pennsylvania avenue and
Seventh street north. The city is full of soldiers, running around loose.
Officers everywhere, of all grades. All have the weatherbeaten look of
practical service. It is a sight I never tire of. All the armies are now here (or
portions of them,) for to-morrow's review. You see them swarming like bees
everywhere.

THE GRAND REVIEW

Page 98

For two days now the broad spaces of Pennsylvania avenue along to
Treasury hill, and so by detour around to the President's house, and so up to
Georgetown, and across the aqueduct bridge, have been alive with a
magnificent sight, the returning armies. In their wide ranks stretching clear
across the Avenue, I watch them march or ride along, at a brisk pace,
through two whole days—infantry, cavalry, artillery—some 200,000 men.
Some days afterwards one or two other corps; and then, still afterwards, a
good part of Sherman's immense army, brought up from Charleston,
Savannah, &c.

WESTERN SOLDIERS

May 26-7.—The streets, the public buildings and grounds of Washington,
still swarm with soldiers from Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Missouri, Iowa, and
all the Western States. I am continually meeting and talking with them.
They often speak to me first, and always show great sociability, and glad to
have a good interchange of chat. These Western soldiers are more slow in
their movements, and in their intellectual quality also; have no extreme
alertness. They are larger in size, have a more serious physiognomy, are
continually looking at you as they pass in the street. They are largely
animal, and handsomely so. During the war I have been at times with the
Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, and Twentieth Corps. I always feel
drawn toward the men, and like their personal contact when we are crowded
close together, as frequently these days in the street-cars. They all think the
world of General Sherman; call him "old Bill," or sometimes "uncle Billy."

A SOLDIER ON LINCOLN

May 28.—As I sat by the bedside of a sick Michigan soldier in hospital
to-day, a convalescent from the adjoining bed rose and came to me, and
presently we began talking. He was a middleaged man, belonged to the 2d
Virginia regiment, but lived in Racine, Ohio, and had a family there. He
spoke of President Lincoln, and said: "The war is over, and many are lost.
And now we have lost the best, the fairest, the truest man in America. Take
him altogether, he was the best man this country ever produced. It was quite
a while I thought very different; but some time before the murder, that's the
way I have seen it." There was deep earnestness in the soldier. (I found

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upon further talk he had known Mr. Lincoln personally, and quite closely,
years before.) He was a veteran; was now in the fifth year of his service;
was a cavalry man, and had been in a good deal of hard fighting.

TWO BROTHERS, ONE SOUTH, ONE NORTH

May 28-9.—I staid to-night a long time by the bedside of a new patient, a
young Baltimorean, aged about 19 years, W. S. P., (2d Maryland, southern,)
very feeble, right leg amputated, can't sleep hardly at all—has taken a great
deal of morphine, which, as usual, is costing more than it comes to.
Evidently very intelligent and well bred—very affectionate—held on to my
hand, and put it by his face, not willing to let me leave. As I was lingering,
soothing him in his pain, he says to me suddenly, "I hardly think you know
who I am—I don't wish to impose upon you—I am a rebel soldier." I said I
did not know that, but it made no difference. Visiting him daily for about
two weeks after that, while he lived, (death had mark'd him, and he was
quite alone,) I loved him much, always kiss'd him, and he did me. In an
adjoining ward I found his brother, an officer of rank, a Union soldier, a
brave and religious man, (Col. Clifton K. Prentiss, sixth Maryland infantry,
Sixth corps, wounded in one of the engagements at Petersburgh, April 2—
linger'd, suffer'd much, died in Brooklyn, Aug. 20, '65). It was in the same
battle both were hit. One was a strong Unionist, the other Secesh; both
fought on their respective sides, both badly wounded, and both brought
together here after a separation of four years. Each died for his cause.

SOME SAD CASES YET

May 31.—James H. Williams, aged 21, 3d Virginia cavalry.-About as
mark'd a case of a strong man brought low by a complication of diseases,
(laryngitis, fever, debility and diarrhoea,) as I have ever seen—has superb
physique, remains swarthy yet, and flushed and red with fever-is altogether
flighty—flesh of his great breast and arms tremulous, and pulse pounding
away with treble quickness—lies a good deal of the time in a partial sleep,
but with low muttering and groans—a sleep in which there is no rest.
Powerful as he is, and so young, he will not be able to stand many more
days of the strain and sapping heat of yesterday and to-day. His throat is in
a bad way, tongue and lips parch'd. When I ask him how he feels, he is able

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just to articulate, "I feel pretty bad yet, old man," and looks at me with his
great bright eyes. Father, John Williams, Millensport, Ohio.
June 9-10.—I have been sitting late to-night by the bedside of a wounded
captain, a special friend of mine, lying with a painful fracture of left leg in
one of the hospitals, in a large ward partially vacant. The lights were put
out, all but a little candle, far from where I sat. The full moon shone in
through the windows, making long, slanting silvery patches on the floor. All
was still, my friend too was silent, but could not sleep; so I sat there by him,
slowly wafting the fan, and occupied with the musings that arose out of the
scene, the long shadowy ward, the beautiful ghostly moonlight on the floor,
the white beds, here and there an occupant with huddled form, the bed-
clothes thrown off. The hospitals have a number of cases of sun-stroke and
exhaustion by heat, from the late reviews. There are many such from the
Sixth corps, from the hot parade of day before yesterday. (Some of these
shows cost the lives of scores of men.)
Sunday, Sep. 10.—Visited Douglas and Stanton hospitals. They are quite
full. Many of the cases are bad ones, lingering wounds, and old sickness.
There is a more than usual look of despair on the countenances of many of
the men; hope has left them. I went through the wards, talking as usual.
There are several here from the confederate army whom I had seen in other
hospitals, and they recognized me. Two were in a dying condition.

CALHOUN'S REAL MONUMENT

In one of the hospital tents for special cases, as I sat to-day tending a new
amputation, I heard a couple of neighboring soldiers talking to each other
from their cots. One down with fever, but improving, had come up belated
from Charleston not long before. The other was what we now call an "old
veteran," (i.e., he was a Connecticut youth, probably of less than the age of
twenty-five years, the four last of which he had spent in active service in the
war in all parts of the country.) The two were chatting of one thing and
another. The fever soldier spoke of John C. Calhoun's monument, which he
had seen, and was describing it. The veteran said: "I have seen Calhoun's
monument. That you saw is not the real monument. But I have seen it. It is
the desolated, ruined south; nearly the whole generation of young men
between seventeen and thirty destroyed or maim'd; all the old families used
up—the rich impoverish'd, the plantations cover'd with weeds, the slaves

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unloos'd and become the masters, and the name of southerner blacken'd
with every shame—all that is Calhoun's real monument."

HOSPITALS CLOSING

October 3.—There are two army hospitals now remaining. I went to the
largest of these (Douglas) and spent the afternoon and evening. There are
many sad cases, old wounds, incurable sickness, and some of the wounded
from the March and April battles before Richmond. Few realize how sharp
and bloody those closing battles were. Our men exposed themselves more
than usual; press'd ahead without urging. Then the southerners fought with
extra desperation. Both sides knew that with the successful chasing of the
rebel cabal from Richmond, and the occupation of that city by the national
troops, the game was up. The dead and wounded were unusually many. Of
the wounded the last lingering driblets have been brought to hospital here. I
find many rebel wounded here, and have been extra busy to-day 'tending to
the worst cases of them with the rest.
Oct., Nov. and Dec., '65—Sundays—Every Sunday of these months
visited Harewood hospital out in the woods, pleasant and recluse, some two
and a half or three miles north of the capitol. The situation is healthy, with
broken ground, grassy slopes and patches of oak woods, the trees large and
fine. It was one of the most extensive of the hospitals, now reduced to four
or five partially occupied wards, the numerous others being vacant. In
November, this became the last military hospital kept up by the
government, all the others being closed. Cases of the worst and most
incurable wounds, obstinate illness, and of poor fellows who have no homes
to go to, are found here.
Dec. 10—Sunday—Again spending a good part of the day at Harewood. I
write this about an hour before sundown. I have walk'd out for a few
minutes to the edge of the woods to soothe myself with the hour and scene.
It is a glorious, warm, golden-sunny, still afternoon. The only noise is from
a crowd of cawing crows, on some trees three hundred yards distant.
Clusters of gnats swimming and dancing in the air in all directions. The oak
leaves are thick under the bare trees, and give a strong and delicious
perfume. Inside the wards everything is gloomy. Death is there. As I enter'd,
I was confronted by it the first thing; a corpse of a poor soldier, just dead, of

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typhoid fever. The attendants had just straighten'd the limbs, put coppers on
the eyes, and were laying it out.
The roads—A great recreation, the past three years, has been in taking
long walks out from Washington, five, seven, perhaps ten miles and back;
generally with my friend Peter Doyle, who is as fond of it as I am. Fine
moonlight nights, over the perfect military roads, hard and smooth—or
Sundays—we had these delightful walks, never to be forgotten. The roads
connecting Washington and the numerous forts around the city, made one
useful result, at any rate, out of the war.

TYPICAL SOLDIERS

Even the typical soldiers I have been personally intimate with,—it seems
to me if I were to make a list of them it would be like a city directory. Some
few only have I mention'd in the foregoing pages—most are dead—a few
yet living. There is Reuben Farwell, of Michigan, (little "Mitch;") Benton
H. Wilson, color-bearer, 185th New York; Wm. Stansberry; Manvill
Winterstein, Ohio; Bethuel Smith; Capt. Simms, of 51st New York, (kill'd at
Petersburgh mine explosion,) Capt. Sam. Pooley and Lieut. Fred. McReady,
same reg't. Also, same reg't., my brother, George W. Whitman—in active
service all through, four years, re-enlisting twice—was promoted, step by
step, (several times immediately after battles,) lieutenant, captain, major
and lieut. colonel—was in the actions at Roanoke, Newbern, 2d Bull Run,
Chantilly, South Mountain, Antietam, Fredericksburgh, Vicksburgh,
Jackson, the bloody conflicts of the Wilderness, and at Spottsylvania, Cold
Harbor, and afterwards around Petersburgh; at one of these latter was taken
prisoner, and pass'd four or five months in secesh military prisons, narrowly
escaping with life, from a severe fever, from starvation and half-nakedness
in the winter. (What a history that 51st New York had! Went out early—
march'd, fought everywhere—was in storms at sea, nearly wreck'd—storm'd
forts—tramp'd hither and yon in Virginia, night and day, summer of '62—
afterwards Kentucky and Mississippi—re-enlisted—was in all the
engagements and campaigns, as above.) I strengthen and comfort myself
much with the certainty that the capacity for just such regiments, (hundreds,
thousands of them) is inexhaustible in the United States, and that there isn't
a county nor a township in the republic—nor a street in any city—but could

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turn out, and, on occasion, would turn out, lots of just such typical soldiers,
whenever wanted.

"CONVULSIVENESS"

As I have look'd over the proof-sheets of the preceding pages, I have
once or twice fear'd that my diary would prove, at best, but a batch of
convulsively written reminiscences. Well, be it so.
They are but parts of the actual distraction, heat, smoke and excitement
of those times. The war itself, with the temper of society preceding it, can
indeed be best described by that very word convulsiveness.

THREE YEARS SUMM'D UP

During those three years in hospital, camp or field, I made over six
hundred visits or tours, and went, as I estimate, counting all, among from
eighty thousand to a hundred thousand of the wounded and sick, as
sustainer of spirit and body in some degree, in time of need. These visits
varied from an hour or two, to all day or night; for with dear or critical
cases I generally watch'd all night. Sometimes I took up my quarters in the
hospital, and slept or watch'd there several nights in succession. Those three
years I consider the greatest privilege and satisfaction, (with all their
feverish excitements and physical deprivations and lamentable sights,) and,
of course, the most profound lesson of my life. I can say that in my
ministerings I comprehended all, whoever came in my way, northern or
southern, and slighted none. It arous'd and brought out and decided
undream'd-of depths of emotion. It has given me my most fervent views of
the true ensemble and extent of the States. While I was with wounded and
sick in thousands of cases from the New England States, and from New
York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and from Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, and all the Western States, I was with more or less from all
the States, North and South, without exception. I was with many from the
border States, especially from Maryland and Virginia, and found, during
those lurid years 1862-63, far more Union southerners, especially
Tennesseans, than is supposed. I was with many rebel officers and men
among our wounded, and gave them always what I had, and tried to cheer
them the same as any. I was among the army teamsters considerably, and,

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indeed, always found myself drawn to them. Among the black soldiers,
wounded or sick, and in the contraband camps, I also took my way
whenever in their neighborhood, and did what I could for them.

THE MILLION DEAD, TOO, SUMM'D UP

The dead in this war—there they lie, strewing the fields and woods and
valleys and battle-fields of the south—Virginia, the Peninsula—Malvern
hill and Fair Oaks—the banks of the Chickahominy—the terraces of
Fredericksburgh—Antietam bridge—the grisly ravines of Manassas—the
bloody promenade of the Wilderness—the varieties of the strayed dead, (the
estimate of the War department is 25,000 national soldiers kill'd in battle
and never buried at all, 5,000 drown'd—15,000 inhumed by strangers, or on
the march in haste, in hitherto unfound localities—2,000 graves cover'd by
sand and mud by Mississippi freshets, 3,000 carried away by caving-in of
banks, &c.,)—Gettysburgh, the West, Southwest—Vicksburgh—
Chattanooga—the trenches of Petersburgh—the numberless battles, camps,
hospitals everywhere—the crop reap'd by the mighty reapers, typhoid,
dysentery, inflammations—and blackest and loathesomest of all, the dead
and living burial-pits, the prison-pens of Andersonville, Salisbury, Belle-
Isle, &c., (not Dante's pictured hell and all its woes, its degradations, filthy
torments, excell'd those prisons)—the dead, the dead, the dead—our dead—
or South or North, ours all, (all, all, all, finally dear to me)—or East or West
—Atlantic coast or Mississippi valley—somewhere they crawl'd to die,
alone, in bushes, low gullies, or on the sides of hills—(there, in secluded
spots, their skeletons, bleach'd bones, tufts of hair, buttons, fragments of
clothing, are occasionally found yet)—our young men once so handsome
and so joyous, taken from us—the son from the mother, the husband from
the wife, the dear friend from the dear friend—the clusters of camp graves,
in Georgia, the Carolinas, and in Tennessee—the single graves left in the
woods or by the roadside, (hundreds, thousands, obliterated)—the corpses
floated down the rivers, and caught and lodged, (dozens, scores, floated
down the upper Potomac, after the cavalry engagements, the pursuit of Lee,
following Gettysburgh)—some lie at the bottom of the sea—the general
million, and the special cemeteries in almost all the States—the infinite
dead—(the land entire saturated, perfumed with their impalpable ashes'
exhalation in Nature's chemistry distill'd, and shall be so forever, in every

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future grain of wheat and ear of corn, and every flower that grows, and
every breath we draw)—not only Northern dead leavening Southern soil—
thousands, aye tens of thousands, of Southerners, crumble to-day in
Northern earth.
And everywhere among these countless graves—everywhere in the many
soldier Cemeteries of the Nation, (there are now, I believe, over seventy of
them)—as at the time in the vast trenches, the depositories of slain,
Northern and Southern, after the great battles—not only where the scathing
trail passed those years, but radiating since in all the peaceful quarters of
the land—we see, and ages yet may see, on monuments and gravestones,
singly or in masses, to thousands or tens of thousands, the significant word
UNKNOWN.
(In some of the cemeteries nearly all the dead are unknown. At Salisbury,
N. C., for instance, the known are only 85, while the unknown are 12,027,
and 11,700 of these are buried in trenches. A national monument has been
put up here, by order of Congress, to mark the spot—but what visible,
material monument can ever fittingly commemorate that spot?)

THE REAL WAR WILL NEVER GET IN THE BOOKS

And so good-bye to the war. I know not how it may have been, or may
be, to others—to me the main interest I found, (and still, on recollection,
find,) in the rank and file of the armies, both sides, and in those specimens
amid the hospitals, and even the dead on the field. To me the points
illustrating the latent personal character and eligibilities of these States, in
the two or three millions of American young and middle-aged men, North
and South, embodied in those armies—and especially the one-third or one-
fourth of their number, stricken by wounds or disease at some time in the
course of the contest—were of more significance even than the political
interests involved. (As so much of a race depends on how it faces death,
and how it stands personal anguish and sickness. As, in the glints of
emotions under emergencies, and the indirect traits and asides in Plutarch,
we get far profounder clues to the antique world than all its more formal
history.)
Future years will never know the seething hell and the black infernal
background of countless minor scenes and interiors, (not the official

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surface-courteousness of the Generals, not the few great battles) of the
Secession war; and it is best they should not—the real war will never get in
the books. In the mushy influences of current times, too, the fervid
atmosphere and typical events of those years are in danger of being totally
forgotten. I have at night watch'd by the side of a sick man in the hospital,
one who could not live many hours. I have seen his eyes flash and burn as
he raised himself and recurr'd to the cruelties on his surrender'd brother, and
mutilations of the corpse afterward. (See in the preceding pages, the
incident at Upperville—the seventeen kill'd as in the description, were left
there on the ground. After they dropt dead, no one touch'd them—all were
made sure of, however. The carcasses were left for the citizens to bury or
not, as they chose.)
Such was the war. It was not a quadrille in a ball-room. Its interior
history will not only never be written—its practicality, minutia; of deeds
and passions, will never be even suggested. The actual soldier of 1862-'65,
North and South, with all his ways, his incredible dauntlessness, habits,
practices, tastes, language, his fierce friendship, his appetite, rankness, his
superb strength and animality, lawless gait, and a hundred unnamed lights
and shades of camp, I say, will never be written—perhaps must not and
should not be.
The preceding notes may furnish a few stray glimpses into that life, and
into those lurid interiors, never to be fully convey'd to the future. The
hospital part of the drama from '61 to '65, deserves indeed to be recorded.
Of that many-threaded drama, with its sudden and strange surprises, its
confounding of prophecies, its moments of despair, the dread of foreign
interference, the interminable campaigns, the bloody battles, the mighty and
cumbrous and green armies, the drafts and bounties—the immense money
expenditure, like a heavy-pouring constant rain—with, over the whole land,
the last three years of the struggle, an unending, universal mourning-wail of
women, parents, orphans—the marrow of the tragedy concentrated in those
Army Hospitals—(it seem'd sometimes as if the whole interest of the land,
North and South, was one vast central hospital, and all the rest of the affair
but flanges)—those forming the untold and unwritten history of the war—
infinitely greater (like life's) than the few scraps and distortions that are
ever told or written. Think how much, and of importance, will be—how
much, civic and military, has already been—buried in the grave, in eternal
darkness.

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AN INTERREGNUM PARAGRAPH

Several years now elapse before I resume my diary. I continued at
Washington working in the Attorney-General's department through '66 and
'67, and some time afterward. In February '73 I was stricken down by
paralysis, gave up my desk, and migrated to Camden, New Jersey, where I
lived during '74 and '75, quite unwell—but after that began to grow better;
commenc'd going for weeks at a time, even for months, down in the
country, to a charmingly recluse and rural spot along Timber creek, twelve
or thirteen miles from where it enters the Delaware river. Domicil'd at the
farm-house of my friends, the Staffords, near by, I lived half the time along
this creek and its adjacent fields and lanes. And it is to my life here that I,
perhaps, owe partial recovery (a sort of second wind, or semi-renewal of the
lease of life) from the prostration of 1874-'75. If the notes of that outdoor
life could only prove as glowing to you, reader dear, as the experience itself
was to me. Doubtless in the course of the following, the fact of invalidism
will crop out, (I call myself a half-Paralytic these days, and reverently bless
the Lord it is no worse,) between some of the lines—but I get my share of
fun and healthy hours, and shall try to indicate them. (The trick is, I find, to
tone your wants and tastes low down enough, and make much of negatives,
and of mere daylight and the skies.)

NEW THEMES ENTERED UPON

1876, '77.—I find the woods in mid-May and early June my best places
for composition.{9} Seated on logs or stumps there, or resting on rails,
nearly all the following memoranda have been jotted down. Wherever I go,
indeed, winter or summer, city or country, alone at home or traveling, I
must take notes—(the ruling passion strong in age and disablement, and
even the approach of—but I must not say it yet.) Then underneath the
following excerpta—crossing the t's and dotting the i's of certain moderate
movements of late years—I am fain to fancy the foundations of quite a
lesson learn'd. After you have exhausted what there is in business, politics,
conviviality, love, and so on—have found that none of these finally satisfy,
or permanently wear—what remains? Nature remains; to bring out from
their torpid recesses, the affinities of a man or woman with the open air, the
trees, fields, the changes of seasons—the sun by day and the stars of heaven

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by night. We will begin from these convictions. Literature flies so high and
is so hotly spiced, that our notes may seem hardly more than breaths of
common air, or draughts of water to drink. But that is part of our lesson.
Dear, soothing, healthy, restoration-hours—after three confining years of
paralysis—after the long strain of the war, and its wounds and death.
Endnotes:
{9} Without apology for the abrupt change of field and atmosphere—
after what I have put in the preceding fifty or sixty pages—temporary
episodes, thank heaven!—I restore my book to the bracing and buoyant
equilibrium of concrete outdoor Nature, the only permanent reliance for
sanity of book or human life.
Who knows, (I have it in my fancy, my ambition,) but the pages now
ensuing may carry ray of sun, or smell of grass or corn, or call of bird, or
gleam of stars by night, or snow-flakes falling fresh and mystic, to denizen
of heated city house, or tired workman or workwoman?—or may-be in
sick-room or prison—to serve as cooling breeze, or Nature's aroma, to some
fever'd mouth or latent pulse.

ENTERING A LONG FARM-LANE

As every man has his hobby-liking, mine is for a real farm-lane fenced
by old chestnut-rails gray-green with dabs of moss and lichen, copious
weeds and briers growing in spots athwart the heaps of stray-pick' d stones
at the fence bases—irregular paths worn between, and horse and cow tracks
—all characteristic accompaniments marking and scenting the
neighborhood in their seasons—apple-tree blossoms in forward April—
pigs, poultry, a field of August buckwheat, and in another the long flapping
tassels of maize—and so to the pond, the expansion of the creek, the
secluded-beautiful, with young and old trees, and such recesses and vistas.

TO THE SPRING AND BROOK

So, still sauntering on, to the spring under the willows—musical as soft
clinking glasses-pouring a sizeable stream, thick as my neck, pure and clear,
out from its vent where the bank arches over like a great brown shaggy
eyebrow or mouth-roof—gurgling, gurgling ceaselessly—meaning, saying

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something, of course (if one could only translate it)—always gurgling there,
the whole year through—never giving out—oceans of mint, blackberries in
summer—choice of light and shade—just the place for my July sun-baths
and water-baths too—but mainly the inimitable soft sound-gurgles of it, as I
sit there hot afternoons. How they and all grow into me, day after day—
everything in keeping—the wild, just-palpable perfume, and the dappled
leaf-shadows, and all the natural-medicinal, elemental-moral influences of
the spot.
Babble on, O brook, with that utterance of thine! I too will express what I
have gather'd in my days and progress, native, subterranean, past—and now
thee. Spin and wind thy way—I with thee, a little while, at any rate. As I
haunt thee so often, season by season, thou knowest, reckest not me, (yet
why be so certain? who can tell?)—but I will learn from thee, and dwell on
thee—receive, copy, print from thee.

AN EARLY SUMMER REVEILLE

Away then to loosen, to unstring the divine bow, so tense, so long. Away,
from curtain, carpet, sofa, book—from "society"—from city house, street,
and modern improvements and luxuries—away to the primitive winding,
aforementioned wooded creek, with its untrimm'd bushes and turfy banks—
away from ligatures, tight boots, buttons, and the whole cast-iron civilized
life—from entourage of artificial store, machine, studio, office, parlor—
from tailordom and fashion's clothes—from any clothes, perhaps, for the
nonce, the summer heats advancing, there in those watery, shaded solitudes.
Away, thou soul, (let me pick thee out singly, reader dear, and talk in perfect
freedom, negligently, confidentially,) for one day and night at least,
returning to the naked source-life of us all—to the breast of the great silent
savage all-acceptive Mother. Alas! how many of us are so sodden—how
many have wander'd so far away, that return is almost impossible.
But to my jottings, taking them as they come, from the heap, without
particular selection. There is little consecutiveness in dates. They run any
time within nearly five or six years. Each was carelessly pencilled in the
open air, at the time and place. The printers will learn this to some vexation
perhaps, as much of their copy is from those hastily-written first notes.

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BIRDS MIGRATING AT MIDNIGHT

Did you ever chance to hear the midnight flight of birds passing through
the air and darkness overhead, in countless armies, changing their early or
late summer habitat? It is something not to be forgotten. A friend called me
up just after 12 last night to mark the peculiar noise of unusually immense
flocks migrating north (rather late this year.) In the silence, shadow and
delicious odor of the hour, (the natural perfume belonging to the night
alone,) I thought it rare music. You could hear the characteristic motion—
once or twice "the rush of mighty wings," but often a velvety rustle, long
drawn out—sometimes quite near—with continual calls and chirps, and
some song-notes. It all lasted from 12 till after 3. Once in a while the
species was plainly distinguishable; I could make out the bobolink, tanager,
Wilson's thrush, white-crown'd sparrow, and occasionally from high in the
air came the notes of the plover.

BUMBLE-BEES

May-month—month of swarming, singing, mating birds—the bumble-
bee month—month of the flowering lilac-(and then my own birth-month.)
As I jot this paragraph, I am out just after sunrise, and down towards the
creek. The lights, perfumes, melodies—the blue birds, grass birds and
robins, in every direction—the noisy, vocal, natural concert. For
undertones, a neighboring wood-pecker tapping his tree, and the distant
clarion of chanticleer. Then the fresh-earth smells—the colors, the delicate
drabs and thin blues of the perspective. The bright green of the grass has
receiv'd an added tinge from the last two days' mildness and moisture. How
the sun silently mounts in the broad clear sky, on his day's journey! How the
warm beams bathe all, and come streaming kissingly and almost hot on my
face.
A while since the croaking of the pond-frogs and the first white of the
dog-wood blossoms. Now the golden dandelions in endless profusion,
spotting the ground everywhere. The white cherry and pear-blows—the
wild violets, with their blue eyes looking up and saluting my feet, as I
saunter the wood-edge—the rosy blush of budding apple-trees—the light-
clear emerald hue of the wheat-fields—the darker green of the rye—a warm
elasticity pervading the air—the cedar-bushes profusely deck'd with their

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little brown apples—the summer fully awakening—the convocation of
black birds, garrulous flocks of them, gathering on some tree, and making
the hour and place noisy as I sit near.
Later.—Nature marches in procession, in sections, like the corps of an
army. All have done much for me, and still do. But for the last two days it
has been the great wild bee, the humble-bee, or "bumble," as the children
call him. As I walk, or hobble, from the farm-house down to the creek, I
traverse the before-mention'd lane, fenced by old rails, with many splits,
splinters, breaks, holes, &c., the choice habitat of those crooning, hairy
insects. Up and down and by and between these rails, they swarm and dart
and fly in countless myriads. As I wend slowly along, I am often
accompanied with a moving cloud of them. They play a leading part in my
morning, midday or sunset rambles, and often dominate the landscape in a
way I never before thought of—fill the long lane, not by scores or hundreds
only, but by thousands. Large and vivacious and swift, with wonderful
momentum and a loud swelling, perpetual hum, varied now and then by
something almost like a shriek, they dart to and fro, in rapid flashes,
chasing each other, and (little things as they are,) conveying to me a new
and pronounc'd sense of strength, beauty, vitality and movement. Are they
in their mating season? or what is the meaning of this plenitude, swiftness,
eagerness, display? As I walk'd, I thought I was follow'd by a particular
swarm, but upon observation I saw that it was a rapid succession of
changing swarms, one after another.
As I write, I am seated under a big wild-cherry tree—the warm day
temper'd by partial clouds and a fresh breeze, neither too heavy nor light—
and here I sit long and long, envelop'd in the deep musical drone of these
bees, flitting, balancing, darting to and fro about me by hundreds—big
fellows with light yellow jackets, great glistening swelling bodies, stumpy
heads and gauzy wings—humming their perpetual rich mellow boom. (Is
there not a hint in it for a musical composition, of which it should be the
back-ground? some bumble-bee symphony?) How it all nourishes, lulls me,
in the way most needed; the open air, the rye-fields, the apple orchards. The
last two days have been faultless in sun, breeze, temperature and
everything; never two more perfect days, and I have enjoy'd them
wonderfully. My health is somewhat better, and my spirit at peace. (Yet the
anniversary of the saddest loss and sorrow of my life is close at hand.)

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Another jotting, another perfect day: forenoon, from 7 to 9, two hours
envelop'd in sound of bumble-bees and bird-music. Down in the apple-trees
and in a neighboring cedar were three or four russet-back'd thrushes, each
singing his best, and roulading in ways I never heard surpass'd. Two hours I
abandon myself to hearing them, and indolently absorbing the scene.
Almost every bird I notice has a special time in the year—sometimes
limited to a few days—when it sings its best; and now is the period of these
russet-backs. Meanwhile, up and down the lane, the darting, droning,
musical bumble-bees. A great swarm again for my entourage as I return
home, moving along with me as before.
As I write this, two or three weeks later, I am sitting near the brook under
a tulip tree, 70 feet high, thick with the fresh verdure of its young maturity
—a beautiful object—every branch, every leaf perfect. From top to bottom,
seeking the sweet juice in the blossoms, it swarms with myriads of these
wild bees, whose loud and steady humming makes an undertone to the
whole, and to my mood and the hour. All of which I will bring to a close by
extracting the following verses from Henry A. Beers's little volume:

As I lay yonder in tall grass
A drunken bumble-bee went past

Delirious with honey toddy.
The golden sash about his body
Scarce kept it in his swollen belly
Distent with honeysuckle jelly.
Rose liquor and the sweet-pea wine
Had fill' d his soul with song divine;
Deep had he drunk the warm night through,
His hairy thighs were wet with dew.
Full many an antic he had play'd
While the world went round through sleep and shade.
Oft had he lit with thirsty lip
Some flower-cup's nectar'd sweets to sip,
When on smooth petals he would slip,
Or over tangled stamens trip,
And headlong in the pollen roll'd,
Crawl out quite dusted o'er with gold;
Or else his heavy feet would stumble
Against some bud, and down he'd tumble
Amongst the grass; there lie and grumble
In low, soft bass—poor maudlin bumble!

CEDAR-APPLES

As I journey'd to-day in a light wagon ten or twelve miles through the
country, nothing pleas'd me more, in their homely beauty and novelty (I had

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either never seen the little things to such advantage, or had never noticed
them before) than that peculiar fruit, with its profuse clear-yellow dangles
of inch-long silk or yarn, in boundless profusion spotting the dark green
cedar bushes—contrasting well with their bronze tufts—the flossy shreds
covering the knobs all over, like a shock of wild hair on elfin pates. On my
ramble afterward down by the creek I pluck'd one from its bush, and shall
keep it. These cedar-apples last only a little while however, and soon
crumble and fade.

SUMMER SIGHTS AND INDOLENCIES

June 10th.—As I write, 5-1/2 P.M., here by the creek, nothing can exceed
the quiet splendor and freshness around me. We had a heavy shower, with
brief thunder and lightning, in the middle of the day; and since, overhead,
one of those not uncommon yet indescribable skies (in quality, not details or
forms) of limpid blue, with rolling silver-fringed clouds, and a pure-
dazzling sun. For underlay, trees in fulness of tender foliage—liquid, reedy,
long-drawn notes of birds—based by the fretful mewing of a querulous cat-
bird, and the pleasant chippering-shriek of two kingfishers. I have been
watching the latter the last half hour, on their regular evening frolic over
and in the stream; evidently a spree of the liveliest kind. They pursue each
other, whirling and wheeling around, with many a jocund downward dip,
splashing the spray in jets of diamonds—and then off they swoop, with
slanting wings and graceful flight, sometimes so near me I can plainly see
their dark-gray feather-bodies and milk-white necks.

SUNDOWN PERFUME—QUAILNOTES—THE HERMIT-
THRUSH

June 19th, 4 to 6-1/2, P.M.—Sitting alone by the creek—solitude here,
but the scene bright and vivid enough—the sun shining, and quite a fresh
wind blowing (some heavy showers last night,) the grass and trees looking
their best—the clare-obscure of different greens, shadows, half-shadows,
and the dappling glimpses of the water, through recesses—the wild
flageolet-note of a quail near by—the just-heard fretting of some hylas
down there in the pond—crows cawing in the distance—a drove of young
hogs rooting in soft ground near the oak under which I sit—some come

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sniffing near me, and then scamper away, with grunts. And still the clear
notes of the quail—the quiver of leaf-shadows over the paper as I write—
the sky aloft, with white clouds, and the sun well declining to the west—the
swift darting of many sand-swallows coming and going, their holes in a
neighboring marl-bank—the odor of the cedar and oak, so palpable, as
evening approaches—perfume, color, the bronze-and-gold of nearly ripen'd
wheat—clover-fields, with honey-scent—the well-up maize, with long and
rustling leaves—the great patches of thriving potatoes, dusky green, fleck'd
all over with white blossoms—the old, warty, venerable oak above me—
and ever, mix'd with the dual notes of the quail, the soughing of the wind
through some near-by pines.
As I rise for return, I linger long to a delicious song-epilogue (is it the
hermit-thrush?) from some bushy recess off there in the swamp, repeated
leisurely and pensively over and over again. This, to the circle-gambols of
the swallows flying by dozens in concentric rings in the last rays of sunset,
like flashes of some airy wheel.

A JULY AFTER-NOON BY THE POND

The fervent heat, but so much more endurable in this pure air—the white
and pink pond-blossoms, with great heart-shaped leaves; the glassy waters
of the creek, the banks, with dense bushery, and the picturesque beeches
and shade and turf; the tremulous, reedy call of some bird from recesses,
breaking the warm, indolent, half-voluptuous silence; an occasional wasp,
hornet, honey-bee or bumble (they hover near my hands or face, yet annoy
me not, nor I them, as they appear to examine, find nothing, and away they
go)—the vast space of the sky overhead so clear, and the buzzard up there
sailing his slow whirl in majestic spirals and discs; just over the surface of
the pond, two large slate-color'd dragon-flies, with wings of lace, circling
and darting and occasionally balancing themselves quite still, their wings
quivering all the time, (are they not showing off for my amusement?)—the
pond itself, with the sword-shaped calamus; the water snakes—occasionally
a flitting blackbird, with red dabs on his shoulders, as he darts slantingly by
—the sounds that bring out the solitude, warmth, light and shade—the
quawk of some pond duck—(the crickets and grasshoppers are mute in the
noon heat, but I hear the song of the first cicadas;)—then at some distance
the rattle and whirr of a reaping machine as the horses draw it on a rapid

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walk through a rye field on the opposite side of the creek—(what was the
yellow or light-brown bird, large as a young hen, with short neck and long-
stretch'd legs I just saw, in flapping and awkward flight over there through
the trees?)—the prevailing delicate, yet palpable, spicy, grassy, clovery
perfume to my nostrils; and over all, encircling all, to my sight and soul, the
free space of the sky, transparent and blue—and hovering there in the west,
a mass of white-gray fleecy clouds the sailors call "shoals of mackerel"—
the sky, with silver swirls like locks of toss'd hair, spreading, expanding—a
vast voiceless, formless simulacrum—yet may-be the most real reality and
formulator of everything—who knows?

LOCUSTS AND KATY-DIDS

Aug. 22.—Reedy monotones of locust, or sounds of katydid—I hear the
latter at night, and the other both day and night. I thought the morning and
evening warble of birds delightful; but I find I can listen to these strange
insects with just as much pleasure. A single locust is now heard near noon
from a tree two hundred feet off, as I write—a long whirring, continued,
quite loud noise graded in distinct whirls, or swinging circles, increasing in
strength and rapidity up to a certain point, and then a fluttering, quietly
tapering fall. Each strain is continued from one to two minutes. The locust-
song is very appropriate to the scene—gushes, has meaning, is masculine, is
like some fine old wine, not sweet, but far better than sweet.
But the katydid—how shall I describe its piquant utterances? One sings
from a willow-tree just outside my open bedroom window, twenty yards
distant; every clear night for a fortnight past has sooth'd me to sleep. I rode
through a piece of woods for a hundred rods the other evening, and heard
the katydids by myriads—very curious for once; but I like better my single
neighbor on the tree. Let me say more about the song of the locust, even to
repetition; a long, chromatic, tremulous crescendo, like a brass disk
whirling round and round, emitting wave after wave of notes, beginning
with a certain moderate beat or measure, rapidly increasing in speed and
emphasis, reaching a point of great energy and significance, and then
quickly and gracefully dropping down and out. Not the melody of the
singing-bird—far from it; the common musician might think without
melody, but surely having to the finer ear a harmony of its own;

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monotonous—but what a swing there is in that brassy drone, round and
round, cymballine—or like the whirling of brass quoits.

THE LESSON OF A TREE

Sept. 1.—I should not take either the biggest or the most picturesque tree
to illustrate it. Here is one of my favorites now before me, a fine yellow
poplar, quite straight, perhaps 90 feet high, and four thick at the butt. How
strong, vital, enduring! how dumbly eloquent! What suggestions of
imperturbability and being, as against the human trait of mere seeming.
Then the qualities, almost emotional, palpably artistic, heroic, of a tree; so
innocent and harmless, yet so savage. It is, yet says nothing. How it rebukes
by its tough and equable serenity all weathers, this gusty-temper'd little
whiffet, man, that runs indoors at a mite of rain or snow. Science (or rather
half-way science) scoffs at reminiscence of dryad and hamadryad, and of
trees speaking. But, if they don't, they do as well as most speaking, writing,
poetry, sermons—or rather they do a great deal better. I should say indeed
that those old dryad-reminiscences are quite as true as any, and profounder
than most reminiscences we get. ("Cut this out," as the quack mediciners
say, and keep by you.) Go and sit in a grove or woods, with one or more of
those voiceless companions, and read the foregoing, and think.
One lesson from affiliating a tree—perhaps the greatest moral lesson
anyhow from earth, rocks, animals, is that same lesson of inherency, of
what is, without the least regard to what the looker-on (the critic) supposes
or says, or whether he likes or dislikes. What worse—what more general
malady pervades each and all of us, our literature, education, attitude
toward each other, (even toward ourselves,) than a morbid trouble about
seems, (generally temporarily seems too,) and no trouble at all, or hardly
any, about the sane, slow-growing, perennial, real parts of character, books,
friendship, marriage—humanity's invisible foundations and hold-together?
(As the all-basis, the nerve, the great-sympathetic, the plenum within
humanity, giving stamp to everything, is necessarily invisible.)
Aug. 4, 6 P.M.—Lights and shades and rare effects on tree-foliage and
grass—transparent greens, grays, &c., all in sunset pomp and dazzle. The
clear beams are now thrown in many new places, on the quilted, seam'd,
bronze-drab, lower tree-trunks, shadow'd except at this hour—now flooding
their young and old columnar ruggedness with strong light, unfolding to my

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sense new amazing features of silent, shaggy charm, the solid bark, the
expression of harmless impassiveness, with many a bulge and gnarl
unreck'd before. In the revealings of such light, such exceptional hour, such
mood, one does not wonder at the old story fables, (indeed, why fables?) of
people falling into love-sickness with trees, seiz'd extatic with the mystic
realism of the resistless silent strength in them—strength, which after all is
perhaps the last, completest, highest beauty.
Trees I am familiar with here.

Oaks, (many kinds—one sturdy Willows.
old fellow, vital, green, bushy, Catalpas.
five feet thick at the butt, I sit Persimmons.
under every day,) Mountain-ash.
Cedars plenty. Hickories.
Tulip trees, (Liriodendron,) is of Maples, many kinds.
the magnolia family—I have Locusts.
seen it in Michigan and southern Birches.
Illinois, 140 feet high and Dogwood.
8 feet thick at the butt {A}; does Pine.
not transplant well; best rais'd the Elm.
from seeds—(the lumbermen Chesnut.
call it yellow poplar.) Linden.
Sycamores. Aspen.
Gum trees, both sweet and sour. Spruce.
Beeches. Hornbeam.
Black-walnuts. Laurel.
Sassafras. Holly.

AUTUMN SIDE-BITS

Sept. 20.—Under an old black oak, glossy and green, exhaling aroma—
amid a grove the Albic druids might have chosen—envelop'd in the warmth
and light of the noonday sun, and swarms{10} of flitting insects—with the
harsh cawing of many crows a hundred rods away—here I sit in solitude,
absorbing, enjoying all. The corn, stack'd in its cone-shaped stacks, russet-
color'd and sere—a large field spotted thick with scarlet-gold pumpkins—
an adjoining one of cabbages, showing well in their green and pearl,
mottled by much light and shade—melon patches, with their bulging ovals,
and great silver-streak'd, ruffled, broad-edged leaves—and many an autumn
sight and sound beside—the distant scream of a flock of guinea-hens—and
pour'd over all the September breeze, with pensive cadence through the tree
tops.

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Another Day.—The ground in all directions strew'd with débris from a
storm. Timber creek, as I slowly pace its banks, has ebb'd low, and shows
reaction from the turbulent swell of the late equinoctial. As I look around, I
take account of stock—weeds and shrubs, knolls, paths, occasional stumps,
some with smooth'd tops, (several I use as seats of rest, from place to place,
and from one I am now jotting these lines,)—frequent wild-flowers, little
white, star-shaped things, or the cardinal red of the lobelia, or the cherry-
ball seeds of the perennial rose, or the many-threaded vines winding up and
around trunks of trees.
Oct. 1, 2 and 3.—Down every day in the solitude of the creek. A serene
autumn sun and westerly breeze to-day (3d) as I sit here, the water surface
prettily moving in wind-ripples before me. On a stout old beech at the edge,
decayed and slanting, almost fallen to the stream, yet with life and leaves in
its mossy limbs, a gray squirrel, exploring, runs up and down, flirts his tail,
leaps to the ground, sits on his haunches upright as he sees me, (a
Darwinian hint?) and then races up the tree again.
Oct. 4.—Cloudy and coolish; signs of incipient winter. Yet pleasant here,
the leaves thick-falling, the ground brown with them already; rich coloring,
yellows of all hues, pale and dark-green, shades from lightest to richest red
—all set in and toned down by the prevailing brown of the earth and gray of
the sky. So, winter is coming; and I yet in my sickness. I sit here amid all
these fair sights and vital influences, and abandon myself to that thought,
with its wandering trains of speculation.
Endnotes:
{10} There is a tulip poplar within sight of Woodstown, which is twenty
feet around, three feet from the ground, four feet across about eighteen feet
up the trunk, which is broken off about three or four feet higher up. On the
south side an arm has shot out from which rise two stems, each to about
ninety-one or ninety-two feet from the ground. Twenty-five (or more) years
since the cavity in the butt was large enough for, and nine men at one time,
ate dinner therein. It is supposed twelve to fifteen men could now, at one
time, stand within its trunk. The severe winds of 1877 and 1878 did not
seem to damage it, and the two stems send out yearly many blossoms,
scenting the air immediately about it with their sweet perfume. It is entirely
unprotected by other trees, on a hill.—Woodstown, N. J., "Register," April
15, '79.

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THE SKY—DAYS AND NIGHTS—HAPPINESS

Oct. 20.—A clear, crispy day—dry and breezy air, full of oxygen. Out of
the sane, silent, beauteous miracles that envelope and fuse me—trees,
water, grass, sunlight, and early frost—the one I am looking at most to-day
is the sky. It has that delicate, transparent blue, peculiar to autumn, and the
only clouds are little or larger white ones, giving their still and spiritual
motion to the great concave. All through the earlier day (say from 7 to 11) it
keeps a pure, yet vivid blue. But as noon approaches the color gets lighter,
quite gray for two or three hours—then still paler for a spell, till sun-down
—which last I watch dazzling through the interstices of a knoll of big trees
—darts of fire and a gorgeous show of light-yellow, liver-color and red,
with a vast silver glaze askant on the water—the transparent shadows,
shafts, sparkle, and vivid colors beyond all the paintings ever made.
I don't know what or how, but it seems to me mostly owing to these skies,
(every now and then I think, while I have of course seen them every day of
my life, I never really saw the skies before,) have had this autumn some
wondrously contented hours—may I not say perfectly happy ones? As I
have read, Byron just before his death told a friend that he had known but
three happy hours during his whole existence. Then there is the old German
legend of the king's bell, to the same point. While I was out there by the
wood, that beautiful sunset through the trees, I thought of Byron's and the
bell story, and the notion started in me that I was having a happy hour.
(Though perhaps my best moments I never jot down; when they come I
cannot afford to break the charm by inditing memoranda. I just abandon
myself to the mood, and let it float on, carrying me in its placid extasy.)
What is happiness, anyhow? Is this one of its hours, or the like of it?—so
impalpable—a mere breath, an evanescent tinge? I am not sure—so let me
give myself the benefit of the doubt. Hast Thou, pellucid, in Thy azure
depths, medicine for case like mine? (Ah, the physical shatter and troubled
spirit of me the last three years.) And dost Thou subtly mystically now drip
it through the air invisibly upon me?
Night of Oct. 28.—The heavens unusually transparent—the stars out by
myriads—the great path of the Milky Way, with its branch, only seen of
very clear nights—Jupiter, setting in the west, looks like a huge hap-hazard
splash, and has a little star for companion.

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Clothed in his white garments,
Into the round and clear arena slowly entered the brahmin,
Holding a little child by the hand,
Like the moon with the planet Jupiter in a cloudless night-sky.

Old Hindu Poem.

Early in November.—At its farther end the lane already described opens
into a broad grassy upland field of over twenty acres, slightly sloping to the
south. Here I am accustom'd to walk for sky views and effects, either
morning or sundown. To-day from this field my soul is calm'd and
expanded beyond description, the whole forenoon by the clear blue arching
over all, cloudless, nothing particular, only sky and daylight. Their soothing
accompaniments, autumn leaves, the cool dry air, the faint aroma—crows
cawing in the distance—two great buzzards wheeling gracefully and slowly
far up there—the occasional murmur of the wind, sometimes quite gently,
then threatening through the trees—a gang of farm-laborers loading
cornstalks in a field in sight, and the patient horses waiting.

COLORS—A CONTRAST

Such a play of colors and lights, different seasons, different hours of the
day—the lines of the far horizon where the faint-tinged edge of the
landscape loses itself in the sky. As I slowly hobble up the lane toward day-
close, an incomparable sunset shooting in molten sapphire and gold, shaft
after shaft, through the ranks of the long-leaved corn, between me and the
west. Another day—The rich dark green of the tulip-trees and the oaks, the
gray of the swamp-willows, the dull hues of the sycamores and black-
walnuts, the emerald of the cedars (after rain,) and the light yellow of the
beeches.

NOVEMBER 8, '76

The forenoon leaden and cloudy, not cold or wet, but indicating both. As
I hobble down here and sit by the silent pond, how different from the
excitement amid which, in the cities, millions of people are now waiting
news of yesterday's Presidential election, or receiving and discussing the
result—in this secluded place uncared-for, unknown.

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CROWS AND CROWS

Nov. 14.—As I sit here by the creek, resting after my walk, a warm
languor bathes me from the sun. No sound but a cawing of crows, and no
motion but their black flying figures from over-head, reflected in the mirror
of the pond below. Indeed a principal feature of the scene to-day is these
crows, their incessant cawing, far or near, and their countless flocks and
processions moving from place to place, and at times almost darkening the
air with their myriads. As I sit a moment writing this by the bank, I see the
black, clear-cut reflection of them far below, flying through the watery
looking-glass, by ones, twos, or long strings. All last night I heard the
noises from their great roost in a neighboring wood.

A WINTER DAY ON THE SEA-BEACH

One bright December mid-day lately I spent down on the New Jersey
sea-shore, reaching it by a little more than an hour's railroad trip over the
old Camden and Atlantic. I had started betimes, fortified by nice strong
coffee and a good breakfast (cook'd by the hands I love, my dear sister
Lou's—how much better it makes the victuals taste, and then assimilate,
strengthen you, perhaps make the whole day comfortable afterwards.) Five
or six miles at the last, our track enter'd a broad region of salt grass
meadows, intersected by lagoons, and cut up everywhere by watery runs.
The sedgy perfume, delightful to my nostrils, reminded me of "the mash"
and south bay of my native island. I could have journey'd contentedly till
night through these flat and odorous sea-prairies. From half-past 11 till 2 I
was nearly all the time along the beach, or in sight of the ocean, listening to
its hoarse murmur, and inhaling the bracing and welcome breezes. First, a
rapid five-mile drive over the hard sand—our carriage wheels hardly made
dents in it. Then after dinner (as there were nearly two hours to spare) I
walk'd off in another direction, (hardly met or saw a person,) and taking
possession of what appear'd to have been the reception-room of an old bath-
house range, had a broad expanse of view all to myself—quaint, refreshing,
unimpeded—a dry area of sedge and Indian grass immediately before and
around me—space, simple, unornamented space. Distant vessels, and the
far-off, just visible trailing smoke of an inward bound steamer; more

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plainly, ships, brigs, schooners, in sight, most of them with every sail set to
the firm and steady wind.
The attractions, fascinations there are in sea and shore! How one dwells
on their simplicity, even vacuity! What is it in us, arous'd by those
indirections and directions? That spread of waves and gray-white beach,
salt, monotonous, senseless—such an entire absence of art, books, talk,
elegance—so indescribably comforting, even this winter day—grim, yet so
delicate-looking, so spiritual—striking emotional, impalpable depths,
subtler than all the poems, paintings, music, I have ever read, seen, heard.
(Yet let me be fair, perhaps it is because I have read those poems and heard
that music.)

SEA-SHORE FANCIES

Even as a boy, I had the fancy, the wish, to write a piece, perhaps a poem,
about the sea-shore—that suggesting, dividing line, contact, junction, the
solid marrying the liquid—that curious, lurking something, (as doubtless
every objective form finally becomes to the subjective spirit,) which means
far more than its mere first sight, grand as that is—blending the real and
ideal, and each made portion of the other. Hours, days, in my Long Island
youth and early manhood, I haunted the shores of Rockaway or Coney
island, or away east to the Hamptons or Montauk. Once, at the latter place,
(by the old lighthouse, nothing but sea-tossings in sight in every direction as
far as the eye could reach,) I remember well, I felt that I must one day write
a book expressing this liquid, mystic theme. Afterward, I recollect, how it
came to me that instead of any special lyrical or epical or literary attempt,
the sea-shore should be an invisible influence, a pervading gauge and tally
for me, in my composition. (Let me give a hint here to young writers. I am
not sure but I have unwittingly follow'd out the same rule with other powers
besides sea and shores—avoiding them, in the way of any dead set at
poetizing them, as too big for formal handling—quite satisfied if I could
indirectly show that we have met and fused, even if only once, but enough
—that we have really absorb'd each other and understand each other.)
There is a dream, a picture, that for years at intervals, (sometimes quite
long ones, but surely again, in time,) has come noiselessly up before me,
and I really believe, fiction as it is, has enter'd largely into my practical life
—certainly into my writings, and shaped and color'd them. It is nothing

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more or less than a stretch of interminable white-brown sand, hard and
smooth and broad, with the ocean perpetually, grandly, rolling in upon it,
with slow-measured sweep, with rustle and hiss and foam, and many a
thump as of low bass drums. This scene, this picture, I say, has risen before
me at times for years. Sometimes I wake at night and can hear and see it
plainly.

IN MEMORY OF THOMAS PAINE.

Spoken at Lincoln Hall, Philadelphia, Sunday, Jan. 28, '77, for 140th
anniversary of T. P.'s birthday.
Some thirty-five years ago, in New York city, at Tammany hall, of which
place I was then a frequenter, I happen'd to become quite well acquainted
with Thomas Paine's perhaps most intimate chum, and certainly his later
years' very frequent companion, a remarkably fine old man, Col. Fellows,
who may yet be remember'd by some stray relics of that period and spot. If
you will allow me, I will first give a description of the Colonel himself. He
was tall, of military bearing, aged about 78, I should think, hair white as
snow, clean-shaved on the face, dress'd very neatly, a tail-coat of blue cloth
with metal buttons, buff vest, pantaloons of drab color, and his neck, breast
and wrists showing the whitest of linen. Under all circumstances, fine
manners; a good but not profuse talker, his wits still fully about him,
balanced and live and undimm'd as ever. He kept pretty fair health, though
so old. For employment—for he was poor—he had a post as constable of
some of the upper courts. I used to think him very picturesque on the fringe
of a crowd holding a tall staff, with his erect form, and his superb, bare,
thick-hair'd, closely-cropt white head. The judges and young lawyers, with
whom he was ever a favorite, and the subject of respect, used to call him
Aristides. It was the general opinion among them that if manly rectitude and
the instincts of absolute justice remain'd vital anywhere about New York
City Hall, or Tammany, they were to be found in Col. Fellows. He liked
young men, and enjoy'd to leisurely talk with them over a social glass of
toddy, after his day's work, (he on these occasions never drank but one
glass,) and it was at reiterated meetings of this kind in old Tammany's back
parlor of those days, that he told me much about Thomas Paine. At one of
our interviews he gave me a minute account of Paine's sickness and death.
In short, from those talks, I was and am satisfied that my old friend, with

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his mark'd advantages, had mentally, morally and emotionally gauged the
author of "Common Sense," and besides giving me a good portrait of his
appearance and manners, had taken the true measure of his interior
character.
Paine's practical demeanor, and much of his theoretical belief, was a
mixture of the French and English schools of a century ago, and the best of
both. Like most old-fashion'd people, he drank a glass or two every day, but
was no tippler, nor intemperate, let alone being a drunkard. He lived simply
and economically, but quite well—was always cheery and courteous,
perhaps occasionally a little blunt, having very positive opinions upon
politics, religion, and so forth. That he labor'd well and wisely for the States
in the trying period of their parturition, and in the seeds of their character,
there seems to me no question. I dare not say how much of what our Union
is owning and enjoying to-day—its independence—its ardent belief in, and
substantial practice of radical human rights—and the severance of its
government from all ecclesiastical and superstitious dominion—I dare not
say how much of all this is owing to Thomas Paine, but I am inclined to
think a good portion of it decidedly is.
But I was not going either into an analysis or eulogium of the man. I
wanted to carry you back a generation or two, and give you by indirection a
moment's glance—and also to ventilate a very earnest and I believe
authentic opinion, nay conviction, of that time, the fruit of the interviews I
have mention'd, and of questioning and cross-questioning, clench'd by my
best information since, that Thomas Paine had a noble personality, as
exhibited in presence, face, voice, dress, manner, and what may be call'd his
atmosphere and magnetism, especially the later years of his life. I am sure
of it. Of the foul and foolish fictions yet told about the circumstances of his
decease, the absolute fact is that as he lived a good life, after its kind, he
died calmly and philosophically, as became him. He served the embryo
Union with most precious service—a service that every man, woman and
child in our thirty-eight States is to some extent receiving the benefit of to-
day—and I for one here cheerfully, reverently throw my pebble on the cairn
of his memory. As we all know, the season demands—or rather, will it ever
be out of season?—that America learn to better dwell on her choicest
possession, the legacy of her good and faithful men—that she well preserve
their fame, if unquestion'd—or, if need be, that she fail not to dissipate what

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clouds have intruded on that fame, and burnish it newer, truer and brighter,
continually.

A TWO HOURS ICE-SAIL

Feb. 3, '77—From 4 to 6 P. M. crossing the Delaware, (back again at my
Camden home,) unable to make our landing, through the ice; our boat
stanch and strong and skilfully piloted, but old and sulky, and poorly
minding her helm. (Power, so important in poetry and war, is also first point
of all in a winter steamboat, with long stretches of ice-packs to tackle.) For
over two hours we bump'd and beat about, the invisible ebb, sluggish but
irresistible, often carrying us long distances against our will. In the first
tinge of dusk, as I look'd around, I thought there could not be presented a
more chilling, arctic, grim-extended, depressing scene. Everything was yet
plainly visible; for miles north and south, ice, ice, ice, mostly broken, but
some big cakes, and no clear water in sight. The shores, piers, surfaces,
roofs, shipping, mantled with snow. A faint winter vapor hung a fitting
accompaniment around and over the endless whitish spread, and gave it just
a tinge of steel and brown.
Feb. 6.—As I cross home in the 6 P. M. boat again, the transparent
shadows are filled everywhere with leisurely falling, slightly slanting,
curiously sparse but very large, flakes of snow. On the shores, near and far,
the glow of just-lit gas-clusters at intervals. The ice, sometimes in
hummocks, sometimes floating fields, through which our boat goes
crunching. The light permeated by that peculiar evening haze, right after
sunset, which sometimes renders quite distant objects so distinctly.

SPRING OVERTURES—RECREATIONS

Feb. 10.—The first chirping, almost singing, of a bird to-day. Then I
noticed a couple of honey-bees spirting and humming about the open
window in the sun.
Feb. 11.—In the soft rose and pale gold of the declining light, this
beautiful evening, I heard the first hum and preparation of awakening
spring—very faint—whether in the earth or roots, or starting of insects, I
know not—but it was audible, as I lean'd on a rail (I am down in my

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country quarters awhile,) and look'd long at the western horizon. Turning to
the east, Sirius, as the shadows deepen'd, came forth in dazzling splendor.
And great Orion; and a little to the north-east the big Dipper, standing on
end.
Feb. 20.—A solitary and pleasant sundown hour at the pond, exercising
arms, chest, my whole body, by a tough oak sapling thick as my wrist,
twelve feet high—pulling and pushing, inspiring the good air. After I
wrestle with the tree awhile, I can feel its young sap and virtue welling up
out of the ground and tingling through me from crown to toe, like health's
wine. Then for addition and variety I launch forth in my vocalism; shout
declamatory pieces, sentiments, sorrow, anger, &c., from the stock poets or
plays—or inflate my lungs and sing the wild tunes and refrains I heard of
the blacks down south, or patriotic songs I learn'd in the army. I make the
echoes ring, I tell you! As the twilight fell, in a pause of these ebullitions,
an owl somewhere the other side of the creek sounded too-oo-oo-oo-oo,
soft and pensive (and I fancied a little sarcastic) repeated four or five times.
Either to applaud the negro songs—or perhaps an ironical comment on the
sorrow, anger, or style of the stock poets.

ONE OF THE HUMAN KINKS

How is it that in all the serenity and lonesomeness of solitude, away off
here amid the hush of the forest, alone, or as I have found in prairie wilds,
or mountain stillness, one is never entirely without the instinct of looking
around, (I never am, and others tell me the same of themselves,
confidentially,) for somebody to appear, or start up out of the earth, or from
behind some tree or rock? Is it a lingering, inherited remains of man's
primitive wariness, from the wild animals? or from his savage ancestry far
back? It is not at all nervousness or fear. Seems as if something unknown
were possibly lurking in those bushes, or solitary places. Nay, it is quite
certain there is—some vital unseen presence.

AN AFTERNOON SCENE

Feb. 22.—Last night and to-day rainy and thick, till mid-afternoon, when
the wind chopp'd round, the clouds swiftly drew off like curtains, the clear
appear'd, and with it the fairest, grandest, most wondrous rainbow I ever

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saw, all complete, very vivid at its earth-ends, spreading vast effusions of
illuminated haze, violet, yellow, drab-green, in all directions overhead,
through which the sun beam'd—an indescribable utterance of color and
light, so gorgeous yet so soft, such as I had never witness'd before. Then its
continuance: a full hour pass'd before the last of those earth-ends
disappear'd. The sky behind was all spread in translucent blue, with many
little white clouds and edges. To these a sunset, filling, dominating the
esthetic and soul senses, sumptuously, tenderly, full. I end this note by the
pond, just light enough to see, through the evening shadows, the western
reflections in its water-mirror surface, with inverted figures of trees. I hear
now and then the flup of a pike leaping out, and rippling the water.

THE GATES OPENING

April 6.—Palpable spring indeed, or the indications of it. I am sitting in
bright sunshine, at the edge of the creek, the surface just rippled by the
wind. All is solitude, morning freshness, negligence. For companions my
two kingfishers sailing, winding, darting, dipping, sometimes capriciously
separate, then flying together. I hear their guttural twittering again and
again; for awhile nothing but that peculiar sound. As noon approaches other
birds warm up. The reedy notes of the robin, and a musical passage of two
parts, one a clear delicious gurgle, with several other birds I cannot place.
To which is join'd, (yes, I just hear it,) one low purr at intervals from some
impatient hylas at the pond-edge. The sibilant murmur of a pretty stiff
breeze now and then through the trees. Then a poor little dead leaf, long
frost-bound, whirls from somewhere up aloft in one wild escaped freedom-
spree in space and sunlight, and then dashes down to the waters, which hold
it closely and soon drown it out of sight. The bushes and trees are yet bare,
but the beeches have their wrinkled yellow leaves of last season's foliage
largely left, frequent cedars and pines yet green, and the grass not without
proofs of coming fullness. And over all a wonderfully fine dome of clear
blue, the play of light coming and going, and great fleeces of white clouds
swimming so silently.

THE COMMON EARTH, THE SOIL

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The soil, too—let others pen-and-ink the sea, the air, (as I sometimes try)
—but now I feel to choose the common soil for theme—naught else. The
brown soil here, (just between winter-close and opening spring and
vegetation)—the rain-shower at night, and the fresh smell next morning—
the red worms wriggling out of the ground—the dead leaves, the incipient
grass, and the latent life underneath—the effort to start something—already
in shelter'd spots some little flowers—the distant emerald show of winter
wheat and the rye-fields—the yet naked trees, with clear insterstices, giving
prospects hidden in summer—the tough fallow and the plow-team, and the
stout boy whistling to his horses for encouragement—and there the dark fat
earth in long slanting stripes upturn'd.

BIRDS AND BIRDS AND BIRDS

A little later—bright weather.—An unusual melodiousness, these days,
(last of April and first of May) from the blackbirds; indeed all sorts of birds,
darting, whistling, hopping or perch'd on trees. Never before have I seen,
heard, or been in the midst of, and got so flooded and saturated with them
and their performances, as this current month. Such oceans, such
successions of them. Let me make a list of those I find here:
Black birds (plenty,) Meadow-larks (plenty,) Ring doves, Cat-birds
(plenty,) Owls, Cuckoos, Woodpeckers, Pond snipes (plenty,) King-birds,
Cheewinks, Crows (plenty,) Quawks, Wrens, Ground robins, Kingfishers,
Ravens, Quails, Gray snipes, Turkey-buzzards, Eagles, Hen-hawks, High-
holes, Yellow birds, Herons, Thrushes, Tits, Reed birds, Woodpigeons.
Early came the
Blue birds, Meadow-lark, Killdeer, White-bellied swallow, Plover,
Sandpiper, Robin, Wilson's thrush, Woodcock, Flicker.

FULL-STARR'D NIGHTS

May 2l.—Back in Camden. Again commencing one of those unusually
transparent, full-starr'd, blue-black nights, as if to show that however lush
and pompous the day may be, there is something left in the not-day that can
outvie it. The rarest, finest sample of long-drawn-out clear-obscure, from
sundown to 9 o'clock. I went down to the Delaware, and cross'd and cross'd.

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Venus like blazing silver well up in the west. The large pale thin crescent of
the new moon, half an hour high, sinking languidly under a bar-sinister of
cloud, and then emerging. Arcturus right overhead. A faint fragrant sea-odor
wafted up from the south. The gloaming, the temper'd coolness, with every
feature of the scene, indescribably soothing and tonic—one of those hours
that give hints to the soul, impossible to put in a statement. (Ah, where
would be any food for spirituality without night and the stars?) The vacant
spaciousness of the air, and the veil'd blue of the heavens, seem'd miracles
enough.
As the night advanc'd it changed its spirit and garments to ampler
stateliness. I was almost conscious of a definite presence, Nature silently
near. The great constellation of the Water-Serpent stretch'd its coils over
more than half the heavens. The Swan with outspread wings was flying
down the Milky Way. The northern Crown, the Eagle, Lyra, all up there in
their places. From the whole dome shot down points of light, rapport with
me, through the clear blue-black. All the usual sense of motion, all animal
life, seem'd discarded, seem'd a fiction; a curious power, like the placid rest
of Egyptian gods, took possession, none the less potent for being
impalpable. Earlier I had seen many bats, balancing in the luminous
twilight, darting their black forms hither and yon over the river; but now
they altogether disappear'd. The evening star and the moon had gone.
Alertness and peace lay camly couching together through the fluid universal
shadows.
Aug. 26.—Bright has the day been, and my spirits an equal forzando.
Then comes the night, different, inexpressibly pensive, with its own tender
and temper'd splendor. Venus lingers in the west with a voluptuous dazzle
unshown hitherto this summer. Mars rises early, and the red sulky moon,
two days past her full; Jupiter at night's meridian, and the long curling-
slanted Scorpion stretching full view in the south, Aretus-neck'd. Mars
walks the heavens lord-paramount now; all through this month I go out
after supper and watch for him; sometimes getting up at midnight to take
another look at his unparallel'd lustre. (I see lately an astronomer has made
out through the new Washington telescope that Mars has certainly one
moon, perhaps two.) Pale and distant, but near in the heavens, Saturn
precedes him.

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MULLEINS AND MULLEINS

Large, placid mulleins, as summer advances, velvety in texture, of a light
greenish-drab color, growing everywhere in the fields—at first earth's big
rosettes in their broad-leav'd low cluster-plants, eight, ten, twenty leaves to
a plant—plentiful on the fallow twenty-acre lot, at the end of the lane, and
especially by the ridge-sides of the fences—then close to the ground, but
soon springing up—leaves as broad as my hand, and the lower ones twice
as long—so fresh and dewy in the morning—stalks now four or five, even
seven or eight feet high. The farmers, I find, think the mullein a mean
unworthy weed, but I have grown to a fondness for it. Every object has its
lesson, enclosing the suggestion of everything else—and lately I sometimes
think all is concentrated for me in these hardy, yellow-flower'd weeds. As I
come down the lane early in the morning, I pause before their soft wool-like
fleece and stem and broad leaves, glittering with countless diamonds.
Annually for three summers now, they and I have silently return'd together;
at such long intervals I stand or sit among them, musing—and woven with
the rest, of so many hours and moods of partial rehabilitation—of my sane
or sick spirit, here as near at peace as it can be.

DISTANT SOUNDS

The axe of the wood-cutter, the measured thud of a single threshing-flail,
the crowing of chanticleer in the barn-yard, (with invariable responses from
other barn-yards,) and the lowing of cattle—but most of all, or far or near,
the wind—through the high tree-tops, or through low bushes, laving one's
face and hands so gently, this balmy-bright noon, the coolest for a long
time, (Sept. 2)—I will not call it sighing, for to me it is always a firm, sane,
cheery expression, through a monotone, giving many varieties, or swift or
slow, or dense or delicate. The wind in the patch of pine woods off there—
how sibilant. Or at sea, I can imagine it this moment, tossing the waves,
with spirits of foam flying far, and the free whistle, and the scent of the salt
—and that vast paradox somehow with all its action and restlessness
conveying a sense of eternal rest.
Other adjuncts.—But the sun and the moon here and these times. As
never more wonderful by day, the gorgeous orb imperial, so vast, so
ardently, lovingly hot—so never a more glorious moon of nights, especially

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the last three or four. The great planets too—Mars never before so flaming
bright, so flashing-large, with slight yellow tinge, (the astronomers say—is
it true?—nearer to us than any time the past century)—and well up, lord
Jupiter, (a little while since close by the moon)—and in the west, after the
sun sinks, voluptuous Venus, now languid and shorn of her beams, as if
from some divine excess.

A SUN-BATH-NAKEDNESS

Sunday, Aug. 27.—Another day quite free from mark'd prostration and
pain. It seems indeed as if peace and nutriment from heaven subtly filter
into me as I slowly hobble down these country lanes and across fields, in
the good air—as I sit here in solitude with Nature—open, voiceless, mystic,
far removed, yet palpable, eloquent Nature. I merge myself in the scene, in
the perfect day. Hovering over the clear brook-water, I am sooth'd by its
soft gurgle in one place, and the hoarser murmurs of its three-foot fall in
another. Come, ye disconsolate, in whom any latent eligibility is left—come
get the sure virtues of creek-shore, and wood and field. Two months (July
and August, '77,) have I absorb'd them, and they begin to make a new man
of me. Every day, seclusion—every day at least two or three hours of
freedom, bathing, no talk, no bonds, no dress, no books, no manners.
Shall I tell you, reader, to what I attribute my already much-restored
health? That I have been almost two years, off and on, without drugs and
medicines, and daily in the open air. Last summer I found a particularly
secluded little dell off one side by my creek, originally a large dug-out
marl-pit, now abandon'd, fill'd, with bushes, trees, grass, a group of
willows, a straggling bank, and a spring of delicious water running right
through the middle of it, with two or three little cascades. Here I retreated
every hot day, and follow it up this summer. Here I realize the meaning of
that old fellow who said he was seldom less alone than when alone. Never
before did I get so close to Nature; never before did she come so close to
me. By old habit, I pencill'd down from time to time, almost automatically,
moods, sights, hours, tints and outlines, on the spot. Let me specially record
the satisfaction of this current forenoon, so serene and primitive, so
conventionally exceptional, natural.
An hour or so after breakfast I wended my way down to the recesses of
the aforesaid dell, which I and certain thrushes, cat-birds, &c., had all to

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ourselves. A light south-west wind was blowing through the tree-tops. It
was just the place and time for my Adamic air-bath and flesh-brushing from
head to foot. So hanging clothes on a rail near by, keeping old broadbrim
straw on head and easy shoes on feet, havn't I had a good time the last two
hours! First with the stiff-elastic bristles rasping arms, breast, sides, till they
turn'd scarlet—then partially bathing in the clear waters of the running
brook—taking everything very leisurely, with many rests and pauses—
stepping about barefooted every few minutes now and then in some
neighboring black ooze, for unctuous mud-bath to my feet—a brief second
and third rinsing in the crystal running waters—rubbing with the fragrant
towel—slow negligent promenades on the turf up and down in the sun,
varied with occasional rests, and further frictions of the bristle-brush—
sometimes carrying my portable chair with me from place to place, as my
range is quite extensive here, nearly a hundred rods, feeling quite secure
from intrusion, (and that indeed I am not at all nervous about, if it
accidentally happens.)
As I walk'd slowly over the grass, the sun shone out enough to show the
shadow moving with me. Somehow I seem'd to get identity with each and
every thing around me, in its condition. Nature was naked, and I was also. It
was too lazy, soothing, and joyous-equable to speculate about. Yet I might
have thought somehow in this vein: Perhaps the inner never-lost rapport we
hold with earth, light, air, trees, &c., is not to be realized through eyes and
mind only, but through the whole corporeal body, which I will not have
blinded or bandaged any more than the eyes. Sweet, sane, still Nakedness in
Nature!—ah if poor, sick, prurient humanity in cities might really know you
once more! Is not nakedness then indecent? No, not inherently. It is your
thought, your sophistication, your tear, your respectability, that is indecent.
There come moods when these clothes of ours are not only too irksome to
wear, but are themselves indecent. Perhaps indeed he or she to whom the
free exhilarating extasy of nakedness in Nature has never been eligible (and
how many thousands there are!) has not really known what purity is—nor
what faith or art or health really is. (Probably the whole curriculum of first-
class philosophy, beauty, heroism, form, illustrated by the old Hellenic race
—the highest height and deepest depth known to civilization in those
departments—came from their natural and religious idea of Nakedness.)
Many such hours, from time to time, the last two summers—I attribute
my partial rehabilitation largely to them. Some good people may think it a

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feeble or half-crack'd way of spending one's time and thinking. May-be it is.

THE OAKS AND I

Sept. 5, '77.—I write this, 11 A.M., shelter'd under a dense oak by the
bank, where I have taken refuge from a sudden rain. I came down here, (we
had sulky drizzles all the morning, but an hour ago a lull,) for the before-
mention'd daily and simple exercise I am fond of—to pull on that young
hickory sapling out there—to sway and yield to its tough-limber upright
stem—haply to get into my old sinews some of its elastic fibre and clear
sap. I stand on the turf and take these health-pulls moderately and at
intervals for nearly an hour, inhaling great draughts of fresh air. Wandering
by the creek, I have three or four naturally favorable spots where I rest—
besides a chair I lug with me and use for more deliberate occasions. At
other spots convenient I have selected, besides the hickory just named,
strong and limber boughs of beech or holly, in easy-reaching distance, for
my natural gymnasia, for arms, chest, trunk-muscles. I can soon feel the sap
and sinew rising through me, like mercury to heat. I hold on boughs or
slender trees caressingly there in the sun and shade, wrestle with their
innocent stalwartness—and know the virtue thereof passes from them into
me. (Or may-be we interchange—may-be the trees are more aware of it all
than I ever thought.)
But now pleasantly imprison'd here under the big oak—the rain dripping,
and the sky cover'd with leaden clouds—nothing but the pond on one side,
and the other a spread of grass, spotted with the milky blossoms of the wild
carrot—the sound of an axe wielded at some distant wood-pile—yet in this
dull scene, (as most folks would call it,) why am I so (almost) happy here
and alone? Why would any intrusion, even from people I like, spoil the
charm? But am I alone? Doubtless there comes a time—perhaps it has come
to me—when one feels through his whole being, and pronouncedly the
emotional part, that identity between himself subjectively and Nature
objectively which Schelling and Fichte are so fond of pressing. How it is I
know not, but I often realize a presence here—in clear moods I am certain
of it, and neither chemistry nor reasoning nor esthetics will give the least
explanation. All the past two summers it has been strengthening and
nourishing my sick body and soul, as never before. Thanks, invisible

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physician, for thy silent delicious medicine, thy day and night, thy waters
and thy airs, the banks, the grass, the trees, and e'en the weeds!

A QUINTETTE

While I have been kept by the rain under the shelter of my great oak,
(perfectly dry and comfortable, to the rattle of the drops all around,) I have
pencill'd off the mood of the hour in a little quintette, which I will give you:

At vacancy with Nature,
Acceptive and at ease,
Distilling the present hour,
Whatever, wherever it is,
And over the past, oblivion.

Can you get hold of it, reader dear? and how do you like it anyhow?

THE FIRST FROST—MEMS

Where I was stopping I saw the first palpable frost, on my sunrise walk,
October 6; all over the yet-green spread a light blue-gray veil, giving a new
show to the entire landscape. I had but little time to notice it, for the sun
rose cloudless and mellow-warm, and as I returned along the lane it had
turn'd to glittering patches of wet. As I walk I notice the bursting pods of
wild-cotton, (Indian hemp they call it here,) with flossy-silky contents, and
dark red-brown seeds—a startled rabbit—I pull a handful of the balsamic
life-ever-lasting and stuff it down in my trowsers-pocket for scent.

THREE YOUNG MEN'S DEATHS

December 20.—Somehow I got thinking to-day of young men's deaths—
not at all sadly or sentimentally, but gravely, realistically, perhaps a little
artistically. Let me give the following three cases from budgets of personal
memoranda, which I have been turning over, alone in my room, and
resuming and dwelling on, this rainy afternoon. Who is there to whom the
theme does not come home? Then I don't know how it may be to others, but
to me not only is there nothing gloomy or depressing in such cases—on the
contrary, as reminiscences, I find them soothing, bracing, tonic.

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ERASTUS HASKELL.—{I just transcribe verbatim from a letter written
by myself in one of the army hospitals, 16 years ago, during the secession
war.} Washington, July 28, 1863.—Dear M.,—I am writing this in the
hospital, sitting by the side of a soldier, I do not expect to last many hours.
His fate has been a hard one—he seems to be only about 19 or 20—Erastus
Haskell, company K, 141st N. Y.—has been out about a year, and sick or
half-sick more than half that time—has been down on the peninsula—was
detail'd to go in the band as fifer-boy. While sick, the surgeon told him to
keep up with the rest—(probably work'd and march'd too long.) He is a shy,
and seems to me a very sensible boy—has fine manners—never complains
—was sick down on the peninsula in an old storehouse—typhoid fever. The
first week this July was brought up here—journey very bad, no
accommodations, no nourishment, nothing but hard jolting, and exposure
enough to make a well man sick; (these fearful journeys do the job for
many)—arrived here July 11th—a silent dark-skinn'd Spanish-looking
youth, with large very dark blue eyes, peculiar looking. Doctor F. here made
light of his sickness—said he would recover soon, etc.; but I thought very
different, and told F. so repeatedly; (I came near quarreling with him about
it from the first)—but he laugh'd, and would not listen to me. About four
days ago, I told Doctor he would in my opinion lose the boy without doubt
—but F. again laugh'd at me. The next day he changed his opinion—
brought the head surgeon of the post—he said the boy would probably die,
but they would make a hard fight for him.
The last two days he has been lying panting for breath—a pitiful sight. I
have been with him some every day or night since he arrived. He suffers a
great deal with the heat—says little or nothing—is flighty the last three
days, at times—knows me always, however—calls me "Walter"—
(sometimes calls the name over and over and over again, musingly,
abstractedly, to himself.) His father lives at Breesport, Chemung county, N.
Y., is a mechanic with large family—is a steady, religious man; his mother
too is living. I have written to them, and shall write again to-day—Erastus
has not receiv'd a word from home for months.
As I sit here writing to you, M., I wish you could see the whole scene.
This young man lies within reach of me, flat on his back, his hands clasp'd
across his breast, his thick black hair cut close; he is dozing, breathing hard,
every breath a spasm—it looks so cruel. He is a noble youngster,—I

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consider him past all hope. Often there is no one with him for a long while.
I am here as much as possible.
WILLIAM ALCOTT, fireman. Camden, Nov., 1874.—Last Monday
afternoon his widow, mother, relatives, mates of the fire department, and his
other friends, (I was one, only lately it is true, but our love grew fast and
close, the days and nights of those eight weeks by the chair of rapid decline,
and the bed of death,) gather'd to the funeral of this young man, who had
grown up, and was well-known here. With nothing special, perhaps, to
record, I would give a word or two to his memory. He seem'd to me not an
inappropriate specimen in character and elements, of that bulk of the
average good American race that ebbs and flows perennially beneath this
scum of eructations on the surface. Always very quiet in manner, neat in
person and dress, good temper'd—punctual and industrious at his work, till
he could work no longer—he just lived his steady, square, unobtrusive life,
in its own humble sphere, doubtless unconscious of itself. (Though I think
there were currents of emotion and intellect undevelop'd beneath, far deeper
than his acquaintances ever suspected—or than he himself ever did.) He
was no talker. His troubles, when he had any, he kept to himself. As there
was nothing querulous about him in life, he made no complaints during his
last sickness. He was one of those persons that while his associates never
thought of attributing any particular talent or grace to him, yet all
insensibly, really, liked Billy Alcott.
I, too, loved him. At last, after being with him quite a good deal—after
hours and days of panting for breath, much of the time unconscious, (for
though the consumption that had been lurking in his system, once
thoroughly started, made rapid progress, there was still great vitality in him,
and indeed for four or five days he lay dying, before the close,) late on
Wednesday night, Nov. 4th, where we surrounded his bed in silence, there
came a lull—a longer drawn breath, a pause, a faint sigh—another—a
weaker breath, another sigh—a pause again and just a tremble—and the
face of the poor wasted young man (he was just 26,) fell gently over, in
death, on my hand, on the pillow.
CHARLES CASWELL.—{I extract the following, verbatim, from a
letter to me dated September 29, from my friend John Burroughs, at
Esopus-on-Hudson, New York State.} S. was away when your picture
came, attending his sick brother, Charles—who has since died—an event

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that has sadden'd me much. Charlie was younger than S., and a most
attractive young fellow. He work'd at my father's and had done so for two
years. He was about the best specimen of a young country farm-hand I ever
knew. You would have loved him. He was like one of your poems. With his
great strength, his blond hair, his cheerfulness and contentment, his
universal good will, and his silent manly ways, he was a youth hard to
match. He was murder'd by an old doctor. He had typhoid fever, and the old
fool bled him twice. He lived to wear out the fever, but had not strength to
rally. He was out of his head nearly all the time. In the morning, as he died
in the afternoon, S. was standing over him, when Charlie put up his arms
around S.'s neck, and pull'd his face down and kiss'd him. S. said he knew
then the end was near. (S. stuck to him day and night to the last.) When I
was home in August, Charlie was cradling on the hill, and it was a picture to
see him walk through the grain. All work seem'd play to him. He had no
vices, any more than Nature has, and was belov'd by all who knew him.
I have written thus to you about him, for such young men belong to you;
he was of your kind. I wish you could have known him. He had the
sweetness of a child, and the strength and courage and readiness of a young
Viking. His mother and father are poor; they have a rough, hard farm. His
mother works in the field with her husband when the work presses. She has
had twelve children.

FEBRUARY DAYS

February 7, 1878.—Glistening sun today, with slight haze, warm
enough, and yet tart, as I sit here in the open air, down in my country
retreat, under an old cedar. For two hours I have been idly wandering
around the woods and pond, lugging my chair, picking out choice spots to
sit awhile—then up and slowly on again. All is peace here. Of course, none
of the summer noises or vitality; to-day hardly even the winter ones. I
amuse myself by exercising my voice in recitations, and in ringing the
changes on all the vocal and alphabetical sounds. Not even an echo; only
the cawing of a solitary crow, flying at some distance. The pond is one
bright, flat spread, without a ripple—a vast Claude Lorraine glass, in which
I study the sky, the light, the leafless trees, and an occasional crow, with
flapping wings, flying overhead. The brown fields have a few white patches
of snow left.

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Feb. 9.—After an hour's ramble, now retreating, resting, sitting close by
the pond, in a warm nook, writing this, shelter'd from the breeze, just before
noon. The emotional aspects and influences of Nature! I, too, like the rest,
feel these modern tendencies (from all the prevailing intellections, literature
and poems,) to turn everything to pathos, ennui, morbidity, dissatisfaction,
death. Yet how clear it is to me that those are not the born results, influences
of Nature at all, but of one's own distorted, sick or silly soul. Here, amid
this wild, free scene, how healthy, how joyous, how clean and vigorous and
sweet!
Mid-afternoon.—One of my nooks is south of the barn, and here I am
sitting now, on a log, still basking in the sun, shielded from the wind. Near
me are the cattle, feeding on corn-stalks. Occasionally a cow or the young
bull (how handsome and bold he is!) scratches and munches the far end of
the log on which I sit. The fresh milky odor is quite perceptible, also the
perfume of hay from the barn. The perpetual rustle of dry corn-stalks, the
low sough of the wind round the barn gables, the grunting of pigs, the
distant whistle of a locomotive, and occasional crowing of chanticleers, are
the sounds.
Feb. 19.—Cold and sharp last night—clear and not much wind—the full
moon shining, and a fine spread of constellations and little and big stars—
Sirius very bright, rising early, preceded by many-orb'd Orion, glittering,
vast, sworded, and chasing with his dog. The earth hard frozen, and a stiff
glare of ice over the pond. Attracted by the calm splendor of the night, I
attempted a short walk, but was driven back by the cold. Too severe for me
also at 9 o'clock, when I came out this morning, so I turn'd back again. But
now, near noon, I have walk'd down the lane, basking all the way in the sun
(this farm has a pleasant southerly exposure,) and here I am, seated under
the lee of a bank, close by the water. There are bluebirds already flying
about, and I hear much chirping and twittering and two or three real songs,
sustain'd quite awhile, in the mid-day brilliance and warmth. (There! that is
a true carol, coming out boldly and repeatedly, as if the singer meant it.)
Then as the noon strengthens, the reedy trill of the robin—to my ear the
most cheering of bird-notes. At intervals, like bars and breaks (out of the
low murmur that in any scene, however quiet, is never entirely absent to a
delicate ear,) the occasional crunch and cracking of the ice-glare congeal'd
over the creek, as it gives way to the sunbeams—sometimes with low sigh
—sometimes with indignant, obstinate tug and snort.

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(Robert Burns says in one of his letters: "There is scarcely any earthly
object gives me more—I do not know if I should call it pleasure—but
something which exalts me—something which enraptures me—than to
walk in the shelter' d side of a wood in a cloudy winter day, and hear the
stormy wind howling among the trees, and raving over the plain. It is my
best season of devotion." Some of his most characteristic poems were
composed in such scenes and seasons.)

A MEADOW LARK

March 16.—Fine, clear, dazzling morning, the sun an hour high, the air
just tart enough. What a stamp in advance my whole day receives from the
song of that meadow lark perch'd on a fence-stake twenty rods distant! Two
or three liquid-simple notes, repeated at intervals, full of careless happiness
and hope. With its peculiar shimmering slow progress and rapid-noiseless
action of the wings, it flies on a way, lights on another stake, and so on to
another, shimmering and singing many minutes.

SUNDOWN LIGHTS

May 6, 5 P. M.—This is the hour for strange effects in light and shade-
enough to make a colorist go delirious—long spokes of molten silver sent
horizontally through the trees (now in their brightest tenderest green,) each
leaf and branch of endless foliage a lit-up miracle, then lying all prone on
the youthful-ripe, interminable grass, and giving the blades not only
aggregate but individual splendor, in ways unknown to any other hour. I
have particular spots where I get these effects in their perfection. One broad
splash lies on the water, with many a rippling twinkle, offset by the rapidly
deepening black-green murky-transparent shadows behind, and at intervals
all along the banks. These, with great shafts of horizontal fire thrown
among the trees and along the grass as the sun lowers, give effects more and
more peculiar, more and more superb, unearthly, rich and dazzling.

THOUGHTS UNDER AN OAK—A DREAM

June 2.—This is the fourth day of a dark northeast storm, wind and rain.
Day before yesterday was my birthday. I have now enter'd on my 60th year.

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Every day of the storm, protected by overshoes and a waterproof blanket, I
regularly come down to the pond, and ensconce myself under the lee of the
great oak; I am here now writing these lines. The dark smoke-color'd clouds
roll in furious silence athwart the sky; the soft green leaves dangle all
around me; the wind steadily keeps up its hoarse, soothing music over my
head—Nature's mighty whisper. Seated here in solitude I have been musing
over my life—connecting events, dates, as links of a chain, neither sadly
nor cheerily, but somehow, to-day here under the oak, in the rain, in an
unusually matter-of-fact spirit.
But my great oak—sturdy, vital, green-five feet thick at the butt. I sit a
great deal near or under him. Then the tulip tree near by—the Apollo of the
woods—tall and graceful, yet robust and sinewy, inimitable in hang of
foliage and throwing-out of limb; as if the beauteous, vital, leafy creature
could walk, if it only would. (I had a sort of dream-trance the other day, in
which I saw my favorite trees step out and promenade up, down and
around, very curiously—with a whisper from one, leaning down as he
pass'd me, We do all this on the present occasion, exceptionally, just for
you.)

CLOVER AND HAY PERFUME

July 3d, 4th, 5th.—Clear, hot, favorable weather—has been a good
summer—the growth of clover and grass now generally mow'd. The
familiar delicious perfume fills the barns and lanes. As you go along you
see the fields of grayish white slightly tinged with yellow, the loosely
stack'd grain, the slow-moving wagons passing, and farmers in the fields
with stout boys pitching and loading the sheaves. The corn is about
beginning to tassel. All over the middle and southern states the spear-shaped
battalia, multitudinous, curving, flaunting—long, glossy, dark-green plumes
for the great horseman, earth. I hear the cheery notes of my old
acquaintance Tommy quail; but too late for the whip-poor-will, (though I
heard one solitary lingerer night before last.) I watch the broad majestic
flight of a turkey-buzzard, sometimes high up, sometimes low enough to
see the lines of his form, even his spread quills, in relief against the sky.
Once or twice lately I have seen an eagle here at early candle-light flying
low.

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AN UNKNOWN

June 15.—To-day I noticed a new large bird, size of a nearly grown hen
—a haughty, white-bodied dark-wing'd hawk—I suppose a hawk from his
bill and general look—only he had a clear, loud, quite musical, sort of bell-
like call, which he repeated again and again, at intervals, from a lofty dead
tree-top, overhanging the water. Sat there a long time, and I on the opposite
bank watching him. Then he darted down, skimming pretty close to the
stream—rose slowly, a magnificent sight, and sail'd with steady wide-
spread wings, no flapping at all, up and down the pond two or three times,
near me, in circles in clear sight, as if for my delectation. Once he came
quite close over my head; I saw plainly his hook'd bill and hard restless
eyes.

BIRD-WHISTLING

How much music (wild, simple, savage, doubtless, but so tart-sweet,)
there is in mere whistling. It is four-fifths of the utterance of birds. There
are all sorts and styles. For the last half-hour, now, while I have been sitting
here, some feather'd fellow away off in the bushes has been repeating over
and over again what I may call a kind of throbbing whistle. And now a bird
about the robin size has just appear'd, all mulberry red, flitting among the
bushes—head, wings, body, deep red, not very bright—no song, as I have
heard. 4. o'clock: There is a real concert going on around me—a dozen
different birds pitching in with a will. There have been occasional rains, and
the growths all show its vivifying influences. As I finish this, seated on a
log close by the pond-edge, much chirping and trilling in the distance, and a
feather'd recluse in the woods near by is singing deliciously—not many
notes, but full of music of almost human sympathy—continuing for a long,
long while.

HORSE-MINT

Aug. 22.—Not a human being, and hardly the evidence of one, in sight.
After my brief semi-daily bath, I sit here for a bit, the brook musically
brawling, to the chromatic tones of a fretful cat-bird somewhere off in the
bushes. On my walk hither two hours since, through fields and the old lane,

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I stopt to view, now the sky, now the mile-off woods on the hill, and now
the apple orchards. What a contrast from New York's or Philadelphia's
streets! Everywhere great patches of dingy-blossom'd horse-mint wafting a
spicy odor through the air, (especially evenings.) Everywhere the flowering
boneset, and the rose-bloom of the wild bean.

THREE OF US

July 14.—My two kingfishers still haunt the pond. In the bright sun and
breeze and perfect temperature of to-day, noon, I am sitting here by one of
the gurgling brooks, dipping a French water-pen in the limpid crystal, and
using it to write these lines, again watching the feather'd twain, as they fly
and sport athwart the water, so close, almost touching into its surface.
Indeed there seem to be three of us. For nearly an hour I indolently look and
join them while they dart and turn and take their airy gambols, sometimes
far up the creek disappearing for a few moments, and then surely returning
again, and performing most of their flight within sight of me, as if they
knew I appreciated and absorb'd their vitality, spirituality, faithfulness, and
the rapid, vanishing, delicate lines of moving yet quiet electricity they draw
for me across the spread of the grass, the trees, and the blue sky. While the
brook babbles, babbles, and the shadows of the boughs dapple in the
sunshine around me, and the cool west-by-nor'-west wind faintly soughs in
the thick bushes and tree tops.
Among the objects of beauty and interest now beginning to appear quite
plentifully in this secluded spot, I notice the humming-bird, the dragon-fly
with its wings of slate-color'd guaze, and many varieties of beautiful and
plain butterflies, idly flapping among the plants and wild posies. The
mullein has shot up out of its nest of broad leaves, to a tall stalk towering
sometimes five or six feet high, now studded with knobs of golden
blossoms. The milk-weed, (I see a great gorgeous creature of gamboge and
black lighting on one as I write,) is in flower, with its delicate red fringe;
and there are profuse clusters of a feathery blossom waving in the wind on
taper stems. I see lots of these and much else in every direction, as I saunter
or sit. For the last half hour a bird has persistently kept up a simple, sweet,
melodious song, from the bushes. (I have a positive conviction that some of
these birds sing, and others fly and flirt about here for my special benefit.)

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DEATH OF WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT

New York City.—Came on from West Philadelphia, June 13, in the 2 P.
M. train to Jersey City, and so across and to my friends, Mr. and Mrs. J. H.
J., and their large house, large family (and large hearts,) amid which I feel
at home, at peace—away up on Fifth avenue, near Eighty-sixth street, quiet,
breezy, overlooking the dense woody fringe of the park—plenty of space
and sky, birds chirping, and air comparatively fresh and odorless. Two
hours before starting, saw the announcement of William Cullen Bryant's
funeral, and felt a strong desire to attend. I had known Mr. Bryant over
thirty years ago, and he had been markedly kind to me. Off and on, along
that time for years as they pass'd, we met and chatted together. I thought
him very sociable in his way, and a man to become attach'd to. We were
both walkers, and when I work'd in Brooklyn he several times came over,
middle of afternoons, and we took rambles miles long, till dark, out towards
Bedford or Flatbush, in company. On these occasions he gave me clear
accounts of scenes in Europe—the cities, looks, architecture, art, especially
Italy—where he had travel'd a good deal.
June 14.—The Funeral.—And so the good, stainless, noble old citizen
and poet lies in the closed coffin there—and this is his funeral. A solemn,
impressive, simple scene, to spirit and senses. The remarkable gathering of
gray heads, celebrities—the finely render'd anthem, and other music—the
church, dim even now at approaching noon, in its light from the mellow-
stain'd windows-the pronounc'd eulogy on the bard who loved Nature so
fondly, and sung so well her shows and seasons—ending with these
appropriate well-known lines:

I gazed upon the glorious sky,
And the green mountains round,
And thought that when I came to lie
At rest within the ground,
'Twere pleasant that in flowery June,
When brooks send up a joyous tune,
And groves a cheerful sound,
The sexton's hand, my grave to make,
The rich green mountain turf should break.

JAUNT UP THE HUDSON

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June 20th.—On the "Mary Powell," enjoy'd everything beyond
precedent. The delicious tender summer day, just warm enough—the
constantly changing but ever beautiful panorama on both sides of the river
—(went up near a hundred miles)—the high straight walls of the stony
Palisades—beautiful Yonkers, and beautiful Irvington—the never-ending
hills, mostly in rounded lines, swathed with verdure,—the distant turns, like
great shoulders in blue veils—the frequent gray and brown of the tall-rising
rocks—the river itself, now narrowing, now expanding—the white sails of
the many sloops, yachts, &c., some near, some in the distance—the rapid
succession of handsome villages and cities, (our boat is a swift traveler, and
makes few stops)—the Race—picturesque West Point, and indeed all along
—the costly and often turreted mansions forever showing in some cheery
light color, through the woods—make up the scene.

HAPPINESS AND RASPBERRIES

June 21.—Here I am, on the west bank of the Hudson, 80 miles north of
New York, near Esopus, at the handsome, roomy, honeysuckle-and-rose-
enbower'd cottage of John Burroughs. The place, the perfect June days and
nights, (leaning toward crisp and cool,) the hospitality of J. and Mrs. B., the
air, the fruit, (especially my favorite dish, currants and raspberries, mixed,
sugar'd, fresh and ripe from the bushes—I pick 'em myself)—the room I
occupy at night, the perfect bed, the window giving an ample view of the
Hudson and the opposite shores, so wonderful toward sunset, and the
rolling music of the RR. trains, far over there—the peaceful rest—the early
Venus-heralded dawn—the noiseless splash of sunrise, the light and warmth
indescribably glorious, in which, (soon as the sun is well up,) I have a
capital rubbing and rasping with the flesh-brush—with an extra scour on the
back by Al. J., who is here with us—all inspiriting my invalid frame with
new life, for the day. Then, after some whiffs of morning air, the delicious
coffee of Mrs. B., with the cream, strawberries, and many substantials, for
breakfast.

A SPECIMEN TRAMP FAMILY

June 22.—This afternoon we went out (J. B., Al. and I) on quite a drive
around the country. The scenery, the perpetual stone fences, (some

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venerable old fellows, dark-spotted with lichens)—the many fine locust-
trees—the runs of brawling water, often over descents of rock—these, and
lots else. It is lucky the roads are first-rate here, (as they are,) for it is up or
down hill everywhere, and sometimes steep enough. B. has a tip-top horse,
strong, young, and both gentle and fast. There is a great deal of waste land
and hills on the river edge of Ulster county, with a wonderful luxuriance of
wild flowers and bushes—and it seems to me I never saw more vitality of
trees—eloquent hemlocks, plenty of locusts and fine maples, and the balm
of Gilead, giving out aroma. In the fields and along the road-sides unusual
crops of the tall-stemm'd wild daisy, white as milk and yellow as gold.
We pass'd quite a number of tramps, singly or in couples—one squad, a
family in a rickety one-horse wagon, with some baskets evidently their
work and trade—the man seated on a low board, in front, driving—the
gauntish woman by his side, with a baby well bundled in her arms, its little
red feet and lower legs sticking out right towards us as we pass'd—and in
the wagon behind, we saw two (or three) crouching little children. It was a
queer, taking, rather sad picture. If I had been alone and on foot, I should
have stopp'd and held confab. But on our return nearly two hours afterward,
we found them a ways further along the same road, in a lonesome open
spot, haul'd aside, unhitch'd, and evidently going to camp for the night. The
freed horse was not far off, quietly cropping the grass. The man was busy at
the wagon, the boy had gather'd some dry wood, and was making a fire—
and as we went a little further we met the woman afoot. I could not see her
face, in its great sun-bonnet, but somehow her figure and gait told misery,
terror, destitution. She had the rag-bundled, half-starv'd infant still in her
arms, and in her hands held two or three baskets, which she had evidently
taken to the next house for sale. A little barefoot five-year old girl-child,
with fine eyes, trotted behind her, clutching her gown. We stopp'd, asking
about the baskets, which we bought. As we paid the money, she kept her
face hidden in the recesses of her bonnet. Then as we started, and stopp'd
again, Al., (whose sympathies were evidently arous'd,) went back to the
camping group to get another basket. He caught a look of her face, and
talk'd with her a little. Eyes, voice and manner were those of a corpse,
animated by electricity. She was quite young—the man she was traveling
with, middle-aged. Poor woman—what story was it, out of her fortunes, to
account for that inexpressibly scared way, those glassy eyes, and that
hollow voice?

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MANHATTAN FROM THE BAY

June 25.—Returned to New York last night. Out to-day on the waters for
a sail in the wide bay, southeast of Staten island—a rough, tossing ride, and
a free sight—the long stretch of Sandy Hook, the highlands of Navesink,
and the many vessels outward and inward bound. We came up through the
midst of all, in the full sun. I especially enjoy'd the last hour or two. A
moderate sea-breeze had set in; yet over the city, and the waters adjacent,
was a thin haze, concealing nothing, only adding to the beauty. From my
point of view, as I write amid the soft breeze, with a sea-temperature, surely
nothing on earth of its kind can go beyond this show. To the left the North
river with its far vista—nearer, three or four war-ships, anchor'd peacefully
—the Jersey side, the banks of Weehawken, the Palisades, and the gradually
receding blue, lost in the distance—to the right the East river—the mast-
hemm'd shores—the grand obelisk-like towers of the bridge, one on either
side, in haze, yet plainly defin'd, giant brothers twain, throwing free
graceful interlinking loops high across the tumbled tumultuous current
below—(the tide is just changing to its ebb)—the broad water-spread
everywhere crowded—no, not crowded, but thick as stars in the sky—with
all sorts and sizes of sail and steam vessels, plying ferry-boats, arriving and
departing coasters, great ocean Dons, iron-black, modern, magnificent in
size and power, fill'd with their incalculable value of human life and
precious merchandise—with here and there, above all, those daring,
careening things of grace and wonder, those white and shaded swift-darting
fish-birds, (I wonder if shore or sea elsewhere can outvie them,) ever with
their slanting spars, and fierce, pure, hawk-like beauty and motion—first-
class New York sloop or schooner yachts, sailing, this fine day, the free sea
in a good wind. And rising out of the midst, tall-topt, ship-hemm'd, modern,
American, yet strangely oriental, V-shaped Manhattan, with its compact
mass, its spires, its cloud-touching edifices group'd at the centre—the green
of the trees, and all the white, brown and gray of the architecture well
blended, as I see it, under a miracle of limpid sky, delicious light of heaven
above, and June haze on the surface below.

HUMAN AND HEROIC NEW YORK

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The general subjective view of New York and Brooklyn—(will not the
time hasten when the two shall be municipally united in one, and named
Manhattan?)—what I may call the human interior and exterior of these
great seething oceanic populations, as I get it in this visit, is to me best of
all. After an absence of many years, (I went away at the outbreak of the
secession war, and have never been back to stay since,) again I resume with
curiosity the crowds, the streets, I knew so well, Broadway, the ferries, the
west side of the city, democratic Bowery—human appearances and manners
as seen in all these, and along the wharves, and in the perpetual travel of the
horse-cars, or the crowded excursion steamers, or in Wall and Nassau
streets by day—in the places of amusement at night—bubbling and
whirling and moving like its own environment of waters—endless humanity
in all phases—Brooklyn also—taken in for the last three weeks. No need to
specify minutely—enough to say that (making all allowances for the
shadows and side-streaks of a million-headed-city) the brief total of the
impressions, the human qualities, of these vast cities, is to me comforting,
even heroic, beyond statement. Alertness, generally fine physique, clear
eyes that look straight at you, a singular combination of reticence and self-
possession, with good nature and friendliness—a prevailing range of
according manners, taste and intellect, surely beyond any elsewhere upon
earth—and a palpable outcropping of that personal comradeship I look
forward to as the subtlest, strongest future hold of this many-item'd Union
—are not only constantly visible here in these mighty channels of men, but
they form the rule and average. To-day, I should say—defiant of cynics and
pessimists, and with a full knowledge of all their exceptions—an
appreciative and perceptive study of the current humanity of New York
gives the directest proof yet of successful Democracy, and of the solution of
that paradox, the eligibility of the free and fully developed individual with
the paramount aggregate. In old age, lame and sick, pondering for years on
many a doubt and danger for this republic of ours—fully aware of all that
can be said on the other side—I find in this visit to New York, and the daily
contact and rapport with its myriad people, on the scale of the oceans and
tides, the best, most effective medicine my soul has yet partaken—the
grandest physical habitat and surroundings of land and water the globe
affords—namely, Manhattan island and Brooklyn, which the future shall
join in one city—city of superb democracy, amid superb surroundings.

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HOURS FOR THE SOUL

July 22d, 1878.—Living down in the country again. A wonderful
conjunction of all that goes to make those sometime miracle-hours after
sunset—so near and yet so far. Perfect, or nearly perfect days, I notice, are
not so very uncommon; but the combinations that make perfect nights are
few, even in a life time. We have one of those perfections to-night. Sunset
left things pretty clear; the larger stars were visible soon as the shades
allow'd. A while after 8, three or four great black clouds suddenly rose,
seemingly from different points, and sweeping with broad swirls of wind
but no thunder, underspread the orbs from view everywhere, and indicated a
violent heatstorm. But without storm, clouds, blackness and all, sped and
vanish'd as suddenly as they had risen; and from a little after 9 till 11 the
atmosphere and the whole show above were in that state of exceptional
clearness and glory just alluded to. In the northwest turned the Great Dipper
with its pointers round the Cynosure. A little south of east the constellation
of the Scorpion was fully up, with red Antares glowing in its neck; while
dominating, majestic Jupiter swam, an hour and a half risen, in the east—
(no moon till after 11.) A large part of the sky seem'd just laid in great
splashes of phosphorus. You could look deeper in, farther through, than
usual; the orbs thick as heads of wheat in a field. Not that there was any
special brilliancy either—nothing near as sharp as I have seen of keen
winter nights, but a curious general luminousness throughout to sight,
sense, and soul. The latter had much to do with it. (I am convinced there are
hours of Nature, especially of the atmosphere, mornings and evenings,
address'd to the soul. Night transcends, for that purpose, what the proudest
day can do.) Now, indeed, if never before, the heavens declared the glory of
God. It was to the full sky of the Bible, of Arabia, of the prophets, and of
the oldest poems. There, in abstraction and stillness, (I had gone off by
myself to absorb the scene, to have the spell unbroken,) the copiousness, the
removedness, vitality, loose-clear-crowdedness, of that stellar concave
spreading overhead, softly absorb'd into me, rising so free, interminably
high, stretching east, west, north, south—and I, though but a point in the
centre below, embodying all.
As if for the first time, indeed, creation noiselessly sank into and through
me its placid and untellable lesson, beyond—O, so infinitely beyond!—
anything from art, books, sermons, or from science, old or new. The spirit's

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hour—religion's hour—the visible suggestion of God in space and time—
now once definitely indicated, if never again. The untold pointed at—the
heavens all paved with it. The Milky Way, as if some superhuman
symphony, some ode of universal vagueness, disdaining syllable and sound
—a flashing glance of Deity, address'd to the soul. All silently—the
indescribable night and stars—far off and silently.
THE DAWN.—July 23.—This morning, between one and two hours
before sunrise, a spectacle wrought on the same background, yet of quite
different beauty and meaning. The moon well up in the heavens, and past
her half, is shining brightly—the air and sky of that cynical-clear, Minerva-
like quality, virgin cool—not the weight of sentiment or mystery, or
passion's ecstasy indefinable—not the religious sense, the varied All,
distill'd and sublimated into one, of the night just described. Every star now
clear-cut, showing for just what it is, there in the colorless ether. The
character of the heralded morning, ineffably sweet and fresh and limpid, but
for the esthetic sense alone, and for purity without sentiment. I have
itemized the night—but dare I attempt the cloudless dawn? (What subtle tie
is this between one's soul and the break of day? Alike, and yet no two nights
or morning shows ever exactly alike.) Preceded by an immense star, almost
unearthly in its effusion of white splendor, with two or three long unequal
spoke-rays of diamond radiance, shedding down through the fresh morning
air below—an hour of this, and then the sunrise.
THE EAST.—What a subject for a poem! Indeed, where else a more
pregnant, more splendid one? Where one more idealistic-real, more subtle,
more sensuous-delicate? The East, answering all lands, all ages, peoples;
touching all senses, here, immediate, now—and yet so indescribably far off
—such retrospect! The East—long-stretching—so losing itself—the orient,
the gardens of Asia, the womb of history and song—forth-issuing all those
strange, dim cavalcades—Florid with blood, pensive, rapt with musings, hot
with passion. Sultry with perfume, with ample and flowing garment. With
sunburnt visage, intense soul and glittering eyes. Always the East—old,
how incalculably old! And yet here the same—ours yet, fresh as a rose, to
every morning, every life, to-day—and always will be.
Sept. 17. Another presentation—same theme—just before sunrise again,
(a favorite hour with me.) The clear gray sky, a faint glow in the dull liver-
color of the east, the cool fresh odor and the moisture—the cattle and horses

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off there grazing in the fields—the star Venus again, two hours high. For
sounds, the chirping of crickets in the grass, the clarion of chanticleer, and
the distant cawing of an early crow. Quietly over the dense fringe of cedars
and pines rises that dazzling, red, transparent disk of flame, and the low
sheets of white vapor roll and roll into dissolution.
THE MOON.—May 18.—I went to bed early last night, but found
myself waked shortly after 12, and, turning awhile, sleepless and mentally
feverish, I rose, dress'd myself, sallied forth and walk'd down the lane. The
full moon, some three or four hours up—a sprinkle of light and less-light
clouds just lazily moving—Jupiter an hour high in the east, and here and
there throughout the heavens a random star appearing and disappearing. So
beautifully veiled and varied—the air, with that early-summer perfume, not
at all damp or raw—at times Luna languidly emerging in richest brightness
for minutes, and then partially envelop'd again. Far off a poor whip-poor-
will plied his notes incessantly. It was that silent time between 1 and 3.
The rare nocturnal scene, how soon it sooth'd and pacified me! Is there
not something about the moon, some relation or reminder, which no poem
or literature has yet caught? (In very old and primitive ballads I have come
across lines or asides that suggest it.) After a while the clouds mostly
clear'd, and as the moon swam on, she carried, shimmering and shifting,
delicate color-effects of pellucid green and tawny vapor. Let me conclude
this part with an extract, (some writer in the "Tribune," May 16, 1878):

No one ever gets tired of the moon. Goddess that she is by dower of
her eternal beauty, she is a true woman by her tact—knows the charm
of being seldom seen, of coming by surprise and staying but a little
while; never wears the same dress two nights running, nor all night
the same way; commends herself to the matter-of-fact people by her
usefulness, and makes her uselessness adored by poets, artists, and
all lovers in all lands; lends herself to every symbolism and to
every emblem; is Diana's bow and Venus's mirror and Mary's throne;
is a sickle, a scarf, an eyebrow, his face or her face, and look'd
at by her or by him; is the madman's hell, the poet's heaven, the
baby's toy, the philosopher's study; and while her admirers follow
her footsteps, and hang on her lovely looks, she knows how to keep
her woman's secret—her other side—unguess'd and unguessable.

Furthermore. February 19, 1880.—Just before 10 P.M. cold and entirely
clear again, the show overhead, bearing southwest, of wonderful and
crowded magnificence. The moon in her third quarter—the clusters of the
Hyades and Pleiades, with the planet Mars between—in full crossing sprawl
in the sky the great Egyptian X, (Sirius, Procyon, and the main stars in the

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constellations of the Ship, the Dove, and of Orion;) just north of east
Bootes, and in his knee Arcturus, an hour high, mounting the heaven,
ambitiously large and sparkling, as if he meant to challenge with Sirius the
stellar supremacy.
With the sentiment of the stars and moon such nights I get all the free
margins and indefiniteness of music or poetry, fused in geometry's utmost
exactness.

STRAW-COLOR'D AND OTHER PSYCHES

Aug. 4.—A pretty sight! Where I sit in the shade—a warm day, the sun
shining from cloudless skies, the forenoon well advanc'd—I look over a
ten-acre field of luxuriant clover-hay, (the second crop)—the livid-ripe red
blossoms and dabs of August brown thickly spotting the prevailing dark-
green. Over all flutter myriads of light-yellow butterflies, mostly skimming
along the surface, dipping and oscillating, giving a curious animation to the
scene. The beautiful, spiritual insects! straw-color'd Psyches! Occasionally
one of them leaves his mates, and mounts, perhaps spirally, perhaps in a
straight line in the air, fluttering up, up, till literally out of sight. In the lane
as I came along just now I noticed one spot, ten feet square or so, where
more than a hundred had collected, holding a revel, a gyration-dance, or
butterfly good-time, winding and circling, down and across, but always
keeping within the limits. The little creatures have come out all of a sudden
the last few days, and are now very plentiful. As I sit outdoors, or walk, I
hardly look around without somewhere seeing two (always two) fluttering
through the air in amorous dalliance. Then their inimitable color, their
fragility, peculiar motion—and that strange, frequent way of one leaving the
crowd and mounting up, up in the free ether, and apparently never
returning. As I look over the field, these yellow-wings everywhere mildly
sparkling, many snowy blossoms of the wild carrot gracefully bending on
their tall and taper stems—while for sounds, the distant guttural screech of a
flock of guinea-hens comes shrilly yet somehow musically to my ears. And
now a faint growl of heat-thunder in the north—and ever the low rising and
falling wind-purr from the tops of the maples and willows.
Aug. 20.—Butterflies and butterflies, (taking the place of the bumble-
bees of three months since, who have quite disappear'd,) continue to flit to
and fro, all sorts, white, yellow, brown, purple—now and then some

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gorgeous fellow flashing lazily by on wings like artists' palettes dabb'd with
every color. Over the breast of the pond I notice many white ones, crossing,
pursuing their idle capricious flight. Near where I sit grows a tall-stemm'd
weed topt with a profusion of rich scarlet blossoms, on which the snowy
insects alight and dally, sometimes four or five of them at a time. By-and-by
a humming-bird visits the same, and I watch him coming and going,
daintily balancing and shimmering about. These white butterflies give new
beautiful contrasts to the pure greens of the August foliage, (we have had
some copious rains lately,) and over the glistening bronze of the pond-
surface. You can tame even such insects; I have one big and handsome moth
down here, knows and comes to me, likes me to hold him up on my
extended hand.
Another Day, later.—A grand twelve-acre field of ripe cabbages with
their prevailing hue of malachite green, and floating-flying over and among
them in all directions myriads of these same white butterflies. As I came up
the lane to-day I saw a living globe of the same, two or three feet in
diameter, many scores cluster'd together and rolling along in the air,
adhering to their ball-shape, six or eight feet above the ground.

A NIGHT REMEMBRANCE

Aug. 23, 9-10 A.M.—I sit by the pond, everything quiet, the broad
polish'd surface spread before me—the blue of the heavens and the white
clouds reflected from it—and flitting across, now and then, the reflection of
some flying bird. Last night I was down here with a friend till after
midnight; everything a miracle of splendor—the glory of the stars, and the
completely rounded moon—the passing clouds, silver and luminous-tawny
—now and then masses of vapory illuminated scud—and silently by my
side my dear friend. The shades of the trees, and patches of moonlight on
the grass—the softly blowing breeze, and just-palpable odor of the
neighboring ripening corn—the indolent and spiritual night, inexpressibly
rich, tender, suggestive—something altogether to filter through one's soul,
and nourish and feed and soothe the memory long afterwards.

WILD FLOWERS

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This has been and is yet a great season for wild flowers; oceans of them
line the roads through the woods, border the edges of the water-runlets,
grow all along the old fences, and are scatter'd in profusion over the fields.
An eight-petal'd blossom of gold-yellow, clear and bright, with a brown tuft
in the middle, nearly as large as a silver half-dollar, is very common;
yesterday on a long drive I noticed it thickly lining the borders of the
brooks everywhere. Then there is a beautiful weed cover'd with blue
flowers, (the blue of the old Chinese teacups treasur'd by our grand-aunts,) I
am continually stopping to admire—a little larger than a dime, and very
plentiful. White, however, is the prevailing color. The wild carrot I have
spoken of; also the fragrant life-everlasting. But there are all hues and
beauties, especially on the frequent tracts of half-opened scrub-oak and
dwarf cedar hereabout—wild asters of all colors. Notwithstanding the frost-
touch the hardy little chaps maintain themselves in all their bloom. The
tree-leaves, too, some of them are beginning to turn yellow or drab or dull
green. The deep wine-color of the sumachs and gum-treesis already visible,
and the straw-color of the dog-wood and beech. Let me give the names of
some of these perennial blossoms and friendly weeds I have made
acquaintance with hereabout one season or another in my walks:
Wild azalea, dandelions wild honeysuckle, yarrow, wild roses, coreopsis,
golden rod, wild pea, larkspur, woodbine, early crocus, elderberry, sweet
flag, (great patches of it,) poke-weed, creeper, trumpet-flower, sun-flower,
scented marjoram, chamomile, snakeroot, violets, Solomon's seal, clematis,
sweet balm, bloodroot mint, (great plenty,) swamp magnolia, wild
geranium, milk-weed, wild heliotrope, wild daisy, (plenty,) burdock, wild
chrysanthemum.

A CIVILITY TOO LONG NEGLECTED

The foregoing reminds me of something.
As the individualities I would mainly portray have certainly been slighted
by folks who make pictures, volumes, poems, out of them—as a faint
testimonial of my own gratitude for many hours of peace and comfort in
half-sickness, (and not by any means sure but they will somehow get wind
of the compliment,) I hereby dedicate the last half of these Specimen Days
to the

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bees, glow-worms, (swarming millions
black-birds, of them indescribably
dragon-flies, strange and beautiful at night
pond-turtles, over the pond and creek,)
mulleins, tansy, peppermint, water-snakes,
moths, (great and little, some crows,
splendid fellows,) millers,
mosquitoes, cedars,
butterflies, tulip-trees, (and all other trees,)
wasps and hornets, and to the spots and memories
cat-birds, (and all other birds,) of those days, and the creek.

DELAWARE RIVER—DAYS AND NIGHTS

April 5, 1879.-With the return of spring to the skies, airs, waters of the
Delaware, return the sea-gulls. I never tire of watching their broad and easy
flight, in spirals, or as they oscillate with slow unflapping wings, or look
down with curved beak, or dipping to the water after food. The crows,
plenty enough all through the winter, have vanish'd with the ice. Not one of
them now to be seen. The steamboats have again come forth—bustling up,
handsome, freshly painted, for summer work—the Columbia, the Edwin
Forrest, (the Republic not yet out,) the Reybold, Nelly White, the Twilight,
the Ariel, the Warner, the Perry, the Taggart, the Jersey Blue—even the
hulky old Trenton—not forgetting those saucy little bull-pups of the current,
the steamtugs.
But let me bunch and catalogue the affair—the river itself, all the way
from the sea—Cape island on one side and Henlopen light on the other—up
the broad bay north, and so to Philadelphia, and on further to Trenton;—the
sights I am most familiar with, (as I live a good part of the time in Camden,
I view matters from that outlook)—the great arrogant, black, full-freighted
ocean steamers, inward or outward bound—the ample width here between
the two cities, intersected by Windmill island—an occasional man-of-war,
sometimes a foreigner, at anchor, with her guns and port-holes, and the
boats, and the brown-faced sailors, and the regular oar-strokes, and the gay
crowds of "visiting day"—the frequent large and handsome three-masted
schooners, (a favorite style of marine build, hereabout of late years,) some
of them new and very jaunty, with their white-gray sails and yellow pine
spars—the sloops dashing along in a fair wind—(I see one now, coming up,
under broad canvas, her gaff-topsail shining in the sun, high and
picturesque—what a thing of beauty amid the sky and waters!)—the

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crowded wharf-slips along the city—the flags of different nationalities, the
sturdy English cross on its ground of blood, the French tricolor, the banner
of the great North German empire, and the Italian and the Spanish colors—
sometimes, of an afternoon, the whole scene enliven'd by a fleet of yachts,
in a half calm, lazily returning from a race down at Gloucester;—the neat,
rakish, revenue steamer "Hamilton" in mid-stream, with her perpendicular
stripes flaunting aft—and, turning the eyes north, the long ribands of fleecy-
white steam, or dingy-black smoke, stretching far, fan-shaped, slanting
diagonally across from the Kensington or Richmond shores, in the west-by-
south-west wind.

SCENES ON FERRY AND RIVER—LAST WINTER'S
NIGHTS

Then the Camden ferry. What exhilaration, change, people, business, by
day. What soothing, silent, wondrous hours, at night, crossing on the boat,
most all to myself—pacing the deck, alone, forward or aft. What
communion with the waters, the air, the exquisite chiaroscuro—the sky and
stars, that speak no word, nothing to the intellect, yet so eloquent, so
communicative to the soul. And the ferry men—little they know how much
they have been to me, day and night—how many spells of listlessness,
ennui, debility, they and their hardy ways have dispell'd. And the pilots—
captains Hand, Walton, and Giberson by day, and captain Olive at night;
Eugene Crosby, with his strong young arm so often supporting, circling,
convoying me over the gaps of the bridge, through impediments, safely
aboard. Indeed all my ferry friends—captain Frazee the superintendent,
Lindell, Hiskey, Fred Rauch, Price, Watson, and a dozen more. And the
ferry itself, with its queer scenes—sometimes children suddenly born in the
waiting-houses (an actual fact—and more than once)—sometimes a
masquerade party, going over at night, with a band of music, dancing and
whirling like mad on the broad deck, in their fantastic dresses; sometimes
the astronomer, Mr. Whitall, (who posts me up in points about the stars by a
living lesson there and then, and answering every question)—sometimes a
prolific family group, eight, nine, ten, even twelve! (Yesterday, as I cross'd,
a mother, father, and eight children, waiting in the ferry-house, bound
westward somewhere.)

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I have mention'd the crows. I always watch them from the boats. They
play quite a part in the winter scenes on the river, by day. Their black
splatches are seen in relief against the snow and ice everywhere at that
season—sometimes flying and flapping—sometimes on little or larger
cakes, sailing up or down the stream. One day the river was mostly clear—
only a single long ridge of broken ice making a narrow stripe by itself,
running along down the current for over a mile, quite rapidly. On this white
stripe the crows were congregated, hundreds of them—a funny procession
—("half mourning" was the comment of some one.)
Then the reception room, for passengers waiting—life illustrated
thoroughly. Take a March picture I jotted there two or three weeks since.
Afternoon, about 3-1/2 o'clock, it begins to snow. There has been a matinee
performance at the theater—from 4-1/2 to 5 comes a stream of homeward
bound ladies. I never knew the spacious room to present a gayer, more
lively scene—handsome, well-drest Jersey women and girls, scores of
them, streaming in for nearly an hour—the bright eyes and glowing faces,
coming in from the air—a sprinkling of snow on bonnets or dresses as they
enter—the five or ten minutes' waiting—the chatting and laughing—
(women can have capital times among themselves, with plenty of wit,
lunches, jovial abandon)—Lizzie, the pleasant-manner'd waiting-room
woman—for sound, the bell-taps and steam-signals of the departing boats
with their rhythmic break and undertone—the domestic pictures, mothers
with bevies of daughters, (a charming sight)—children, countrymen—the
railroad men in their blue clothes and caps—all the various characters of
city and country represented or suggested. Then outside some belated
passenger frantically running, jumping after the boat. Towards six o' clock
the human stream gradually thickening—now a pressure of vehicles, drays,
piled railroad crates—now a drove of cattle, making quite an excitement,
the drovers with heavy sticks, belaboring the steaming sides of the
frighten'd brutes. Inside the reception room, business bargains, flirting,
love-making, eclaircissements, proposals—pleasant, sober-faced Phil
coming in with his burden of afternoon papers—or Jo, or Charley (who
jump'd in the dock last week, and saved a stout lady from drowning,) to
replenish the stove, and clearing it with long crow-bar poker.
Besides all this "comedy human," the river affords nutriment of a higher
order. Here are some of my memoranda of the past winter, just as pencill'd
down on the spot.

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A January Night.—Fine trips across the wide Delaware to-night. Tide
pretty high, and a strong ebb. River, a little after 8, full of ice, mostly
broken, but some large cakes making our strong-timber'd steamboat hum
and quiver as she strikes them. In the clear moonlight they spread, strange,
unearthly, silvery, faintly glistening, as far as I can see. Bumping,
trembling, sometimes hissing like a thousand snakes, the tide-procession, as
we wend with or through it, affording a grand undertone, in keeping with
the scene. Overhead, the splendor indescribable; yet something haughty,
almost supercilious, in the night. Never did I realize more latent sentiment,
almost passion, in those silent interminable stars up there. One can
understand, such a night, why, from the days of the Pharaohs or Job, the
dome of heaven, sprinkled with planets, has supplied the subtlest, deepest
criticism on human pride, glory, ambition.
Another Winter Night.—I don't know anything more filling than to be on
the wide firm deck of a powerful boat, a clear, cool, extra-moonlight night,
crushing proudly and resistlessly through this thick, marbly, glistening ice.
The whole river is now spread with it—some immense cakes. There is such
weirdness about the scene—partly the quality of the light, with its tinge of
blue, the lunar twilight—only the large stars holding their own in the
radiance of the moon. Temperature sharp, comfortable for motion, dry, full
of oxygen. But the sense of power—the steady, scornful, imperious urge of
our strong new engine, as she ploughs her way through the big and little
cakes.
Another.—For two hours I cross'd and recross'd, merely for pleasure—
for a still excitement. Both sky and river went through several changes. The
first for awhile held two vast fan-shaped echelons of light clouds, through
which the moon waded, now radiating, carrying with her an aureole of
tawny transparent brown, and now flooding the whole vast with clear
vapory light-green, through which, as through an illuminated veil, she
moved with measur'd womanly motion. Then, another trip, the heavens
would be absolutely clear, and Luna in all her effulgence. The big Dipper in
the north, with the double star in the handle much plainer than common.
Then the sheeny track of light in the water, dancing and rippling. Such
transformations; such pictures and poems, inimitable.
Another.—I am studying the stars, under advantages, as I cross tonight.
(It is late in February, and again extra clear.) High toward the west, the

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Pleiades, tremulous with delicate sparkle, in the soft heavens,—Aldebaran,
leading the V-shaped Hyades—and overhead Capella and her kids. Most
majestic of all, in full display in the high south, Orion, vast-spread, roomy,
chief historian of the stage, with his shiny yellow rosette on his shoulder,
and his three kings—and a little to the east, Sirius, calmly arrogant, most
wondrous single star. Going late ashore, (I couldn't give up the beauty, and
soothingness of the night,) as I staid around, or slowly wander'd I heard the
echoing calls of the railroad men in the West Jersey depot yard, shifting and
switching trains, engines, etc.; amid the general silence otherways, and
something in the acoustic quality of the air, musical, emotional effects,
never thought of before. I linger'd long and long, listening to them.
Night of March 18, '79.—One of the calm, pleasantly cool, exquisitely
clear and cloudless, early spring nights—the atmosphere again that rare
vitreous blue-black, welcom'd by astronomers. Just at 8, evening, the scene
overhead of certainly solemnest beauty, never surpass'd. Venus nearly down
in the west, of a size and lustre as if trying to outshow herself, before
departing. Teeming, maternal orb—I take you again to myself. I am
reminded of that spring preceding Abraham Lincoln's murder, when I,
restlessly haunting the Potomac banks, around Washington city, watch'd
you, off there, aloof, moody as myself:

As we walk'd up and down in the dark blue so mystic,
As we walk'd in silence the transparent shadowy night,
As I saw you had something to tell, as you bent to me night after
night,
As you droop from the sky low down, as if to my side, (while the
other stars all look'd on,)
As we wander'd together the solemn night.

With departing Venus, large to the last, and shining even to the edge of
the horizon, the vast dome presents at this moment, such a spectacle!
Mercury was visible just after sunset—a rare sight. Arcturus is now risen,
just north of east. In calm glory all the stars of Orion hold the place of
honor, in meridian, to the south,—with the Dog-star a little to the left. And
now, just rising, Spica, late, low, and slightly veil'd. Castor, Regulus and the
rest, all shining unusually clear, (no Mars or Jupiter or moon till morning.)
On the edge of the river, many lamps twinkling—with two or three huge
chimneys, a couple of miles up, belching forth molten, steady flames,
volcano-like, illuminating all around—and sometimes an electric or
calcium, its Dante-Inferno gleams, in far shafts, terrible, ghastly-powerful.

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Of later May nights, crossing, I like to watch the fishermen's little buoy-
lights—so pretty, so dreamy—like corpse candles—undulating delicate and
lonesome on the surface of the shadowy waters, floating with the current.

THE FIRST SPRING DAY ON CHESTNUT STREET

Winter relaxing its hold, has already allow'd us a foretaste of spring. As I
write, yesterday afternoon's softness and brightness, (after the morning fog,
which gave it a better setting, by contrast,) show'd Chestnut street—say
between Broad and Fourth—to more advantage in its various asides, and all
its stores, and gay-dress'd crowds generally, than for three months past. I
took a walk there between one and two. Doubtless, there were plenty of
hard-up folks along the pavements, but nine-tenths of the myriad-moving
human panorama to all appearance seem'd flush, well-fed, and fully-
provided. At all events it was good to be on Chestnut street yesterday. The
peddlers on the sidewalk—("sleeve-buttons, three for five cents")—the
handsome little fellow with canary-bird whistles—the cane men, toy men,
toothpick men—the old woman squatted in a heap on the cold stone flags,
with her basket of matches, pins and tape—the young negro mother, sitting,
begging, with her two little coffee-color'd twins on her lap—the beauty of
the cramm'd conservatory of rare flowers, flaunting reds, yellows, snowy
lilies, incredible orchids, at the Baldwin mansion near Twelfth street—the
show of fine poultry, beef, fish, at the restaurants—the china stores, with
glass and statuettes—the luscious tropical fruits—the street cars plodding
along, with their tintinnabulating bells—the fat, cab-looking, rapidly driven
one-horse vehicles of the post-office, squeez'd full of coming or going
letter-carriers, so healthy and handsome and manly-looking, in their gray
uniforms—the costly books, pictures, curiosities, in the windows—the
gigantic policemen at most of the corners will all be readily remember'd and
recognized as features of this principal avenue of Philadelphia. Chestnut
street, I have discover'd, is not without individuality, and its own points,
even when compared with the great promenade-streets of other cities. I
have never been in Europe, but acquired years' familiar experience with
New York's, (perhaps the world's) great thoroughfare, Broadway, and
possess to some extent a personal and saunterer's knowledge of St. Charles
street in New Orleans, Tremont street in Boston, and the broad trottoirs of
Pennsylvania avenue in Washington. Of course it is a pity that Chestnut

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were not two or three times wider; but the street, any fine day, shows
vividness, motion, variety, not easily to be surpass'd. (Sparkling eyes,
human faces, magnetism, well-dress'd women, ambulating to and fro—with
lots o fine things in the windows—are they not about the same, the civilized
world over?)

How fast the flitting figures come!
The mild, the fierce, the stony face;
Some bright with thoughtless smiles—and some
Where secret tears have left their trace.

A few days ago one of the six-story clothing stores along here had the
space inside its plate-glass show-window partition'd into a little corral, and
litter'd deeply with rich clover and hay, (I could smell the odor outside,) on
which reposed two magnificent fat sheep, full-sized but young—the
handsomest creatures of the kind I ever saw. I stop's long and long, with the
crowd, to view them—one lying down chewing the cud, and one standing
up, looking out, with dense-fringed patient eyes. Their wool, of a clear
tawny color, with streaks of glistening black—altogether a queer sight
amidst that crowded promenade of dandies, dollars and dry-goods.

UP THE HUDSON TO ULSTER COUNTY

April 23.—Off to New York on a little tour and visit. Leaving the
hospitable, home-like quarters of my valued friends, Mr. and Mrs. J. H.
Johnston—took the 4 P. M. boat, bound up the Hudson, 100 miles or so.
Sunset and evening fine. Especially enjoy'd the hour after we passed
Cozzens's landing—the night lit by the crescent moon and Venus, now
swimming in tender glory, and now hid by the high rocks and hills of the
western shore, which we hugg'd close. (Where I spend the next ten days is
in Ulster county and its neighborhood, with frequent morning and evening
drives, observations of the river, and short rambles.)
April 24—Noon.—A little more and the sun would be oppressive. The
bees are out gathering their bread from willows and other trees. I watch
them returning, darting through the air or lighting on the hives, their thighs
covered with the yellow forage. A solitary robin sings near. I sit in my shirt
sleeves and gaze from an open bay-window on the indolent scene—the thin
haze, the Fishkill hills in the distance—off on the river, a sloop with
slanting mainsail, and two or three little shad-boats. Over on the railroad

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opposite, long freight trains, sometimes weighted by cylinder-tanks of
petroleum, thirty, forty, fifty cars in a string, panting and rumbling along in
full view, but the sound soften'd by distance.

DAYS AT J. B.'S TURF-FIRES—SPRING SONGS

April 26.—At sunrise, the pure clear sound of the meadow lark. An hour
later, some notes, few and simple, yet delicious and perfect, from the bush-
sparrow-towards noon the reedy trill of the robin. To-day is the fairest,
sweetest yet—penetrating warmth—a lovely veil in the air, partly heat-
vapor and partly from the turf-fires everywhere in patches on the farms. A
group of soft maples near by silently bursts out in crimson tips, buzzing all
day with busy bees. The white sails of sloops and schooners glide up and
down the river; and long trains of cars, with ponderous roll, or faint bell
notes, almost constantly on the opposite shore. The earliest wild flowers in
the woods and fields, spicy arbutus, blue liverwort, frail anemone, and the
pretty white blossoms of the bloodroot. I launch out in slow rambles,
discovering them. As I go along the roads I like to see the farmers' fires in
patches, burning the dry brush, turf, debris. How the smoke crawls along,
flat to the ground, slanting, slowly rising, reaching away, and at last
dissipating. I like its acrid smell—whiffs just reaching me—welcomer than
French perfume.
The birds are plenty; of any sort, or of two or three sorts, curiously, not a
sign, till suddenly some warm, gushing, sunny April (or even March) day—
lo! there they are, from twig to twig, or fence to fence, flirting, singing,
some mating, preparing to build. But most of them en passant—a fortnight,
a month in these parts, and then away. As in all phases, Nature keeps up her
vital, copious, eternal procession. Still, plenty of the birds hang around all
or most of the season—now their love-time, and era of nest-building. I find
flying over the river, crows, gulls and hawks. I hear the afternoon shriek of
the latter, darting about, preparing to nest. The oriole will soon be heard
here, and the twanging meoeow of the cat-bird; also the king-bird, cuckoo
and the warblers. All along, there are three peculiarly characteristic spring
songs—the meadow-lark's, so sweet, so alert and remonstrating (as if he
said, "don't you see?" or, "can't you understand?")—the cheery, mellow,
human tones of the robin—(I have been trying for years to get a brief term,

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or phrase, that would identify and describe that robin call)—and the
amorous whistle of the high-hole. Insects are out plentifully at midday.
April 29.—As we drove lingering along the road we heard, just after
sundown, the song of the wood-thrush. We stopp'd without a word, and
listen'd long. The delicious notes—a sweet, artless, voluntary, simple
anthem, as from the flute-stops of some organ, wafted through the twilight
—echoing well to us from the perpendicular high rock, where, in some
thick young trees' recesses at the base, sat the bird—fill'd our senses, our
souls.

MEETING A HERMIT

I found in one of my rambles up the hills a real hermit, living in a
lonesome spot, hard to get at, rocky, the view fine, with a little patch of land
two rods square. A man of youngish middle age, city born and raised, had
been to school, had travel'd in Europe and California. I first met him once
or twice on the road, and pass'd the time of day, with some small talk; then,
the third time, he ask'd me to go along a bit and rest in his hut (an almost
unprecedented compliment, as I heard from others afterwards.) He was of
Quaker stock, I think; talk'd with ease and moderate freedom, but did not
unbosom his life, or story, or tragedy, or whatever it was.

AN ULSTER COUNTY WATERFALL

I jot this mem, in a wild scene of woods and hills, where we have come
to visit a waterfall. I never saw finer or more copious hemlocks, many of
them large, some old and hoary. Such a sentiment to them, secretive, shaggy
—what I call weather-beaten and let-alone—a rich underlay of ferns, yew
sprouts and mosses, beginning to be spotted with the early summer wild-
flowers. Enveloping all, the monotone and liquid gurgle from the hoarse
impetuous copious fall—the greenish-tawny, darkly transparent waters,
plunging with velocity down the rocks, with patches of milk-white foam—a
stream of hurrying amber, thirty feet wide, risen far back in the hills and
woods, now rushing with volume—every hundred rods a fall, and
sometimes three or four in that distance. A primitive forest, druidical,
solitary and savage—not ten visitors a year—broken rocks everywhere—

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shade overhead, thick underfoot with leaves—a just palpable wild and
delicate aroma.

WALTER DUMONT AND HIS MEDAL

As I saunter'd along the high road yesterday, I stopp'd to watch a man
near by, ploughing a rough stony field with a yoke of oxen. Usually there is
much geeing and hawing, excitement, and continual noise and expletives,
about a job of this kind. But I noticed how different, how easy and
wordless, yet firm and sufficient, the work of this young ploughman. His
name was Walter Dumont, a farmer, and son of a farmer, working for their
living. Three years ago, when the steamer "Sunnyside" was wreck'd of a
bitter icy night on the west bank here, Walter went out in his boat—was the
first man on hand with assistance—made a way through the ice to shore,
connected a line, perform'd work of first-class readiness, daring, danger,
and saved numerous lives. Some weeks after, one evening when he was up
at Esopus, among the usual loafing crowd at the country store and post-
office, there arrived the gift of an unexpected official gold medal for the
quiet hero. The impromptu presentation was made to him on the spot, but
he blush'd, hesitated as he took it, and had nothing to say.

HUDSON RIVER SIGHTS

It was a happy thought to build the Hudson river railroad right along the
shore. The grade is already made by nature; you are sure of ventilation one
side—and you are in nobody's way. I see, hear, the locomotives and cars,
rumbling, roaring, flaming, smoking, constantly, away off there, night and
day—less than a mile distant, and in full view by day. I like both sight and
sound. Express trains thunder and lighten along; of freight trains, most of
them very long, there cannot be less than a hundred a day. At night far down
you see the headlight approaching, coming steadily on like a meteor. The
river at night has its special character-beauties. The shad fishermen go forth
in their boats and pay out their nets—one sitting forward, rowing, and one
standing up aft dropping it properly-marking the line with little floats
bearing candles, conveying, as they glide over the water, an indescribable
sentiment and doubled brightness. I like to watch the tows at night, too,
with their twinkling lamps, and hear the husky panting of the steamers; or

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catch the sloops' and schooners' shadowy forms, like phantoms, white,
silent, indefinite, out there. Then the Hudson of a clear moonlight night.
But there is one sight the very grandest. Sometimes in the fiercest driving
storm of wind, rain, hail or snow, a great eagle will appear over the river,
now soaring with steady and now overbended wings—always confronting
the gale, or perhaps cleaving into, or at times literally sitting upon it. It is
like reading some first-class natural tragedy or epic, or hearing martial
trumpets. The splendid bird enjoys the hubbub—is adjusted and equal to it
—finishes it so artistically. His pinions just oscillating—the position of his
head and neck—his resistless, occasionally varied flight—now a swirl, now
an upward movement—the black clouds driving—the angry wash below—
the hiss of rain, the wind's piping (perhaps the ice colliding, grunting)—he
tacking or jibing—now, as it were, for a change, abandoning himself to the
gale, moving with it with such velocity—and now, resuming control, he
comes up against it, lord of the situation and the storm—lord, amid it, of
power and savage joy.
Sometimes (as at present writing,) middle of sunny afternoon, the old
"Vanderbilt" steamer stalking ahead—I plainly hear her rhythmic, slushing
paddles—drawing by long hawsers an immense and varied following string,
("an old sow and pigs," the river folks call it.) First comes a big barge, with
a house built on it, and spars towering over the roof; then canal boats, a
lengthen'd, clustering train, fasten'd and link'd together—the one in the
middle, with high staff, flaunting a broad and gaudy flag—others with the
almost invariable lines of new-wash'd clothes, drying; two sloops and a
schooner aside the tow—little wind, and that adverse—with three long,
dark, empty barges bringing up the rear. People are on the boats: men
lounging, women in sun-bonnets, children, stovepipes with streaming
smoke.

TWO CITY AREAS, CERTAIN HOURS

NEW YORK, May 24, '79.—Perhaps no quarters of this city (I have
return'd again for awhile,) make more brilliant, animated, crowded,
spectacular human presentations these fine May afternoons than the two I
am now going to describe from personal observation. First: that area
comprising Fourteenth street (especially the short range between Broadway
and Fifth avenue) with Union square, its adjacencies, and so retrostretching

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down Broadway for half a mile. All the walks here are wide, and the spaces
ample and free—now flooded with liquid gold from the last two hours of
powerful sunshine. The whole area at 5 o'clock, the days of my
observations, must have contain'd from thirty to forty thousand finely-
dress'd people, all in motion, plenty of them good-looking, many beautiful
women, often youths and children, the latter in groups with their nurses—
the trottoirs everywhere close-spread, thick-tangled, (yet no collision, no
trouble,) with masses of bright color, action, and tasty toilets; (surely the
women dress better than ever before, and the men do too.) As if New York
would show these afternoons what it can do in its humanity, its choicest
physique and physiognomy, and its countless prodigality of locomotion, dry
goods, glitter, magnetism, and happiness.
Second: also from 5 to 7 P.M. the stretch of Fifth avenue, all the way
from the Central Park exits at Fifty-ninth street, down to Fourteenth,
especially along the high grade by Fortieth street, and down the hill. A
Mississippi of horses and rich vehicles, not by dozens and scores, but
hundreds and thousands—the broad avenue filled and cramm'd with them—
a moving, sparkling, hurrying crush, for more than two miles. (I wonder
they don't get block'd, but I believe they never do.) Altogether it is to me the
marvel sight of New York. I like to get in one of the Fifth avenue stages and
ride up, stemming the swift-moving procession. I doubt if London or Paris
or any city in the world can show such a carriage carnival as I have seen
here five or six times these beautiful May afternoons.

CENTRAL PARK WALKS AND TALKS

May 16 to 22.—I visit Central Park now almost every day, sitting, or
slowly rambling, or riding around. The whole place presents its very best
appearance this current month—the full flush of the trees, the plentiful
white and pink of the flowering shrubs, the emerald green of the grass
spreading everywhere, yellow dotted still with dandelions—the specialty of
the plentiful gray rocks, peculiar to these grounds, cropping out, miles and
miles—and over all the beauty and purity, three days out of four, of our
summer skies. As I sit, placidly, early afternoon, off against Ninetieth street,
the policeman, C. C., a well-form'd sandy-complexion'd young fellow,
comes over and stands near me. We grow quite friendly and chatty forth-
with. He is a New Yorker born and raised, and in answer to my questions

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tells me about the life of a New York Park policeman, (while he talks
keeping his eyes and ears vigilantly open, occasionally pausing and moving
where he can get full views of the vistas of the road, up and down, and the
spaces around.) The pay is $2.40 a day (seven days to a week)—the men
come on and work eight hours straight ahead, which is all that is required of
them out of the twenty-four. The position has more risks than one might
suppose—for instance if a team or horse runs away (which happens daily)
each man is expected not only to be prompt, but to waive safety and stop
wildest nag or nags—(do it, and don't be thinking of your bones or face)—
give the alarm-whistle too, so that other guards may repeat, and the vehicles
up and down the tracks be warn'd. Injuries to the men are continually
happening. There is much alertness and quiet strength. (Few appreciate, I
have often thought, the Ulyssean capacity, derring do, quick readiness in
emergencies, practicality, unwitting devotion and heroism, among our
American young men and working-people—the firemen, the railroad
employes, the steamer and ferry men, the police, the conductors and drivers
—the whole splendid average of native stock, city and country.) It is good
work, though; and upon the whole, the Park force members like it. They see
life, and the excitement keeps them up. There is not so much difficulty as
might be supposed from tramps, roughs, or in keeping people "off the
grass." The worst trouble of the regular Park employé is from malarial
fever, chills, and the like.

A FINE AFTERNOON, 4 TO 6

Ten thousand vehicles careering through the Park this perfect afternoon.
Such a show! and I have seen all—watch'd it narrowly, and at my leisure.
Private barouches, cabs and coupés, some fine horseflesh—lapdogs,
footmen, fashions, foreigners, cockades on hats, crests on panels—the full
oceanic tide of New York's wealth and "gentility." It was an impressive,
rich, interminable circus on a grand scale, full of action and color in the
beauty of the day, under the clear sun and moderate breeze. Family groups,
couples, single drivers—of course dresses generally elegant—much "style,"
(yet perhaps little or nothing, even in that direction, that fully justified
itself.) Through the windows of two or three of the richest carriages I saw
faces almost corpse-like, so ashy and listless. Indeed the whole affair
exhibited less of sterling America, either in spirit or countenance, than I had

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counted on from such a select mass-spectacle. I suppose, as a proof of
limitless wealth, leisure, and the aforesaid "gentility," it was tremendous.
Yet what I saw those hours (I took two other occasions, two other
afternoons to watch the same scene,) confirms a thought that haunts me
every additional glimpse I get of our top-loftical general or rather
exceptional phases of wealth and fashion in this country—namely, that they
are ill at ease, much too conscious, cased in too many cerements, and far
from happy—that there is nothing in them which we who are poor and plain
need at all envy, and that instead of the perennial smell of the grass and
woods and shores, their typical redolence is of soaps and essences, very rare
may be, but suggesting the barber shop—something that turns stale and
musty in a few hours anyhow.
Perhaps the show on the horseback road was prettiest. Many groups
(threes a favorite number,) some couples, some singly—many ladies—
frequently horses or parties dashing along on a full run—fine riding the rule
—a few really first-class animals. As the afternoon waned, the wheel'd
carriages grew less, but the saddle-riders seemed to increase. They linger'd
long—and I saw some charming forms and faces.

DEPARTING OF THE BIG STEAMERS

May 25.—A three hours' bay-trip from 12 to 3 this afternoon,
accompanying "the City of Brussels" down as far as the Narrows, in behoof
of some Europe-bound friends, to give them a good send off. Our spirited
little tug, the "Seth Low," kept close to the great black "Brussels,"
sometimes one side, sometimes the other, always up to her, or even pressing
ahead, (like the blooded pony accompanying the royal elephant.) The whole
affair, from the first, was an animated, quick-passing, characteristic New
York scene; the large, good-looking, well-dress'd crowd on the wharf-end—
men and women come to see their friends depart, and bid them God-speed
—the ship's sides swarming with passengers—groups of bronze-faced
sailors, with uniform' d officers at their posts—the quiet directions, as she
quickly unfastens and moves out, prompt to a minute—the emotional faces,
adieus and fluttering handkerchiefs, and many smiles and some tears on the
wharf—the answering faces, smiles, tears and fluttering handkerchiefs,
from the ship—(what can be subtler and finer than this play of faces on
such occasions in these responding crowds?—what go more to one's heart?)

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—the proud, steady, noiseless cleaving of the grand oceaner down the bay
—we speeding by her side a few miles, and then turning, wheeling,—amid
a babel of wild hurrahs, shouted partings, ear-splitting steam whistles,
kissing of hands and waving of handkerchiefs.
This departing of the big steamers, noons or afternoons—there is no
better medicine when one is listless or vapory. I am fond of going down
Wednesdays and Saturdays—their more special days—to watch them and
the crowds on the wharves, the arriving passengers, the general bustle and
activity, the eager looks from the faces, the clear-toned voices, (a travel'd
foreigner, a musician, told me the other day she thinks an American crowd
has the finest voices in the world,) the whole look of the great, shapely
black ships themselves, and their groups and lined sides—in the setting of
our bay with the blue sky overhead. Two days after the above I saw the
"Britannic," the "Donau," the "Helvetia" and the "Schiedam" steam out, all
off for Europe—a magnificent sight.

TWO HOURS ON THE MINNESOTA

From 7 to 9, aboard the United States school-ship Minnesota, lying up
the North river. Captain Luce sent his gig for us about sundown, to the foot
of Twenty-third street, and receiv'd us aboard with officer-like hospitality
and sailor heartiness. There are several hundred youths on the Minnesota to
be train'd for efficiently manning the government navy. I like the idea
much; and, so far as I have seen to-night, I like the way it is carried out on
this huge vessel. Below, on the gun-deck, were gather'd nearly a hundred of
the boys, to give us some of their singing exercises, with a melodeon
accompaniment, play'd by one of their number. They sang with a will. The
best part, however, was the sight of the young fellows themselves. I went
over among them before the singing began, and talk'd a few minutes
informally. They are from all the States; I asked for the Southerners, but
could only find one, a lad from Baltimore. In age, apparently, they range
from about fourteen years to nineteen or twenty. They are all of American
birth, and have to pass a rigid medical examination; well-grown youths,
good flesh, bright eyes, looking straight at you, healthy, intelligent, not a
slouch among them, nor a menial—in every one the promise of a man. I
have been to many public aggregations of young and old, and of schools
and colleges, in my day, but I confess I have never been so near satisfied, so

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comforted, (both from the fact of the school itself, and the splendid proof of
our country, our composite race, and the sample-promises of its good
average capacities, its future,) as in the collection from all parts of the
United States on this navy training ship. ("Are there going to be any men
there?" was the dry and pregnant reply of Emerson to one who had been
crowding him with the rich material statistics and possibilities of some
western or Pacific region.)
May 26.—Aboard the Minnesota again. Lieut. Murphy kindly came for
me in his boat. Enjoy'd specially those brief trips to and fro—the sailors,
tann'd, strong, so bright and able-looking, pulling their oars in long side-
swing, man-of-war style, as they row'd me across. I saw the boys in
companies drilling with small arms; had a talk with Chaplain Rawson. At
11 o'clock all of us gathered to breakfast around a long table in the great
ward room—I among the rest—a genial, plentiful, hospitable affair every
way—plenty to eat, and of the best; became acquainted with several new
officers. This second visit, with its observations, talks, (two or three at
random with the boys,) confirm'd my first impressions.

MATURE SUMMER DAYS AND NIGHTS

Aug. 4.—Forenoon—as I sit under the willow shade, (have retreated
down in the country again,) a little bird is leisurely dousing and flirting
himself amid the brook almost within reach of me. He evidently fears me
not—takes me for some concomitant of the neighboring earthy banks, free
bushery and wild weeds. 6 p.m.—The last three days have been perfect ones
for the season, (four nights ago copious rains, with vehement thunder and
lightning.) I write this sitting by the creek watching my two kingfishers at
their sundown sport. The strong, beautiful, joyous creatures! Their wings
glisten in the slanted sunbeams as they circle and circle around,
occasionally dipping and dashing the water, and making long stretches up
and down the creek. Wherever I go over fields, through lanes, in by-places,
blooms the white-flowering wild-carrot, its delicate pat of snow-flakes
crowning its slender stem, gracefully oscillating in the breeze,

EXPOSITION BUILDING—NEW CITY HALL—RIVER
TRIP

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PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 26.—Last night and to-night of unsurpass'd
clearness, after two days' rain; moon splendor and star splendor. Being out
toward the great Exposition building, West Philadelphia, I saw it lit up, and
thought I would go in. There was a ball, democratic but nice; plenty of
young couples waltzing and quadrilling—music by a good string-band. To
the sight and hearing of these—to moderate strolls up and down the roomy
spaces—to getting off aside, resting in an arm-chair and looking up a long
while at the grand high roof with its graceful and multitudinous work of
iron rods, angles, gray colors, plays of light and shade, receding into dim
outlines—to absorbing (in the intervals of the string band,) some capital
voluntaries and rolling caprices from the big organ at the other end of the
building—to sighting a shadow'd figure or group or couple of lovers every
now and then passing some near or farther aisle—I abandon'd myself for
over an hour.
Returning home, riding down Market street in an open summer car,
something detain'd us between Fifteenth and Broad, and I got out to view
better the new, three-fifths-built marble edifice, the City Hall, of
magnificent proportions—a majestic and lovely show there in the
moonlight—flooded all over, facades, myriad silver-white lines and carv'd
heads and mouldings, with the soft dazzle—silent, weird, beautiful—well, I
know that never when finish'd will that magnificent pile impress one as it
impress'd me those fifteen minutes.
To-night, since, I have been long on the river. I watch the C-shaped
Northern Crown, (with the star Alshacca that blazed out so suddenly,
alarmingly, one night a few years ago.) The moon in her third quarter, and
up nearly all night. And there, as I look eastward, my long-absent Pleiades,
welcome again to sight. For an hour I enjoy the soothing and vital scene to
the low splash of waves—new stars steadily, noiselessly rising in the east.
As I cross the Delaware, one of the deck-hands, F. R., tells me how a
woman jump'd overboard and was drown'd a couple of hours since. It
happen'd in mid-channel—she leap'd from the forward part of the boat,
which went over her. He saw her rise on the other side in the swift running
water, throw her arms and closed hands high up, (white hands and bare
forearms in the moonlight like a flash,) and then she sank. (I found out
afterwards that this young fellow had promptly jump'd in, swam after the

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poor creature, and made, though unsuccessfully, the bravest efforts to
rescue her; but he didn't mention that part at all in telling me the story.)

SWALLOWS ON THE RIVER

Sept. 3—Cloudy and wet, and wind due east; air without palpable fog,
but very heavy with moisture—welcome for a change. Forenoon, crossing
the Delaware, I noticed unusual numbers of swallows in flight, circling,
darting, graceful beyond description, close to the water. Thick, around the
bows of the ferry-boat as she lay tied in her slip, they flew; and as we went
out I watch'd beyond the pier-heads, and across the broad stream, their
swift-winding loop-ribands of motion, down close to it, cutting and
intersecting. Though I had seen swallows all my life, seem'd as though I
never before realized their peculiar beauty and character in the landscape.
(Some time ago, for an hour, in a huge old country barn, watching these
birds flying, recall'd the 22d book of the Odyssey, where Ulysses slays the
suitors, bringing things to eclaircissement, and Minerva, swallow-bodied,
darts up through the spaces of the hall, sits high on a beam, looks
complacently on the show of slaughter, and feels in her element, exulting,
joyous.)

BEGIN A LONG JAUNT WEST

The following three or four months (Sept. to Dec. '79) I made quite a
western journey, fetching up at Denver, Colorado, and penetrating the
Rocky Mountain region enough to get a good notion of it all. Left West
Philadelphia after 9 o'clock one night, middle of September, in a
comfortable sleeper. Oblivious of the two or three hundred miles across
Pennsylvania; at Pittsburgh in the morning to breakfast. Pretty good view of
the city and Birmingham—fog and damp, smoke, coke-furnaces, flames,
discolor'd wooden houses, and vast collections of coal-barges. Presently a
bit of fine region, West Virginia, the Panhandle, and crossing the river, the
Ohio. By day through the latter State—then Indiana—and so rock'd to
slumber for a second night, flying like lightning through Illinois.

IN THE SLEEPER

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What a fierce weird pleasure to lie in my berth at night in the luxurious
palace-car, drawn by the mighty Baldwin—embodying, and filling me, too,
full of the swiftest motion, and most resistless strength! It is late, perhaps
midnight or after—distances join'd like magic—as we speed through
Harrisburg, Columbus, Indianapolis. The element of danger adds zest to it
all. On we go, rumbling and flashing, with our loud whinnies thrown out
from time to time, or trumpet-blasts, into the darkness. Passing the homes
of men, the farms, barns, cattle—the silent villages. And the car itself, the
sleeper, with curtains drawn and lights turn'd down—in the berths the
slumberers, many of them women and children—as on, on, on, we fly like
lightning through the night—how strangely sound and sweet they sleep!
(They say the French Voltaire in his time designated the grand opera and a
ship of war the most signal illustrations of the growth of humanity's and
art's advance beyond primitive barbarism. Perhaps if the witty philosopher
were here these days, and went in the same car with perfect bedding and
feed from New York to San Francisco, he would shift his type and sample
to one of our American sleepers.)

MISSOURI STATE

We should have made the run of 960 miles from Philadelphia to St. Louis
in thirty-six hours, but we had a collision and bad locomotive smash about
two-thirds of the way, which set us back. So merely stopping over night that
time in St. Louis, I sped on westward. As I cross'd Missouri State the whole
distance by the St. Louis and Kansas City Northern Railroad, a fine early
autumn day, I thought my eyes had never looked on scenes of greater
pastoral beauty. For over two hundred miles successive rolling prairies,
agriculturally perfect view'd by Pennsylvania and New Jersey eyes, and
dotted here and there with fine timber. Yet fine as the land is, it isn't the
finest portion; (there is a bed of impervious clay and hard-pan beneath this
section that holds water too firmly, "drowns the land in wet weather, and
bakes it in dry," as a cynical farmer told me.) South are some richer tracts,
though perhaps the beauty-spots of the State are the northwestern counties.
Altogether, I am clear, (now, and from what I have seen and learn'd since,)
that Missouri, in climate, soil, relative situation, wheat, grass, mines,
railroads, and every important materialistic respect, stands in the front rank
of the Union. Of Missouri averaged politically and socially I have heard all

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sorts of talk, some pretty severe—but I should have no fear myself of
getting along safely and comfortably anywhere among the Missourians.
They raise a good deal of tobacco. You see at this time quantities of the
light greenish-gray leaves pulled and hanging out to dry on temporary
frameworks or rows of sticks. Looks much like the mullein familiar to
eastern eyes.

LAWRENCE AND TOPEKA, KANSAS

We thought of stopping in Kansas City, but when we got there we found
a train ready and a crowd of hospitable Kansians to take us on to Lawrence,
to which I proceeded. I shall not soon forget my good days in L., in
company with Judge Usher and his sons, (especially John and Linton,) true
westerners of the noblest type. Nor the similar days in Topeka. Nor the
brotherly kindness of my RR. friends there, and the city and State officials.
Lawrence and Topeka are large, bustling, half-rural, handsome cities. I took
two or three long drives about the latter, drawn by a spirited team over
smooth roads.
THE PRAIRIES (and an Undeliver'd Speech)
At a large popular meeting at Topeka—the Kansas State Silver Wedding,
fifteen or twenty thousand people—I had been erroneously bill'd to deliver
a poem. As I seem'd to be made much of, and wanted to be good-natured, I
hastily pencill'd out the following little speech. Unfortunately, (or
fortunately,) I had such a good time and rest, and talk and dinner, with the
U. boys, that I let the hours slip away and didn't drive over to the meeting
and speak my piece. But here it is just the same:
"My friends, your bills announce me as giving a poem; but I have no
poem—have composed none for this occasion. And I can honestly say I am
now glad of it. Under these skies resplendent in September beauty—amid
the peculiar landscape you are used to, but which is new to me—these
interminable and stately prairies—in the freedom and vigor and sane
enthusiasm of this perfect western air and autumn sunshine—it seems to me
a poem would be almost an impertinence. But if you care to have a word
from me, I should speak it about these very prairies; they impress me most,
of all the objective shows I see or have seen on this, my first real visit to the
West. As I have roll'd rapidly hither for more than a thousand miles, through

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fair Ohio, through bread-raising Indiana and Illinois—through ample
Missouri, that contains and raises everything; as I have partially explor'd
your charming city during the last two days, and, standing on Oread hill, by
the university, have launch'd my view across broad expanses of living
green, in every direction—I have again been most impress'd, I say, and shall
remain for the rest of my life most impress'd, with that feature of the
topography of your western central world—that vast Something, stretching
out on its own unbounded scale, unconfined, which there is in these
prairies, combining the real and ideal, and beautiful as dreams.
"I wonder indeed if the people of this continental inland West know how
much of first-class art they have in these prairies—how original and all
your own—how much of the influences of a character for your future
humanity, broad, patriotic, heroic and new? how entirely they tally on land
the grandeur and superb monotony of the skies of heaven, and the ocean
with its waters? how freeing, soothing, nourishing they are to the soul?
"Then is it not subtly they who have given us our leading modern
Americans, Lincoln and Grant?—vast-spread, average men—their
foregrounds of character altogether practical and real, yet (to those who
have eyes to see) with finest backgrounds of the ideal, towering high as any.
And do we not see, in them, foreshadowings of the future races that shall
fill these prairies?
"Not but what the Yankee and Atlantic States, and every other part—
Texas, and the States flanking the south-east and the Gulf of Mexico—the
Pacific shore empire—the Territories and Lakes, and the Canada line (the
day is not yet, but it will come, including Canada entire)—are equally and
integrally and indissolubly this Nation, the sine qua non of the human,
political and commercial New World. But this favor'd central area of (in
round numbers) two thousand miles square seems fated to be the home both
of what I would call America's distinctive ideas and distinctive realities."

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ON TO DENVER—A FRONTIER INCIDENT

The jaunt of five or six hundred miles from Topeka to Denver took me
through a variety of country, but all unmistakably prolific, western,
American, and on the largest scale. For a long distance we follow the line of
the Kansas river, (I like better the old name, Kaw,) a stretch of very rich,
dark soil, famed for its wheat, and call'd the Golden Belt—then plains and
plains, hour after hour—Ellsworth county, the centre of the State—where I
must stop a moment to tell a characteristic story of early days—scene the
very spot where I am passing—time 1868. In a scrimmage at some public
gathering in the town, A. had shot B. quite badly, but had not kill'd him. The
sober men of Ellsworth conferr'd with one another and decided that A.
deserv'd punishment. As they wished to set a good example and establish
their reputation the reverse of a Lynching town, they open an informal court
and bring both men before them for deliberate trial. Soon as this trial begins
the wounded man is led forward to give his testimony. Seeing his enemy in
durance and unarm'd, B. walks suddenly up in a fury and shoots A. through
the head—shoots him dead. The court is instantly adjourn'd, and its
unanimous members, without a word of debate, walk the murderer B. out,
wounded as he is, and hang him.
In due time we reach Denver, which city I fall in love with from the first,
and have that feeling confirm'd, the longer I stay there. One of my
pleasantest days was a jaunt, via Platte cañon, to Leadville.

AN HOUR ON KENOSHA SUMMIT

Jottings from the Rocky Mountains, mostly pencill'd during a day's trip
over the South Park RR., returning from Leadville, and especially the hour
we were detain'd, (much to my satisfaction,) at Kenosha summit. As
afternoon advances, novelties, far-reaching splendors, accumulate under the
bright sun in this pure air. But I had better commence with the day.
The confronting of Platte cañon just at dawn, after a ten miles' ride in
early darkness on the rail from Denver—the seasonable stoppage at the
entrance of the cañon, and good breakfast of eggs, trout, and nice griddle-
cakes—then as we travel on, and get well in the gorge, all the wonders,

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beauty, savage power of the scene—the wild stream of water, from sources
of snows, brawling continually in sight one side—the dazzling sun, and the
morning lights on the rocks—such turns and grades in the track, squirming
around corners, or up and down hills—far glimpses of a hundred peaks,
titanic necklaces, stretching north and south—the huge rightly-named
Dome-rock—and as we dash along, others similar, simple, monolithic,
elephantine.

AN EGOTISTICAL "FIND"

"I have found the law of my own poems," was the unspoken but more-
and-more decided feeling that came to me as I pass'd, hour after hour, amid
all this grim yet joyous elemental abandon—this plenitude of material,
entire absence of art, untrammel'd play of primitive Nature—the chasm, the
gorge, the crystal mountain stream, repeated scores, hundreds of miles—the
broad handling and absolute uncrampedness—the fantastic forms, bathed in
transparent browns, faint reds and grays, towering sometimes a thousand,
sometimes two or three thousand feet high—at their tops now and then
huge masses pois'd, and mixing with the clouds, with only their outlines,
hazed in misty lilac, visible. ("In Nature's grandest shows," says an old
Dutch writer, an ecclesiastic, "amid the ocean's depth, if so might be, or
countless worlds rolling above at night, a man thinks of them, weighs all,
not for themselves or the abstract, but with reference to his own personality,
and how they may affect him or color his destinies.")

NEW SENSES: NEW JOYS

We follow the stream of amber and bronze brawling along its bed, with
its frequent cascades and snow-white foam. Through the cañon we fly—
mountains not only each side, but seemingly, till we get near, right in front
of us—every rood a new view flashing, and each flash defying description
—on the almost perpendicular sides, clinging pines, cedars, spruces,
crimson sumach bushes, spots of wild grass—but dominating all, those
towering rocks, rocks, rocks, bathed in delicate vari-colors, with the clear
sky of autumn overhead. New senses, new joys, seem develop'd. Talk as
you like, a typical Rocky Mountain cañon, or a limitless sea-like stretch of
the great Kansas or Colorado plains, under favoring circumstances, tallies,

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perhaps expresses, certainly awakes, those grandest and subtlest element-
emotions in the human soul, that all the marble temples and sculptures from
Phidias to Thorwaldsen—all paintings, poems, reminiscences, or even
music, probably never can.

STEAM-POWER, TELEGRAPHS, ETC

I get out on a ten minutes' stoppage at Deer creek, to enjoy the unequal'd
combination of hill, stone and wood. As we speed again, the yellow granite
in the sunshine, with natural spires, minarets, castellated perches far aloft—
then long stretches of straight-upright palisades, rhinoceros color—then
gamboge and tinted chromos. Ever the best of my pleasures the cool-fresh
Colorado atmosphere, yet sufficiently warm. Signs of man's restless advent
and pioneerage, hard as Nature's face is—deserted dug-outs by dozens in
the side-hills—the scantling-hut, the telegraph-pole, the smoke of some
impromptu chimney or outdoor fire—at intervals little settlements of log-
houses, or parties of surveyors or telegraph builders, with their comfortable
tents. Once, a canvas office where you could send a message by electricity
anywhere around the world! Yes, pronounc'd signs of the man of latest
dates, dauntlessly grappling with these grisliest shows of the old kosmos. At
several places steam saw-mills, with their piles of logs and boards, and the
pipes puffing. Occasionally Platte cañon expanding into a grassy flat of a
few acres. At one such place, toward the end, where we stop, and I get out
to stretch my legs, as I look skyward, or rather mountain-topward, a huge
hawk or eagle (a rare sight here) is idly soaring, balancing along the ether,
now sinking low and coming quite near, and then up again in stately-
languid circles—then higher, higher, slanting to the north, and gradually out
of sight.

AMERICA'S BACK-BONE

I jot these lines literally at Kenosha summit, where we return, afternoon,
and take a long rest, 10,000 feet above sea-level. At this immense height the
South Park stretches fifty miles before me. Mountainous chains and peaks
in every variety of perspective, every hue of vista, fringe the view, in nearer,
or middle, or far-dim distance, or fade on the horizon. We have now reach'd,
penetrated the Rockies, (Hayden calls it the Front Range,) for a hundred

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miles or so; and though these chains spread away in every direction,
specially north and south, thousands and thousands farther, I have seen
specimens of the utmost of them, and know henceforth at least what they
are, and what they look like. Not themselves alone, for they typify stretches
and areas of half the globe—are, in fact, the vertebrae or back-bone of our
hemisphere. As the anatomists say a man is only a spine, topp'd, footed,
breasted and radiated, so the whole Western world is, in a sense, but an
expansion of these mountains. In South America they are the Andes, in
Central America and Mexico the Cordilleras, and in our States they go
under different names—in California the Coast and Cascade ranges—
thence more eastwardly the Sierra Nevadas—but mainly and more centrally
here the Rocky Mountains proper, with many an elevation such as
Lincoln's, Grey's, Harvard's, Yale's, Long's and Pike's peaks, all over 14,000
feet high. (East, the highest peaks of the Alleghanies, the Adirondacks, the
Catskills, and the White Mountains, range from 2000 to 5500 feet-only
Mount Washington, in the latter, 6300 feet.)

THE PARKS

In the midst of all here, lie such beautiful contrasts as the sunken basins
of the North, Middle, and South Parks, (the latter I am now on one side of,
and overlooking,) each the size of a large, level, almost quandrangular,
grassy, western county, wall'd in by walls of hills, and each park the source
of a river. The ones I specify are the largest in Colorado, but the whole of
that State, and of Wyoming, Utah, Nevada and western California, through
their sierras and ravines, are copiously mark'd by similar spreads and
openings, many of the small ones of paradisiac loveliness and perfection,
with their offsets of mountains, streams, atmosphere and hues beyond
compare.

ART FEATURES

Talk, I say again, of going to Europe, of visiting the ruins of feudal
castles, or Coliseum remains, or kings' palaces—when you can come here.
The alternations one gets, too; after the Illinois and Kansas prairies of a
thousand miles—smooth and easy areas of the corn and wheat of ten
million democratic farms in the future——here start up in every

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conceivable presentation of shape, these non-utilitarian piles, coping the
skies, emanating a beauty, terror, power, more than Dante or Angelo ever
knew. Yes, I think the chyle of not only poetry and painting, but oratory, and
even the metaphysics and music fit for the New World, before being finally
assimilated, need first and feeding visits here.
Mountain streams.—The spiritual contrast and etheriality of the whole
region consist largely to me in its never-absent peculiar streams—the snows
of inaccessible upper areas melting and running down through the gorges
continually. Nothing like the water of pastoral plains, or creeks with
wooded banks and turf, or anything of the kind elsewhere. The shapes that
element takes in the shows of the globe cannot be fully understood by an
artist until he has studied these unique rivulets.
Aerial effects.—But perhaps as I gaze around me the rarest sight of all is
in atmospheric hues. The prairies—as I cross'd them in my journey hither—
and these mountains and parks, seem to me to afford new lights and shades.
Everywhere the aerial gradations and sky-effects inimitable; nowhere else
such perspectives, such transparent lilacs and grays. I can conceive of some
superior landscape painter, some fine colorist, after sketching awhile out
here, discarding all his previous work, delightful to stock exhibition
amateurs, as muddy, raw and artificial. Near one's eye ranges an infinite
variety; high up, the bare whitey-brown, above timber line; in certain spots
afar patches of snow any time of year; (no trees, no flowers, no birds, at
those chilling altitudes.) As I write I see the Snowy Range through the blue
mist, beautiful and far off, I plainly see the patches of snow.

DENVER IMPRESSIONS

Through the long-lingering half-light of the most superb of evenings we
return'd to Denver, where I staid several days leisurely exploring, receiving
impressions, with which I may as well taper off this memorandum,
itemizing what I saw there. The best was the men, three-fourths of them
large, able, calm, alert, American. And cash! why they create it here. Out in
the smelting works, (the biggest and most improv'd ones, for the precious
metals, in the world,) I saw long rows of vats, pans, cover'd by bubbling-
boiling water, and fill'd with pure silver, four or five inches thick, many
thousand dollars' worth in a pan. The foreman who was showing me
shovel'd it carelessly up with a little wooden shovel, as one might toss

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beans. Then large silver bricks, worth $2000 a brick, dozens of piles, twenty
in a pile. In one place in the mountains, at a mining camp, I had a few days
before seen rough bullion on the ground in the open air, like the
confectioner's pyramids at some swell dinner in New York. (Such a sweet
morsel to roll over with a poor author's pen and ink—and appropriate to slip
in here—that the silver product of Colorado and Utah, with the gold product
of California, New Mexico, Nevada and Dakota, foots up an addition to the
world's coin of considerably over a hundred millions every year.)
A city, this Denver, well-laid out—Laramie street, and 15th and 16th and
Champa streets, with others, particularly fine—some with tall storehouses
of stone or iron, and windows of plate-glass—all the streets with little
canals of mountain water running along the sides—plenty of people,
"business," modernness—yet not without a certain racy wild smack, all its
own. A place of fast horses, (many mares with their colts,) and I saw lots of
big greyhounds for antelope hunting. Now and then groups of miners, some
just come in, some starting out, very picturesque.
One of the papers here interview'd me, and reported me as saying off-
hand: "I have lived in or visited all the great cities on the Atlantic third of
the republic—Boston, Brooklyn with its hills, New Orleans, Baltimore,
stately Washington, broad Philadelphia, teeming Cincinnati and Chicago,
and for thirty years in that wonder, wash'd by hurried and glittering tides,
my own New York, not only the New World's but the world's city—but,
newcomer to Denver as I am, and threading its streets, breathing its air,
warm'd by its sunshine, and having what there is of its human as well as
aerial ozone flash'd upon me now for only three or four days, I am very
much like a man feels sometimes toward certain people he meets with, and
warms to, and hardly knows why. I, too, can hardly tell why, but as I enter'd
the city in the slight haze of a late September afternoon, and have breath'd
its air, and slept well o' nights, and have roam'd or rode leisurely, and
watch'd the comers and goers at the hotels, and absorb'd the climatic
magnetism of this curiously attractive region, there has steadily grown upon
me a feeling of affection for the spot, which, sudden as it is, has become so
definite and strong that I must put it on record."
So much for my feeling toward the Queen city of the plains and peaks,
where she sits in her delicious rare atmosphere, over 5000 feet above sea-
level, irrigated by mountain streams, one way looking east over the prairies

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for a thousand miles, and having the other, westward, in constant view by
day, draped in their violet haze, mountain tops innumerable. Yes, I fell in
love with Denver, and even felt a wish to spend my declining and dying
days there.

I TURN SOUTH AND THEN EAST AGAIN

Leave Denver at 8 A.M. by the Rio Grande RR. going south. Mountains
constantly in sight in the apparently near distance, veil'd slightly, but still
clear and very grand—their cones, colors, sides, distinct against the sky—
hundreds, it seem'd thousands, interminable necklaces of them, their tops
and slopes hazed more or less slightly in that blue-gray, under the autumn
sun, for over a hundred miles—the most spiritual show of objective Nature
I ever beheld, or ever thought possible. Occasionally the light strengthens,
making a contrast of yellow-tinged silver on one side, with dark and shaded
gray on the other. I took a long look at Pike's peak, and was a little
disappointed. (I suppose I had expected something stunning.) Our view
over plains to the left stretches amply, with corrals here and there, the
frequent cactus and wild sage, and herds of cattle feeding. Thus about 120
miles to Pueblo. At that town we board the comfortable and well-equipt
Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe RR., now striking east.

UNFULFILLED WANTS—THE ARKANSAS RIVER

I had wanted to go to the Yellowstone river region—wanted specially to
see the National Park, and the geysers and the "hoodoo" or goblin land of
that country; indeed, hesitated a little at Pueblo, the turning point—wanted
to thread the Veta pass—wanted to go over the Santa Fe trail away
southwestward to New Mexico—but turn'd and set my face eastward—
leaving behind me whetting glimpse-tastes of southeastern Colorado,
Pueblo, Bald mountain, the Spanish peaks, Sangre de Christos, Mile-Shoe-
curve (which my veteran friend on the locomotive told me was "the boss
railroad curve of the universe,") fort Garland on the plains, Veta, and the
three great peaks of the Sierra Blancas. The Arkansas river plays quite a
part in the whole of this region—I see it, or its high-cut rocky northern
shore, for miles, and cross and recross it frequently, as it winds and squirms
like a snake. The plains vary here even more than usual—sometimes a long

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sterile stretch of scores of miles—then green, fertile and grassy, an equal
length. Some very large herds of sheep. (One wants new words in writing
about these plains, and all the inland American West—the terms, far, large,
vast, &c., are insufficient.)

A SILENT LITTLE FOLLOWER-THE COREOPSIS

Here I must say a word about a little follower, present even now before
my eyes. I have been accompanied on my whole journey from Barnegat to
Pike's peak by a pleasant floricultural friend, or rather millions of friends—
nothing more or less than a hardy little yellow five-petal'd September and
October wild-flower, growing I think everywhere in the middle and
northern United States. I had seen it on the Hudson and over Long Island,
and along the banks of the Delaware and through New Jersey, (as years ago
up the Connecticut, and one fall by Lake Champlain.) This trip it follow'd
me regularly, with its slender stem and eyes of gold, from Cape May to the
Kaw valley, and so through the cañons and to these plains. In Missouri I
saw immense fields all bright with it. Toward western Illinois I woke up one
morning in the sleeper and the first thing when I drew the curtain of my
berth and look'd out was its pretty countenance and bending neck.
Sept. 25th.—Early morning—still going east after we leave Sterling,
Kansas, where I stopp'd a day and night. The sun up about half an hour;
nothing can be fresher or more beautiful than this time, this region. I see
quite a field of my yellow flower in full bloom. At intervals dots of nice
two-story houses, as we ride swiftly by. Over the immense area, flat as a
floor, visible for twenty miles in every direction in the clear air, a
prevalence of autumn-drab and reddish-tawny herbage—sparse stacks of
hay and enclosures, breaking the landscape—as we rumble by, flocks of
prairie-hens starting up. Between Sterling and Florence a fine country.
(Remembrances to E. L., my old-young soldier friend of war times, and his
wife and boy at S.)

THE PRAIRIES AND GREAT PLAINS IN POETRY

(After traveling Illinois, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado) Grand as is the
thought that doubtless the child is already born who will see a hundred
millions of people, the most prosperous and advanc'd of the world,

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inhabiting these Prairies, the great Plains, and the valley of the Mississippi,
I could not help thinking it would be grander still to see all those inimitable
American areas fused in the alembic of a perfect poem, or other esthetic
work, entirely western, fresh and limitless—altogether our own, without a
trace or taste of Europe's soil, reminiscence, technical letter or spirit. My
days and nights, as I travel here—what an exhilaration!—not the air alone,
and the sense of vastness, but every local sight and feature. Everywhere
something characteristic—the cactuses, pinks, buffalo grass, wild sage—the
receding perspective, and the far circle-line of the horizon all times of day,
especially forenoon—the clear, pure, cool, rarefied nutriment for the lungs,
previously quite unknown—the black patches and streaks left by surface-
conflagrations—the deep-plough'd furrow of the "fire-guard"—the slanting
snow-racks built all along to shield the railroad from winter drifts—the
prairie-dogs and the herds of antelope—the curious "dry rivers"—
occasionally a "dug-out" or corral—Fort Riley and Fort Wallace—those
towns of the northern plains, (like ships on the sea,) Eagle-Tail, Coyoté,
Cheyenne, Agate, Monotony, Kit Carson—with ever the ant-hill and the
buffalo-wallow—ever the herds of cattle and the cow-boys ("cow-
punchers") to me a strangely interesting class, bright-eyed as hawks, with
their swarthy complexions and their broad-brimm'd hats—apparently
always on horseback, with loose arms slightly raised and swinging as they
ride.

THE SPANISH PEAKS—EVENING ON THE PLAINS

Between Pueblo and Bent's fort, southward, in a clear afternoon sun-spell
I catch exceptionally good glimpses of the Spanish peaks. We are in
southeastern Colorado—pass immense herds of cattle as our first-class
locomotive rushes us along—two or three times crossing the Arkansas,
which we follow many miles, and of which river I get fine views,
sometimes for quite a distance, its stony, upright, not very high, palisade
banks, and then its muddy flats. We pass Fort Lyon—lots of adobie houses
—limitless pasturage, appropriately fleck'd with those herds of cattle—in
due time the declining sun in the west—a sky of limpid pearl over all—and
so evening on the great plains. A calm, pensive, boundless landscape—the
perpendicular rocks of the north Arkansas, hued in twilight—a thin line of
violet on the southwestern horizon—the palpable coolness and slight aroma

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—a belated cow-boy with some unruly member of his herd—an emigrant
wagon toiling yet a little further, the horses slow and tired—two men,
apparently father and son, jogging along on foot—and around all the
indescribable chiaroscuro and sentiment, (profounder than anything at sea,)
athwart these endless wilds.

AMERICA'S CHARACTERISTIC LANDSCAPE

Speaking generally as to the capacity and sure future destiny of that plain
and prairie area (larger than any European kingdom) it is the inexhaustible
land of wheat, maize, wool, flax, coal, iron, beef and pork, butter and
cheese, apples and grapes—land of ten million virgin farms—to the eye at
present wild and unproductive—yet experts say that upon it when irrigated
may easily be grown enough wheat to feed the world. Then as to scenery
(giving my own thought and feeling,) while I know the standard claim is
that Yosemite, Niagara falls, the upper Yellowstone and the like, afford the
greatest natural shows, I am not so sure but the Prairies and the Plains,
while less stunning at first sight, last longer, fill the esthetic sense fuller,
precede all the rest, and make North America's characteristic landscape.
Indeed through the whole of this journey, with all its shows and varieties,
what most impress'd me, and will longest remain with me, are these same
prairies. Day after day, and night after night, to my eyes, to all my senses—
the esthetic one most of all—they silently and broadly unfolded. Even their
simplest statistics are sublime.

EARTH'S MOST IMPORTANT STREAM

The valley of the Mississippi river and its tributaries, (this stream and its
adjuncts involve a big part of the question,) comprehends more than twelve
hundred thousand square miles, the greater part prairies. It is by far the most
important stream on the globe, and would seem to have been marked out by
design, slow-flowing from north to south, through a dozen climates, all
fitted for man's healthy occupancy, its outlet unfrozen all the year, and its
line forming a safe, cheap continental avenue for commerce and passage
from the north temperate to the torrid zone. Not even the mighty Amazon
(though larger in volume) on its line of east and west—not the Nile in
Africa, nor the Danube in Europe, nor the three great rivers of China,

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compare with it. Only the Mediterranean sea has play'd some such part in
history, and all through the past, as the Mississippi is destined to play in the
future. By its demesnes, water'd and welded by its branches, the Missouri,
the Ohio, the Arkansas, the Red, the Yazoo, the St. Francis and others, it
already compacts twenty-five millions of people, not merely the most
peaceful and money-making, but the most restless and warlike on earth. Its
valley, or reach, is rapidly concentrating the political power of the American
Union. One almost thinks it is the Union—or soon will be. Take it out, with
its radiations, and what would be left? From the car windows through
Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, or stopping some days along the Topeka and
Santa Fe road, in southern Kansas, and indeed wherever I went, hundreds
and thousands of miles through this region, my eyes feasted on primitive
and rich meadows, some of them partially inhabited, but far, immensely far
more untouch'd, unbroken—and much of it more lovely and fertile in its
unplough'd innocence than the fair and valuable fields of New York's,
Pennsylvania's, Maryland's or Virginia's richest farms.

PRAIRIE ANALOGIES—THE TREE QUESTION

The word Prairie is French, and means literally meadow. The cosmical
analogies of our North American plains are the Steppes of Asia, the Pampas
and Llanos of South America, and perhaps the Saharas of Africa. Some
think the plains have been originally lake-beds; others attribute the absence
of forests to the fires that almost annually sweep over them—(the cause, in
vulgar estimation, of Indian summer.) The tree question will soon become a
grave one. Although the Atlantic slope, the Rocky mountain region, and the
southern portion of the Mississippi valley, are well wooded, there are here
stretches of hundreds and thousands of miles where either not a tree grows,
or often useless destruction has prevail'd; and the matter of the cultivation
and spread of forests may well be press'd upon thinkers who look to the
coming generations of the prairie States.

MISSISSIPPI VALLEY LITERATURE

Lying by one rainy day in Missouri to rest after quite a long exploration
—first trying a big volume I found there of "Milton, Young, Gray, Beattie
and Collins," but giving it up for a bad job—enjoying however for awhile,

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as often before, the reading of Walter Scott's poems, "Lay of the Last
Minstrel," "Marmion," and so on—I stopp'd and laid down the book, and
ponder'd the thought of a poetry that should in due time express and supply
the teeming region I was in the midst of, and have briefly touch'd upon.
One's mind needs but a moment's deliberation anywhere in the United
States to see clearly enough that all the prevalent book and library poets,
either as imported from Great Britain, or follow'd and doppel-gang'd here,
are foreign to our States, copiously as they are read by us all. But to fully
understand not only how absolutely in opposition to our times and lands,
and how little and cramp'd, and what anachronisms and absurdities many of
their pages are, for American purposes, one must dwell or travel awhile in
Missouri, Kansas and Colorado, and get rapport with their people and
country.
Will the day ever come—no matter how long deferr'd—when those
models and lay-figures from the British islands—and even the precious
traditions of the classics—will be reminiscences, studies only? The pure
breath, primitiveness, boundless prodigality and amplitude, strange mixture
of delicacy and power, of continence, of real and ideal, and of all original
and first-class elements, of these prairies, the Rocky mountains, and of the
Mississippi and Missouri rivers—will they ever appear in, and in some sort
form a standard for our poetry and art? (I sometimes think that even the
ambition of my friend Joaquin Miller to put them in, and illustrate them,
places him ahead of the whole crowd.)
Not long ago I was down New York bay, on a steamer, watching the
sunset over the dark green heights of Navesink, and viewing all that
inimitable spread of shore, shipping and sea, around Sandy Hook. But an
intervening week or two, and my eyes catch the shadowy outlines of the
Spanish peaks. In the more than two thousand miles between, though of
infinite and paradoxical variety, a curious and absolute fusion is doubtless
steadily annealing, compacting, identifying all. But subtler and wider and
more solid, (to produce such compaction,) than the laws of the States, or the
common ground of Congress, or the Supreme Court, or the grim welding of
our national wars, or the steel ties of railroads, or all the kneading and
fusing processes of our material and business history, past or present, would
in my opinion be a great throbbing, vital, imaginative work, or series of
works, or literature, in constructing which the Plains, the Prairies, and the
Mississippi river, with the demesnes of its varied and ample valley, should

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be the concrete background, and America's humanity, passions, struggles,
hopes, there and now—an eclaircissement as it is and is to be, on the stage
of the New World, of all Time's hitherto drama of war, romance and
evolution—should furnish the lambent fire, the ideal.

AN INTERVIEWER'S ITEM

Oct. 17, '79.—To-day one of the newspapers of St. Louis prints the
following informal remarks of mine on American, especially Western
literature: "We called on Mr. Whitman yesterday and after a somewhat
desultory conversation abruptly asked him: 'Do you think we are to have a
distinctively American literature?' 'It seems to me,' said he,'that our work at
present is to lay the foundations of a great nation in products, in agriculture,
in commerce, in networks of intercommunication, and in all that relates to
the comforts of vast masses of men and families, with freedom of speech,
ecclesiasticism, &c. These we have founded and are carrying out on a
grander scale than ever hitherto, and Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri,
Kansas and Colorado, seem to me to be the seat and field of these very facts
and ideas. Materialistic prosperity in all its varied forms, with those other
points that I mentioned, intercommunication and freedom, are first to be
attended to. When those have their results and get settled, then a literature
worthy of us will begin to be defined. Our American superiority and vitality
are in the bulk of our people, not in a gentry like the old world. The
greatness of our army during the secession war, was in the rank and file,
and so with the nation. Other lands have their vitality in a few, a class, but
we have it in the bulk of the people. Our leading men are not of much
account and never have been, but the average of the people is immense,
beyond all history. Sometimes I think in all departments, literature and art
included, that will be the way our superiority will exhibit itself. We will not
have great individuals or great leaders, but a great average bulk,
unprecedentedly great.'"

THE WOMEN OF THE WEST

Kansas City.—I am not so well satisfied with what I see of the women of
the prairie cities. I am writing this where I sit leisurely in a store in Main
street, Kansas City, a streaming crowd on the sidewalks flowing by. The

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ladies (and the same in Denver) are all fashionably drest, and have the look
of "gentility" in face, manner and action, but they do not have, either in
physique or the mentality appropriate to them, any high native originality of
spirit or body, (as the men certainly have, appropriate to them.) They are
"intellectual" and fashionable, but dyspeptic-looking and generally doll-
like; their ambition evidently is to copy their eastern sisters. Something far
different and in advance must appear, to tally and complete the superb
masculinity of the west, and maintain and continue it.

THE SILENT GENERAL

Sept. 28, '79.—So General Grant, after circumambiating the world, has
arrived home again, landed in San Francisco yesterday, from the ship City
of Tokio from Japan. What a man he is! what a history! what an illustration
—his life—of the capacities of that American individuality common to us
all. Cynical critics are wondering "what the people can see in Grant" to
make such a hubbub about. They aver (and it is no doubt true) that he has
hardly the average of our day's literary and scholastic culture, and
absolutely no pronounc'd genius or conventional eminence of any sort.
Correct: but he proves how an average western farmer, mechanic, boatman,
carried by tides of circumstances, perhaps caprices, into a position of
incredible military or civic responsibilities, (history has presented none
more trying, no born monarch's, no mark more shining for attack or envy,)
may steer his way fitly and steadily through them all, carrying the country
and himself with credit year after year—command over a million armed
men—fight more than fifty pitch'd battles—rule for eight years a land larger
than all the kingdoms of Europe combined—and then, retiring, quietly
(with a cigar in his mouth) make the promenade of the whole world,
through its courts and coteries, and kings and czars and mikados, and
splendidest glitters and etiquettes, as phlegmatically as he ever walk'd the
portico of a Missouri hotel after dinner. I say all this is what people like—
and I am sure I like it. Seems to me it transcends Plutarch. How those old
Greeks, indeed, would have seized on him! A mere plain man—no art, no
poetry—only practical sense, ability to do, or try his best to do, what
devolv'd upon him. A common trader, money-maker, tanner, farmer of
Illinois—general for the republic, in its terrific struggle with itself, in the
war of attempted secession—President following, (a task of peace, more

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difficult than the war itself)—nothing heroic, as the authorities put it—and
yet the greatest hero. The gods, the destinies, seem to have concentrated
upon him.

PRESIDENT HAYES'S SPEECHES

Sept. 30.—I see President Hayes has come out West, passing quite
informally from point to point, with his wife and a small cortege of big
officers, receiving ovations, and making daily and sometimes double-daily
addresses to the people. To these addresses—all impromptu, and some
would call them ephemeral—I feel to devote a memorandum. They are
shrewd, good-natur'd, face-to-face speeches, on easy topics not too deep;
but they give me some revised ideas of oratory—of a new, opportune theory
and practice of that art, quite changed from the classic rules, and adapted to
our days, our occasions, to American democracy, and to the swarming
populations of the West. I hear them criticised as wanting in dignity, but to
me they are just what they should be, considering all the circumstances,
who they come from, and who they are address'd to. Underneath, his objects
are to compact and fraternize the States, encourage their materialistic and
industrial development, soothe and expand their self-poise, and tie all and
each with resistless double ties not only of inter-trade barter, but human
comradeship.
From Kansas City I went on to St. Louis, where I remain'd nearly three
months, with my brother T.J.W., and my dear nieces.

ST. LOUIS MEMORANDA

Oct., Nov., and Dec., '79.—The points of St. Louis are its position, its
absolute wealth, (the long accumulations of time and trade, solid riches,
probably a higher average thereof than any city,) the unrivall'd amplitude of
its well-laid-out environage of broad plateaus, for future expansion—and
the great State of which it is the head. It fuses northern and southern
qualities, perhaps native and foreign ones, to perfection, rendezvous the
whole stretch of the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, and its American
electricity goes well with its German phlegm. Fourth, Fifth and Third
streets are store-streets, showy, modern, metropolitan, with hurrying
crowds, vehicles, horse-cars, hubbub, plenty of people, rich goods, plate-

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glass windows, iron fronts often five or six stories high. You can purchase
anything in St. Louis (in most of the big western cities for the matter of
that) just as readily and cheaply as in the Atlantic marts. Often in going
about the town you see reminders of old, even decay'd civilization. The
water of the west, in some places, is not good, but they make it up here by
plenty of very fair wine, and inexhaustible quantities of the best beer in the
world. There are immense establishments for slaughtering beef and pork—
and I saw flocks of sheep, 5000 in a flock. (In Kansas City I had visited a
packing establishment that kills and packs an average of 2500 hogs a day
the whole year round, for export. Another in Atchison, Kansas, same extent;
others nearly equal elsewhere. And just as big ones here.)

NIGHTS ON THE MISSISSIPPI

Oct. 29th, 30th, and 31st.—Wonderfully fine, with the full harvest moon,
dazzling and silvery. I have haunted the river every night lately, where I
could get a look at the bridge by moonlight. It is indeed a structure of
perfection and beauty unsurpassable, and I never tire of it. The river at
present is very low; I noticed to-day it had much more of a blue-clear look
than usual. I hear the slight ripples, the air is fresh and cool, and the view,
up or down, wonderfully clear, in the moonlight. I am out pretty late: it is so
fascinating, dreamy. The cool night-air, all the influences, the silence, with
those far-off eternal stars, do me good. I have been quite ill of late. And so,
well-near the centre of our national demesne, these night views of the
Mississippi.

UPON OUR OWN LAND

"Always, after supper, take a walk half a mile long," says an old proverb,
dryly adding, "and if convenient let it be upon your own land." I wonder
does any other nation but ours afford opportunity for such a jaunt as this?
Indeed has any previous period afforded it? No one, I discover, begins to
know the real geographic, democratic, indissoluble American Union in the
present, or suspect it in the future, until he explores these Central States,
and dwells awhile observantly on their prairies, or amid their busy towns,
and the mighty father of waters. A ride of two or three thousand miles, "on
one's own land," with hardly a disconnection, could certainly be had in no

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other place than the United States, and at no period before this. If you want
to see what the railroad is, and how civilization and progress date from it—
how it is the conqueror of crude nature, which it turns to man's use, both on
small scales and on the largest—come hither to inland America.
I return'd home, east, Jan. 5, 1880, having travers'd, to and fro and across,
10,000 miles and more. I soon resumed my seclusions down in the woods,
or by the creek, or gaddings about cities, and an occasional disquisition, as
will be seen following.

EDGAR POE'S SIGNIFICANCE

Jan. 1, '80.—In diagnosing this disease called humanity—to assume for
the nonce what seems a chief mood of the personality and writings of my
subject—I have thought that poets, somewhere or other on the list, present
the most mark'd indications. Comprehending artists in a mass, musicians,
painters, actors, and so on, and considering each and all of them as
radiations or flanges of that furious whirling wheel, poetry, the centre and
axis of the whole, where else indeed may we so well investigate the causes,
growths, tally-marks of the time—the age's matter and malady?
By common consent there is nothing better for man or woman than a
perfect and noble life, morally without flaw, happily balanced in activity,
physically sound and pure, giving its due proportion, and no more, to the
sympathetic, the human emotional element—a life, in all these, unhasting,
unresting, untiring to the end. And yet there is another shape of personality
dearer far to the artist-sense, (which likes the play of strongest lights and
shades,) where the perfect character, the good, the heroic, although never
attain'd, is never lost sight of, but through failures, sorrows, temporary
downfalls, is return'd to again and again, and while often violated, is
passionately adhered to as long as mind, muscles, voice, obey the power we
call volition. This sort of personality we see more or less in Burns, Byron,
Schiller, and George Sand. But we do not see it in Edgar Poe. (All this is the
result of reading at intervals the last three days a new volume of his poems
—I took it on my rambles down by the pond, and by degrees read it all
through there.) While to the character first outlined the service Poe renders
is certainly that entire contrast and contradiction which is next best to fully
exemplifying it.

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Almost without the first sign of moral principle, or of the concrete or its
heroisms, or the simpler affections of the heart, Poe's verses illustrate an
intense faculty for technical and abstract beauty, with the rhyming art to
excess, an incorrigible propensity toward nocturnal themes, a demoniac
undertone behind every page—and, by final judgment, probably belong
among the electric lights of imaginative literature, brilliant and dazzling,
but with no heat. There is an indescribable magnetism about the poet's life
and reminiscences, as well as the poems. To one who could work out their
subtle retracing and retrospect, the latter would make a close tally no doubt
between the author's birth and antecedents, his childhood and youth, his
physique, his so-call'd education, his studies and associates, the literary and
social Baltimore, Richmond, Philadelphia and New York, of those times—
not only the places and circumstances in themselves, but often, very often,
in a strange spurning of, and reaction from them all.
The following from a report in the Washington "Star" of November 16,
1875, may afford those who care for it something further of my point of
view toward this interesting figure and influence of our era. There occurr'd
about that date in Baltimore a public reburial of Poe's remains, and
dedication of a monument over the grave:
"Being in Washington on a visit at the time, 'the old gray' went over to
Baltimore, and though ill from paralysis, consented to hobble up and
silently take a seat on the platform, but refused to make any speech, saying,
'I have felt a strong impulse to come over and be here to-day myself in
memory of Poe, which I have obey'd, but not the slightest impulse to make
a speech, which, my dear friends, must also be obeyed.' In an informal
circle, however, in conversation after the ceremonies, Whitman said: 'For a
long while, and until lately, I had a distaste for Poe's writings. I wanted, and
still want for poetry, the clear sun shining, and fresh air blowing—the
strength and power of health, not of delirium, even amid the stormiest
passions—with always the background of the eternal moralities. Non-
complying with these requirements, Poe's genius has yet conquer'd a special
recognition for itself, and I too have come to fully admit it, and appreciate it
and him.
"'In a dream I once had, I saw a vessel on the sea, at midnight, in a storm.
It was no great full-rigg'd ship, nor majestic steamer, steering firmly
through the gale, but seem'd one of those superb little schooner yachts I had

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often seen lying anchor'd, rocking so jauntily, in the waters around New
York, or up Long Island sound—now flying uncontroll'd with torn sails and
broken spars through the wild sleet and winds and waves of the night. On
the deck was a slender, slight, beautiful figure, a dim man, apparently
enjoying all the terror, the murk, and the dislocation of which he was the
centre and the victim. That figure of my lurid dream might stand for Edgar
Poe, his spirit, his fortunes, and his poems—themselves all lurid dreams.'"
Much more may be said, but I most desired to exploit the idea put at the
beginning. By its popular poets the calibres of an age, the weak spots of its
embankments, its sub-currents, (often more significant than the biggest
surface ones,) are unerringly indicated. The lush and the weird that have
taken such extraordinary possession of Nineteenth century verse-lovers—
what mean they? The inevitable tendency of poetic culture to morbidity,
abnormal beauty—the sickliness of all technical thought or refinement in
itself—the abnegation of the perennial and democratic concretes at first
hand, the body, the earth and sea, sex and the like—and the substitution of
something for them at second or third hand—what bearings have they on
current pathological study?

BEETHOVEN'S SEPTETTE

Feb. 11, '80.—At a good concert to-night in the foyer of the opera house,
Philadelphia—the band a small but first-rate one. Never did music more
sink into and soothe and fill me—never so prove its soul-rousing power, its
impossibility of statement. Especially in the rendering of one of
Beethoven's master septettes by the well-chosen and perfectly-combined
instruments (violins, viola, clarionet, horn, 'cello and contrabass,) was I
carried away, seeing, absorbing many wonders. Dainty abandon, sometimes
as if Nature laughing on a hillside in the sunshine; serious and firm
monotonies, as of winds; a horn sounding through the tangle of the forest,
and the dying echoes; soothing floating of waves, but presently rising in
surges, angrily lashing, muttering, heavy; piercing peals of laughter, for
interstices; now and then weird, as Nature herself is in certain moods—but
mainly spontaneous, easy, careless—often the sentiment of the postures of
naked children playing or sleeping. It did me good even to watch the
violinists drawing their bows so masterly—every motion a study. I allow'd
myself, as I sometimes do, to wander out of myself. The conceit came to me

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of a copious grove of singing birds, and in their midst a simple harmonic
duo, two human souls, steadily asserting their own pensiveness, joyousness.

A HINT OF WILD NATURE

Feb. 13.—As I was crossing the Delaware to-day, saw a large flock of
wild geese, right overhead, not very high up, ranged in V-shape, in relief
against the noon clouds of light smoke-color. Had a capital though
momentary view of them, and then of their course on and on southeast, till
gradually fading—(my eyesight yet first rate for the open air and its
distances, but I use glasses for reading.) Queer thoughts melted into me the
two or three minutes, or less, seeing these creatures cleaving the sky—the
spacious, airy realm—even the prevailing smoke-gray color everywhere,
(no sun shining)—the waters below—the rapid flight of the birds, appearing
just for a minute—flashing to me such a hint of the whole spread of Nature,
with her eternal unsophisticated freshness, her never-visited recesses of sea,
sky, shore—and then disappearing in the distance.

LOAFING IN THE WOODS

March 8.—I write this down in the country again, but in a new spot,
seated on a log in the woods, warm, sunny, midday. Have been loafing here
deep among the trees, shafts of tall pines, oak, hickory, with a thick
undergrowth of laurels and grapevines—the ground cover'd everywhere by
debris, dead leaves, breakage, moss—everything solitary, ancient, grim.
Paths (such as they are) leading hither and yon—(how made I know not, for
nobody seems to come here, nor man nor cattle-kind.) Temperature to-day
about 60, the wind through the pine-tops; I sit and listen to its hoarse
sighing above (and to the stillness) long and long, varied by aimless
rambles in the old roads and paths, and by exercise-pulls at the young
saplings, to keep my joints from getting stiff. Blue-birds, robins, meadow-
larks begin to appear.
Next day, 9th.—A snowstorm in the morning, and continuing most of the
day. But I took a walk over two hours, the same woods and paths, amid the
falling flakes. No wind, yet the musical low murmur through the pines,
quite pronounced, curious, like waterfalls, now still'd, now pouring again.
All the senses, sight, sound, smell, delicately gratified. Every snowflake lay

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where it fell on the evergreens, holly-trees, laurels, &c., the multitudinous
leaves and branches piled, bulging-white, defined by edge-lines of emerald
—the tall straight columns of the plentiful bronze-topt pines—a slight
resinous odor blending with that of the snow. (For there is a scent to
everything, even the snow, if you can only detect it—no two places, hardly
any two hours, anywhere, exactly alike. How different the odor of noon
from midnight, or winter from summer, or a windy spell from a still one.)

A CONTRALTO VOICE

May 9, Sunday.—Visit this evening to my friends the J.'s—good supper,
to which I did justice—lively chat with Mrs. J. and I. and J. As I sat out
front on the walk afterward, in the evening air, the church-choir and organ
on the corner opposite gave Luther's hymn, Ein feste berg, very finely. The
air was borne by a rich contralto. For nearly half an hour there in the dark
(there was a good string of English stanzas,) came the music, firm and
unhurried, with long pauses. The full silver star-beams of Lyra rose silently
over the church's dim roof-ridge. Vari-color'd lights from the stain'd glass
windows broke through the tree-shadows. And under all—under the
Northern Crown up there, and in the fresh breeze below, and the
chiaroscuro of the night, that liquid-full contralto.

SEEING NIAGARA TO ADVANTAGE

June 4, '80.—For really seizing a great picture or book, or piece of
music, or architecture, or grand scenery—or perhaps for the first time even
the common sunshine, or landscape, or may-be even the mystery of identity,
most curious mystery of all—there comes some lucky five minutes of a
man's life, set amid a fortuitous concurrence of circumstances, and bringing
in a brief flash the culmination of years of reading and travel and thought.
The present case about two o'clock this afternoon, gave me Niagara, its
superb severity of action and color and majestic grouping, in one short,
indescribable show. We were very slowly crossing the Suspension bridge-
not a full stop anywhere, but next to it—the day clear, sunny, still—and I
out on the platform. The falls were in plain view about a mile off, but very
distinct, and no roar—hardly a murmur. The river tumbling green and
white, far below me; the dark high banks, the plentiful umbrage, many

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bronze cedars, in shadow; and tempering and arching all the immense
materiality, a clear sky overhead, with a few white clouds, limpid, spiritual,
silent. Brief, and as quiet as brief, that picture—a remembrance always
afterwards. Such are the things, indeed, I lay away with my life's rare and
blessed bits of hours, reminiscent, past—the wild sea-storm I once saw one
winter day, off Fire island—the elder Booth in Richard, that famous night
forty years ago in the old Bowery—or Alboni in the children's scene in
Norma—or night-views, I remember, on the field, after battles in Virginia—
or the peculiar sentiment of moonlight and stars over the great Plains,
western Kansas—or scooting up New York bay, with a stiff breeze and a
good yacht, off Navesink. With these, I say, I henceforth place that view,
that afternoon, that combination complete, that five minutes' perfect
absorption of Niagara—not the great majestic gem alone by itself, but set
complete in all its varied, full, indispensable surroundings.

JAUNTING TO CANADA

To go back a little, I left Philadelphia, 9th and Green streets, at 8 o'clock
P.M., June 3, on a first-class sleeper, by the Lehigh Valley (North
Pennsylvania) route, through Bethlehem, Wilkesbarre, Waverly, and so (by
Erie) on through Corning to Hornellsville, where we arrived at 8, morning,
and had a bounteous breakfast. I must say I never put in such a good night
on any railroad track—smooth, firm, the minimum of jolting, and all the
swiftness compatible with safety. So without change to Buffalo, and thence
to Clifton, where we arrived early afternoon; then on to London, Ontario,
Canada, in four more—less than twenty-two hours altogether. I am
domiciled at the hospitable house of my friends Dr. and Mrs. Bucke, in the
ample and charming garden and lawns of the asylum.

SUNDAY WITH THE INSANE

June 6.—Went over to the religious services (Episcopal) main Insane
asylum, held in a lofty, good-sized hall, third story. Plain boards,
whitewash, plenty of cheap chairs, no ornament or color, yet all
scrupulously clean and sweet. Some three hundred persons present, mostly
patients. Everything, the prayers, a short sermon, the firm, orotund voice of
the minister, and most of all, beyond any portraying, or suggesting, that

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audience, deeply impress'd me. I was furnish'd with an arm-chair near the
pulpit, and sat facing the motley, yet perfectly well-behaved and orderly
congregation. The quaint dresses and bonnets of some of the women,
several very old and gray, here and there like the heads in old pictures. O
the looks that came from those faces! There were two or three I shall
probably never forget. Nothing at all markedly repulsive or hideous—
strange enough I did not see one such. Our common humanity, mine and
yours, everywhere:

"The same old blood—the same red, running blood;"

yet behind most, an inferr'd arriere of such storms, such wrecks, such
mysteries, fires, love, wrong, greed for wealth, religious problems, crosses
—mirror'd from those crazed faces (yet now temporarily so calm, like still
waters,) all the woes and sad happenings of life and death—now from every
one the devotional element radiating—was it not, indeed, the peace of God
that passeth all understanding, strange as it may sound? I can only say that
I took long and searching eyesweeps as I sat there, and it seem'd so, rousing
unprecedented thoughts, problems unanswerable. A very fair choir, and
melodeon accompaniment. They sang "Lead, kindly light," after the
sermon. Many join'd in the beautiful hymn, to which the minister read the
introductory text, In the daytime also He led them with a cloud, and all the
night with a light of fire. Then the words:

Lead, kindly light, amid the encircling gloom,
Lead thou me on.
The night is dark, and I am far from home;
Lead thou me on.
Keep thou my feet; I do not ask to see
The distant scene; one step enough for me.

I was not ever thus, nor pray'd that thou
Should'st lead me on;
I lov'd to choose and see my path; but now
Lead thou me on.
I loved the garish day, and spite of fears
Pride ruled my will; remember not past years.

A couple of days after, I went to the "Refractory building," under special
charge of Dr. Beemer, and through the wards pretty thoroughly, both the
men's and women's. I have since made many other visits of the kind through
the asylum, and around among the detach'd cottages. As far as I could see,
this is among the most advanced, perfected, and kindly and rationally

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carried on, of all its kind in America. It is a town in itself, with many
buildings and a thousand inhabitants.
I learn that Canada, and especially this ample and populous province,
Ontario, has the very best and plentiest benevolent institutions in all
departments.

REMINISCENCE OF ELIAS HICKS

June 8.—To-day a letter from Mrs. E. S. L., Detroit, accompanied in a
little post-office roll by a rare old engraved head of Elias Hicks, (from a
portrait in oil by Henry Inman, painted for J. V. S., must have been 60 years
or more ago, in New York)—among the rest the following excerpt about E.
H. in the letter:

"I have listen'd to his preaching so often when a child, and sat with
my mother at social gatherings where he was the centre, and every one
so pleas'd and stirr'd by his conversation. I hear that you contemplate
writing or speaking about him, and I wonder'd whether you had a picture
of him. As I am the owner of two, I send you one."

GRAND NATIVE GROWTH

In a few days I go to lake Huron, and may have something to say of that
region and people. From what I already see, I should say the young native
population of Canada was growing up, forming a hardy, democratic,
intelligent, radically sound, and just as American, good-natured and
individualistic race, as the average range of best specimens among us. As
among us, too, I please myself by considering that this element, though it
may not be the majority, promises to be the leaven which must eventually
leaven the whole lump.

A ZOLLVEREIN BETWEEN THE U.S. AND CANADA

Some of the more liberal of the presses here are discussing the question
of a zollverein between the United States and Canada. It is proposed to
form a union for commercial purposes—to altogether abolish the frontier
tariff line, with its double sets of custom house officials now existing
between the two countries, and to agree upon one tariff for both, the

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proceeds of this tariff to be divided between the two governments on the
basis of population. It is said that a large proportion of the merchants of
Canada are in favor of this step, as they believe it would materially add to
the business of the country, by removing the restrictions that now exist on
trade between Canada and the States. Those persons who are opposed to the
measure believe that it would increase the material welfare or the country,
but it would loosen the bonds between Canada and England; and this
sentiment overrides the desire for commercial prosperity. Whether the
sentiment can continue to bear the strain put upon it is a question. It is
thought by many that commercial considerations must in the end prevail. It
seems also to be generally agreed that such a zollverein, or common
customs union, would bring practically more benefits to the Canadian
provinces than to the United States. (It seems to me a certainty of time,
sooner or later, that Canada shall form two or three grand States, equal and
independent, with the rest of the American Union. The St. Lawrence and
lakes are not for a frontier line, but a grand interior or mid-channel.)

THE ST. LAWRENCE LINE

August 20.—Premising that my three or four months in Canada were
intended, among the rest, as an exploration of the line of the St. Lawrence,
from lake Superior to the sea, (the engineers here insist upon considering it
as one stream, over 2000 miles long, including lakes and Niagara and all)—
that I have only partially carried out my programme; but for the seven or
eight hundred miles so far fulfill'd, I find that the Canada question is
absolutely control'd by this vast water line, with its first-class features and
points of trade, humanity, and many more—here I am writing this nearly a
thousand miles north of my Philadelphia starting-point (by way of Montreal
and Quebec) in the midst of regions that go to a further extreme of
grimness, wildness of beauty, and a sort of still and pagan scaredness, while
yet Christian, inhabitable, and partially fertile, than perhaps any other on
earth. The weather remains perfect; some might call it a little cool, but I
wear my old gray overcoat and find it just right. The days are full of
sunbeams and oxygen. Most of the forenoons and afternoons I am on the
forward deck of the steamer.

THE SAVAGE SAGUENAY

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Up these black waters, over a hundred miles—always strong, deep,
(hundreds of feet, sometimes thousands,) ever with high, rocky hills for
banks, green and gray—at times a little like some parts of the Hudson, but
much more pronounc'd and defiant. The hills rise higher—keep their ranks
more unbroken. The river is straighter and of more resolute flow, and its
hue, though dark as ink, exquisitely polish'd and sheeny under the August
sun. Different, indeed, this Saguenay from all other rivers—different effects
—a bolder, more vehement play of lights and shades. Of a rare charm of
singleness and simplicity. (Like the organ-chant at midnight from the old
Spanish convent, in "Favorita"—one strain only, simple and monotonous
and unornamented—but indescribably penetrating and grand and
masterful.) Great place for echoes: while our steamer was tied at the wharf
at Tadousac (taj-oo-sac) waiting, the escape-pipe letting off steam, I was
sure I heard a band at the hotel up in the rocks—could even make out some
of the tunes. Only when our pipe stopp'd, I knew what caused it. Then at
cape Eternity and Trinity rock, the pilot with his whistle producing similar
marvellous results, echoes indescribably weird, as we lay off in the still bay
under their shadows.

CAPES ETERNITY AND TRINITY

But the great, haughty, silent capes themselves; I doubt if any crack
points, or hills, or historic places of note, or anything of the kind elsewhere
in the world, outvies these objects—(I write while I am before them face to
face.) They are very simple, they do not startle—at least they did not me—
but they linger in one's memory forever. They are placed very near each
other, side by side, each a mountain rising flush out of the Saguenay. A
good thrower could throw a stone on each in passing—at least it seems so.
Then they are as distinct in form as a perfect physical man or a perfect
physical woman. Cape Eternity is bare, rising, as just said, sheer out of the
water, rugged and grim (yet with an indescribable beauty) nearly two
thousand feet high. Trinity rock, even a little higher, also rising flush, top-
rounded like a great head with close-cut verdure of hair. I consider myself
well repaid for coming my thousand miles to get the sight and memory of
the unrivall'd duo. They have stirr'd me more profoundly than anything of
the kind I have yet seen. If Europe or Asia had them, we should certainly

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hear of them in all sorts of sent-back poems, rhapsodies, &c., a dozen times
a year through our papers and magazines.

CHICOUTIMI AND HA-HA BAY

No indeed—life and travel and memory have offer'd and will preserve to
me no deeper-cut incidents, panorama, or sights to cheer my soul, than
these at Chicoutimi and Ha-ha bay, and my days and nights up and down
this fascinating savage river—the rounded mountains, some bare and gray,
some dull red, some draped close all over with matted green verdure or
vines—the ample, calm, eternal rocks everywhere—the long streaks of
motley foam, a milk-white curd on the glistening breast of the stream—the
little two-masted schooner, dingy yellow, with patch'd sails, set wing-and-
wing, nearing us, coming saucily up the water with a couple of swarthy,
black-hair'd men aboard—the strong shades falling on the light gray or
yellow outlines of the hills all through the forenoon, as we steam within
gunshot of them—while ever the pure and delicate sky spreads over all.
And the splendid sunsets, and the sights of evening—the same old stars,
(relatively a little different, I see, so far north) Arcturus and Lyra, and the
Eagle, and great Jupiter like a silver globe, and the constellation of the
Scorpion. Then northern lights nearly every night.

THE INHABITANTS—GOOD LIVING

Grim and rocky and black-water'd as the demesne hereabout is, however,
you must not think genial humanity, and comfort, and good-living are not to
be met. Before I began this memorandum I made a first-rate breakfast of
sea-trout, finishing off with wild raspberries. I find smiles and courtesy
everywhere—physiognomies in general curiously like those in the United
States—(I was astonish'd to find the same resemblance all through the
province of Quebec.) In general the inhabitants of this rugged country
(Charlevoix, Chicoutimi and Tadousac counties, and lake St. John region) a
simple, hardy population, lumbering, trapping furs, boating, fishing, berry-
picking and a little farming. I was watching a group of young boatmen
eating their early dinner—nothing but an immense loaf of bread, had
apparently been the size of a bushel measure, from which they cut chunks

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with a jack-knife. Must be a tremendous winter country this, when the solid
frost and ice fully set in.
CEDAR-PLUMS LIKE-NAMES (Back again in Camden and down in
Jersey)
One time I thought of naming this collection "Cedar-Plums Like" (which
I still fancy wouldn't have been a bad name nor inappropriate.) A melange
of loafing, looking, hobbling, sitting, traveling—a little thinking thrown in
for salt, but very little—not only summer but all seasons—not only days but
nights—some literary meditations—books, authors examined, Carlyle, Poe,
Emerson tried, (always under my cedar-tree, in the open air, and never in
the library)—mostly the scenes everybody sees, but some of my own
caprices, meditations, egotism—truly an open air and mainly summer
formation—singly, or in clusters—wild and free and somewhat acrid—
indeed more like cedar-plums than you might guess at first glance.
But do you know what they are? (To city man, or some sweet parlor lady,
I now talk.) As you go along roads, or barrens, or across country, anywhere
through these States, middle, eastern, western, or southern, you will see,
certain seasons of the year, the thick woolly tufts of the cedar mottled with
bunches of china-blue berries, about as big as fox-grapes. But first a special
word for the tree itself: everybody knows that the cedar is a healthy, cheap,
democratic wood, streak'd red and white—an evergreen—that it is not a
cultivated tree—that it keeps away moths—that it grows inland or seaboard,
all climates, hot or cold, any soil—in fact rather prefers sand and bleak side
spots—content if the plough, the fertilizer and the trimming-axe, will but
keep away and let it alone. After a long rain, when everything looks bright,
often have I stopt in my wood-saunters, south or north, or far west, to take
in its dusky green, wash'd clean and sweet, and speck'd copiously with its
fruit of clear, hardy blue. The wood of the cedar is of use—but what profit
on earth are those sprigs of acrid plums? A question impossible to answer
satisfactorily. True, some of the herb doctors give them for stomachic
affections, but the remedy is as bad as the disease. Then in my rambles
down in Camden county I once found an old crazy woman gathering the
clusters with zeal and joy. She show'd, as I was told afterward, a sort of
infatuation for them, and every year placed and kept profuse bunches high
and low about her room. They had a strange charm on her uneasy head, and
effected docility and peace. (She was harmless, and lived near by with her

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well-off married daughter.) Whether there is any connection between those
bunches, and being out of one's wits, I cannot say, but I myself entertain a
weakness for them. Indeed, I love the cedar, anyhow—its naked
ruggedness, its just palpable odor, (so different from the perfumer's best,) its
silence, its equable acceptance of winter's cold and summer's heat, of rain or
drouth—its shelter to me from those, at times—its associations—(well, I
never could explain why I love anybody, or anything.) The service I now
specially owe to the cedar is, while I cast around for a name for my
proposed collection, hesitating, puzzled—after rejecting a long, long string,
I lift my eyes, and lo! the very term I want. At any rate, I go no further—I
tire in the search. I take what some invisible kind spirit has put before me.
Besides, who shall say there is not affinity enough between (at least the
bundle of sticks that produced) many of these pieces, or granulations, and
those blue berries? their uselessness growing wild—a certain aroma of
Nature I would so like to have in my pages—the thin soil whence they
come—their content in being let alone—their stolid and deaf repugnance to
answering questions, (this latter the nearest, dearest trait affinity of all.)
Then reader dear, in conclusion, as to the point of the name for the
present collection, let us be satisfied to have a name—something to identify
and bind it together, to concrete all its vegetable, mineral, personal
memoranda, abrupt raids of criticism, crude gossip of philosophy, varied
sands and clumps—without bothering ourselves because certain pages do
not present themselves to you or me as coming under their own name with
entire fitness or amiability. (It is a profound, vexatious never-explicable
matter—this of names. I have been exercised deeply about it my whole life.
{11})
After all of which the name "Cedar-Plums Like" got its nose put out of
joint; but I cannot afford to throw away what I pencill'd down the lane
there, under the shelter of my old friend, one warm October noon. Besides,
it wouldn't be civil to the cedar tree.
Endnotes:
{11} In the pocket of my receptacle-book I find a list of suggested and
rejected names for this volume, or parts of it—such as the following:

As the wild bee hums in May,
& August mulleins grow,
& Winter snow-flakes fall,
& stars in the sky roll round.

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Away from Books—away from Art,
Now for the Day and Night—the lessons done,
Now for the Sun and Stars.

Notes of a Half-Paralytic, As Voices in the Dusk, from
Week in and Week out, Speakers far or hid,
Embers of Ending Days, Autochthons....Embryons,
Ducks and Drakes, Wing-and-Wing,
Flood Tide and Ebb, Notes and Recalles.
Gossip at Early Candle-light, Only Mulleins and Bumble-Bees,
Echoes and Escapades, Pond-Babble....Tête-a-Têtes,
Such as I....Evening Dews, Echoes of a Life in the 19th
Notes and Writing a Book, Century in the New World,
Far and Near at 63, Flanges of Fifty Years,
Drifts and Cumulus, Abandons....Hurry Notes,
Maize-Tassels....Kindlings, A Life-Mosaic....Native Moments,
Fore and Aft....Vestibules, Types and Semi-Tones,
Scintilla at 60 and after, Oddments....Sand-Drifts,
Sands on the Shores of 64, Again and Again.

DEATH OF THOMAS CARLYLE

Feb. 10, '81.—And so the flame of the lamp, after long wasting and
flickering, has gone out entirely.
As a representative author, a literary figure, no man else will bequeath to
the future more significant hints of our stormy era, its fierce paradoxes, its
din, and its struggling parturition periods, than Carlyle. He belongs to our
own branch of the stock too; neither Latin nor Greek, but altogether Gothic.
Rugged, mountainous, volcanic, he was himself more a French revolution
than any of his volumes. In some respects, so far in the Nineteenth century,
the best equipt, keenest mind, even from the college point of view, of all
Britain; only he had an ailing body. Dyspepsia is to be traced in every page,
and now and then fills the page. One may include among the lessons of his
life—even though that life stretch'd to amazing length—how behind the
tally of genius and morals stands the stomach, and gives a sort of casting
vote.
Two conflicting agonistic elements seem to have contended in the man,
sometimes pulling him different ways like wild horses. He was a cautious,
conservative Scotchman, fully aware what a foetid gas-bag much of modern
radicalism is; but then his great heart demanded reform, demanded change
—often terribly at odds with his scornful brain. No author ever put so much
wailing and despair into his books, sometimes palpable, oftener latent. He
reminds me of that passage in Young's poems where as death presses closer

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and closer for his prey, the soul rushes hither and thither, appealing,
shrieking, berating, to escape the general doom.
Of short-comings, even positive blur-spots, from an American point of
view, he had serious share.
Not for his merely literary merit, (though that was great)—not as "maker
of books," but as launching into the self-complacent atmosphere of our days
a rasping, questioning, dislocating agitation and shock, is Carlyle's final
value. It is time the English-speaking peoples had some true idea about the
verteber of genius, namely power. As if they must always have it cut and
bias'd to the fashion, like a lady's cloak! What a needed service he
performs! How he shakes our comfortable reading circles with a touch of
the old Hebraic anger and prophecy—and indeed it is just the same. Not
Isaiah himself more scornful, more threatening: "The crown of pride, the
drunkards of Ephraim, shall be trodden under feet: And the glorious beauty
which is on the head of the fat valley shall be a fading flower." (The word
prophecy is much misused; it seems narrow'd to prediction merely. That is
not the main sense of the Hebrew word translated "prophet;" it means one
whose mind bubbles up and pours forth as a fountain, from inner, divine
spontaneities revealing God. Prediction is a very minor part of prophecy.
The great matter is to reveal and outpour the God-like suggestions pressing
for birth in the soul. This is briefly the doctrine of the Friends or Quakers.)
Then the simplicity and amid ostensible frailty the towering strength of
this man—a hardy oak knot, you could never wear out—an old farmer
dress'd in brown clothes, and not handsome—his very foibles fascinating.
Who cares that he wrote about Dr. Francia, and "Shooting Niagara"—and
"the Nigger Question,"—and didn't at all admire our United States? (I doubt
if he ever thought or said half as bad words about us as we deserve.) How
he splashes like leviathan in the seas of modern literature and politics!
Doubtless, respecting the latter, one needs first to realize, from actual
observation, the squalor, vice and doggedness ingrain'd in the bulk-
population of the British islands, with the red tape, the fatuity, the
flunkeyism everywhere, to understand the last meaning in his pages.
Accordingly, though he was no chartist or radical, I consider Carlyle's by
far the most indignant comment or protest anent the fruits of feudalism to-
day in Great Britain—the increasing poverty and degradation of the
homeless, landless twenty millions, while a few thousands, or rather a few

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hundreds, possess the entire soil, the money, and the fat berths. Trade and
shipping, and clubs and culture, and prestige, and guns, and a fine select
class of gentry and aristocracy, with every modern improvement, cannot
begin to salve or defend such stupendous hoggishness.
The way to test how much he has left his country were to consider, or try
to consider, for a moment, the array of British thought, the resultant
ensemble of the last fifty years, as existing to-day, but with Carlyle left out.
It would be like an army with no artillery. The show were still a gay and
rich one—Byron, Scott, Tennyson, and many more—horsemen and rapid
infantry, and banners flying—but the last heavy roar so dear to the ear of
the train'd soldier, and that settles fate and victory, would be lacking.
For the last three years we in America have had transmitted glimpses of a
thin-bodied, lonesome, wifeless, childless, very old man, lying on a sofa,
kept out of bed by indomitable will, but, of late, never well enough to take
the open air. I have noted this news from time to time in brief descriptions
in the papers. A week ago I read such an item just before I started out for
my customary evening stroll between eight and nine. In the fine cold night,
unusually clear, (Feb. 5, '81,) as I walk'd some open grounds adjacent, the
condition of Carlyle, and his approaching—perhaps even then actual—
death, filled me with thoughts eluding statement, and curiously blending
with the scene. The planet Venus, an hour high in the west, with all her
volume and lustre recover'd, (she has been shorn and languid for nearly a
year,) including an additional sentiment I never noticed before—not merely
voluptuous, Paphian, steeping, fascinating—now with calm commanding
seriousness and hauteur—the Milo Venus now. Upward to the zenith,
Jupiter, Saturn, and the moon past her quarter, trailing in procession, with
the Pleiades following, and the constellation Taurus, and red Aldebaran. Not
a cloud in heaven. Orion strode through the southeast, with his glittering
belt—and a trifle below hung the sun of the night, Sirius. Every star dilated,
more vitreous, nearer than usual. Not as in some clear nights when the
larger stars entirely outshine the rest. Every little star or cluster just as
distinctly visible, and just as nigh. Berenice's hair showing every gem, and
new ones. To the northeast and north the Sickle, the Goat and kids,
Cassiopeia, Castor and Pollux, and the two Dippers. While through the
whole of this silent indescribable show, inclosing and bathing my whole
receptivity, ran the thought of Carlyle dying. (To soothe and spiritualize,

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and, as far as may be, solve the mysteries of death and genius, consider
them under the stars at midnight.)
And now that he has gone hence, can it be that Thomas Carlyle, soon to
chemically dissolve in ashes and by winds, remains an identity still? In
ways perhaps eluding all the statements, lore and speculations of ten
thousand years—eluding all possible statements to mortal sense—does he
yet exist, a definite, vital being, a spirit, an individual—perhaps now wafted
in space among those stellar systems, which, suggestive and limitless as
they are, merely edge more limitless, far more suggestive systems? I have
no doubt of it. In silence, of a fine night, such questions are answer'd to the
soul, the best answers that can be given. With me, too, when depress'd by
some specially sad event, or tearing problem, I wait till I go out under the
stars for the last voiceless satisfaction.

CARLYLE FROM AMERICAN POINTS OF VIEW

Later Thoughts and Jottings
There is surely at present an inexplicable rapport (all the more piquant
from its contradictoriness) between that deceas'd author and our United
States of America—no matter whether it lasts or not{13} As we Westerners
assume definite shape, and result in formations and fruitage unknown
before, it is curious with what a new sense our eyes turn to representative
outgrowths of crises and personages in the Old World. Beyond question,
since Carlyle's death, and the publication of Froude's memoirs, not only the
interest in his books, but every personal bit regarding the famous
Scotchman—his dyspepsia, his buffetings, his parentage, his paragon of a
wife, his career in Edinburgh, in the lonesome nest on Craigenputtock
moor, and then so many years in London—is probably wider and livelier to-
day in this country than in his own land. Whether I succeed or no, I, too,
reaching across the Atlantic and taking the man's dark fortune-telling of
humanity and politics, would offset it all, (such is the fancy that comes to
me,) by a far more profound horoscope-casting of those themes—G. F.
Hegel's.{14}
First, about a chance, a never-fulfill'd vacuity of this pale cast of thought
—this British Hamlet from Cheyne row, more puzzling than the Danish
one, with his contrivances for settling the broken and spavin'd joints of the

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world's government, especially its democratic dislocation. Carlyle's grim
fate was cast to live and dwell in, and largely embody, the parturition agony
and qualms of the old order, amid crowded accumulations of ghastly
morbidity, giving birth to the new.
But conceive of him (or his parents before him) coming to America,
recuperated by the cheering realities and activity of our people and country
—growing up and delving face-to-face resolutely among us here, especially
at the West—inhaling and exhaling our limitless air and eligibilities—
devoting his mind to the theories and developments of this Republic amid
its practical facts as exemplified in Kansas, Missouri, Illinois, Tennessee, or
Louisiana. I say facts, and face-to-face confrontings—so different from
books, and all those quiddities and mere reports in the libraries, upon which
the man (it was wittily said of him at the age of thirty, that there was no one
in Scotland who had glean'd so much and seen so little,) almost wholly fed,
and which even his sturdy and vital mind but reflected at best.
Something of the sort narrowly escaped happening. In 1835, after more
than a dozen years of trial and non-success, the author of "Sartor Resartus"
removing to London, very poor, a confirmed hypochondriac, "Sartor"
universally scoffed at, no literary prospects ahead, deliberately settled on
one last casting throw of the literary dice—resolv'd to compose and launch
forth a book on the subject of the French Revolution—and if that won no
higher guerdon or prize than hitherto, to sternly abandon the trade of author
forever, and emigrate for good to America. But the venture turn'd out a
lucky one, and there was no emigration.
Carlyle's work in the sphere of literature as he commenced and carried it
out, is the same in one or two leading respects that Immanuel Kant's was in
speculative philosophy. But the Scotchman had none of the stomachic
phlegm and never-perturb'd placidity of the Konigsberg sage, and did not,
like the latter, understand his own limits, and stop when he got to the end of
them. He clears away jungle and poisonvines and underbrush—at any rate
hacks valiantly at them, smiting hip and thigh. Kant did the like in his
sphere, and it was all he profess'd to do; his labors have left the ground fully
prepared ever since—and greater service was probably never perform'd by
mortal man. But the pang and hiatus of Carlyle seem to me to consist in the
evidence everywhere that amid a whirl of fog and fury and cross-purposes,

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he firmly believ'd he had a clue to the medication of the world's ills, and
that his bounden mission was to exploit it.{15}
There were two anchors, or sheet-anchors, for steadying, as a last resort,
the Carlylean ship. One will be specified presently. The other, perhaps the
main, was only to be found in some mark'd form of personal force, an
extreme degree of competent urge and will, a man or men "born to
command." Probably there ran through every vein and current of the
Scotchman's blood something that warm'd up to this kind of trait and
character above aught else in the world, and which makes him in my
opinion the chief celebrater and promulger of it in literature—more than
Plutarch, more than Shakspere. The great masses of humanity stand for
nothing—at least nothing but nebulous raw material; only the big planets
and shining suns for him. To ideas almost invariably languid or cold, a
number-one forceful personality was sure to rouse his eulogistic passion
and savage joy. In such case, even the standard of duty hereinafter rais'd,
was to be instantly lower'd and vail'd. All that is comprehended under the
terms republicanism and democracy were distasteful to him from the first,
and as he grew older they became hateful and contemptible. For an
undoubtedly candid and penetrating faculty such as his, the bearings he
persistently ignored were marvellous. For instance, the promise, nay
certainty of the democratic principle, to each and every State of the current
world, not so much of helping it to perfect legislators and executives, but as
the only effectual method for surely, however slowly, training people on a
large scale toward voluntarily ruling and managing themselves (the ultimate
aim of political and all other development)—to gradually reduce the fact of
governing to its minimum, and to subject all its staffs and their doings to the
telescopes and microscopes of committees and parties—and greatest of all,
to afford (not stagnation and obedient content, which went well enough
with the feudalism and ecclesiasticism of the antique and medieval world,
but) a vast and sane and recurrent ebb and tide action for those floods of the
great deep that have henceforth palpably burst forever their old bounds—
seem never to have enter'd Carlyle's thought. It was splendid how he refus'd
any compromise to the last. He was curiously antique. In that harsh,
picturesque, most potent voice and figure, one seems to be carried back
from the present of the British islands more than two thousand years, to the
range between Jerusalem and Tarsus. His fullest best biographer justly says
of him:

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He was a teacher and a prophet, in the Jewish sense of the word. The
prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah have become a part of the permanent
spiritual inheritance of mankind, because events proved that they had
interpreted correctly the sign of their own times, and their prophecies were
fulfill'd. Carlyle, like them, believ'd that he had a special message to deliver
to the present age. Whether he was correct in that belief, and whether his
message was a true message, remains to be seen. He has told us that our
most cherish'd ideas of political liberty, with their kindred corollaries, are
mere illusions, and that the progress which has seem'd to go along with
them is a progress towards anarchy and social dissolution. If he was wrong,
he has misused his powers. The principles of his teachings are false. He has
offer'd himself as a guide upon a road of which he had no knowledge; and
his own desire for himself would be the speediest oblivion both of his
person and his works. If, on the other hand, he has been right; if, like his
great predecessors, he has read truly the tendencies of this modern age of
ours, and his teaching is authenticated by facts, then Carlyle, too, will take
his place among the inspired seers.
To which I add an amendment that under no circumstances, and no
matter how completely time and events disprove his lurid vaticinations,
should the English-speaking world forget this man, nor fail to hold in honor
his unsurpass'd conscience, his unique method, and his honest fame. Never
were convictions more earnest and genuine. Never was there less of a
flunkey or temporizer. Never had political progressivism a foe it could more
heartily respect.
The second main point of Carlyle's utterance was the idea of duty being
done. (It is simply a new codicil—if it be particularly new, which is by no
means certain—on the time-honor'd bequest of dynasticism, the mould-
eaten rules of legitimacy and kings.) He seems to have been impatient
sometimes to madness when reminded by persons who thought at least as
deeply as himself, that this formula, though precious, is rather a vague one,
and that there are many other considerations to a philosophical estimate of
each and every department either.
Altogether, I don't know anything more amazing than these persistent
strides and throbbings so far through our Nineteenth century of perhaps its
biggest, sharpest, and most erudite brain, in defiance and discontent with
everything; contemptuously ignoring, (either from constitutional inaptitude,

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ignorance itself, or more likely because he demanded a definite cure-all
here and now,) the only solace and solvent to be had.
There is, apart from mere intellect, in the make-up of every superior
human identity, (in its moral completeness, considered as ensemble, not for
that moral alone, but for the whole being, including physique,) a wondrous
something that realizes without argument, frequently without what is called
education, (though I think it the goal and apex of all education deserving
the name)—an intuition of the absolute balance, in time and space, of the
whole of this multifarious, mad chaos of fraud, frivolity, hoggishness—this
revel of fools, and incredible make-believe and general unsettledness, we
call the world; a soul-sight of that divine clue and unseen thread which
holds the whole congeries of things, all history and time, and all events,
however trivial, however momentous, like a leash'd dog in the hand of the
hunter. Such soul-sight and root-centre for the mind—mere optimism
explains only the surface or fringe of it—Carlyle was mostly, perhaps
entirely without. He seems instead to have been haunted in the play of his
mental action by a spectre, never entirely laid from first to last, (Greek
scholars, I believe, find the same mocking and fantastic apparition attending
Aristophanes, his comedies,)—the spectre of world-destruction.
How largest triumph or failure in human life, in war or peace, may
depend on some little hidden centrality, hardly more than a drop of blood, a
pulse-beat, or a breath of air! It is certain that all these weighty matters,
democracy in America, Carlyleism, and the temperament for deepest
political or literary exploration, turn on a simple point in speculative
philosophy.
The most profound theme that can occupy the mind of man—the problem
on whose solution science, art, the bases and pursuits of nations, and
everything else, including intelligent human happiness, (here to-day, 1882,
New York, Texas, California, the same as all times, all lands,) subtly and
finally resting, depends for competent outset and argument, is doubtless
involved in the query: What is the fusing explanation and tie—what the
relation between the (radical, democratic) Me, the human identity of
understanding, emotions, spirit, &c., on the one side, of and with the
(conservative) Not Me, the whole of the material objective universe and
laws, with what is behind them in time and space, on the other side?
Immanuel Kant, though he explain'd or partially explain'd, as may be said,

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the laws of the human understanding, left this question an open one.
Schelling's answer, or suggestion of answer, is (and very valuable and
important, as far as it goes,) that the same general and particular
intelligence, passion, even the standards of right and wrong, which exist in
a conscious and formulated state in man, exist in an unconscious state, or in
perceptible analogies, throughout the entire universe of external Nature, in
all its objects large or small, and all its movements and processes—thus
making the impalpable human mind, and concrete nature, notwithstanding
their duality and separation, convertible, and in centrality and essence one.
But G. F. Hegel's fuller statement of the matter probably remains the last
best word that has been said upon it, up to date. Substantially adopting the
scheme just epitomized, he so carries it out and fortifies it and merges
everything in it, with certain serious gaps now for the first time fill'd, that it
becomes a coherent metaphysical system, and substantial answer (as far as
there can be any answer) to the foregoing question—a system which, while
I distinctly admit that the brain of the future may add to, revise, and even
entirely reconstruct, at any rate beams forth to-day, in its entirety,
illuminating the thought of the universe, and satisfying the mystery thereof
to the human mind, with a more consoling scientific assurance than any yet.
According to Hegel the whole earth, (an old nucleus-thought, as in the
Vedas, and no doubt before, but never hitherto brought so absolutely to the
front, fully surcharged with modern scientism and facts, and made the sole
entrance to each and all,) with its infinite variety, the past, the surroundings
of to-day, or what may happen in the future, the contrarieties of material
with spiritual, and of natural with artificial, are all, to the eye of the
ensemblist, but necessary sides and unfoldings, different steps or links, in
the endless process of Creative thought, which, amid numberless apparent
failures and contradictions, is held together by central and never-broken
unity—not contradictions or failures at all, but radiations of one consistent
and eternal purpose; the whole mass of everything steadily, unerringly
tending and flowing toward the permanent utile and morale, as rivers to
oceans. As life is the whole law and incessant effort of the visible universe,
and death only the other or invisible side of the same, so the utile, so truth,
so health are the continuous-immutable laws of the moral universe, and vice
and disease, with all their perturbations, are but transient, even if ever so
prevalent expressions.

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To politics throughout, Hegel applies the like catholic standard and faith.
Not any one party, or any one form of government, is absolutely and
exclusively true. Truth consists in the just relations of objects to each other.
A majority or democracy may rule as outrageously and do as great harm as
an oligarchy or despotism—though far less likely to do so. But the great
evil is either a violation of the relations just referr'd to, or of the moral law.
The specious, the unjust, the cruel, and what is called the unnatural, though
not only permitted but in a certain sense, (like shade to light,) inevitable in
the divine scheme, are by the whole constitution of that scheme, partial,
inconsistent, temporary, and though having ever so great an ostensible
majority, are certainly destin'd to failures, after causing great suffering.
Theology, Hegel translates into science.{16} All apparent contradictions
in the statement of the Deific nature by different ages, nations, churches,
points of view, are but fractional and imperfect expressions of one essential
unity, from which they all proceed—crude endeavors or distorted parts, to
be regarded both as distinct and united. In short (to put it in our own form,
or summing up,) that thinker or analyzer or overlooker who by an
inscrutable combination of train'd wisdom and natural intuition most fully
accepts in perfect faith the moral unity and sanity of the creative scheme, in
history, science, and all life and time, present and future, is both the truest
cosmical devotee or religioso, and the profoundest philosopher. While he
who, by the spell of himself and his circumstance, sees darkness and
despair in the sum of the workings of God's providence, and who, in that,
denies or prevaricates, is, no matter how much piety plays on his lips, the
most radical sinner and infidel.
I am the more assured in recounting Hegel a little freely here,{17} not
only for offsetting the Carlylean letter and spirit-cutting it out all and
several from the very roots, and below the roots—but to counterpoise, since
the late death and deserv'd apotheosis of Darwin, the tenets of the
evolutionists. Unspeakably precious as those are to biology, and henceforth
indispensable to a right aim and estimate in study, they neither comprise or
explain everything—and the last word or whisper still remains to be
breathed, after the utmost of those claims, floating high and forever above
them all, and above technical metaphysics. While the contributions which
German Kant and Fichte and Schelling and Hegel have bequeath'd to
humanity—and which English Darwin has also in his field—are
indispensable to the erudition of America's future, I should say that in all of

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them, and the best of them, when compared with the lightning flashes and
flights of the old prophets and exaltés, the spiritual poets and poetry of all
lands, (as in the Hebrew Bible,) there seems to be, nay certainly is,
something lacking—something cold, a failure to satisfy the deepest
emotions of the soul—a want of living glow, fondness, warmth, which the
old exaltés and poets supply, and which the keenest modern philosophers so
far do not.
Upon the whole, and for our purposes, this man's name certainly belongs
on the list with the just-specified, first-class moral physicians of our current
era—and with Emerson and two or three others—though his prescription is
drastic, and perhaps destructive, while theirs is assimilating, normal and
tonic. Feudal at the core, and mental offspring and radiation of feudalism as
are his books, they afford ever-valuable lessons and affinities to democratic
America. Nations or individuals, we surely learn deepest from unlikeness,
from a sincere opponent, from the light thrown even scornfully on
dangerous spots and liabilities. (Michel Angelo invoked heaven's special
protection against his friends and affectionate flatterers; palpable foes he
could manage for himself.) In many particulars Carlyle was indeed, as
Froude terms him, one of those far-off Hebraic utterers, a new Micah or
Habbakuk. His words at times bubble forth with abysmic inspiration.
Always precious, such men; as precious now as any time. His rude, rasping,
taunting, contradictory tones—what ones are more wanted amid the supple,
polish'd, money—worshipping, Jesus-and-Judas-equalizing, suffrage-
sovereignty echoes of current America? He has lit up our Nineteenth
century with the light of a powerful, penetrating, and perfectly honest
intellect of the first class, turn'd on British and European politics, social life,
literature, and representative personages—thoroughly dissatisfied with all,
and mercilessly exposing the illness of all. But while he announces the
malady, and scolds and raves about it, he himself, born and bred in the same
atmosphere, is a mark'd illustration of it.
Endnotes:
{13} It will be difficult for the future—judging by his books, personal
dissympathies, &c.,—to account for the deep hold this author has taken on
the present age, and the way he has color'd its method and thought. I am
certainly at a loss to account for it all as affecting myself. But there could be
no view, or even partial picture, of the middle and latter part of our

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Nineteenth century, that did not markedly include Thomas Carlyle. In his
case (as so many others, literary productions, works of art, personal
identities, events,) there has been an impalpable something more effective
than the palpable. Then I find no better text, (it is always important to have
a definite, special, even oppositional, living man to start from,) for sending
out certain speculations and comparisons for home use. Let us see what
they amount to—those reactionary doctrines, fears, scornful analyses of
democracy—even from the most erudite and sincere mind of Europe.
{14} Not the least mentionable part of the case, (a streak, it may be, of
that humor with which history and fate love to contrast their gravity,) is that
although neither of my great authorities during their lives consider'd the
United States worthy of serious mention, all the principal works of both
might not inappropriately be this day collected and bound up under the
conspicuous title: Speculations for the use of North America, and
Democracy there with the relations of the same to Metaphysics, including
Lessons and Warnings (encouragements too, and of the vastest,) from the
Old World to the New.
{15} I hope I shall not myself fall into the error I charge upon him, of
prescribing a specific for indispensable evils. My utmost pretension is
probably but to offset that old claim of the exclusively curative power of
first-class individual men, as leaders and rulers, by the claims, and general
movement and result, of ideas. Something of the latter kind seems to me the
distinctive theory of America, of democracy, and of the modern—or rather,
I should say, it is democracy, and is the modern.
{16} I am much indebted to J. Gostick's abstract.
{17} I have deliberately repeated it all, not only in offset to Carlyle' s
everlurking pessimism and world-decadence, but as presenting the most
thoroughly American points of view I know. In my opinion the above
formulas of Hegel are an essential and crowning justification of New World
democracy in the creative realms of time and space. There is that about
them which only the vastness, the multiplicity and the vitality of America
would seem able to comprehend, to give scope and illustration to, or to be
fit for, or even originate. It is strange to me that they were born in Germany,
or in the old world at all. While a Carlyle, I should say, is quite the
legitimate European product to be expected.

Page 216

A COUPLE OF OLD FRIENDS—A COLERIDGE BIT

Latter April.—Have run down in my country haunt for a couple of days,
and am spending them by the pond. I had already discover'd my kingfisher
here (but only one—the mate not here yet.) This fine bright morning, down
by the creek, he has come out for a spree, circling, flirting, chirping at a
round rate. While I am writing these lines he is disporting himself in scoots
and rings over the wider parts of the pond, into whose surface he dashes,
once or twice making a loud souse—the spray flying in the sun—beautiful!
I see his white and dark-gray plumage and peculiar shape plainly, as he has
deign'd to come very near me. The noble, graceful bird! Now he is sitting
on the limb of an old tree, high up, bending over the water—seems to be
looking at me while I memorandize. I almost fancy he knows me. Three
days later.—My second kingfisher is here with his (or her) mate. I saw the
two together flying and whirling around. I had heard, in the distance, what I
thought was the clear rasping staccato of the birds several times already—
but I couldn't be sure the notes came from both until I saw them together.
To-day at noon they appear'd, but apparently either on business, or for a
little limited exercise only. No wild frolic now, full of free fun and motion,
up and down for an hour. Doubtless, now they have cares, duties,
incubation responsibilities. The frolics are deferr'd till summer-close.
I don't know as I can finish to-day's memorandum better than with
Coleridge's lines, curiously appropriate in more ways than one:

All Nature seems at work—slugs leave their lair,
The bees are stirring—birds are on the wing,
And winter, slumbering in the open air,
Wears on his smiling face a dream of spring;
And I, the while, the sole unbusy thing,
Nor honey make, nor pair, nor build, nor sing.

A WEEK'S VISIT TO BOSTON

May 1, '81.—Seems as if all the ways and means of American travel to-
day had been settled, not only with reference to speed and directness, but
for the comfort of women, children, invalids, and old fellows like me. I
went on by a through train that runs daily from Washington to the Yankee
metropolis without change. You get in a sleeping-car soon after dark in
Philadelphia, and after ruminating an hour or two, have your bed made up if

Page 217

you like, draw the curtains, and go to sleep in it—fly on through Jersey to
New York—hear in your half-slumbers a dull jolting and bumping sound or
two—are unconsciously toted from Jersey City by a midnight steamer
around the Battery and under the big bridge to the track of the New Haven
road—resume your flight eastward, and early the next morning you wake
up in Boston. All of which was my experience. I wanted to go to the Revere
house. A tall unknown gentleman, (a fellow-passenger on his way to
Newport he told me, I had just chatted a few moments before with him,)
assisted me out through the depot crowd, procured a hack, put me in it with
my traveling bag, saying smilingly and quietly, "Now I want you to let this
be my ride," paid the driver, and before I could remonstrate bow'd himself
off.
The occasion of my jaunt, I suppose I had better say here, was for a
public reading of "the death of Abraham Lincoln" essay, on the sixteenth
anniversary of that tragedy; which reading duly came off, night of April 15.
Then I linger'd a week in Boston—felt pretty well (the mood propitious, my
paralysis lull'd)—went around everywhere, and saw all that was to be seen,
especially human beings. Boston's immense material growth—commerce,
finance, commission stores, the plethora of goods, the crowded streets and
sidewalks—made of course the first surprising show. In my trip out West,
last year, I thought the wand of future prosperity, future empire, must soon
surely be wielded by St. Louis, Chicago, beautiful Denver, perhaps San
Francisco; but I see the said wand stretch'd out just as decidedly in Boston,
with just as much certainty of staying; evidences of copious capital—indeed
no centre of the New World ahead of it, (half the big railroads in the West
are built with Yankees' money, and they take the dividends.) Old Boston
with its zigzag streets and multitudinous angles, (crush up a sheet of letter-
paper in your hand, throw it down, stamp it flat, and that is a map of old
Boston)—new Boston with its miles upon miles of large and costly houses
—Beacon street, Commonwealth avenue, and a hundred others. But the best
new departures and expansions of Boston, and of all the cities of New
England, are in another direction.

THE BOSTON OF TO-DAY

In the letters we get from Dr. Schliemann (interesting but fishy) about his
excavations there in the far-off Homeric area, I notice cities, ruins, &c., as

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he digs them out of their graves, are certain to be in layers—that is to say,
upon the foundation of an old concern, very far down indeed, is always
another city or set of ruins, and upon that another superadded—and
sometimes upon that still another—each representing either a long or rapid
stage of growth and development, different from its predecessor, but
unerringly growing out of and resting on it. In the moral, emotional, heroic,
and human growths, (the main of a race in my opinion,) something of this
kind has certainly taken place in Boston. The New England metropolis of
to-day may be described as sunny, (there is something else that makes
warmth, mastering even winds and meteorologies, though those are not to
be sneez'd at,) joyous, receptive, full of ardor, sparkle, a certain element of
yearning, magnificently tolerant, yet not to be fool'd; fond of good eating
and drinking—costly in costume as its purse can buy; and all through its
best average of houses, streets, people, that subtle something (generally
thought to be climate, but it is not—it is something indefinable in the race,
the turn of its development) which effuses behind the whirl of animation,
study, business, a happy and joyous public spirit, as distinguish'd from a
sluggish and saturnine one. Makes me think of the glints we get (as in
Symonds's books) of the jolly old Greek cities. Indeed there is a good deal
of the Hellenic in B., and the people are getting handsomer too—padded
out, with freer motions, and with color in their faces. I never saw (although
this is not Greek) so many fine-looking gray-hair'd women. At my lecture I
caught myself pausing more than once to look at them, plentiful everywhere
through the audience—healthy and wifely and motherly, and wonderfully
charming and beautiful—I think such as no time or land but ours could
show.

MY TRIBUTE TO FOUR POETS

April 16.—A short but pleasant visit to Longfellow. I am not one of the
calling kind, but as the author of "Evangeline" kindly took the trouble to
come and see me three years ago in Camden, where I was ill, I felt not only
the impulse of my own pleasure on that occasion, but a duty. He was the
only particular eminence I called on in Boston, and I shall not soon forget
his lit-up face and glowing warmth and courtesy, in the modes of what is
called the old school.

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And now just here I feel the impulse to interpolate something about the
mighty four who stamp this first American century with its birthmarks of
poetic literature. In a late magazine one of my reviewers, who ought to
know better, speaks of my "attitude of contempt and scorn and intolerance"
toward the leading poets—of my "deriding" them, and preaching their
"uselessness." If anybody cares to know what I think—and have long
thought and avow'd—about them, I am entirely willing to propound. I can't
imagine any better luck befalling these States for a poetical beginning and
initiation than has come from Emerson, Longfellow, Bryant, and Whittier.
Emerson, to me, stands unmistakably at the head, but for the others I am at
a loss where to give any precedence. Each illustrious, each rounded, each
distinctive. Emerson for his sweet, vital-tasting melody, rhym'd philosophy,
and poems as amber-clear as the honey of the wild bee he loves to sing.
Longfellow for rich color, graceful forms and incidents—all that makes life
beautiful and love refined—competing with the singers of Europe on their
own ground, and, with one exception, better and finer work than that of any
of them. Bryant pulsing the first interior verse-throbs of a mighty world—
bard of the river and the wood, ever conveying a taste of open air, with
scents as from hayfields, grapes, birch-borders—always lurkingly fond of
threnodies—beginning and ending his long career with chants of death,
with here and there through all, poems, or passages of poems, touching the
highest universal truths, enthusiasms, duties—morals as grim and eternal, if
not as stormy and fateful, as anything in Eschylus. While in Whittier, with
his special themes—(his outcropping love of heroism and war, for all his
Quakerdom, his verses at times like the measur'd step of Cromwell's old
veterans)—in Whittier lives the zeal, the moral energy, that founded New
England—the splendid rectitude and ardor of Luther, Milton, George Fox—
I must not, dare not, say the wilfulness and narrowness—though doubtless
the world needs now, and always will need, almost above all, just such
narrowness and wilfulness.

MILLET'S PICTURES LAST ITEMS

April 18.—Went out three or four miles to the house of Quincy Shaw, to
see a collection of J. F. Millet's pictures. Two rapt hours. Never before have
I been so penetrated by this kind of expression. I stood long and long before
"the Sower." I believe what the picture-men designate "the first Sower," as

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the artist executed a second copy, and a third, and, some think, improved in
each. But I doubt it. There is something in this that could hardly be caught
again—a sublime murkiness and original pent fury. Besides this
masterpiece, there were many others, (I shall never forget the simple
evening scene, "Watering the Cow,") all inimitable, all perfect as pictures,
works of mere art; and then it seem'd to me, with that last impalpable ethic
purpose from the artist (most likely unconscious to himself) which I am
always looking for. To me all of them told the full story of what went before
and necessitated the great French revolution—the long precedent crushing
of the masses of a heroic people into the earth, in abject poverty, hunger—
every right denied, humanity attempted to be put back for generations—yet
Nature's force, titanic here, the stronger and hardier for that repression—
waiting terribly to break forth, revengeful—the pressure on the dykes, and
the bursting at last—the storming of the Bastile—the execution of the king
and queen—the tempest of massacres and blood. Yet who can wonder?

Could we wish humanity different?
Could we wish the people made of wood or stone?
Or that there be no justice in destiny or time?

The true France, base of all the rest, is certainly in these pictures. I
comprehend "Field-People Reposing," "the Diggers," and "the Angelus" in
this opinion. Some folks always think of the French as a small race, five or
five and a half feet high, and ever frivolous and smirking. Nothing of the
sort. The bulk of the personnel of France, before the revolution, was large-
sized, serious, industrious as now, and simple. The revolution and
Napoleon's wars dwarf'd the standard of human size, but it will come up
again. If for nothing else, I should dwell on my brief Boston visit for
opening to me the new world of Millet's pictures. Will America ever have
such an artist out of her own gestation, body, soul?
Sunday, April 17.—An hour and a half, late this afternoon, in silence and
half light, in the great nave of Memorial hall, Cambridge, the walls thickly
cover'd with mural tablets, bearing the names of students and graduates of
the university who fell in the secession war.
April 23.—It was well I got away in fair order, for if I had staid another
week I should have been killed with kindness, and with eating and drinking.

BIRDS—AND A CAUTION

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May 14.—Home again; down temporarily in the Jersey woods. Between
8 and 9 A.M. a full concert of birds, from different quarters, in keeping with
the fresh scent, the peace, the naturalness all around me. I am lately
noticing the russet-back, size of the robin or a trifle less, light breast and
shoulders, with irregular dark stripes—tail long—sits hunch'd up by the
hour these days, top of a tall bush, or some tree, singing blithely. I often get
near and listen, as he seems tame; I like to watch the working of his bill and
throat, the quaint sidle of his body, and flex of his long tail. I hear the
woodpecker, and night and early morning the shuttle of the whip-poor-will
—noons, the gurgle of thrush delicious, and meo-o-ow of the cat-bird. Many
I cannot name; but I do not very particularly seek information. (You must
not know too much, or be too precise or scientific about birds and trees and
flowers and water-craft; a certain free margin, and even vagueness—
perhaps ignorance, credulity—helps your enjoyment of these things, and of
the sentiment of feather'd, wooded, river, or marine Nature generally. I
repeat it—don't want to know too exactly, or the reasons why. My own
notes have been written off-hand in the latitude of middle New Jersey.
Though they describe what I saw—what appear'd to me—I dare say the
expert ornithologist, botanist or entomologist will detect more than one slip
in them.)

SAMPLES OF MY COMMON-PLACE BOOK

I ought not to offer a record of these days, interests, recuperations,
without including a certain old, well-thumb'd common-place book,{18}
filled with favorite excerpts, I carried in my pocket for three summers, and
absorb'd over and over again, when the mood invited. I find so much in
having a poem or fine suggestion sink into me (a little then goes a great
ways) prepar'd by these vacant-sane and natural influences.
Endnotes:
{18} Samples of my common-place book down at the creek:
I have—says old Pindar—many swift arrows in my quiver which speak
to the wise, though they need an interpreter to the thoughtless. Such a man
as it takes ages to make, and ages to understand. H. D. Thoreau.
If you hate a man, don't kill him, but let him live.—Buddhistic. Famous
swords are made of refuse scraps, thought worthless.

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Poetry is the only verity—the expression of a sound mind speaking after
the ideal—and not after the apparent.—Emerson.
The form of oath among the Shoshone Indians is, "The earth hears me.
The sun hears me. Shall I lie?"
The true test of civilization is not the census, nor the size of cities, nor the
crops—no, but the kind of a man the country turns out.—Emerson.

The whole wide ether is the eagle's sway:
The whole earth is a brave man's fatherland.—Euripides.

Spices crush'd, their pungence yield,
Trodden scents their sweets respire;
Would you have its strength reveal'd?
Cast the incense in the fire.

Matthew Arnold speaks of "the huge Mississippi of falsehood called
History."

The wind blows north, the wind blows south,
The wind blows east and west;
No matter how the free wind blows,
Some ship will find it best.

Preach not to others what they should eat, but eat as becomes you, and be
silent.—Epictetus.
Victor Hugo makes a donkey meditate and apostrophize thus:

My brother, man, if you would know the truth,
We both are by the same dull walls shut in;
The gate is massive and the dungeon strong.
But you look through the key-hole out beyond,
And call this knowledge; yet have not at hand
The key wherein to turn the fatal lock.

"William Cullen Bryant surprised me once," relates a writer in a New
York paper, "by saying that prose was the natural language of composition,
and he wonder'd how anybody came to write poetry."

Farewell! I did not know thy worth;
But thou art gone, and now 'tis prized:
So angels walk'd unknown on earth,
But when they flew were recognized.—Hood.

John Burroughs, writing of Thoreau, says: "He improves with age—in
fact requires age to take off a little of his asperity, and fully ripen him. The

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world likes a good hater and refuser almost as well as it likes a good lover
and accepter—only it likes him farther off."
Louise Michel at the burial of Blanqui, (1881.)
Blanqui drill'd his body to subjection to his grand conscience and his
noble passions, and commencing as a young man, broke with all that is
sybaritish in modern civilization. Without the power to sacrifice self, great
ideas will never bear fruit.

Out of the leaping furnace flame
A mass of molten silver came;
Then, beaten into pieces three,
Went forth to meet its destiny.
The first a crucifix was made,
Within a soldier's knapsack laid;
The second was a locket fair,
Where a mother kept her dead child's hair;
The third—a bangle, bright and warm,
Around a faithless woman's arm.

A mighty pain to love it is,
And'tis a pain that pain to miss;
But of all pain the greatest pain,
It is to love, but love in vain.

Maurice F. Egan on De Guerin.

A pagan heart, a Christian soul had he,
He followed Christ, yet for dead Pan he sigh'd,
Till earth and heaven met within his breast:
As if Theocritus in Sicily
Had come upon the Figure crucified,
And lost his gods in deep, Christ-given rest.

And if I pray, the only prayer
That moves my lips for me,
Is, leave the mind that now I bear,
And give me Liberty.—Emily Bronte.

I travel on not knowing,
I would not if I might;
I would rather walk with God in the dark,
Than go alone in the light;
I would rather walk with Him by faith
Than pick my way by sight

MY NATIVE SAND AND SALT ONCE MORE

July 25, '81.—Far Rockaway, L. I.—A good day here, on a jaunt, amid
the sand and salt, a steady breeze setting in from the sea, the sun shining,
the sedge-odor, the noise of the surf, a mixture of hissing and booming, the

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milk-white crest curling. I had a leisurely bath and naked ramble as of old,
on the warm-gray shore-sands, my companions off in a oat in deeper water
—(I shouting to them Jupiter's menaces against the gods, from Pope's
Homer) July 28—to Long Branch—8-1/2 A.M., on the steamer "Plymouth
Rock," foot of 23d street, New York, for Long Branch. Another fine day,
fine sights, the shores, the shipping and bay—everything comforting to the
body and spirit of me. (I find the human and objective atmosphere of New
York city and Brooklyn more affiliative to me than any other.) An hour later
—Still on the steamer, now sniffing the salt very plainly—the long
pulsating swash as our boat steams seaward—the hills of Navesink and
many passing vessels—the air the best part of all. At Long Branch the bulk
of the day, stopt at a good hotel, took all very leisurely, had an excellent
dinner, and then drove for over two hours about the place, especially Ocean
avenue, the finest drive one can imagine, seven or eight miles right along
the beach. In all directions costly villas, palaces, millionaires—(but few
among them I opine like my friend George W. Childs, whose personal
integrity, generosity, unaffected simplicity, go beyond all worldly wealth.)

HOT WEATHER NEW YORK

August.—In the big city awhile. Even the height of the dog-days, there is
a good deal of fun about New York, if you only avoid fluster, and take all
the buoyant wholesomeness that offers. More comfort, too, than most folks
think. A middle-aged man, with plenty of money in his pocket, tells me that
he has been off for a month to all the swell places, has disburs'd a small
fortune, has been hot and out of kilter everywhere, and has return' d home
and lived in New York city the last two weeks quite contented and happy.
People forget when it is hot here, it is generally hotter still in other places.
New York is so situated, with the great ozonic brine on both sides, it
comprises the most favorable health-chances in the world. (If only the
suffocating crowding of some of its tenement houses could be broken up.) I
find I never sufficiently realized how beautiful are the upper two-thirds of
Manhattan island. I am stopping at Mott Haven, and have been familiar
now for ten days with the region above One-hundredth street, and along the
Harlem river and Washington heights. Am dwelling a few days with my
friends Mr. and Mrs. J. H. J., and a merry houseful of young ladies. Am
putting the last touches on the printer's copy of my new volume of "Leaves

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of Grass"—the completed book at last. Work at it two or three hours, and
then go down and loaf along the Harlem river; have just had a good spell of
this recreation. The sun sufficiently veil'd, a soft south breeze, the river full
of small or large shells (light taper boats) darting up and down, some singly,
now and then long ones with six or eight young fellows practicing—very
inspiriting sights. Two fine yachts lie anchor'd off the shore. I linger long,
enjoying the sundown, the glow, the streak'd sky, the heights, distances,
shadows. Aug. 10.—As I haltingly ramble an hour or two this forenoon by
the more secluded parts of the shore, or sit under an old cedar half way up
the hill, the city near in view, many young parties gather to bathe or swim,
squads of boys, generally twos or threes, some larger ones, along the sand-
bottom, or off an old pier close by. A peculiar and pretty carnival—at its
height a hundred lads or young men, very democratic, but all decent
behaving. The laughter, voices, calls, re-responses—the springing and
diving of the bathers from the great string-piece of the decay'd pier, where
climb or stand long ranks of them, naked, rose-color'd, with movements,
postures ahead of any sculpture. To all this, the sun, so bright, the dark-
green shadow of the hills the other side, the amber-rolling waves, changing
as the tide comes in to a trans-parent tea-color—the frequent splash of the
playful boys, sousing—the glittering drops sparkling, and the good western
breeze blowing.

CUSTER'S LAST RALLY

Went to-day to see this just-finish'd painting by John Mulvany, who has
been out in far Dakota, on the spot, at the forts, and among the
frontiersmen, soldiers and Indians, for the last two years, on purpose to
sketch it in from reality, or the best that could be got of it. Sat for over an
hour before the picture, completely absorb'd in the first view. A vast canvas,
I should say twenty or twenty-two feet by twelve, all crowded, and yet not
crowded, conveying such a vivid play of color, it takes a little time to get
used to it. There are no tricks; there is no throwing of shades in masses; it is
all at first painfully real, overwhelming, needs good nerves to look at it.
Forty or fifty figures, perhaps more, in full finish and detail in the mid-
ground, with three times that number, or more, through the rest—swarms
upon swarms of savage Sioux, in their war-bonnets, frantic, mostly on
ponies, driving through the background, through the smoke, like a hurricane

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of demons. A dozen of the figures are wonderful. Altogether a western,
autochthonic phase of America, the frontiers, culminating, typical, deadly,
heroic to the uttermost—nothing in the books like it, nothing in Homer,
nothing in Shakspere; more grim and sublime than either, all native, all our
own, and all a fact. A great lot of muscular, tan-faced men, brought to bay
under terrible circumstances—death ahold of them, yet every man
undaunted, not one losing his head, wringing out every cent of the pay
before they sell their lives. Custer (his hair cut short stands in the middle),
with dilated eye and extended arm, aiming a huge cavalry pistol. Captain
Cook is there, partially wounded, blood on the white handkerchief around
his head, aiming his carbine coolly, half kneeling—(his body was
afterwards found close by Custer's.) The slaughter'd or half-slaughter'd
horses, for breastworks, make a peculiar feature. Two dead Indians,
herculean, lie in the foreground, clutching their Winchester rifles, very
characteristic. The many soldiers, their faces and attitudes, the carbines, the
broad-brimm'd western hats, the powder-smoke in puffs, the dying horses
with their rolling eyes almost human in their agony, the clouds of war-
bonneted Sioux in the background, the figures of Custer and Cook—with
indeed the whole scene, dreadful, yet with an attraction and beauty that will
remain in my memory. With all its color and fierce action, a certain Greek
continence pervades it. A sunny sky and clear light envelop all. There is an
almost entire absence of the stock traits of European war pictures. The
physiognomy of the work is realistic and Western. I only saw it for an hour
or so; but it needs to be seen many times—needs to be studied over and
over again. I could look on such a work at brief intervals all my life without
tiring; it is very tonic to me; then it has an ethic purpose below all, as all
great art must have. The artist said the sending of the picture abroad,
probably to London, had been talk'd of. I advised him if it went abroad to
take it to Paris. I think they might appreciate it there—nay, they certainly
would. Then I would like to show Messieur Crapeau that some things can
be done in America as well as others.

SOME OLD ACQUAINTANCES—MEMORIES

Aug. 16.—"Chalk a big mark for today," was one of the sayings of an old
sportsman-friend of mine, when he had had unusually good luck—come
home thoroughly tired, but with satisfactory results of fish or birds.

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Well, to-day might warrant such a mark for me. Everything propitious
from the start. An hour's fresh stimulation, coming down ten miles of
Manhattan island by railroad and 8 o'clock stage. Then an excellent
breakfast at Pfaff's restaurant, 24th street. Our host himself, an old friend of
mine, quickly appear'd on the scene to welcome me and bring up the news,
and, first opening a big fat bottle of the best wine in the cellar, talk about
ante-bellum times, '59 and '60, and the jovial suppers at his then Broadway
place, near Bleecker street. Ah, the friends and names and frequenters, those
times, that place. Most are dead—Ada Clare, Wilkins, Daisy Sheppard,
O'Brien, Henry Clapp, Stanley, Mullin, Wood, Brougham, Arnold—all
gone. And there Pfaff and I, sitting opposite each other at the little table,
gave a remembrance to them in a style they would have themselves fully
confirm'd, namely, big, brimming, fill'd-up champagne-glasses, drain'd in
abstracted silence, very leisurely, to the last drop. (Pfaff is a generous
German restaurateur, silent, stout, jolly, and I should say the best selecter
of champagne in America.)

A DISCOVERY OF OLD AGE

Perhaps the best is always cumulative. One's eating and drinking one
wants fresh, and for the nonce, right off, and have done with it—but I
would not give a straw for that person or poem, or friend, or city, or work of
art, that was not more grateful the second time than the first—and more still
the third. Nay, I do not believe any grandest eligibility ever comes forth at
first. In my own experience, (persons, poems, places, characters,) I discover
the best hardly ever at first, (no absolute rule about it, however,) sometimes
suddenly bursting forth, or stealthily opening to me, perhaps after years of
unwitting familiarity, unappreciation, usage.

A VISIT, AT THE LAST, TO R. W. EMERSON

Concord, Mass.—Out here on a visit—elastic, mellow, Indian-summery
weather. Came to-day from Boston, (a pleasant ride of 40 minutes by steam,
through Somerville, Belmont, Waltham, Stony Brook, and other lively
towns,) convoy'd by my friend F. B. Sanborn, and to his ample house, and
the kindness and hospitality of Mrs. S. and their fine family. Am writing
this under the shade of some old hickories and elms, just after 4 P.M., on the

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porch, within a stone's throw of the Concord river. Off against me, across
stream, on a meadow and side-hill, haymakers are gathering and wagoning-
in probably their second or third crop. The spread of emerald-green and
brown, the knolls, the score or two of little haycocks dotting the meadow,
the loaded-up wagons, the patient horses, the slow-strong action of the men
and pitchforks—all in the just-waning afternoon, with patches of yellow
sun-sheen, mottled by long shadows—a cricket shrilly chirping, herald of
the dusk—a boat with two figures noiselessly gliding along the little river,
passing under the stone bridge-arch—the slight settling haze of aerial
moisture, the sky and the peacefulness expanding in all directions and
overhead—fill and soothe me.
Same Evening.—Never had I a better piece of luck befall me: a long and
blessed evening with Emerson, in a way I couldn't have wish'd better or
different. For nearly two hours he has been placidly sitting where I could
see his face in the best light, near me. Mrs. S.'s back-parlor well fill'd with
people, neighbors, many fresh and charming faces, women, mostly young,
but some old. My friend A. B. Alcott and his daughter Louisa were there
early. A good deal of talk, the subject Henry Thoreau—some new glints of
his life and fortunes, with letters to and from him—one of the best by
Margaret Fuller, others by Horace Greeley, Channing, &c.—one from
Thoreau himself, most quaint and interesting. (No doubt I seem'd very
stupid to the roomful of company, taking hardly any part in the
conversation; but I had "my own pail to milk in," as the Swiss proverb puts
it.) My seat and the relative arrangement were such that, without being
rude, or anything of the kind, I could just look squarely at E., which I did a
good part of the two hours. On entering, he had spoken very briefly and
politely to several of the company, then settled himself in his chair, a trifle
push'd back, and, though a listener and apparently an alert one, remain'd
silent through the whole talk and discussion. A lady friend quietly took a
seat next him, to give special attention. A good color in his face, eyes clear,
with the well-known expression of sweetness, and the old clear-peering
aspect quite the same.
Next Day.—Several hours at E.'s house, and dinner there. An old familiar
house, (he has been in it thirty-five years,) with surroundings, furnishment,
roominess, and plain elegance and fullness, signifying democratic ease,
sufficient opulence, and an admirable old-fashioned simplicity—modern
luxury, with its mere sumptuousness and affectation, either touch'd lightly

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upon or ignored altogether. Dinner the same. Of course the best of the
occasion (Sunday, September 18, '81) was the sight of E. himself. As just
said, a healthy color in the cheeks, and good light in the eyes, cheery
expression, and just the amount of talking that best suited, namely, a word
or short phrase only where needed, and almost always with a smile. Besides
Emerson himself, Mrs. E., with their daughter Ellen, the son Edward and
his wife, with my friend F. S. and Mrs. S., and others, relatives and
intimates. Mrs. Emerson, resuming the subject of the evening before, (I sat
next to her,) gave me further and fuller information about Thoreau, who,
years ago, during Mr. E.'s absence in Europe, had lived for some time in the
family, by invitation.

OTHER CONCORD NOTATIONS

Though the evening at Mr. and Mrs. Sanborn's, and the memorable
family dinner at Mr. and Mrs. Emerson's, have most pleasantly and
permanently fill'd my memory, I must not slight other notations of Concord.
I went to the old Manse, walk'd through the ancient garden, enter'd the
rooms, noted the quaintness, the unkempt grass and bushes, the little panes
in the windows, the low ceilings, the spicy smell, the creepers embowering
the light. Went to the Concord battle ground, which is close by, scann'd
French's statue, "the Minute Man," read Emerson's poetic inscription on the
base, linger'd a long while on the bridge, and stopp'd by the grave of the
unnamed British soldiers buried there the day after the fight in April, '75.
Then riding on, (thanks to my friend Miss M. and her spirited white ponies,
she driving them,) a half hour at Hawthorne's and Thoreau's graves. I got
out and went up of course on foot, and stood a long while and ponder'd.
They lie close together in a pleasant wooded spot well up the cemetery hill,
"Sleepy Hollow." The flat surface of the first was densely cover'd by myrtle,
with a border of arbor-vitae, and the other had a brown headstone,
moderately elaborate, with inscriptions. By Henry's side lies his brother
John, of whom much was expected, but he died young. Then to Walden
pond, that beautiful embower'd sheet of water, and spent over an hour there.
On the spot in the woods where Thoreau had his solitary house is now quite
a cairn of stones, to mark the place; I too carried one and deposited on the
heap. As we drove back, saw the "School of Philosophy," but it was shut up,
and I would not have it open'd for me. Near by stopp'd at the house of W.T.

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Harris, the Hegelian, who came out, and we had a pleasant chat while I sat
in the wagon. I shall not soon forget those Concord drives, and especially
that charming Sunday forenoon one with my friend Miss M., and the white
ponies.

BOSTON COMMON—MORE OF EMERSON

Oct. 10-13.—I spend a good deal of time on the Common, these delicious
days and nights—every mid-day from 11.30 to about 1—and almost every
sunset another hour. I know all the big trees, especially the old elms along
Tremont and Beacon streets, and have come to a sociable silent
understanding with most of them, in the sunlit air, (yet crispy-cool enough,)
as I saunter along the wide unpaved walks. Up and down this breadth by
Beacon street, between these same old elms, I walk'd for two hours, of a
bright sharp February mid-day twenty-one years ago, with Emerson, then in
his prime, keen, physically and morally magnetic, arm'd at every point, and
when he chose, wielding the emotional just as well as the intellectual.
During those two hours he was the talker and I the listener. It was an
argument-statement, reconnoitring, review, attack, and pressing home, (like
an army corps in order, artillery, cavalry, infantry,) of all that could be said
against that part (and a main part) in the construction of my poems,
"Children of Adam." More precious than gold to me that dissertion—it
afforded me, ever after, this strange and paradoxical lesson; each point of
E.'s statement was unanswerable, no judge's charge ever more complete or
convincing, I could never hear the points better put—and then I felt down in
my soul the clear and unmistakable conviction to disobey all, and pursue
my own way. "What have you to say then to such things?" said E., pausing
in conclusion. "Only that while I can't answer them at all, I feel more settled
than ever to adhere to my own theory, and exemplify it," was my candid
response. Whereupon we went and had a good dinner at the American
House. And thenceforward I never waver'd or was touch'd with qualms, (as
I confess I had been two or three times before.)

AN OSSIANIC NIGHT—DEAREST FRIENDS

Nov., '81.—Again back in Camden. As I cross the Delaware in long trips
tonight, between 9 and 11, the scene overhead is a peculiar one—swift

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sheets of flitting vapor-gauze, follow'd by dense clouds throwing an inky
pall on everything. Then a spell of that transparent steel-gray black sky I
have noticed under similar circumstances, on which the moon would beam
for a few moments with calm lustre, throwing down a broad dazzle of
highway on the waters; then the mists careering again. All silently, yet
driven as if by the furies they sweep along, sometimes quite thin,
sometimes thicker—a real Ossianic night—amid the whirl, absent or dead
friends, the old, the past, somehow tenderly suggested—while the Gael-
strains chant themselves from the mists—"Be thy soul blest, O Carril! in the
midst of thy eddying winds. O that thou wouldst come to my hall when I
am alone by night! And thou dost come, my friend. I hear often thy light
hand on my harp, when it hangs on the distant wall, and the feeble sound
touches my ear. Why dost thou not speak to me in my grief, and tell me
when I shall behold my friends? But thou passest away in thy murmuring
blast; the wind whistles through the gray hairs of Ossian."
But most of all, those changes of moon and sheets of hurrying vapor and
black clouds, with the sense of rapid action in weird silence, recall the far-
back Erse belief that such above were the preparations for receiving the
wraiths of just-slain warriors—{"We sat that night in Selma, round the
strength of the shell. The wind was abroad in the oaks. The spirit of the
mountain roar'd. The blast came rustling through the hall, and gently
touch'd my harp. The sound was mournful and low, like the song of the
tomb. Fingal heard it the first. The crowded sighs of his bosom rose. Some
of my heroes are low, said the gray-hair'd king of Morven. I hear the sound
of death on the harp. Ossian, touch the trembling string. Bid the sorrow rise,
that their spirits may fly with joy to Morven's woody hills. I touch'd the
harp before the king; the sound was mournful and low. Bend forward from
your clouds, I said, ghosts of my fathers! bend. Lay by the red terror of your
course. Receive the falling chief; whether he comes from a distant land, or
rises from the rolling sea. Let his robe of mist be near; his spear that is
form'd of a cloud. Place a half-extinguish'd meteor by his side, in the form
of a hero's sword. And oh! let his countenance be lovely, that his friends
may delight in his presence. Bend from your clouds, I said, ghosts of my
fathers, bend. Such was my song in Selma, to the lightly trembling harp."}
How or why I know not, just at the moment, but I too muse and think of
my best friends in their distant homes—of William O'Connor, of Maurice

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Bucke, of John Burroughs, and of Mrs. Gilchrist—friends of my soul—
stanchest friends of my other soul, my poems.

ONLY A NEW FERRY-BOAT

Jan. 12, '82.—Such a show as the Delaware presented an hour before
sundown yesterday evening, all along between Philadelphia and Camden, is
worth weaving into an item. It was full tide, a fair breeze from the
southwest, the water of a pale tawny color, and just enough motion to make
things frolicsome and lively. Add to these an approaching sunset of unusual
splendor, a broad tumble of clouds, with much golden haze and profusion of
beaming shaft and dazzle. In the midst of all, in the clear drab of the
afternoon light, there steam'd up the river the large, new boat, "the
Wenonah," as pretty an object as you could wish to see, lightly and swiftly
skimming along, all trim and white, cover'd with flags, transparent red and
blue, streaming out in the breeze. Only a new ferry-boat, and yet in its
fitness comparable with the prettiest product of Nature's cunning, and
rivaling it. High up in the transparent ether gracefully balanced and circled
four or five great sea hawks, while here below, amid the pomp and
picturesqueness of sky and river, swam this creation of artificial beauty and
motion and power, in its way no less perfect.

DEATH OF LONGFELLOW

Camden, April, '82.—I have just return'd from an old forest haunt, where
I love to go occasionally away from parlors, pavements, and the newspapers
and magazines—and where, of a clear forenoon, deep in the shade of pines
and cedars and a tangle of old laurel-trees and vines, the news of
Longfellow's death first reach'd me. For want of anything better, let me
lightly twine a sprig of the sweet ground-ivy trailing so plentifully through
the dead leaves at my feet, with reflections of that half hour alone, there in
the silence, and lay it as my contribution on the dead bard's grave.
Longfellow in his voluminous works seems to me not only to be eminent
in the style and forms of poetical expression that mark the present age, (an
idiosyncrasy, almost a sickness, of verbal melody,) but to bring what is
always dearest as poetry to the general human heart and taste, and probably
must be so in the nature of things. He is certainly the sort of bard and

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counteractant most needed for our materialistic, self-assertive, money-
worshipping, Anglo-Saxon races, and especially for the present age in
America—an age tyrannically regulated with reference to the manufacturer,
the merchant, the financier, the politician and the day workman—for whom
and among whom he comes as the poet of melody, courtesy, deference—
poet of the mellow twilight of the past in Italy, Germany, Spain, and in
Northern Europe—poet of all sympathetic gentleness—and universal poet
of women and young people. I should have to think long if I were ask'd to
name the man who has done more, and in more valuable directions, for
America.
I doubt if there ever was before such a fine intuitive judge and selecter of
poems. His translations of many German and Scandinavian pieces are said
to be better than the vernaculars. He does not urge or lash. His influence is
like good drink or air. He is not tepid either, but always vital, with flavor,
motion, grace. He strikes a splendid average, and does not sing exceptional
passions, or humanity's jagged escapades. He is not revolutionary, brings
nothing offensive or new, does not deal hard blows. On the contrary, his
songs soothe and heal, or if they excite, it is a healthy and agreeable
excitement. His very anger is gentle, is at second hand, (as in the
"Quadroon Girl" and the "Witnesses.")
There is no undue element of pensiveness in Longfellow's strains. Even
in the early translation, the Manrique, the movement is as of strong and
steady wind or tide, holding up and buoying. Death is not avoided through
his many themes, but there is something almost winning in his original
verses and renderings on that dread subject—as, closing "the Happiest
Land" dispute,

And then the landlord's daughter
Up to heaven rais'd her hand,
And said, "Ye may no more contend,
There lies the happiest land."

To the ungracious complaint-charge of his want of racy nativity and
special originality, I shall only say that America and the world may well be
reverently thankful—can never be thankful enough—for any such singing-
bird vouchsafed out of the centuries, without asking that the notes be
different from those of other songsters; adding what I have heard
Longfellow himself say, that ere the New World can be worthily original,
and announce herself and her own heroes, she must be well saturated with

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the originality of others, and respectfully consider the heroes that lived
before Agamemnon.

STARTING NEWSPAPERS

Reminiscences (From the "Camden Courier"). As I sat taking my evening
sail across the Delaware in the staunch ferry-boat "Beverly," a night or two
ago, I was join'd by two young reporter friends. "I have a message for you,"
said one of them; "the C. folks told me to say they would like a piece sign'd
by your name, to go in their first number. Can you do it for them?" "I guess
so," said I; "what might it be about?" "Well, anything on newspapers, or
perhaps what you've done yourself, starting them." And off the boys went,
for we had reach'd the Philadelphia side. The hour was fine and mild, the
bright half-moon shining; Venus, with excess of splendor, just setting in the
west, and the great Scorpion rearing its length more than half up in the
southeast. As I cross'd leisurely for an hour in the pleasant night-scene, my
young friend's words brought up quite a string of reminiscences.
I commenced when I was but a boy of eleven or twelve writing
sentimental bits for the old "Long Island Patriot," in Brooklyn; this was
about 1832. Soon after, I had a piece or two in George P. Morris's then
celebrated and fashionable "Mirror," of New York city. I remember with
what half-suppress'd excitement I used to watch for the big, fat, red-faced,
slow-moving, very old English carrier who distributed the "Mirror" in
Brooklyn; and when I got one, opening and cutting the leaves with
trembling fingers. How it made my heart double-beat to see my piece on the
pretty white paper, in nice type.
My first real venture was the "Long Islander," in my own beautiful town
of Huntington, in 1839. I was about twenty years old. I had been teaching
country school for two or three years in various parts of Suffolk and Queens
counties, but liked printing; had been at it while a lad, learn'd the trade of
compositor, and was encouraged to start a paper in the region where I was
born. I went to New York, bought a press and types, hired some little help,
but did most of the work myself, including the press-work. Everything
seem'd turning out well; (only my own restlessness prevented me gradually
establishing a permanent property there.) I bought a good horse, and every
week went all round the country serving my papers, devoting one day and
night to it. I never had happier jaunts—going over to south side, to

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Babylon, down the south road, across to Smithtown and Comac, and back
home. The experiences of those jaunts, the dear old-fashion'd farmers and
their wives, the stops by the hay-fields, the hospitality, nice dinners,
occasional evenings, the girls, the rides through the brush, come up in my
memory to this day.
I next went to the "Aurora" daily in New York city—a sort of free lance.
Also wrote regularly for the "Tattler," an evening paper. With these and a
little outside work I was occupied off and on, until I went to edit the
"Brooklyn Eagle," where for two years I had one of the pleasantest sits of
my life—a good owner, good pay, and easy work and hours. The troubles in
the Democratic party broke forth about those times (1848-'49) and I split off
with the radicals, which led to rows with the boss and "the party," and I lost
my place.
Being now out of a job, I was offer'd impromptu, (it happen'd between
the acts one night in the lobby of the old Broadway theatre near Pearl street,
New York city,) a good chance to go down to New Orleans on the staff of
the "Crescent," a daily to be started there with plenty of capital behind it.
One of the owners, who was north buying material, met me walking in the
lobby, and though that was our first acquaintance, after fifteen minutes' talk
(and a drink) we made a formal bargain, and he paid me two hundred
dollars down to bind the contract and bear my expenses to New Orleans. I
started two days afterwards; had a good leisurely time, as the paper wasn't
to be out in three weeks. I enjoy'd my journey and Louisiana life much.
Returning to Brooklyn a year or two afterward I started the "Freeman," first
as a weekly, then daily. Pretty soon the secession war broke out, and I, too,
got drawn in the current southward, and spent the following three years
there, (as memorandized preceding.)
Besides starting them as aforementioned, I have had to do, one time or
another, during my life, with a long list of papers, at divers places,
sometimes under queer circumstances. During the war, the hospitals at
Washington, among other means of amusement, printed a little sheet among
themselves, surrounded by wounds and death, the "Armory Square
Gazette," to which I contributed. The same long afterward, casually, to a
paper—I think it was call'd the "Jimplecute"—out in Colorado where I
stopp'd at the time. When I was in Quebec province, in Canada, in 1880, I
went into the queerest little old French printing-office near Tadousac. It was

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far more primitive and ancient than my Camden friend William Kurtz's
place up on Federal street. I remember, as a youngster, several characteristic
old printers of a kind hard to be seen these days.

THE GREAT UNREST OF WHICH WE ARE PART

My thoughts went floating on vast and mystic currents as I sat to-day in
solitude and half-shade by the creek—returning mainly to two principal
centres. One of my cherish'd themes for a never-achiev'd poem has been the
two impetuses of man and the universe—in the latter, creation's incessant
unrest,{19} exfoliation, (Darwin's evolution, I suppose.) Indeed, what is
Nature but change, in all its visible, and still more its invisible processes?
Or what is humanity in its faith, love, heroism, poetry, even morals, but
emotion?
Endnotes:
{19} "Fifty thousand years ago the constellation of the Great Bear or
Dipper was a starry cross; a hundred thousand years hence the imaginary
Dipper will be upside down, and the stars which form the bowl and handle
will have changed places. The misty nebulae are moving, and besides are
whirling around in great spirals, some one way, some another. Every
molecule of matter in the whole universe is swinging to and fro; every
particle of ether which fills space is in jelly-like vibration. Light is one kind
of motion, heat another, electricity another, magnetism another, sound
another. Every human sense is the result of motion; every perception, every
thought is but motion of the molecules of the brain translated by that
incomprehensible thing we call mind. The processes of growth, of
existence, of decay, whether in worlds, or in the minutest organisms, are but
motion."

BY EMERSON'S GRAVE

May 6, '82.—We stand by Emerson's new-made grave without sadness—
indeed a solemn joy and faith, almost hauteur—our soul-benison no mere

"Warrior, rest, thy task is done,"

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for one beyond the warriors of the world lies surely symboll'd here. A just
man, poised on himself, all-loving, all-inclosing, and sane and clear as the
sun. Nor does it seem so much Emerson himself we are here to honor—it is
conscience, simplicity, culture, humanity's attributes at their best, yet
applicable if need be to average affairs, and eligible to all. So used are we to
suppose a heroic death can only come from out of battle or storm, or mighty
personal contest, or amid dramatic incidents or danger, (have we not been
taught so for ages by all the plays and poems?) that few even of those who
most sympathizingly mourn Emerson's late departure will fully appreciate
the ripen'd grandeur of that event, with its play of calm and fitness, like
evening light on the sea.
How I shall henceforth dwell on the blessed hours when, not long since, I
saw that benignant face, the clear eyes, the silently smiling mouth, the form
yet upright in its great age—to the very last, with so much spring and
cheeriness, and such an absence of decrepitude, that even the term
venerable hardly seem'd fitting.
Perhaps the life now rounded and completed in its mortal development,
and which nothing can change or harm more, has its most illustrious halo,
not in its splendid intellectual or esthetic products, but as forming in its
entirety one of the few (alas! how few!) perfect and flawless excuses for
being, of the entire literary class.
We can say, as Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg, It is not we who come to
consecrate the dead—we reverently come to receive, if so it may be, some
consecration to ourselves and daily work from him.

AT PRESENT WRITING—PERSONAL

A letter to a German friend—extract
May 31, '82.—"From to-day I enter upon my 64th year. The paralysis that
first affected me nearly ten years ago, has since remain'd, with varying
course—seems to have settled quietly down, and will probably continue. I
easily tire, am very clumsy, cannot walk far; but my spirits are first-rate. I
go around in public almost every day—now and then take long trips, by
railroad or boat, hundreds of miles—live largely in the open air—am
sunburnt and stout, (weigh 190)—keep up my activity and interest in life,
people, progress, and the questions of the day. About two-thirds of the time

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I am quite comfortable. What mentality I ever had remains entirely
unaffected; though physically I am a half-paralytic, and likely to be so, long
as I live. But the principal object of my life seems to have been
accomplish'd—I have the most devoted and ardent of friends, and
affectionate relatives—and of enemies I really make no account."

AFTER TRYING A CERTAIN BOOK

I tried to read a beautifully printed and scholarly volume on "the Theory
of Poetry," received by mail this morning from England—but gave it up at
last for a bad job. Here are some capricious pencillings that follow'd, as I
find them in my notes:
In youth and maturity Poems are charged with sunshine and varied pomp
of day; but as the soul more and more takes precedence, (the sensuous still
included,) the Dusk becomes the poet's atmosphere. I too have sought, and
ever seek, the brilliant sun, and make my songs according. But as I grow
old, the half-lights of evening are far more to me.
The play of Imagination, with the sensuous objects of Nature for symbols
and Faith—with Love and Pride as the unseen impetus and moving-power
of all, make up the curious chess-game of a poem.
Common teachers or critics are always asking "What does it mean?"
Symphony of fine musician, or sunset, or sea-waves rolling up the beach—
what do they mean? Undoubtedly in the most subtle-elusive sense they
mean something—as love does, and religion does, and the best poem;—but
who shall fathom and define those meanings? (I do not intend this as a
warrant for wildness and frantic escapades—but to justify the soul's
frequent joy in what cannot be defined to the intellectual part, or to
calculation.)
At its best, poetic lore is like what may be heard of conversation in the
dusk, from speakers far or hid, of which we get only a few broken murmurs.
What is not gather'd is far more—perhaps the main thing.
Grandest poetic passages are only to be taken at free removes, as we
sometimes look for stars at night, not by gazing directly toward them, but
off one side.
(To a poetic student and friend.)—I only seek to put you in rapport. Your
own brain, heart, evolution, must not only understand the matter, but largely

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supply it.

FINAL CONFESSIONS—LITERARY TESTS

So draw near their end these garrulous notes. There have doubtless
occurr'd some repetitions, technical errors in the consecutiveness of dates,
in the minutiae of botanical, astronomical, &c., exactness, and perhaps
elsewhere;—for in gathering up, writing, peremptorily dispatching copy,
this hot weather, (last of July and through August, '82,) and delaying not the
printers, I have had to hurry along, no time to spare. But in the deepest
veracity of all—in reflections of objects, scenes, Nature's outpourings, to
my senses and receptivity, as they seem'd to me—in the work of giving
those who care for it, some authentic glints, specimen-days of my life—and
in the bona fide spirit and relations, from author to reader, on all the
subjects design'd, and as far as they go, I feel to make unmitigated claims.
The synopsis of my early life, Long Island, New York city, and so forth,
and the diary-jottings in the Secession war, tell their own story. My plan in
starting what constitutes most of the middle of the book, was originally for
hints and data of a Nature-poem that should carry one's experiences a few
hours, commencing at noon-flush, and so through the after-part of the day
—I suppose led to such idea by my own life-afternoon now arrived. But I
soon found I could move at more ease, by giving the narrative at first hand.
(Then there is a humiliating lesson one learns, in serene hours, of a fine day
or night. Nature seems to look on all fixed-up poetry and art as something
almost impertinent.)
Thus I went on, years following, various seasons and areas, spinning
forth my thought beneath the night and stars, (or as I was confined to my
room by half-sickness,) or at midday looking out upon the sea, or far north
steaming over the Saguenay's black breast, jotting all down in the loosest
sort of chronological order, and here printing from my impromptu notes,
hardly even the seasons group'd together, or anything corrected—so afraid
of dropping what smack of outdoors or sun or starlight might cling to the
lines, I dared not try to meddle with or smooth them. Every now and then,
(not often, but for a foil,) I carried a book in my pocket—or perhaps tore
out from some broken or cheap edition a bunch of loose leaves; most
always had something of the sort ready, but only took it out when the mood

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demanded. In that way, utterly out of reach of literary conventions, I re-read
many authors.
I cannot divest my appetite of literature, yet I find myself eventually
trying it all by Nature—first premises many call it, but really the crowning
results of all, laws, tallies and proofs. (Has it never occur'd to any one how
the last deciding tests applicable to a book are entirely outside of technical
and grammatical ones, and that any truly first-class production has little or
nothing to do with the rules and calibres of ordinary critics? or the bloodless
chalk of Allibone's Dictionary? I have fancied the ocean and the daylight,
the mountain and the forest, putting their spirit in a judgment on our books.
I have fancied some disembodied human soul giving its verdict.)

NATURE AND DEMOCRACY—MORALITY

Democracy most of all affiliates with the open air, is sunny and hardy
and sane only with Nature—just as much as Art is. Something is required to
temper both—to check them, restrain them from excess, morbidity. I have
wanted, before departure, to bear special testimony to a very old lesson and
requisite. American Democracy, in its myriad personalities, in factories,
work-shops, stores, offices—through the dense streets and houses of cities,
and all their manifold sophisticated life—must either be fibred, vitalized, by
regular contact with out-door light and air and growths, farm-scenes,
animals, fields, trees, birds, sun-warmth and free skies, or it will certainly
dwindle and pale. We cannot have grand races of mechanics, work people,
and commonalty, (the only specific purpose of America,) on any less terms.
I conceive of no flourishing and heroic elements of Democracy in the
United States, or of Democracy maintaining itself at all, without the Nature-
element forming a main part—to be its health-element and beauty-element
—to really underlie the whole politics, sanity, religion and art of the New
World.
Finally, the morality: "Virtue," said Marcus Aurelius, "what is it, only a
living and enthusiastic sympathy with Nature?" Perhaps indeed the efforts
of the true poets, founders, religions, literatures, all ages, have been, and
ever will be, our time and times to come, essentially the same—to bring
people back from their persistent strayings and sickly abstractions, to the
costless average, divine, original concrete.

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COLLECT

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ONE OR TWO INDEX ITEMS
Though the ensuing COLLECT and preceding SPECIMEN DAYS are
both largely from memoranda already existing, the hurried peremptory
needs of copy for the printers, already referr'd to—(the musicians' story of a
composer up in a garret rushing the middle body and last of his score
together, while the fiddlers are playing the first parts down in the concert-
room)—of this haste, while quite willing to get the consequent stimulus of
life and motion, I am sure there must have resulted sundry technical errors.
If any are too glaring they will be corrected in a future edition.
A special word about PIECES IN EARLY YOUTH at the end. On jaunts
over Long Island, as boy and young fellow, nearly half a century ago, I
heard of, or came across in my own experience, characters, true
occurrences, incidents, which I tried my 'prentice hand at recording—(I was
then quite an "abolitionist" and advocate of the "temperance" and "anti-
capital-punishment" causes)—and publish'd during occasional visits to New
York city. A majority of the sketches appear'd first in the "Democratic
Review," others in the "Columbian Magazine," or the "American Review,"
of that period. My serious wish were to have all those crude and boyish
pieces quietly dropp'd in oblivion—but to avoid the annoyance of their
surreptitious issue, (as lately announced, from outsiders,) I have, with some
qualms, tack'd them on here. A Dough-Face Song came out first in the
"Evening Post"—Blood-Money, and Wounded in the House of Friends, in
the "Tribune."
Poetry To-day in America, &c., first appear'd (under the name of "The
Poetry of the Future,") in "The North American Review" for February,
1881. A Memorandum at a Venture, in same periodical, some time
afterward.
Several of the convalescent out-door scenes and literary items, preceding,
originally appear'd in the fortnightly "Critic," of New York.

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DEMOCRATIC VISTAS
As the greatest lessons of Nature through the universe are perhaps the
lessons of variety and freedom, the same present the greatest lessons also in
New World politics and progress. If a man were ask'd, for instance, the
distinctive points contrasting modern European and American political and
other life with the old Asiatic cultus, as lingering-bequeath'd yet in China
and Turkey, he might find the amount of them in John Stuart Mill's
profound essay on Liberty in the future, where he demands two main
constituents, or sub-strata, for a truly grand nationality—1st, a large variety
of character—and 2d, full play for human nature to expand itself in
numberless and even conflicting directions—(seems to be for general
humanity much like the influences that make up, in their limitless field, that
perennial health-action of the air we call the weather—an infinite number of
currents and forces, and contributions, and temperatures, and cross-
purposes, whose ceaseless play of counterpart upon counterpart brings
constant restoration and vitality.) With this thought—and not for itself
alone, but all it necessitates, and draws after it—let me begin my
speculations.
America, filling the present with greatest deeds and problems, cheerfully
accepting the past, including feudalism, (as, indeed, the present is but the
legitimate birth of the past, including feudalism,) counts, as I reckon, for
her justification and success, (for who, as yet, dare claim success?) almost
entirely on the future. Nor is that hope unwarranted. To-day, ahead, though
dimly yet, we see, in vistas, a copious, sane, gigantic offspring. For our
New World I consider far less important for what it has done, or what it is,
than for results to come. Sole among nationalities, these States have
assumed the task to put in forms of lasting power and practicality, on areas
of amplitude rivaling the operations of the physical kosmos, the moral
political speculations of ages, long, long deferr'd, the democratic republican
principle, and the theory of development and perfection by voluntary
standards, and self-reliance. Who else, indeed, except the United States, in
history, so far, have accepted in unwitting faith, and, as we now see, stand,
act upon, and go security for, these things? But preluding no longer, let me

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strike the key-note of the following strain. First premising that, though the
passages of it have been written at widely different times, (it is, in fact, a
collection of memoranda, perhaps for future designers, comprehenders,)
and though it may be open to the charge of one part contradicting another—
for there are opposite sides to the great question of democracy, as to every
great question—I feel the parts harmoniously blended in my own
realization and convictions, and present them to be read only in such
oneness, each page and each claim and assertion modified and temper'd by
the others. Bear in mind, too, that they are not the result of studying up in
political economy, but of the ordinary sense, observing, wandering among
men, these States, these stirring years of war and peace. I will not gloss over
the appaling dangers of universal suffrage in the United States. In fact, it is
to admit and face these dangers I am writing. To him or her within whose
thought rages the battle, advancing, retreating, between democracy's
convictions, aspirations, and the people's crudeness, vice, caprices, I mainly
write this essay. I shall use the words America and democracy as
convertible terms. Not an ordinary one is the issue. The United States are
destined either to surmount the gorgeous history of feudalism, or else prove
the most tremendous failure of time. Not the least doubtful am I on any
prospects of their material success. The triumphant future of their business,
geographic and productive departments, on larger scales and in more
varieties than ever, is certain. In those respects the republic must soon (if
she does not already) outstrip all examples hitherto afforded, and dominate
the world.{20}
Admitting all this, with the priceless value of our political institutions,
general suffrage, (and fully acknowledging the latest, widest opening of the
doors,) I say that, far deeper than these, what finally and only is to make of
our western world a nationality superior to any hither known, and out-
topping the past, must be vigorous, yet unsuspected Literatures, perfect
personalities and sociologies, original, transcendental, and expressing
(what, in highest sense, are not yet express'd at all,) democracy and the
modern. With these, and out of these, I promulge new races of Teachers,
and of perfect Women, indispensable to endow the birth-stock of a New
World. For feudalism, caste, the ecclesiastic traditions, though palpably
retreating from political institutions, still hold essentially, by their spirit,
even in this country, entire possession of the more important fields, indeed
the very subsoil, of education, and of social standards and literature.

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I say that democracy can never prove itself beyond cavil, until it founds
and luxuriantly grows its own forms of art, poems, schools, theology,
displacing all that exists, or that has been produced anywhere in the past,
under opposite influences. It is curious to me that while so many voices,
pens, minds, in the press, lecture-rooms, in our Congress, &c., are
discussing intellectual topics, pecuniary dangers, legislative problems, the
suffrage, tariff and labor questions, and the various business and benevolent
needs of America, with propositions, remedies, often worth deep attention,
there is one need, a hiatus the profoundest, that no eye seems to perceive,
no voice to state. Our fundamental want to-day in the United States, with
closest, amplest reference to present conditions, and to the future, is of a
class, and the clear idea of a class, of native authors, literatuses, far
different, far higher in grade than any yet known, sacerdotal, modern, fit to
cope with our occasions, lands, permeating the whole mass of American
mentality, taste, belief, breathing into it a new breath of life, giving it
decision, affecting politics far more than the popular superficial suffrage,
with results inside and underneath the elections of Presidents or Congresses
—radiating, begetting appropriate teachers, schools, manners, and, as its
grandest result, accomplishing, (what neither the schools nor the churches
and their clergy have hitherto accomplish'd, and without which this nation
will no more stand, permanently, soundly, than a house will stand without a
substratum,) a religious and moral character beneath the political and
productive and intellectual bases of the States. For know you not, dear,
earnest reader, that the people of our land may all read and write, and may
all possess the right to vote—and yet the main things may be entirely
lacking?—(and this to suggest them.)
View'd, to-day, from a point of view sufficiently over-arching, the
problem of humanity all over the civilized world is social and religious, and
is to be finally met and treated by literature. The priest departs, the divine
literatus comes. Never was anything more wanted than, to-day, and here in
the States, the poet of the modern is wanted, or the great literatus of the
modern. At all times, perhaps, the central point in any nation, and that
whence it is itself really sway'd the most, and whence it sways others, is its
national literature, especially its archetypal poems. Above all previous
lands, a great original literature is surely to become the justification and
reliance, (in some respects the sole reliance,) of American democracy.

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Few are aware how the great literature penetrates all, gives hue to all,
shapes aggregates and individuals, and, after subtle ways, with irresistible
power, constructs, sustains, demolishes at will. Why tower, in reminiscence,
above all the nations of the earth, two special lands, petty in themselves, yet
inexpressibly gigantic, beautiful, columnar? Immortal Judah lives, and
Greece immortal lives, in a couple of poems.
Nearer than this. It is not generally realized, but it is true, as the genius of
Greece, and all the sociology, personality, politics and religion of those
wonderful states, resided in their literature or esthetics, that what was
afterwards the main support of European chivalry, the feudal, ecclesiastical,
dynastic world over there—forming its osseous structure, holding it
together for hundreds, thousands of years, preserving its flesh and bloom,
giving it form, decision, rounding it out, and so saturating it in the
conscious and unconscious blood, breed, belief, and intuitions of men, that
it still prevails powerful to this day, in defiance of the mighty changes of
time—was its literature, permeating to the very marrow, especially that
major part, its enchanting songs, ballads, and poems.{21}
To the ostent of the senses and eyes, I know, the influences which stamp
the world's history are wars, uprisings or downfalls of dynasties, changeful
movements of trade, important inventions, navigation, military or civil
governments, advent of powerful personalities, conquerors, etc.. These of
course play their part; yet, it may be, a single new thought, imagination,
abstract principle, even literary style, fit for the time, put in shape by some
great literatus, and projected among mankind, may duly cause changes,
growths, removals, greater than the longest and bloodiest war, or the most
stupendous merely political, dynastic, or commercial overturn.
In short, as, though it may not be realized, it is strictly true, that a few
first-class poets, philosophs, and authors, have substantially settled and
given status to the entire religion, education, law, sociology, &c., of the
hitherto civilized world, by tinging and often creating the atmospheres out
of which they have arisen, such also must stamp, and more than ever stamp,
the interior and real democratic construction of this American continent, to-
day, and days to come. Remember also this fact of difference, that, while
through the antique and through the mediaeval ages, highest thoughts and
ideals realized themselves, and their expression made its way by other arts,
as much as, or even more than by, technical literature, (not open to the mass

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of persons, or even to the majority of eminent persons,) such literature in
our day and for current purposes, is not only more eligible than all the other
arts put together, but has become the only general means of morally
influencing the world. Painting, sculpture, and the dramatic theatre, it
would seem, no longer play an indispensable or even important part in the
workings and mediumship of intellect, utility, or even high esthetics.
Architecture remains, doubtless with capacities, and a real future. Then
music, the combiner, nothing more spiritual, nothing more sensuous, a god,
yet completely human, advances, prevails, holds highest place; supplying in
certain wants and quarters what nothing else could supply. Yet in the
civilization of to-day it is undeniable that, over all the arts, literature
dominates, serves beyond all—shapes the character of church and school—
or, at any rate, is capable of doing so. Including the literature of science, its
scope is indeed unparallel'd.
Before proceeding further, it were perhaps well to discriminate on certain
points. Literature tills its crops in many fields, and some may flourish,
while others lag. What I say in these Vistas has its main bearing on
imaginative literature, especially poetry, the stock of all. In the department
of science, and the specialty of journalism, there appear, in these States,
promises, perhaps fulfilments, of highest earnestness, reality, and life,
These, of course, are modern. But in the region of imaginative, spinal and
essential attributes, something equivalent to creation is, for our age and
lands, imperatively demanded. For not only is it not enough that the new
blood, new frame of democracy shall be vivified and held together merely
by political means, superficial suffrage, legislation, &c., but it is clear to me
that, unless it goes deeper, gets at least as firm and as warm a hold in men's
hearts, emotions and belief, as, in their days, feudalism or ecclesiasticism,
and inaugurates its own perennial sources, welling from the centre forever,
its strength will be defective, its growth doubtful, and its main charm
wanting. I suggest, therefore, the possibility, should some two or three
really original American poets, (perhaps artists or lecturers,) arise,
mounting the horizon like planets, stars of the first magnitude, that, from
their eminence, fusing contributions, races, far localities, &c., together, they
would give more compaction and more moral identity, (the quality to-day
most needed,) to these States, than all its Constitutions, legislative and
judicial ties, and all its hitherto political, warlike, or materialistic
experiences. As, for instance, there could hardly happen anything that

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would more serve the States, with all their variety of origins, their diverse
climes, cities, standards, &c., than possessing an aggregate of heroes,
characters, exploits, sufferings, prosperity or misfortune, glory or disgrace,
common to all, typical of all—no less, but even greater would it be to
possess the aggregation of a cluster of mighty poets, artists, teachers, fit for
us, national expressers, comprehending and effusing for the men and
women of the States, what is universal, native, common to all, inland and
seaboard, northern and southern. The historians say of ancient Greece, with
her ever-jealous autonomies, cities, and states, that the only positive unity
she ever own'd or receiv'd, was the sad unity of a common subjection, at the
last, to foreign conquerors. Subjection, aggregation of that sort, is
impossible to America; but the fear of conflicting and irreconcilable
interiors, and the lack of a common skeleton, knitting all close, continually
haunts me. Or, if it does not, nothing is plainer than the need, a long period
to come, of a fusion of the States into the only reliable identity, the moral
and artistic one. For, I say, the true nationality of the States, the genuine
union, when we come to a moral crisis, is, and is to be, after all, neither the
written law, nor, (as is generally supposed,) either self-interest, or common
pecuniary or material objects—but the fervid and tremendous IDEA,
melting everything else with resistless heat, and solving all lesser and
definite distinctions in vast, indefinite, spiritual, emotional power.
It may be claim'd, (and I admit the weight of the claim,) that common
and general worldly prosperity, and a populace well-to-do, and with all life's
material comforts, is the main thing, and is enough. It may be argued that
our republic is, in performance, really enacting to-day the grandest arts,
poems, &c., by beating up the wilderness into fertile farms, and in her
railroads, ships, machinery, &c. And it may be ask'd, Are these not better,
indeed, for America, than any utterances even of greatest rhapsode, artist, or
literatus?
I too hail those achievements with pride and joy: then answer that the
soul of man will not with such only—nay, not with such at all—be finally
satisfied; but needs what, (standing on these and on all things, as the feet
stand on the ground,) is address'd to the loftiest, to itself alone.
Out of such considerations, such truths, arises for treatment in these
Vistas the important question of character, of an American stock-
personality, with literatures and arts for outlets and return-expressions, and,

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of course, to correspond, within outlines common to all. To these, the main
affair, the thinkers of the United States, in general so acute, have either
given feeblest attention, or have remain'd, and remain, in a state of
somnolence.
For my part, I would alarm and caution even the political and business
reader, and to the utmost extent, against the prevailing delusion that the
establishment of free political institutions, and plentiful intellectual
smartness, with general good order, physical plenty, industry, &c.,
(desirable and precious advantages as they all are,) do, of themselves,
determine and yield to our experiment of democracy the fruitage of success.
With such advantages at present fully, or almost fully, possess'd—the Union
just issued, victorious, from the struggle with the only foes it need ever fear,
(namely, those within itself, the interior ones,) and with unprecedented
materialistic advancement—society, in these States, is canker'd, crude,
superstitious, and rotten. Political, or law-made society is, and private, or
voluntary society, is also. In any vigor, the element of the moral conscience,
the most important, the verteber to State or man, seems to me either entirely
lacking, or seriously enfeebled or ungrown.
I say we had best look our times and lands searchingly in the face, like a
physician diagnosing some deep disease. Never was there, perhaps, more
hollowness at heart than at present, and here in the United States. Genuine
belief seems to have left us. The underlying principles of the States are not
honestly believ'd in, (for all this hectic glow, and these melo-dramatic
screamings,) nor is humanity itself believ'd in. What penetrating eye does
not everywhere see through the mask? The spectacle is appaling. We live in
an atmosphere of hypocrisy throughout. The men believe not in the women,
nor the women in the men. A scornful superciliousness rules in literature.
The aim of all the littérateurs is to find something to make fun of. A lot of
churches, sects, &c., the most dismal phantasms I know, usurp the name of
religion. Conversation is a mass of badinage. From deceit in the spirit, the
mother of all false deeds, the offspring is already incalculable. An acute and
candid person, in the revenue department in Washington, who is led by the
course of his employment to regularly visit the cities, north, south and west,
to investigate frauds, has talk'd much with me about his discoveries. The
depravity of the business classes of our country is not less than has been
supposed, but infinitely greater. The official services of America, national,
state, and municipal, in all their branches and departments, except the

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judiciary, are saturated in corruption, bribery, falsehood, mal-
administration; and the judiciary is tainted. The great cities reek with
respectable as much as non-respectable robbery and scoundrelism. In
fashionable life, flippancy, tepid amours, weak infidelism, small aims, or no
aims at all, only to kill time. In business, (this all-devouring modern word,
business,) the one sole object is, by any means, pecuniary gain. The
magician's serpent in the fable ate up all the other serpents; and money-
making is our magician's serpent, remaining today sole master of the field.
The best class we show, is but a mob of fashionably dress'd speculators and
vulgarians. True, indeed, behind this fantastic farce, enacted on the visible
stage of society, solid things and stupendous labors are to be discover'd,
existing crudely and going on in the background, to advance and tell
themselves in time. Yet the truths are none the less terrible. I say that our
New World democracy, however great a success in uplifting the masses out
of their sloughs, in materialistic development, products, and in a certain
highly-deceptive superficial popular intellectuality, is, so far, an almost
complete failure in its social aspects, and in really grand religious, moral,
literary, and esthetic results. In vain do we march with unprecedented
strides to empire so colossal, outvying the antique, beyond Alexander's,
beyond the proudest sway of Rome. In vain have we annex'd Texas,
California, Alaska, and reach north for Canada and south for Cuba. It is as if
we were somehow being endow'd with a vast and more and more
thoroughly-appointed body, and then left with little or no soul.
Let me illustrate further, as I write, with current observations, localities,
&c. The subject is important, and will bear repetition. After an absence, I
am now again (September, 1870) in New York city and Brooklyn, on a few
weeks' vacation. The splendor, picturesqueness, and oceanic amplitude and
rush of these great cities, the unsurpass'd situation, rivers and bay, sparkling
sea-tides, costly and lofty new buildings, façades of marble and iron, of
original grandeur and elegance of design, with the masses of gay color, the
preponderance of white and blue, the flags flying, the endless ships, the
tumultuous streets, Broadway, the heavy, low, musical roar, hardly ever
intermitted, even at night; the jobbers' houses, the rich shops, the wharves,
the great Central Park, and the Brooklyn Park of hills, (as I wander among
them this beautiful fall weather, musing, watching, absorbing)—the
assemblages of the citizens in their groups, conversations, trades, evening
amusements, or along the by-quarters—these, I say, and the like of these,

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completely satisfy my senses of power, fulness, motion, &c., and give me,
through such senses and appetites, and through my esthetic conscience, a
continued exaltation and absolute fulfilment. Always and more and more, as
I cross the East and North rivers, the ferries, or with the pilots in their pilot-
houses, or pass an hour in Wall street, or the gold exchange, I realize, (if we
must admit such partialisms,) that not Nature alone is great in her fields of
freedom and the open air, in her storms, the shows of night and day, the
mountains, forests, seas—but in the artificial, the work of man too is
equally great—in this profusion of teeming humanity—in these ingenuities,
streets, goods, houses, ships—these hurrying, feverish, electric crowds of
men, their complicated business genius, (not least among the geniuses,) and
all this mighty, many-threaded wealth and industry concentrated here.
But sternly discarding, shutting our eyes to the glow and grandeur of the
general superficial effect, coming down to what is of the only real
importance, Personalities, and examining minutely, we question, we ask,
Are there, indeed, men here worthy the name? Are there athletes? Are there
perfect women, to match the generous material luxuriance? Is there a
pervading atmosphere of beautiful manners? Are there crops of fine youths,
and majestic old persons? Are there arts worthy freedom and a rich people?
Is there a great moral and religious civilization—the only justification of a
great material one? Confess that to severe eyes, using the moral microscope
upon humanity, a sort of dry and flat Sahara appears, these cities, crowded
with petty grotesques, malformations, phantoms, playing meaningless
antics.
Confess that everywhere, in shop, street, church, theatre, bar-room,
official chair, are pervading flippancy and vulgarity, low cunning, infidelity
—everywhere the youth puny, impudent, foppish, prematurely ripe—
everywhere an abnormal libidinousness, unhealthy forms, male, female,
painted, padded, dyed, chignon'd, muddy complexions, bad blood, the
capacity for good motherhood deceasing or deceas'd, shallow notions of
beauty, with a range of manners, or rather lack of manners, (considering the
advantages enjoy'd,) probably the meanest to be seen in the world.{22}
Of all this, and these lamentable conditions, to breathe into them the
breath recuperative of sane and heroic life, I say a new founded literature,
not merely to copy and reflect existing surfaces, or pander to what is called
taste—not only to amuse, pass away time, celebrate the beautiful, the

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refined, the past, or exhibit technical, rhythmic, or grammatical dexterity—
but a literature underlying life, religious, consistent with science, handling
the elements and forces with competent power, teaching and training men—
and, as perhaps the most precious of its results, achieving the entire
redemption of woman out of these incredible holds and webs of silliness,
millinery, and every kind of dyspeptic depletion—and thus insuring to the
States a strong and sweet Female Race, a race of perfect Mothers—is what
is needed.
And now, in the full conception of these facts and points, and all that they
infer, pro and con—with yet unshaken faith in the elements of the American
masses, the composites, of both sexes, and even consider'd as individuals—
and ever recognizing in them the broadest bases of the best literary and
esthetic appreciation—I proceed with my speculations, Vistas.
First, let us see what we can make out of a brief, general, sentimental
consideration of political democracy, and whence it has arisen, with regard
to some of its current features, as an aggregate, and as the basic structure of
our future literature and authorship. We shall, it is true, quickly and
continually find the origin-idea of the singleness of man, individualism,
asserting itself, and cropping forth, even from the opposite ideas. But the
mass, or lump character, for imperative reasons, is to be ever carefully
weigh'd, borne in mind, and provided for. Only from it, and from its proper
regulation and potency, comes the other, comes the chance of individualism.
The two are contradictory, but our task is to reconcile them.{23}
The political history of the past may be summ'd up as having grown out
of what underlies the words, order, safety, caste, and especially out of the
need of some prompt deciding authority, and of cohesion at all cost.
Leaping time, we come to the period within the memory of people now
living, when, as from some lair where they had slumber'd long,
accumulating wrath, sprang up and are yet active, (1790, and on eyen to the
present, 1870,) those noisy eructations, destructive iconoclasms, a fierce
sense of wrongs, amid which moves the form, well known in modern
history, in the old world, stain'd with much blood, and mark'd by savage
reactionary clamors and demands. These bear, mostly, as on one inclosing
point of need.
For after the rest is said—after the many time-honor'd and really true
things for subordination, experience, rights of property, &c., have been

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listen'd to and acquiesced in—after the valuable and well-settled statement
of our duties and relations in society is thoroughly conn'd over and
exhausted—it remains to bring forward and modify everything else with the
idea of that Something a man is, (last precious consolation of the drudging
poor,) standing apart from all else, divine in his own right, and a woman in
hers, sole and untouchable by any canons of authority, or any rule derived
from precedent, state-safety, the acts of legislatures, or even from what is
called religion, modesty, or art. The radiation of this truth is the key of the
most significant doings of our immediately preceding three centuries, and
has been the political genesis and life of America. Advancing visibly, it still
more advances invisibly. Underneath the fluctuations of the expressions of
society, as well as the movements of the politics of the leading nations of
the world, we see steadily pressing ahead and strengthening itself, even in
the midst of immense tendencies toward aggregation, this image of
completeness in separatism, of individual personal dignity, of a single
person, either male or female, characterized in the main, not from extrinsic
acquirements or position, but in the pride of himself or herself alone; and,
as an eventual conclusion and summing up, (or else the entire scheme of
things is aimless, a cheat, a crash,) the simple idea that the last, best
dependence is to be upon humanity itself, and its own inherent, normal,
fullgrown qualities, without any superstitious support whatever. This idea of
perfect individualism it is indeed that deepest tinges and gives character to
the idea of the aggregate. For it is mainly or altogether to serve independent
separatism that we favor a strong generalization, consolidation. As it is to
give the best vitality and freedom to the rights of the States, (every bit as
important as the right of nationality, the union,) that we insist on the identity
of the Union at all hazards.
The purpose of democracy—supplanting old belief in the necessary
absoluteness of establish'd dynastic rulership, temporal, ecclesiastical, and
scholastic, as furnishing the only security against chaos, crime, and
ignorance—is, through many transmigrations, and amid endless ridicules,
arguments, and ostensible failures, to illustrate, at all hazards, this doctrine
or theory that man, properly train'd in sanest, highest freedom, may and
must become a law, and series of laws, unto himself, surrounding and
providing for, not only his own personal control, but all his relations to
other individuals, and to the State; and that, while other theories, as in the
past histories of nations, have proved wise enough, and indispensable

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perhaps for their conditions, this, as matters now stand in our civilized
world, is the only scheme worth working from, as warranting results like
those of Nature's laws, reliable, when once establish'd, to carry on
themselves.
The argument of the matter is extensive, and, we admit, by no means all
on one side. What we shall offer will be far, far from sufficient. But while
leaving unsaid much that should properly even prepare the way for the
treatment of this many-sided question of political liberty, equality, or
republicanism—leaving the whole history and consideration of the feudal
plan and its products, embodying humanity, its politics and civilization,
through the retrospect of past time, (which plan and products, indeed, make
up all of the past, and a large part of the present)—leaving unanswer'd, at
least by any specific and local answer, many a well-wrought argument and
instance, and many a conscientious declamatory cry and warning—as, very
lately, from an eminent and venerable person abroad{24}—things,
problems, full of doubt, dread, suspense, (not new to me, but old occupiers
of many an anxious hour in city's din, or night's silence,) we still may give a
page or so, whose drift is opportune. Time alone can finally answer these
things. But as a substitute in passing, let us, even if fragmentarily, throw
forth a short direct or indirect suggestion of the premises of that other plan,
in the new spirit, under the new forms, started here in our America.
As to the political section of Democracy, which introduces and breaks
ground for further and vaster sections, few probably are the minds, even in
these republican States, that fully comprehend the aptness of that phrase,
"THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, BY THE PEOPLE, FOR THE
PEOPLE," which we inherit from the lips of Abraham Lincoln; a formula
whose verbal shape is homely wit, but whose scope includes both the
totality and all minutiae of the lesson.
The People! Like our huge earth itself, which, to ordinary scansion, is
full of vulgar contradictions and offence, man, viewed in the lump,
displeases, and is a constant puzzle and affront to the merely educated
classes. The rare, cosmical, artist-mind, lit with the Infinite, alone confronts
his manifold and oceanic qualities—but taste, intelligence and culture, (so-
called,) have been against the masses, and remain so. There is plenty of
glamour about the most damnable crimes and hoggish meannesses, special
and general, of the feudal and dynastic world over there, with its personnel

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of lords and queens and courts, so well-dress'd and so handsome. But the
People are ungrammatical, untidy, and their sins gaunt and ill-bred.
Literature, strictly consider'd, has never recognized the People, and,
whatever may be said, does not to-day. Speaking generally, the tendencies
of literature, as hitherto pursued, have been to make mostly critical and
querulous men. It seems as if, so far, there were some natural repugnance
between a literary and professional life, and the rude rank spirit of the
democracies. There is, in later literature, a treatment of benevolence, a
charity business, rife enough it is true; but I know nothing more rare, even
in this country, than a fit scientific estimate and reverent appreciation of the
People—of their measureless wealth of latent power and capacity, their
vast, artistic contrasts of lights and shades—with, in America, their entire
reliability in emergencies, and a certain breadth of historic grandeur, of
peace or war, far surpassing all the vaunted samples of book-heroes, or any
haut ton coteries, in all the records of the world.
The movements of the late secession war, and their results, to any sense
that studies well and comprehends them, show that popular democracy,
whatever its faults and dangers, practically justifies itself beyond the
proudest claims and wildest hopes of its enthusiasts. Probably no future age
can know, but I well know, how the gist of this fiercest and most resolute of
the world's war-like contentions resided exclusively in the unnamed,
unknown rank and file; and how the brunt of its labor of death was, to all
essential purposes, volunteer'd. The People, of their own choice, fighting,
dying for their own idea, insolently attack'd by the secession-slave-power,
and its very existence imperil'd. Descending to detail, entering any of the
armies, and mixing with the private soldiers, we see and have seen august
spectacles. We have seen the alacrity with which the American-born
populace, the peaceablest and most good-natured race in the world, and the
most personally independent and intelligent, and the least fitted to submit to
the irksomeness and exasperation of regimental discipline, sprang, at the
first tap of the drum, to arms—not for gain, nor even glory, nor to repel
invasion—but for an emblem, a mere abstraction—for the life, the safety of
the flag. We have seen the unequal'd docility and obedience of these
soldiers. We have seen them tried long and long by hopelessness,
mismanagement, and by defeat; have seen the incredible slaughter toward
or through which the armies (as at first Fredericksburg, and afterward at the
Wilderness,) still unhesitatingly obey'd orders to advance. We have seen

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them in trench, or crouching behind breastwork, or tramping in deep mud,
or amid pouring rain or thick-falling snow, or under forced marches in
hottest summer (as on the road to get to Gettysburg)—vast suffocating
swarms, divisions, corps, with every single man so grimed and black with
sweat and dust, his own mother would not have known him—his clothes all
dirty, stain'd and torn, with sour, accumulated sweat for perfume—many a
comrade, perhaps a brother, sun-struck, staggering out, dying, by the
roadside, of exhaustion—yet the great bulk bearing steadily on, cheery
enough, hollow-bellied from hunger, but sinewy with unconquerable
resolution.
We have seen this race proved by wholesale by drearier, yet more fearful
tests—the wound, the amputation, the shatter'd face or limb, the slow hot
fever, long impatient anchorage in bed, and all the forms of maiming,
operation and disease. Alas! America have we seen, though only in her
early youth, already to hospital brought. There have we watch'd these
soldiers, many of them only boys in years—mark'd their decorum, their
religious nature and fortitude, and their sweet affection. Wholesale, truly.
For at the front, and through the camps, in countless tents, stood the
regimental, brigade and division hospitals; while everywhere amid the land,
in or near cities, rose clusters of huge, white-wash'd, crowded, one-story
wooden barracks; and there ruled agony with bitter scourge, yet seldom
brought a cry; and there stalk'd death by day and night along the narrow
aisles between the rows of cots, or by the blankets on the ground, and
touch'd lightly many a poor sufferer, often with blessed, welcome touch.
I know not whether I shall be understood, but I realize that it is finally
from what I learn'd personally mixing in such scenes that I am now penning
these pages. One night in the gloomiest period of the war, in the Patent-
office hospital in Washington city, as I stood by the bedside of a
Pennsylvania soldier, who lay, conscious of quick approaching death, yet
perfectly calm, and with noble, spiritual manner, the veteran surgeon,
turning aside, said to me, that though he had witness'd many, many deaths
of soldiers, and had been a worker at Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg,
&c., he had not seen yet the first case of man or boy that met the approach
of dissolution with cowardly qualms or terror. My own observation fully
bears out the remark.

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What have we here, if not, towering above all talk and argument, the
plentifully-supplied, last-needed proof of democracy, in its personalities?
Curiously enough, too, the proof on this point comes, I should say, every bit
as much from the south, as from the north. Although I have spoken only of
the latter, yet I deliberately include all. Grand, common stock! to me the
accomplish'd and convincing growth, prophetic of the future; proof
undeniable to sharpest sense, of perfect beauty, tenderness and pluck, that
never feudal lord, nor Greek, nor Roman breed, yet rival'd. Let no tongue
ever speak in disparagement of the American races, north or south, to one
who has been through the war in the great army hospitals.
Meantime, general humanity, (for to that we return, as, for our purposes,
what it really is, to bear in mind,) has always, in every department, been full
of perverse maleficence, and is so yet. In downcast hours the soul thinks it
always will be—but soon recovers from such sickly moods. I myself see
clearly enough the crude, defective streaks in all the strata of the common
people; the specimens and vast collections of the ignorant, the credulous,
the unfit and uncouth, the incapable, and the very low and poor. The
eminent person just mention'd sneeringly asks whether we expect to elevate
and improve a nation's politics by absorbing such morbid collections and
qualities therein. The point is a formidable one, and there will doubtless
always be numbers of solid and reflective citizens who will never get over
it. Our answer is general, and is involved in the scope and letter of this
essay. We believe the ulterior object of political and all other government,
(having, of course, provided for the police, the safety of life, property, and
for the basic statute and common law, and their administration, always first
in order,) to be among the rest, not merely to rule, to repress disorder, &c.,
but to develop, to open up to cultivation, to encourage the possibilities of all
beneficent and manly outcroppage, and of that aspiration for independence,
and the pride and self-respect latent in all characters. (Or, if there be
exceptions, we cannot, fixing our eyes on them alone, make theirs the rule
for all.)
I say the mission of government, henceforth, in civilized lands, is not
repression alone, and not Authority alone, not even of law, nor by that
favorite standard of the eminent writer, the rule of the best men, the born
heroes and captains of the race, (as if such ever, or one time out of a
hundred, get into the big places, elective or dynastic)—but higher than the
highest arbitrary rule, to train communities through all their grades,

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beginning with individuals and ending there again, to rule themselves. What
Christ appear'd for in the moral-spiritual field for human-kind, namely, that
in respect to the absolute soul, there is in the possession of such by each
single individual, something so transcendent, so incapable of gradations,
(like life,) that, to that extent, it places all beings on a common level, utterly
regardless of the distinctions of intellect, virtue, station, or any height or
lowliness whatever—is tallied in like manner, in this other field, by
democracy's rule that men, the nation, as a common aggregate of living
identities, affording in each a separate and complete subject for freedom,
worldly thrift and happiness, and for a fair chance for growth, and for
protection in citizenship, &c., must, to the political extent of the suffrage or
vote, if no further, be placed, in each and in the whole, on one broad,
primary, universal, common platform.
The purpose is not altogether direct; perhaps it is more indirect. For it is
not that democracy is of exhaustive account, in itself. Perhaps, indeed, it is,
(like Nature,) of no account in itself. It is that, as we see, it is the best,
perhaps only, fit and full means, formulater, general caller-forth, trainer, for
the million, not for grand material personalities only, but for immortal
souls. To be a voter with the rest is not so much; and this, like every
institute, will have its imperfections.
But to become an enfranchised man, and now, impediments removed, to
stand and start without humiliation, and equal with the rest; to commence,
or have the road clear'd to commence, the grand experiment of
development, whose end, (perhaps requiring several generations,) may be
the forming of a full-grown man or woman—that is something. To ballast
the State is also secured, and in our times is to be secured, in no other way.
We do not, (at any rate I do not,) put it either on the ground that the
People, the masses, even the best of them, are, in their latent or exhibited
qualities, essentially sensible and good—nor on the ground of their rights;
but that good or bad, rights or no rights, the democratic formula is the only
safe and preservative one for coming times. We endow the masses with the
suffrage for their own sake, no doubt; then, perhaps still more, from another
point of view, for community's sake. Leaving the rest to the sentimentalists,
we present freedom as sufficient in its scientific aspect, cold as ice,
reasoning, deductive, clear and passionless as crystal.

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Democracy too is law, and of the strictest, amplest kind. Many suppose,
(and often in its own ranks the error,) that it means a throwing aside of law,
and running riot. But, briefly, it is the superior law, not alone that of
physical force, the body, which, adding to, it supersedes with that of the
spirit. Law is the unshakable order of the universe forever; and the law over
all, and law of laws, is the law of successions; that of the superior law, in
time, gradually supplanting and overwhelming the inferior one. (While, for
myself, I would cheerfully agree—first covenanting that the formative
tendencies shall be administer'd in favor, or at least not against it, and that
this reservation be closely construed—that until the individual or
community show due signs, or be so minor and fractional as not to
endanger the State, the condition of authoritative tutelage may continue,
and self-government must abide its time.) Nor is the esthetic point, always
an important one, without fascination for highest aiming souls. The
common ambition strains for elevations, to become some privileged
exclusive. The master sees greatness and health in being part of the mass;
nothing will do as well as common ground. Would you have in yourself the
divine, vast, general law? Then merge yourself in it.
And, topping democracy, this most alluring record, that it alone can bind,
and ever seeks to bind, all nations, all men, of however various and distant
lands, into a brotherhood, a family. It is the old, yet ever-modern dream of
earth, out of her eldest and her youngest, her fond philosophers and poets.
Not that half only, individualism, which isolates. There is another half,
which is adhesiveness or love, that fuses, ties and aggregates, making the
races comrades, and fraternizing all. Both are to be vitalized by religion,
(sole worthiest elevator of man or State,) breathing into the proud, material
tissues, the breath of life. For I say at the core of democracy, finally, is the
religious element. All the religions, old and new, are there. Nor may the
scheme step forth, clothed in resplendent beauty and command, till these,
bearing the best, the latest fruit, the spiritual, shall fully appear.
A portion of our pages we might indite with reference toward Europe,
especially the British part of it, more than our own land, perhaps not
absolutely needed for the home reader. But the whole question hangs
together, and fastens and links all peoples. The liberalist of to-day has this
advantage over antique or mediaeval times, that his doctrine seeks not only
to individualize but to universalize. The great word Solidarity has arisen. Of
all dangers to a nation, as things exist in our day, there can be no greater

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one than having certain portions of the people set off from the rest by a line
drawn—they not privileged as others, but degraded, humiliated, made of no
account. Much quackery teems, of course, even on democracy's side, yet
does not really affect the orbic quality of the matter. To work in, if we may
so term it, and justify God, his divine aggregate, the People, (or, the
veritable horn'd and sharp-tail'd Devil, his aggregate, if there be who
convulsively insist upon it)—this, I say, is what democracy is for; and this
is what our America means, and is doing—may I not say, has done? If not,
she means nothing more, and does nothing more, than any other land. And
as, by virtue of its kosmical, antiseptic power, Nature's stomach is fully
strong enough not only to digest the morbific matter always presented, not
to be turn'd aside, and perhaps, indeed, intuitively gravitating thither—but
even to change such contributions into nutriment for highest use and life—
so American democracy's. That is the lesson we, these days, send over to
European lands by every western breeze.
And, truly, whatever may be said in the way of abstract argument, for or
against the theory of a wider democratizing of institutions in any civilized
country, much trouble might well be saved to all European lands by
recognizing this palpable fact, (for a palpable fact it is,) that some form of
such democratizing is about the only resource now left. That, or chronic
dissatisfaction continued, mutterings which grow annually louder and
louder, till, in due course, and pretty swiftly in most cases, the inevitable
crisis, crash, dynastic ruin. Anything worthy to be call'd statesmanship in
the Old World, I should say, among the advanced students, adepts, or men
of any brains, does not debate to-day whether to hold on, attempting to lean
back and monarchize, or to look forward and democratize—but how, and in
what degree and part, most prudently to democratize.
The eager and often inconsiderate appeals of reformers and revolutionists
are indispensable, to counterbalance the inertness and fossilism making so
large a part of human institutions. The latter will always take care of
themselves—the danger being that they rapidly tend to ossify us. The
former is to be treated with indulgence, and even with respect. As
circulation to air, so is agitation and a plentiful degree of speculative license
to political and moral sanity. Indirectly, but surely, goodness, virtue, law, (of
the very best,) follow freedom. These, to democracy, are what the keel is to
the ship, or saltness to the ocean.

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The true gravitation-hold of liberalism in the United States will be a more
universal ownership of property, general homesteads, general comfort—a
vast, intertwining reticulation of wealth. As the human frame, or, indeed,
any object in this manifold universe, is best kept together by the simple
miracle of its own cohesion, and the necessity, exercise and profit thereof,
so a great and varied nationality, occupying millions of square miles, were
firmest held and knit by the principle of the safety and endurance of the
aggregate of its middling property owners. So that, from another point of
view, ungracious as it may sound, and a paradox after what we have been
saying, democracy looks with suspicious, ill-satisfied eye upon the very
poor, the ignorant, and on those out of business. She asks for men and
women with occupations, well-off, owners of houses and acres, and with
cash in the bank—and with some cravings for literature, too; and must have
them, and hastens to make them. Luckily, the seed is already well-sown,
and has taken ineradicable root.{25}
Huge and mighty are our days, our republican lands—and most in their
rapid shiftings, their changes, all in the interest of the cause. As I write this
particular passage, (November, 1868,) the din of disputation rages around
me. Acrid the temper of the parties, vital the pending questions. Congress
convenes; the President sends his message; reconstruction is still in
abeyance; the nomination and the contest for the twenty-first Presidentiad
draw close, with loudest threat and bustle. Of these, and all the like of these,
the eventuations I know not; but well I know that behind them, and
whatever their eventuations, the vital things remain safe and certain, and all
the needed work goes on. Time, with soon or later superciliousness,
disposes of Presidents, Congressmen, party platforms, and such. Anon, it
clears the stage of each and any mortal shred that thinks itself so potent to
its day; and at and after which, (with precious, golden exceptions once or
twice in a century,) all that relates to sir potency is flung to moulder in a
burial-vault, and no one bothers himself the least bit about it afterward. But
the People ever remain, tendencies continue, and all the idiocratic transfers
in unbroken chain go on.
In a few years the dominion-heart of America will be far inland, toward
the west. Our future national capital may not be where the present one is. It
is possible, nay likely, that in less than fifty years, it will migrate a thousand
or two miles, will be re-founded, and every thing belonging to it made on a
different plan, original, far more superb. The main social, political, spine-

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character of the States will probably run along the Ohio, Missouri and
Mississippi rivers, and west and north of them, including Canada. Those
regions, with the group of powerful brothers toward the Pacific, (destined to
the mastership of that sea and its countless paradises of islands,) will
compact and settle the traits of America, with all the old retain'd, but more
expanded, grafted on newer, hardier, purely native stock. A giant growth,
composite from the rest, getting their contribution, absorbing it, to make it
more illustrious. From the north, intellect, the sun of things, also the idea of
unswayable justice, anchor amid the last, the wildest tempests. From the
south the living soul, the animus of good and bad, haughtily admitting no
demonstration but its own. While from the west itself comes solid
personality, with blood and brawn, and the deep quality of all-accepting
fusion.
Political democracy, as it exists and practically works in America, with
all its threatening evils, supplies a training-school for making first-class
men. It is life's gymnasium, not of good only, but of all. We try often,
though we fall back often. A brave delight, fit for freedom's athletes, fills
these arenas, and fully satisfies, out of the action in them, irrespective of
success. Whatever we do not attain, we at any rate attain the experiences of
the fight, the hardening of the strong campaign, and throb with currents of
attempt at least. Time is ample. Let the victors come after us. Not for
nothing does evil play its part among us. Judging from the main portions of
the history of the world, so far, justice is always in jeopardy, peace walks
amid hourly pitfalls, and of slavery, misery, meanness, the craft of tyrants
and the credulity of the populace, in some of their protean forms, no voice
can at any time say, They are not. The clouds break a little, and the sun
shines out—but soon and certain the lowering darkness falls again, as if to
last forever. Yet is there an immortal courage and prophecy in every sane
soul that cannot, must not, under any circumstances, capitulate. Vive, the
attack—the perennial assault! Vive, the unpopular cause—the spirit that
audaciously aims—the never-abandon'd efforts, pursued the same amid
opposing proofs and precedents.
Once, before the war, (alas! I dare not say how many times the mood has
come!) I, too, was fill'd with doubt and gloom. A foreigner, an acute and
good man, had impressively said to me, that day—putting in form, indeed,
my own observations: "I have travel'd much in the United States, and
watch'd their politicians, and listen'd to the speeches of the candidates, and

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read the journals, and gone into the public houses, and heard the unguarded
talk of men. And I have found your vaunted America honeycomb'd from top
to toe with infidelism, even to itself and its own programme. I have mark'd
the brazen hell-faces of secession and slavery gazing defiantly from all the
windows and doorways. I have everywhere found, primarily, thieves and
scalliwags arranging the nominations to offices, and sometimes filling the
offices themselves. I have found the north just as full of bad stuff as the
south. Of the holders of public office in the Nation or the States or their
municipalities, I have found that not one in a hundred has been chosen by
any spontaneous selection of the outsiders, the people, but all have been
nominated and put through by little or large caucuses of the politicians, and
have got in by corrupt rings and electioneering, not capacity or desert. I
have noticed how the millions of sturdy farmers and mechanics are thus the
helpless supple-jacks of comparatively few politicians. And I have noticed
more and more, the alarming spectacle of parties usurping the government,
and openly and shamelessly wielding it for party purposes."
Sad, serious, deep truths. Yet are there other, still deeper, amply
confronting, dominating truths. Over those politicians and great and little
rings, and over all their insolence and wiles, and over the powerfulest
parties, looms a power, too sluggish maybe, but ever holding decisions and
decrees in hand, ready, with stern process, to execute them as soon as
plainly needed—and at times, indeed, summarily crushing to atoms the
mightiest parties, even in the hour of their pride.
In saner hours far different are the amounts of these things from what, at
first sight, they appear. Though it is no doubt important who is elected
governor, mayor, or legislator, (and full of dismay when incompetent or vile
ones get elected, as they sometimes do,) there are other, quieter
contingencies, infinitely more important. Shams, &c., will always be the
show, like ocean's scum; enough, if waters deep and clear make up the rest.
Enough, that while the piled embroider'd shoddy gaud and fraud spreads to
the superficial eye, the hidden warp and weft are genuine, and will wear
forever. Enough, in short, that the race, the land which could raise such as
the late rebellion, could also put it down. The average man of a land at last
only is important. He, in these States, remains immortal owner and boss,
deriving good uses, somehow, out of any sort of servant in office, even the
basest; (certain universal requisites, and their settled regularity and
protection, being first secured,) a nation like ours, in a sort of geological

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formation state, trying continually new experiments, choosing new
delegations, is not served by the best men only, but sometimes more by
those that provoke it—by the combats they arouse. Thus national rage, fury,
discussions, &c., better than content. Thus, also, the warning signals,
invaluable for after times.
What is more dramatic than the spectacle we have seen repeated, and
doubtless long shall see—the popular judgment taking the successful
candidates on trial in the offices—standing off, as it were, and observing
them and their doings for a while, and always giving, finally, the fit, exactly
due reward? I think, after all, the sublimest part of political history, and its
culmination, is currently issuing from the American people. I know nothing
grander, better exercise, better digestion, more positive proof of the past, the
triumphant result of faith in human-kind, than a well-contested American
national election.
Then still the thought returns, (like the thread-passage in overtures,)
giving the key and echo to these pages. When I pass to and fro, different
latitudes, different seasons, beholding the crowds of the great cities, New
York, Boston, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis, San Francisco,
New Orleans, Baltimore—when I mix with these interminable swarms of
alert, turbulent, good-natured, independent citizens, mechanics, clerks,
young persons—at the idea of this mass of men, so fresh and free, so loving
and so proud, a singular awe falls upon me. I feel, with dejection and
amazement, that among our geniuses and talented writers or speakers, few
or none have yet really spoken to this people, created a single image-
making work for them, or absorb'd the central spirit and the idiosyncrasies
which are theirs—and which, thus, in highest ranges, so far remain entirely
uncelebrated, unexpress'd.
Dominion strong is the body's; dominion stronger is the mind's. What has
fill'd, and fills to-day our intellect, our fancy, furnishing the standards
therein, is yet foreign. The great poems, Shakspere included, are poisonous
to the idea of the pride and dignity of the common people, the life-blood of
democracy. The models of our literature, as we get it from other lands,
ultra-marine, have had their birth in courts, and bask'd and grown in castle
sunshine; all smells of princes' favors. Of workers of a certain sort, we
have, indeed, plenty, contributing after their kind; many elegant, many
learn'd, all complacent. But touch'd by the national test, or tried by the

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standards of democratic personality, they wither to ashes. I say I have not
seen a single writer, artist, lecturer, or what-not, that has confronted the
voiceless but ever erect and active, pervading, underlying will and typic
aspiration of the land, in a spirit kindred to itself. Do you call those genteel
little creatures American poets? Do you term that perpetual, pistareen,
paste-pot work, American art, American drama, taste, verse? I think I hear,
echoed as from some mountain-top afar in the west, the scornful laugh of
the Genius of these States.
Democracy, in silence, biding its time, ponders its own ideals, not of
literature and art only—not of men only, but of women. The idea of the
women of America, (extricated from this daze, this fossil and unhealthy air
which hangs about the word lady,) develop'd, raised to become the robust
equals, workers, and, it may be, even practical and political deciders with
the men—greater than man, we may admit, through their divine maternity,
always their towering, emblematical attribute—but great, at any rate, as
man, in all departments; or, rather, capable of being so, soon as they realize
it, and can bring themselves to give up toys and fictions, and launch forth,
as men do, amid real, independent, stormy life.
Then, as towards our thought's finalé, (and, in that, overarching the true
scholar's lesson,) we have to say there can be no complete or epical
presentation of democracy in the aggregate, or anything like it, at this day,
because its doctrines will only be effectually incarnated in any one branch,
when, in all, their spirit is at the root and centre. Far, far, indeed, stretch, in
distance, our Vistas! How much is still to be disentangled, freed! How long
it takes to make this American world see that it is, in itself, the final
authority and reliance!
Did you, too, O friend, suppose democracy was only for elections, for
politics, and for a party name? I say democracy is only of use there that it
may pass on and come to its flower and fruits in manners, in the highest
forms of interaction between men, and their beliefs—in religion, literature,
colleges, and schools—democracy in all public and private life, and in the
army and navy.{26} I have intimated that, as a paramount scheme, it has yet
few or no full realizers and believers. I do not see, either, that it owes any
serious thanks to noted propagandists or champions, or has been essentially
help'd, though often harm'd, by them. It has been and is carried on by all the
moral forces, and by trade, finance, machinery, intercommunications, and,

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in fact, by all the developments of history, and can no more be stopp'd than
the tides, or the earth in its orbit. Doubtless, also, it resides, crude and
latent, well down in the hearts of the fair average of the American-born
people, mainly in the agricultural regions. But it is not yet, there or
anywhere, the fully-receiv'd, the fervid, the absolute faith.
I submit, therefore, that the fruition of democracy, on aught like a grand
scale, resides altogether in the future. As, under any profound and
comprehensive view of the gorgeous-composite feudal world, we see in it,
through the long ages and cycles of ages, the results of a deep, integral,
human and divine principle, or fountain, from which issued laws, ecclesia,
manners, institutes, costumes, personalities, poems, (hitherto unequall'd,)
faithfully partaking of their source, and indeed only arising either to
betoken it, or to furnish parts of that varied-flowing display, whose centre
was one and absolute—so, long ages hence, shall the due historian or critic
make at least an equal retrospect, an equal history for the democratic
principle. It too must be adorn'd, credited with its results—then, when it,
with imperial power, through amplest time, has dominated mankind—has
been the source and test of all the moral, esthetic, social, political, and
religious expressions and institutes of the civilized world—has begotten
them in spirit and in form, and has carried them to its own unprecedented
heights—has had, (it is possible,) monastics and ascetics, more numerous,
more devout than the monks and priests of all previous creeds—has sway'd
the ages with a breadth and rectitude tallying Nature's own—has fashion'd,
systematized, and triumphantly finish'd and carried out, in its own interest,
and with unparallel'd success, a new earth and a new man.
Thus we presume to write, as it were, upon things that exist not, and
travel by maps yet unmade, and a blank. But the throes of birth are upon us;
and we have something of this advantage in seasons of strong formations,
doubts, suspense—for then the afflatus of such themes haply may fall upon
us, more or less; and then, hot from surrounding war and revolution, our
speech, though without polish'd coherence, and a failure by the standard
called criticism, comes forth, real at least as the lightnings.
And may-be we, these days, have, too, our own reward—(for there are
yet some, in all lands, worthy to be so encouraged.) Though not for us the
joy of entering at the last the conquer'd city—not ours the chance ever to
see with our own eyes the peerless power and splendid eclat of the

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democratic principle, arriv'd at meridian, filling the world with effulgence
and majesty far beyond those of past history's kings, or all dynastic sway—
there is yet, to whoever is eligible among us, the prophetic vision, the joy of
being toss'd in the brave turmoil of these times—the promulgation and the
path, obedient, lowly reverent to the voice, the gesture of the god, or holy
ghost, which others see not, hear not—with the proud consciousness that
amid whatever clouds, seductions, or heart-wearying postponements, we
have never deserted, never despair'd, never abandon'd the faith.
So much contributed, to be conn'd well, to help prepare and brace our
edifice, our plann'd Idea—we still proceed to give it in another of its aspects
—perhaps the main, the high façade of all. For to democracy, the leveler,
the unyielding principle of the average, is surely join'd another principle,
equally unyielding, closely tracking the first, indispensable to it, opposite,
(as the sexes are opposite,) and whose existence, confronting and ever
modifying the other, often clashing, paradoxical, yet neither of highest avail
without the other, plainly supplies to these grand cosmic politics of ours,
and to the launch'd-forth mortal dangers of republicanism, to-day or any
day, the counterpart and offset whereby Nature restrains the deadly original
relentlessness of all her first-class laws. This second principle is
individuality, the pride and centripetal isolation of a human being in himself
—identity—personalism. Whatever the name, its acceptance and thorough
infusion through the organizations of political commonalty now shooting
Aurora-like about the world, are of utmost importance, as the principle
itself is needed for very life's sake. It forms, in a sort, or is to form, the
compensating balance-wheel of the successful working machinery of
aggregate America.
And, if we think of it, what does civilization itself rest upon—and what
object has it, with its religions, arts, schools, &c., but rich, luxuriant, varied
personalism? To that, all bends; and it is because toward such result
democracy alone, on anything like Nature's scale, breaks up the limitless
fallows of humankind, and plants the seed, and gives fair play, that its
claims now precede the rest. The literature, songs, esthetics, &c., of a
country are of importance principally because they furnish the materials and
suggestions of personality for the women and men of that country, and
enforce them in a thousand effective ways.{27} As the topmost claim of a
strong consolidating of the nationality of these States, is, that only by such
powerful compaction can the separate States secure that full and free swing

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within their spheres, which is becoming to them, each after its kind, so will
individuality, with unimpeded branchings, flourish best under imperial
republican forms.
Assuming Democracy to be at present in its embryo condition, and that
the only large and satisfactory justification of it resides in the future, mainly
through the copious production of perfect characters among the people, and
through the advent of a sane and pervading religiousness, it is with regard
to the atmosphere and spaciousness fit for such characters, and of certain
nutriment and cartoon-draftings proper for them, and indicating them for
New-World purposes, that I continue the present statement—an exploration,
as of new ground, wherein, like other primitive surveyors, I must do the
best I can, leaving it to those who come after me to do much better. (The
service, in fact, if any, must be to break a sort of first path or track, no
matter how rude and ungeometrical.)
We have frequently printed the word Democracy. Yet I cannot too often
repeat that it is a word the real gist of which still sleeps, quite unawaken'd,
notwithstanding the resonance and the many angry tempests out of which
its syllables have come, from pen or tongue. It is a great word, whose
history, I suppose, remains unwritten, because that history has yet to be
enacted. It is, in some sort, younger brother of another great and often-used
word, Nature, whose history also waits unwritten. As I perceive, the
tendencies of our day, in the States, (and I entirely respect them,) are toward
those vast and sweeping movements, influences, moral and physical, of
humanity, now and always current over the planet, on the scale of the
impulses of the elements. Then it is also good to reduce the whole matter to
the consideration of a single self, a man, a woman, on permanent grounds.
Even for the treatment of the universal, in politics, metaphysics, or
anything, sooner or later we come down to one single, solitary soul.
There is, in sanest hours, a consciousness, a thought that rises,
independent, lifted out from all else, calm, like the stars, shining eternal.
This is the thought of identity—yours for you, whoever you are, as mine for
me. Miracle of miracles, beyond statement, most spiritual and vaguest of
earth's dreams, yet hardest basic fact, and only entrance to all facts. In such
devout hours, in the midst of the significant wonders of heaven and earth,
(significant only because of the Me in the centre,) creeds, conventions, fall
away and become of no account before this simple idea. Under the

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luminousness of real vision, it alone takes possession, takes value. Like the
shadowy dwarf in the fable, 'once liberated and look'd upon, it expands over
the whole earth, and spreads to the roof of heaven.
The quality of BEING, in the object's self, according to its own central
idea and purpose, and of growing therefrom and thereto—not criticism by
other standards, and adjustments thereto—is the lesson of Nature. True, the
full man wisely gathers, culls, absorbs; but if, engaged disproportionately in
that, he slights or overlays the precious idiocrasy and special nativity and
intention that he is, the man's self, the main thing, is a failure, however wide
his general cultivation. Thus, in our times, refinement and delicatesse are
not only attended to sufficiently, but threaten to eat us up, like a cancer.
Already, the democratic genius watches, ill-pleased, these tendencies.
Provision for a little healthy rudeness, savage virtue, justification of what
one has in one's self, whatever it is, is demanded. Negative qualities, even
deficiencies, would be a relief. Singleness and normal simplicity and
separation, amid this more and more complex, more and more artificialized
state of society—how pensively we yearn for them! how we would
welcome their return!
In some such direction, then—at any rate enough to preserve the balance
—we feel called upon to throw what weight we can, not for absolute
reasons, but current ones. To prune, gather, trim, conform, and ever cram
and stuff, and be genteel and proper, is the pressure of our days. While
aware that much can be said even in behalf of all this, we perceive that we
have not now to consider the question of what is demanded to serve a half-
starved and barbarous nation, or set of nations, but what is most applicable,
most pertinent, for numerous congeries of conventional, over-corpulent
societies, already becoming stifled and rotten with flatulent, infidelistic
literature, and polite conformity and art. In addition to establish'd sciences,
we suggest a science as it were of healthy average personalism, on original-
universal grounds, the object of which should be to raise up and supply
through the States a copious race of superb American men and women,
cheerful, religious, ahead of any yet known.
America has yet morally and artistically originated nothing. She seems
singularly unaware that the models of persons, books, manners, &c.,
appropriate for former conditions and for European lands, are but exiles and
exotics here. No current of her life, as shown on the surfaces of what is

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authoritatively called her society, accepts or runs into social or esthetic
democracy; but all the currents set squarely against it. Never, in the Old
World, was thoroughly upholster'd exterior appearance and show, mental
and other, built entirely on the idea of caste, and on the sufficiency of mere
outside acquisition—never were glibness, verbal intellect, more the test, the
emulation—more loftily elevated as head and sample—than they are on the
surface of our republican States this day. The writers of a time hint the
mottoes of its gods. The word of the modern, say these voices, is the word
Culture.
We find ourselves abruptly in close quarters with the enemy. This word
Culture, or what it has come to represent, involves, by contrast, our whole
theme, and has been, indeed, the spur, urging us to engagement. Certain
questions arise. As now taught, accepted and carried out, are not the
processes of culture rapidly creating a class of supercilious infidels, who
believe in nothing? Shall a man lose himself in countless masses of
adjustments, and be so shaped with reference to this, that, and the other, that
the simply good and healthy and brave parts of him are reduced and clipp'd
away, like the bordering of box in a garden? You can cultivate corn and
roses and orchards—but who shall cultivate the mountain peaks, the ocean,
and the tumbling gorgeousness of the clouds? Lastly—is the readily-given
reply that culture only seeks to help, systematize, and put in attitude, the
elements of fertility and power, a conclusive reply?
I do not so much object to the name, or word, but I should certainly
insist, for the purposes of these States, on a radical change of category, in
the distribution of precedence. I should demand a programme of culture,
drawn out, not for a single class alone, or for the parlors or lecture-rooms,
but with an eye to practical life, the west, the working-men, the facts of
farms and jack-planes and engineers, and of the broad range of the women
also of the middle and working strata, and with reference to the perfect
equality of women, and of a grand and powerful motherhood. I should
demand of this programme or theory a scope generous enough to include
the widest human area. It must have for its spinal meaning the formation of
a typical personality of character, eligible to the uses of the high average of
men—and not restricted by conditions ineligible to the masses. The best
culture will always be that of the manly and courageous instincts, and
loving perceptions, and of self-respect—aiming to form, over this continent,
an idiocrasy of universalism, which, true child of America, will bring joy to

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its mother, returning to her in her own spirit, recruiting myriads of
offspring, able, natural, perceptive, tolerant, devout believers in her,
America, and with some definite instinct why and for what she has arisen,
most vast, most formidable of historic births, and is, now and here, with
wonderful step, journeying through Time.
The problem, as it seems to me, presented to the New World, is, under
permanent law and order, and after preserving cohesion, (ensemble-
individuality,) at all hazards, to vitalize man's free play of special
Personalism, recognizing in it something that calls ever more to be
consider'd, fed, and adopted as the substratum for the best that belongs to
us, (government indeed is for it,) including the new esthetics of our future.
To formulate beyond this present vagueness—to help line and put before
us the species, or a specimen of the species, of the democratic ethnology of
the future, is a work toward which the genius of our land, with peculiar
encouragement, invites her well-wishers. Already certain limnings, more or
less grotesque, more or less fading and watery, have appear'd. We too,
(repressing doubts and qualms,) will try our hand.
Attempting, then, however crudely, a basic model or portrait of
personality for general use for the manliness of the States, (and doubtless
that is most useful which is most simple and comprehensive for all, and
toned low enough,) we should prepare the canvas well beforehand.
Parentage must consider itself in advance. (Will the time hasten when
fatherhood and motherhood shall become a science—and the noblest
science?) To our model, a clear-blooded, strong-fibred physique, is
indispensable; the questions of food, drink, air, exercise, assimilation,
digestion, can never be intermitted. Out of these we descry a well-begotten
selfhood—in youth, fresh, ardent, emotional, aspiring, full of adventure; at
maturity, brave, perceptive, under control, neither too talkative nor too
reticent, neither flippant nor sombre; of the bodily figure, the movements
easy, the complexion showing the best blood, somewhat flush'd, breast
expanded, an erect attitude, a voice whose sound outvies music, eyes of
calm and steady gaze, yet capable also of flashing—and a general presence
that holds its own in the company of the highest. (For it is native
personality, and that alone, that endows a man to stand before presidents or
generals, or in any distinguish'd collection, with aplomb—and not culture,
or any knowledge or intellect whatever.) With regard to the mental-

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educational part of our model, enlargement of intellect, stores of cephalic
knowledge, &c., the concentration thitherward of all the customs of our age,
especially in America, is so overweening, and provides so fully for that part,
that, important and necessary as it is, it really needs nothing from us here—
except, indeed, a phrase of warning and restraint. Manners, costumes, too,
though important, we need not dwell upon here. Like beauty, grace of
motion, &c., they are results. Causes, original things, being attended to, the
right manners unerringly follow. Much is said, among artists, of "the grand
style," as if it were a thing by itself. When a man, artist or whoever, has
health, pride, acuteness, noble aspirations, he has the motive-elements of
the grandest style. The rest is but manipulation, (yet that is no small matter.)
Leaving still unspecified several sterling parts of any model fit for the
future personality of America, I must not fail, again and ever, to pronounce
myself on one, probably the least attended to in modern times—a hiatus,
indeed, threatening its gloomiest consequences after us. I mean the simple,
unsophisticated Conscience, the primary moral element. If I were asked to
specify in what quarter lie the grounds of darkest dread, respecting the
America of our hopes, I should have to point to this particular. I should
demand the invariable application to individuality, this day and any day, of
that old, ever-true plumb-rule of persons, eras, nations. Our triumphant
modern civilizee, with his all-schooling and his wondrous appliances, will
still show himself but an amputation while this deficiency remains. Beyond,
(assuming a more hopeful tone,) the vertebration of the manly and womanly
personalism of our western world, can only be, and is, indeed, to be, (I
hope,) its all-penetrating Religiousness.
The ripeness of Religion is doubtless to be looked for in this field of
individuality, and is a result that no organization or church can ever achieve.
As history is poorly retain'd by what the technists call history, and is not
given out from their pages, except the learner has in himself the sense of the
well-wrapt, never yet written, perhaps impossible to be written, history—so
Religion, although casually arrested, and, after a fashion, preserv'd in the
churches and creeds, does not depend at all upon them, but is a part of the
identified soul, which, when greatest, knows not bibles in the old way, but
in new ways—the identified soul, which can really confront Religion when
it extricates itself entirely from the churches, and not before.

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Personalism fuses this, and favors it. I should say, indeed, that only in the
perfect uncontamination and solitariness of individuality may the
spirituality of religion positively come forth at all. Only here, and on such
terms, the meditation, the devout ecstasy, the soaring flight. Only here,
communion with the mysteries, the eternal problems, whence? whither?
Alone, and identity, and the mood—and the soul emerges, and all
statements, churches, sermons, melt away like vapors. Alone, and silent
thought and awe, and aspiration—and then the interior consciousness, like a
hitherto unseen inscription, in magic ink, beams out its wondrous lines to
the sense. Bibles may convey, and priests expound, but it is exclusively for
the noiseless operation of one's isolated Self, to enter the pure ether of
veneration, reach the divine levels, and commune with the unutterable.
To practically enter into politics is an important part of American
personalism. To every young man, north and south, earnestly studying these
things, I should here, as an offset to what I have said in former pages, now
also say, that may be to views of very largest scope, after all, perhaps the
political, (perhaps the literary and sociological,) America goes best about its
development its own way—sometimes, to temporary sight, appaling
enough. It is the fashion among dillettants and fops (perhaps I myself am
not guiltless,) to decry the whole formulation of the active politics of
America, as beyond redemption, and to be carefully kept away from. See
you that you do not fall into this error. America, it may be, is doing very
well upon the whole, notwithstanding these antics of the parties and their
leaders, these half-brain'd nominees, the many ignorant ballots, and many
elected failures and blatherers. It is the dillettants, and all who shirk their
duty, who are not doing well. As for you, I advise you to enter more
strongly yet into politics. I advise every young man to do so. Always inform
yourself; always do the best you can; always vote. Disengage yourself from
parties. They have been useful, and to some extent remain so; but the
floating, uncommitted electors, farmers, clerks, mechanics, the masters of
parties—watching aloof, inclining victory this side or that side—such are
the ones most needed, present and future. For America, if eligible at all to
downfall and ruin, is eligible within herself, not without; for I see clearly
that the combined foreign world could not beat her down. But these savage,
wolfish parties alarm me. Owning no law but their own will, more and more
combative, less and less tolerant of the idea of ensemble and of equal
brotherhood, the perfect equality of the States, the ever-overarching

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American ideas, it behooves you to convey yourself implicitly to no party,
nor submit blindly to their dictators, but steadily hold yourself judge and
master over all of them.
So much, (hastily toss'd together, and leaving far more unsaid,) for an
ideal, or intimations of an ideal, toward American manhood. But the other
sex, in our land, requires at least a basis of suggestion.
I have seen a young American woman, one of a large family of
daughters, who, some years since, migrated from her meagre country home
to one of the northern cities, to gain her own support. She soon became an
expert seamstress, but finding the employment too confining for health and
comfort, she went boldly to work for others, to house-keep, cook, clean,
&c. After trying several places, she fell upon one where she was suited. She
has told me that she finds nothing degrading in her position; it is not
inconsistent with personal dignity, self-respect, and the respect of others.
She confers benefits and receives them. She has good health; her presence
itself is healthy and bracing; her character is unstain'd; she has made herself
understood, and preserves her independence, and has been able to help her
parents, and educate and get places for her sisters; and her course of life is
not without opportunities for mental improvement, and of much quiet,
uncosting happiness and love.
I have seen another woman who, from taste and necessity conjoin'd, has
gone into practical affairs, carries on a mechanical business, partly works at
it herself, dashes out more and more into real hardy life, is not abash'd by
the coarseness of the contact, knows how to be firm and silent at the same
time, holds her own with unvarying coolness and decorum, and will
compare, any day, with superior carpenters, farmers, and even boatmen and
drivers. For all that, she has not lost the charm of the womanly nature, but
preserves and bears it fully, though through such rugged presentation.
Then there is the wife of a mechanic, mother of two children, a woman of
merely passable English education, but of fine wit, with all her sex's grace
and intuitions, who exhibits, indeed, such a noble female personality, that I
am fain to record it here. Never abnegating her own proper independence,
but always genially preserving it, and what belongs to it—cooking,
washing, child-nursing, house-tending—she beams sunshine out of all these
duties, and makes them illustrious. Physiologically sweet and sound, loving
work, practical, she yet knows that there are intervals, however few,

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devoted to recreation, music, leisure, hospitality—and affords such
intervals. Whatever she does, and wherever she is, that charm, that
indescribable perfume of genuine womanhood attends her, goes with her,
exhales from her, which belongs of right to all the sex, and is, or ought to
be, the invariable atmosphere and common aureola of old as well as young.
My dear mother once described to me a resplendent person, down on
Long Island, whom she knew in early days. She was known by the name of
the Peacemaker. She was well toward eighty years old, of happy and sunny
temperament, had always lived on a farm, and was very neighborly,
sensible and discreet, an invariable and welcom'd favorite, especially with
young married women. She had numerous children and grandchildren. She
was uneducated, but possess'd a native dignity. She had come to be a tacitly
agreed upon domestic regulator, judge, settler of difficulties, shepherdess,
and reconciler in the land. She was a sight to draw near and look upon, with
her large figure, her profuse snow-white hair, (uncoil'd by any head-dress or
cap,) dark eyes, clear complexion, sweet breath, and peculiar personal
magnetism.
The foregoing portraits, I admit, are frightfully out of line from these
imported models of womanly personality—the stock feminine characters of
the current novelists, or of the foreign court poems, (Ophelias, Enids,
princesses, or ladies of one thing or another,) which fill the envying dreams
of so many poor girls, and are accepted by our men, too, as supreme ideals
of feminine excellence to be sought after. But I present mine just for a
change.
Then there are mutterings, (we will not now stop to heed them here, but
they must be heeded,) of something more revolutionary. The day is coming
when the deep questions of woman's entrance amid the arenas of practical
life, politics, the suffrage, &c., will not only be argued all around us, but
may be put to decision, and real experiment.
Of course, in these States, for both man and woman, we must entirely
recast the types of highest personality from what the oriental, feudal,
ecclesiastical worlds bequeath us, and which yet possess the imaginative
and esthetic fields of the United States, pictorial and melodramatic, not
without use as studies, but making sad work, and forming a strange
anachronism upon the scenes and exigencies around us. Of course, the old
undying elements remain. The task is, to successfully adjust them to new

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combinations, our own days. Nor is this so incredible. I can conceive a
community, to-day and here, in which, on a sufficient scale, the perfect
personalities, without noise meet; say in some pleasant western settlement
or town, where a couple of hundred best men and women, of ordinary
worldly status, have by luck been drawn together, with nothing extra of
genius or wealth, but virtuous, chaste, industrious, cheerful, resolute,
friendly and devout. I can conceive such a community organized in running
order, powers judiciously delegated—farming, building, trade, courts,
mails, schools, elections, all attended to; and then the rest of life, the main
thing, freely branching and blossoming in each individual, and bearing
golden fruit. I can see there, in every young and old man, after his kind, and
in every woman after hers, a true personality, develop'd, exercised
proportionately in body, mind, and spirit. I can imagine this case as one not
necessarily rare or difficult, but in buoyant accordance with the municipal
and general requirements of our times. And I can realize in it the
culmination of something better than any stereotyped eclat of history or
poems. Perhaps, unsung, undramatized, unput in essays or biographies—
perhaps even some such community already exists, in Ohio, Illinois,
Missouri, or somewhere, practically fulfilling itself, and thus outvying, in
cheapest vulgar life, all that has been hitherto shown in best ideal pictures.
In short, and to sum up, America, betaking herself to formative action,
(as it is about time for more solid achievement, and less windy promise,)
must, for her purposes, cease to recognize a theory of character grown of
feudal aristocracies, or form'd by merely literary standards, or from any
ultramarine, full-dress formulas of culture, polish, caste, &c., and must
sternly promulgate her own new standard, yet old enough, and accepting the
old, the perennial elements, and combining them into groups, unities,
appropriate to the modern, the democratic, the west, and to the practical
occasions and needs of our own cities, and of the agricultural regions. Ever
the most precious in the common. Ever the fresh breeze of field, or hill, or
lake, is more than any palpitation of fans, though of ivory, and redolent with
perfume; and the air is more than the costliest perfumes.
And now, for fear of mistake, we may not intermit to beg our absolution
from all that genuinely is, or goes along with, even Culture. Pardon us,
venerable shade! if we have seem'd to speak lightly of your office. The
whole civilization of the earth, we know, is yours, with all the glory and the
light thereof. It is, indeed, in your own spirit, and seeking to tally the

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loftiest teachings of it, that we aim these poor utterances. For you, too,
mighty minister! know that there is something greater than you, namely, the
fresh, eternal qualities of Being. From them, and by them, as you, at your
best, we too evoke the last, the needed help, to vitalize our country and our
days. Thus we pronounce not so much against the principle of culture; we
only supervise it, and promulge along with it, as deep, perhaps a deeper,
principle. As we have shown the New World including in itself the all-
leveling aggregate of democracy, we show it also including the all-varied,
all-permitting, all-free theorem of individuality, and erecting therefor a lofty
and hitherto unoccupied framework or platform, broad enough for all,
eligible to every farmer and mechanic—to the female equally with the male
—a towering selfhood, not physically perfect only—not satisfied with the
mere mind's and learning's stores, but religious, possessing the idea of the
infinite, (rudder and compass sure amid this troublous voyage, o'er darkest,
wildest wave, through stormiest wind, of man's or nation's progress)—
realizing, above the rest, that known humanity, in deepest sense, is fair
adhesion to itself, for purposes beyond—and that, finally, the personality of
mortal life is most important with reference to the immortal, the unknown,
the spiritual, the only permanently real, which as the ocean waits for and
receives the rivers, waits for us each and all.
Much is there, yet, demanding line and outline in our Vistas, not only on
these topics, but others quite unwritten. Indeed, we could talk the matter,
and expand it, through lifetime. But it is necessary to return to our original
premises. In view of them, we have again pointedly to confess that all the
objective grandeurs of the world, for highest purposes, yield themselves up,
and depend on mentality alone. Here, and here only, all balances, all rests.
For the mind, which alone builds the permanent edifice, haughtily builds it
to itself. By it, with what follows it, are convey'd to mortal sense the
culminations of the materialistic, the known, and a prophecy of the
unknown. To take expression, to incarnate, to endow a literature with grand
and archetypal models—to fill with pride and love the utmost capacity, and
to achieve spiritual meanings, and suggest the future—these, and these only,
satisfy the soul. We must not say one word against real materials; but the
wise know that they do not become real till touched by emotions, the mind.
Did we call the latter imponderable? Ah, let us rather proclaim that the
slightest song-tune, the countless ephemera of passions arous'd by orators

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and tale-tellers, are more dense, more weighty than the engines there in the
great factories, or the granite blocks in their foundations.
Approaching thus the momentous spaces, and considering with reference
to a new and greater personalism, the needs and possibilities of American
imaginative literature, through the medium-light of what we have already
broach'd, it will at once be appreciated that a vast gulf of difference
separates the present accepted condition of these spaces, inclusive of what
is floating in them, from any condition adjusted to, or fit for, the world, the
America, there sought to be indicated, and the copious races of complete
men and women, along these Vistas crudely outlined. It is, in some sort, no
less a difference than lies between that long-continued nebular state and
vagueness of the astronomical worlds, compared with the subsequent state,
the definitely-form'd worlds themselves, duly compacted, clustering in
systems, hung up there, chandeliers of the universe, beholding and mutually
lit by each other's lights, serving for ground of all substantial foothold, all
vulgar uses—yet serving still more as an undying chain and echelon of
spiritual proofs and shows. A boundless field to fill! A new creation, with
needed orbic works launch'd forth, to revolve in free and lawful circuits—to
move, self-poised, through the ether, and shine like heaven's own suns!
With such, and nothing less, we suggest that New World literature, fit to rise
upon, cohere, and signalize in time, these States.
What, however, do we more definitely mean by New World literature?
Are we not doing well enough here already? Are not the United States this
day busily using, working, more printer's type, more presses, than any other
country? uttering and absorbing more publications than any other? Do not
our publishers fatten quicker and deeper? (helping themselves, under shelter
of a delusive and sneaking law, or rather absence of law, to most of their
forage, poetical, pictorial, historical, romantic, even comic, without money
and without price—and fiercely resisting the timidest proposal to pay for
it.) Many will come under this delusion—but my purpose is to dispel it. I
say that a nation may hold and circulate rivers and oceans of very readable
print, journals, magazines, novels, library-books, "poetry," &c.—such as the
States to-day possess and circulate—of unquestionable aid and value—
hundreds of new volumes annually composed and brought out here,
respectable enough, indeed unsurpass'd in smartness and erudition—with
further hundreds, or rather millions, (as by free forage or theft

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aforemention'd,) also thrown into the market—and yet, all the while, the
said nation, land, strictly speaking, may possess no literature at all.
Repeating our inquiry, what, then, do we mean by real literature?
especially the democratic literature of the future? Hard questions to meet.
The clues are inferential, and turn us to the past. At best, we can only offer
suggestions, comparisons, circuits.
It must still be reiterated, as, for the purpose of these memoranda, the
deep lesson of history and time, that all else in the contributions of a nation
or age, through its politics, materials, heroic personalities, military eclat,
&c., remains crude, and defers, in any close and thorough-going estimate,
until vitalized by national, original archetypes in literature. They only put
the nation in form, finally tell anything—prove, complete anything—
perpetuate anything. Without doubt, some of the richest and most powerful
and populous communities of the antique world, and some of the grandest
personalities and events, have, to after and present times, left themselves
entirely unbequeath'd. Doubtless, greater than any that have come down to
us, were among those lands, heroisms, persons, that have not come down to
us at all, even by name, date, or location. Others have arrived safely, as
from voyages over wide, century-stretching seas. The little ships, the
miracles that have buoy'd them, and by incredible chances safely convey'd
them, (or the best of them, their meaning and essence,) overlong wastes,
darkness, lethargy, ignorance, &c., have been a few inscriptions—a few
immortal compositions, small in size, yet compassing what measureless
values of reminiscence, contemporary portraitures, manners, idioms and
beliefs, with deepest inference, hint and thought, to tie and touch forever the
old, new body, and the old, new soul! These! and still these! bearing the
freight so dear—dearer than pride—dearer than love. All the best
experience of humanity, folded, saved, freighted to us here. Some of these
tiny ships we call Old and New Testament, Homer, Eschylus, Plato,
Juvenal, &c. Precious minims! I think, if we were forced to choose, rather
than have you, and the likes of you, and what belongs to, and has grown of
you, blotted out and gone, we could better afford, appaling as that would be,
to lose all actual ships, this day fasten'd by wharf, or floating on wave, and
see them, with all their cargoes, scuttled and sent to the bottom.
Gather'd by geniuses of city, race or age, and put by them in highest of
art's forms, namely, the literary form, the peculiar combinations and the

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outshows of that city, age, or race, its particular modes of the universal
attributes and passions, its faiths, heroes, lovers and gods, wars, traditions,
struggles, crimes, emotions, joys, (or the subtle spirit of these,) having been
pass'd on to us to illumine our own selfhood, and its experiences—what
they supply, indispensable and highest, if taken away, nothing else in all the
world's boundless store-houses could make up to us, or ever again return.
For us, along the great highways of time, those monuments stand—those
forms of majesty and beauty. For us those beacons burn through all the
nights. Unknown Egyptians, graving hieroglyphs; Hindus, with hymn and
apothegm and endless epic; Hebrew prophet, with spirituality, as in flashes
of lightning, conscience like red-hot iron, plaintive songs and screams of
vengeance for tyrannies and enslavement; Christ, with bent head, brooding
love and peace, like a dove; Greek, creating eternal shapes of physical and
esthetic proportion; Roman, lord of satire, the sword, and the codex;—of
the figures, some far off and veil'd, others nearer and visible; Dante,
stalking with lean form, nothing but fibre, not a grain of superfluous flesh;
Angelo, and the great painters, architects, musicians; rich Shakspere,
luxuriant as the sun, artist and singer of feudalism in its sunset, with all the
gorgeous colors, owner thereof, and using them at will; and so to such as
German Kant and Hegel, where they, though near us, leaping over the ages,
sit again, impassive, imperturbable, like the Egyptian gods. Of these, and
the like of these, is it too much, indeed, to return to our favorite figure, and
view them as orbs and systems of orbs, moving in free paths in the spaces
of that other heaven, the kosmic intellect, the soul?
Ye powerful and resplendent ones! ye were, in your atmospheres, grown
not for America, but rather for her foes, the feudal and the old—while our
genius is democratic and modern. Yet could ye, indeed, but breathe your
breath of life into our New World's nostrils—not to enslave us, as now, but,
for our needs, to breed a spirit like your own—perhaps, (dare we to say it?)
to dominate, even destroy, what you yourselves have left! On your plane,
and no less, but even higher and wider, must we mete and measure for to-
day and here. I demand races of orbic bards, with unconditional
uncompromising sway. Come forth, sweet democratic despots of the west!
By points like these we, in reflection, token what we mean by any land's
or people's genuine literature. And thus compared and tested, judging amid
the influence of loftiest products only, what do our current copious fields of

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print, covering in manifold forms, the United States, better, for an analogy,
present, than, as in certain regions of the sea, those spreading, undulating
masses of squid, through which the whale swimming, with head half out,
feeds?
Not but that doubtless our current so-called literature, (like an endless
supply of small coin,) performs a certain service, and may-be, too, the
service needed for the time, (the preparation-service, as children learn to
spell.) Everybody reads, and truly nearly everybody writes, either books, or
for the magazines or journals. The matter has magnitude, too, after a sort.
But is it really advancing? or, has it advanced for a long while? There is
something impressive about the huge editions of the dailies and weeklies,
the mountain-stacks of white paper piled in the press-vaults, and the proud,
crashing, ten-cylinder presses, which I can stand and watch any time by the
half hour. Then, (though the States in the field of imagination present not a
single first-class work, not a single great literatus,) the main objects, to
amuse, to titillate, to pass away time, to circulate the news, and rumors of
news, to rhyme and read rhyme, are yet attain'd, and on a scale of infinity.
To-day, in books, in the rivalry of writers, especially novelists, success, (so-
call'd,) is for him or her who strikes the mean flat average, the sensational
appetite for stimulus, incident, persiflage, &c., and depicts, to the common
calibre, sensual, exterior life. To such, or the luckiest of them, as we see, the
audiences are limitless and profitable; but they cease presently. While this
day, or any day, to workmen portraying interior or spiritual life, the
audiences were limited, and often laggard—but they last forever.
Compared with the past, our modern science soars, and our journals serve
—but ideal and even ordinary romantic literature, does not, I think,
substantially advance. Behold the prolific brood of the contemporary novel,
magazine-tale, theatre-play, &c. The same endless thread of tangled and
superlative love-story, inherited, apparently from the Amadises and
Palmerins of the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries over there in Europe. The
costumes and associations brought down to date, the seasoning hotter and
more varied, the dragons and ogres left out—but the thing, I should say, has
not advanced—is just as sensational, just as strain'd—remains about the
same, nor more, nor less.
What is the reason our time, our lands, that we see no fresh local courage,
sanity, of our own—the Mississippi, stalwart Western men, real mental and

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physical facts, Southerners, &c., in the body of our literature? especially the
poetic part of it. But always, instead, a parcel of dandies and ennuyees,
dapper little gentlemen from abroad, who flood us with their thin sentiment
of parlors, parasols, piano-songs, tinkling rhymes, the five-hundredth
importation—or whimpering and crying about something, chasing one
aborted conceit after another, and forever occupied in dyspeptic amours
with dyspeptic women. While, current and novel, the grandest events and
revolutions and stormiest passions of history, are crossing to-day with
unparallel'd rapidity and magnificence over the stages of our own and all
the continents, offering new materials, opening new vistas, with largest
needs, inviting the daring launching forth of conceptions in literature,
inspired by them, soaring in highest regions, serving art in its highest
(which is only the other name for serving God, and serving humanity,)
where is the man of letters, where is the book, with any nobler aim than to
follow in the old track, repeat what has been said before—and, as its utmost
triumph, sell well, and be erudite or elegant?
Mark the roads, the processes, through which these States have arrived,
standing easy, henceforth ever-equal, ever-compact in their range to-day.
European adventures? the most antique? Asiatic or African? old history—
miracles—romances? Rather our own unquestion'd facts. They hasten,
incredible, blazing bright as fire. From the deeds and days of Columbus
down to the present, and including the present—and especially the late
secession war—when I con them, I feel, every leaf, like stopping to see if I
have not made a mistake, and fall'n on the splendid figments of some
dream. But it is no dream. We stand, live, move, in the huge flow of our age
s materialism—in its spirituality. We have had founded for us the most
positive of lands. The founders have pass'd to other spheres—but what are
these terrible duties they have left us?
Their politics the United States have, in my opinion, with all their faults,
already substantially establish'd, for good, on their own native, sound, long-
vista'd principles, never to be overturn'd, offering a sure basis for all the
rest. With that, their future religious forms sociology, literature, teachers,
schools, costumes, &c., are of course to make a compact whole, uniform,
on tallying principles. For how can we remain, divided, contradicting
ourselves, this way?{28} I say we can only attain harmony and stability by
consulting ensemble and the ethic purports, and faithfully building upon
them. For the New World, indeed, after two grand stages of preparation-

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strata, I perceive that now a third stage, being ready for, (and without which
the other two were useless,) with unmistakable signs appears. The First
stage was the planning and putting on record the political foundation rights
of immense masses of people—indeed all people—in the organization of
republican National, State, and municipal governments, all constructed with
reference to each, and each to all. This is the American programme, not for
classes, but for universal man, and is embodied in the compacts of the
Declaration of Independence, and, as it began and has now grown, with its
amendments, the Federal Constitution—and in the State governments, with
all their interiors, and with general suffrage; those having the sense not only
of what is in themselves, but that their certain several things started,
planted, hundreds of others in the same direction duly arise and follow. The
Second stage relates to material prosperity, wealth, produce, labor-saving
machines, iron, cotton, local, State and continental railways,
intercommunication and trade with all lands, steamships, mining, general
employment, organization of great cities, cheap appliances for comfort,
numberless technical schools, books, newspapers, a currency for money
circulation, &c. The Third stage, rising out of the previous ones, to make
them and all illustrious, I, now, for one, promulge, announcing a native
expression-spirit, getting into form, adult, and through mentality, for these
States, self-contain'd, different from others, more expansive, more rich and
free, to be evidenced by original authors and poets to come, by American
personalities, plenty of them, male and female, traversing the States, none
excepted—and by native superber tableaux and growths of language, songs,
operas, orations, lectures, architecture—and by a sublime and serious
Religious Democracy sternly taking command, dissolving the old,
sloughing off surfaces, and from its own interior and vital principles,
reconstructing, democratizing society.
For America, type of progress, and of essential faith in man, above all his
errors and wickedness—few suspect how deep, how deep it really strikes.
The world evidently supposes, and we have evidently supposed so too, that
the States are merely to achieve the equal franchise, an elective government
—to inaugurate the respectability of labor, and become a nation of practical
operatives, law-abiding, orderly and well off. Yes, those are indeed parts of
the task of America; but they not only do not exhaust the progressive
conception, but rather arise, teeming with it, as the mediums of deeper,
higher progress. Daughter of a physical revolution—mother of the true

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revolutions, which are of the interior life, and of the arts. For so long as the
spirit is not changed, any change of appearance is of no avail.
The old men, I remember as a boy, were always talking of American
independence. What is independence? Freedom from all laws or bonds
except those of one's own being, control'd by the universal ones. To lands,
to man, to woman, what is there at last to each, but the inherent soul,
nativity, idiocrasy, free, highest-poised, soaring its own flight, following out
itself?
At present, these States, in their theology and social standards, (of greater
importance than their political institutions,) are entirely held possession of
by foreign lands. We see the sons and daughters of the New World, ignorant
of its genius, not yet inaugurating the native, the universal, and the near,
still importing the distant, the partial, and the dead. We see London, Paris,
Italy—not original, superb, as where they belong—but second-hand here,
where they do not belong. We see the shreds of Hebrews, Romans, Greeks;
but where, on her own soil, do we see, in any faithful, highest, proud
expression, America herself? I sometimes question whether she has a corner
in her own house.
Not but that in one sense, and a very grand one, good theology, good art,
or good literature, has certain features shared in common. The combination
fraternizes, ties the races—is, in many particulars, under laws applicable
indifferently to all, irrespective of climate or date, and, from whatever
source, appeals to emotions, pride, love, spirituality, common to human
kind. Nevertheless, they touch a man closest, (perhaps only actually touch
him,) even in these, in their expression through autochthonic lights and
shades, flavors, fondnesses, aversions, specific incidents, illustrations, out
of his own nationality, geography, surroundings, antecedents, &c. The spirit
and the form are one, and depend far more on association, identity and
place, than is supposed. Subtly interwoven with the materiality and
personality of a land, a race—Teuton, Turk, Californian, or what-not—there
is always something—I can hardly tell what it is—history but describes the
results of it—it is the same as the untellable look of some human faces.
Nature, too, in her stolid forms, is full of it—but to most it is there a secret.
This something is rooted in the invisible roots, the profoundest meanings of
that place, race, or nationality; and to absorb and again effuse it, uttering
words and products as from its midst, and carrying it into highest regions, is

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the work, or a main part of the work, of any country's true author, poet,
historian, lecturer, and perhaps even priest and philosoph. Here, and here
only, are the foundations for our really valuable and permanent verse,
drama, &c.
But at present, (judged by any higher scale than that which finds the chief
ends of existence to be to feverishly make money during one-half of it, and
by some "amusement," or perhaps foreign travel, flippantly kill time, the
other half,) and consider'd with reference to purposes of patriotism, health,
a noble personality, religion, and the democratic adjustments, all these
swarms of poems, literary magazines, dramatic plays, resultant so far from
American intellect, and the formation of our best ideas, are useless and a
mockery. They strengthen and nourish no one, express nothing
characteristic, give decision and purpose to no one, and suffice only the
lowest level of vacant minds.
Of what is called the drama, or dramatic presentation in the United
States, as now put forth at the theatres, I should say it deserves to be treated
with the same gravity, and on a par with the questions of ornamental
confectionery at public dinners, or the arrangement of curtains and hangings
in a ball-room—nor more, nor less. Of the other, I will not insult the
reader's intelligence, (once really entering into the atmosphere of these
Vistas,) by supposing it necessary to show, in detail, why the copious
dribble, either of our little or well-known rhymesters, does not fulfil, in any
respect, the needs and august occasions of this land. America demands a
poetry that is bold, modern, and all-surrounding and kosmical, as she is
herself. It must in no respect ignore science or the modern, but inspire itself
with science and the modern. It must bend its vision toward the future, more
than the past. Like America, it must extricate itself from even the greatest
models of the past, and, while courteous to them, must have entire faith in
itself, and the products of its own democratic spirit only. Like her, it must
place in the van, and hold up at all hazards, the banner of the divine pride of
man in himself, (the radical foundation of the new religion.) Long enough
have the People been listening to poems in which common humanity,
deferential, bends low, humiliated, acknowledging superiors. But America
listens to no such poems. Erect, inflated, and fully self-esteeming be the
chant; and then America will listen with pleased ears.

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Nor may the genuine gold, the gems, when brought to light at last, be
probably usher'd forth from any of the quarters currently counted on. To-
day, doubtless, the infant genius of American poetic expression, (eluding
those highly-refined imported and gilt-edged themes, and sentimental and
butterfly flights, pleasant to orthodox publishers—causing tender spasms in
the coteries, and warranted not to chafe the sensitive cuticle of the most
exquisitely artificial gossamer delicacy,) lies sleeping far away, happily
unrecognized and uninjur'd by the coteries, the art-writers, the talkers and
critics of the saloons, or the lecturers in the colleges—lies sleeping, aside,
unrecking itself, in some western idiom, or native Michigan or Tennessee
repartee, or stumpspeech—or in Kentucky or Georgia, or the Carolinas—or
in some slang or local song or allusion of the Manhattan, Boston,
Philadelphia or Baltimore mechanic—or up in the Maine woods—or off in
the hut of the California miner, or crossing the Rocky mountains, or along
the Pacific railroad—or on the breasts of the young farmers of the
northwest, or Canada, or boatmen of the lakes. Rude and coarse nursing-
beds, these; but only from such beginnings and stocks, indigenous here,
may haply arrive, be grafted, and sprout, in time, flowers of genuine
American aroma, and fruits truly and fully our own.
I say it were a standing disgrace to these States—I say it were a disgrace
to any nation, distinguish'd above others by the variety and vastness of its
territories, its materials, its inventive activity, and the splendid practicality
of its people, not to rise and soar above others also in its original styles in
literature and art, and its own supply of intellectual and esthetic
masterpieces, archetypal, and consistent with itself. I know not a land
except ours that has not, to some extent, however small, made its title clear.
The Scotch have their born ballads, subtly expressing their past and present,
and expressing character. The Irish have theirs. England, Italy, France,
Spain, theirs. What has America? With exhaustless mines of the richest ore
of epic, lyric, tale, tune, picture, etc., in the Four Years' War; with, indeed, I
sometimes think, the richest masses of material ever afforded a nation, more
variegated, and on a larger scale—the first sign of proportionate, native,
imaginative Soul, and first-class works to match, is, (I cannot too often
repeat,) so far wanting.
Long ere the second centennial arrives, there will be some forty to fifty
great States, among them Canada and Cuba. When the present century
closes, our population will be sixty or seventy millions. The Pacific will be

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ours, and the Atlantic mainly ours. There will be daily electric
communication with every part of the globe. What an age! What a land!
Where, elsewhere, one so great? The individuality of one nation must then,
as always, lead the world. Can there be any doubt who the leader ought to
be? Bear in mind, though, that nothing less than the mightiest original non-
subordinated SOUL has ever really, gloriously led, or ever can lead. (This
Soul—its other name, in these Vistas, is LITERATURE.)
In fond fancy leaping those hundred years ahead, let us survey America's
works, poems, philosophies, fulfilling prophecies, and giving form and
decision to best ideals. Much that is now undream'd of, we might then
perhaps see establish'd, luxuriantly cropping forth, richness, vigor of letters
and of artistic expression, in whose products character will be a main
requirement, and not merely erudition or elegance.
Intense and loving comradeship, the personal and passionate attachment
of man to man—which, hard to define, underlies the lessons and ideals of
the profound saviours of every land and age, and which seems to promise,
when thoroughly develop'd, cultivated and recognized in manners and
literature, the most substantial hope and safety of the future of these States,
will then be fully express'd.{29}
A strong fibred joyousness and faith, and the sense of health al fresco,
may well enter into the preparation of future noble American authorship.
Part of the test of a great literatus shall be the absence in him of the idea of
the covert, the lurid, the maleficent, the devil, the grim estimates inherited
from the Puritans, hell, natural depravity, and the like. The great literatus
will be known, among the rest, by his cheerful simplicity, his adherence to
natural standards, his limitless faith in God, his reverence, and by the
absence in him of doubt, ennui, burlesque, persiflage, or any strain'd and
temporary fashion.
Nor must I fail, again and yet again, to clinch, reiterate more plainly still,
(O that indeed such survey as we fancy, may show in time this part
completed also!) the lofty aim, surely the proudest and the purest, in whose
service the future literatus, of whatever field, may gladly labor. As we have
intimated, offsetting the material civilization of our race, our nationality, its
wealth, territories, factories, population, products, trade, and military and
naval strength, and breathing breath of life into all these, and more, must be
its moral civilization—the formulation, expression, and aidancy whereof, is

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the very highest height of literature. The climax of this loftiest range of
civilization, rising above all the gorgeous shows and results of wealth,
intellect, power, and art, as such—above even theology and religious fervor
—is to be its development, from the eternal bases, and the fit expression, of
absolute Conscience, moral soundness, Justice. Even in religious fervor
there is a touch of animal heat. But moral conscientiousness, crystalline,
without flaw, not Godlike only, entirely human, awes and enchants forever.
Great is emotional love, even in the order of the rational universe. But, if
we must make gradations, I am clear there is something greater. Power,
love, veneration, products, genius, esthetics, tried by subtlest comparisons,
analyses, and in serenest moods, somewhere fail, somehow become vain.
Then noiseless, withflowing steps, the lord, the sun, the last ideal comes. By
the names right, justice, truth, we suggest, but do not describe it. To the
world of men it remains a dream, an idea as they call it. But no dream is it
to the wise—but the proudest, almost only solid, lasting thing of all. Its
analogy in the material universe is what holds together this world, and
every object upon it, and carries its dynamics on forever sure and safe. Its
lack, and the persistent shirking of it, as in life, sociology, literature,
politics, business, and even sermonizing, these times, or any times, still
leaves the abysm, the mortal flaw and smutch, mocking civilization to-day,
with all its unquestion'd triumphs, and all the civilization so far known.{30}
Present literature, while magnificently fulfilling certain popular demands,
with plenteous knowledge and verbal smartness, is profoundly
sophisticated, insane, and its very joy is morbid. It needs tally and express
Nature, and the spirit of Nature, and to know and obey the standards. I say
the question of Nature, largely consider'd, involves the questions of the
esthetic, the emotional, and the religious—and involves happiness. A fitly
born and bred race, growing up in right conditions of out-door as much as
in-door harmony, activity and development, would probably, from and in
those conditions, find it enough merely to live—and would, in their
relations to the sky, air, water, trees, &c., and to the countless common
shows, and in the fact of life itself, discover and achieve happiness—with
Being suffused night and day by wholesome extasy, surpassing all the
pleasures that wealth, amusement, and even gratified intellect, erudition, or
the sense of art, can give.
In the prophetic literature of these States, (the reader of my speculations
will miss their principal stress unless he allows well for the point that a new

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Literature, perhaps a new Metaphysics, certainly a new Poetry, are to be, in
my opinion, the only sure and worthy supports and expressions of the
American Democracy,) Nature, true Nature, and the true idea of Nature,
long absent, must, above all, become fully restored, enlarged, and must
furnish the pervading atmosphere to poems, and the test of all high literary
and esthetic compositions. I do not mean the smooth walks, trimm'd hedges,
poseys and nightingales of the English poets, but the whole orb, with its
geologic history, the kosmos, carrying fire and snow, that rolls through the
illimitable areas, light as a feather, though weighing billions of tons.
Furthermore, as by what we now partially call Nature is intended, at most,
only what is entertainable by the physical conscience, the sense of matter,
and of good animal health—on these it must be distinctly accumulated,
incorporated, that man, comprehending these, has, in towering
superaddition, the moral and spiritual consciences, indicating his
destination beyond the ostensible, the mortal.
To the heights of such estimate of Nature indeed ascending, we proceed
to make observations for our Vistas, breathing rarest air. What is I believe
called Idealism seems to me to suggest, (guarding against extravagance, and
ever modified even by its opposite,) the course of inquiry and desert of
favor for our New World metaphysics, their foundation of and in literature,
giving hue to all.{31}
The elevating and etherealizing ideas of the unknown and of unreality
must be brought forward with authority, as they are the legitimate heirs of
the known, and of reality, and at least as great as their parents. Fearless of
scoffing, and of the ostent, let us take our stand, our ground, and never
desert it, to confront the growing excess and arrogance of realism. To the
cry, now victorious—the cry of sense, science, flesh, incomes, farms,
merchandise, logic, intellect, demonstrations, solid perpetuities, buildings
of brick and iron, or even the facts of the shows of trees, earth, rocks, &c.,
fear not, my brethren, my sisters, to sound out with equally determin'd
voice, that conviction brooding within the recesses of every envision'd soul
—illusions! apparitions! figments all! True, we must not condemn the show,
neither absolutely deny it, for the indispensability of its meanings; but how
clearly we see that, migrate in soul to what we can already conceive of
superior and spiritual points of view, and, palpable as it seems under present
relations, it all and several might, nay certainly would, fall apart and vanish.

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I hail with joy the oceanic, variegated, intense practical energy, the
demand for facts, even the business materialism of the current age, our
States. But we to the age or land in which these things, movements,
stopping at themselves, do not tend to ideas. As fuel to flame, and flame to
the heavens, so must wealth, science, materialism—even this democracy of
which we make so much—unerringly feed the highest mind, the soul.
Infinitude the flight: fathomless the mystery. Man, so diminutive, dilates
beyond the sensible universe, competes with, outcopes space and time,
meditating even one great idea. Thus, and thus only, does a human being,
his spirit, ascend above, and justify, objective Nature, which, probably
nothing in itself, is incredibly and divinely serviceable, indispensable, real,
here. And as the purport of objective Nature is doubtless folded, hidden,
somewhere here—as somewhere here is what this globe and its manifold
forms, and the light of day, and night's darkness, and life itself, with all its
experiences, are for—it is here the great literature, especially verse, must
get its inspiration and throbbing blood. Then may we attain to a poetry
worthy the immortal soul of man, and widen, while absorbing materials,
and, in their own sense, the shows of Nature, will, above all, have, both
directly and indirectly, a freeing, fluidizing, expanding, religious character,
exulting with science, fructifying the moral elements, and stimulating
aspirations, and meditations on the unknown.
The process, so far, is indirect and peculiar, and though it may be
suggested, cannot be defined. Observing, rapport, and with intuition, the
shows and forms presented by Nature, the sensuous luxuriance, the
beautiful in living men and women, the actual play of passions, in history
and life—and, above all, from those developments either in Nature or
human personality in which power, (dearest of all to the sense of the artist,)
transacts itself-out of these, and seizing what is in them, the poet, the
esthetic worker in any field, by the divine magic of his genius, projects
them, their analogies, by curious removes, indirections, in literature and art.
(No useless attempt to repeat the material creation, by daguerreotyping the
exact likeness by mortal mental means.) This is the image-making faculty,
coping with material creation, and rivaling, almost triumphing over it. This
alone, when all the other parts of a specimen of literature or art are ready
and waiting, can breathe into it the breath of life, and endow it with identity.
"The true question to ask," says the librarian of Congress in a paper read
before the Social Science Convention at New York, October, 1869, "The

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true question to ask respecting a book, is, has it help'd any human soul?"
This is the hint, statement, not only of the great literatus, his book, but of
every great artist. It may be that all works of art are to be first tried by their
art qualities, their image-forming talent, and their dramatic, pictorial, plot-
constructing, euphonious and other talents. Then, whenever claiming to be
first-class works, they are to be strictly and sternly tried by their foundation
in, and radiation, in the highest sense, and always indirectly, of the ethic
principles, and eligibility to free, arouse, dilate.
As, within the purposes of the Kosmos, and vivifying all meteorology,
and all the congeries of the mineral, vegetable and animal worlds—all the
physical growth and development of man, and all the history of the race in
politics, religions, wars, &c., there is a moral purpose, a visible or invisible
intention, certainly underlying all—its results and proof needing to be
patiently waited for—needing intuition, faith, idiosyncrasy, to its
realization, which many, and especially the intellectual, do not have—so in
the product, or congeries of the product, of the greatest literatus. This is the
last, profoundest measure and test of a first-class literary or esthetic
achievement, and when understood and put in force must fain, I say, lead to
works, books, nobler than any hitherto known. Lo! Nature, (the only
complete, actual poem,) existing calmly in the divine scheme, containing
all, content, careless of the criticisms of a day, or these endless and wordy
chatterers. And lo! to the consciousness of the soul, the permanent identity,
the thought, the something, before which the magnitude even of democracy,
art, literature, &c., dwindles, becomes partial, measurable—something that
fully satisfies, (which those do not.) That something is the All, and the idea
of All, with the accompanying idea of eternity, and of itself, the soul,
buoyant, indestructible, sailing space forever, visiting every region, as a
ship the sea. And again lo! the pulsations in all matter, all spirit, throbbing
forever—the eternal beats, eternal systole and diastole of life in things—
wherefrom I feel and know that death is not the ending, as was thought, but
rather the real beginning—and that nothing ever is or can be lost, nor ever
die, nor soul, nor matter.
In the future of these States must arise poets immenser far, and make
great poems of death. The poems of life are great, but there must be the
poems of the purports of life, not only in itself, but beyond itself. I have
eulogized Homer, the sacred bards of Jewry, Eschylus, Juvenal, Shakspere,
&c., and acknowledged their inestimable value. But, (with perhaps the

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exception, in some, not all respects, of the second-mention'd,) I say there
must, for future and democratic purposes, appear poets, (dare I to say so?)
of higher class even than any of those—poets not only possess'd of the
religious fire and abandon of Isaiah, luxuriant in the epic talent of Homer,
or for proud characters as in Shakspere, but consistent with the Hegelian
formulas, and consistent with modern science. America needs, and the
world needs, a class of bards who will, now and ever, so link and tally the
rational physical being of man, with the ensembles of time and space, and
with this vast and multiform show, Nature, surrounding him, ever
tantalizing him, equally a part, and yet not a part of him, as to essentially
harmonize, satisfy, and put at rest. Faith, very old, now scared away by
science, must be restored, brought back by the same power that caused her
departure—restored with new sway, deeper, wider, higher than ever. Surely,
this universal ennui, this coward fear, this shuddering at death, these low,
degrading views, are not always to rule the spirit pervading future society,
as it has the past, and does the present. What the Roman Lucretius sought
most nobly, yet all too blindly, negatively to do for his age and its
successors, must be done positively by some great coming literatus,
especially poet, who, while remaining fully poet, will absorb whatever
science indicates, with spiritualism, and out of them, and out of his own
genius, will compose the great poem of death. Then will man indeed
confront Nature, and confront time and space, both with science, and con
amore, and take his right place, prepared for life, master of fortune and
misfortune. And then that which was long wanted will be supplied, and the
ship that had it not before in all her voyages, will have an anchor.
There are still other standards, suggestions, for products of high
literatuses. That which really balances and conserves the social and political
world is not so much legislation, police, treaties, and dread of punishment,
as the latent eternal intuitional sense, in humanity, of fairness, manliness,
decorum, &c. Indeed, this perennial regulation, control, and oversight, by
self-suppliance, is sine qua non to democracy; and a highest widest aim of
democratic literature may well be to bring forth, cultivate, brace, and
strengthen this sense, in individuals and society. A strong mastership of the
general inferior self by the superior self, is to be aided, secured, indirectly,
but surely, by the literatus, in his works, shaping, for individual or
aggregate democracy, a great passionate body, in and along with which goes
a great masterful spirit.

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And still, providing for contingencies, I fain confront the fact, the need of
powerful native philosophs and orators and bards, these States, as rallying
points to come, in times of danger, and to fend off ruin and defection. For
history is long, long, long. Shift and turn the combinations of the statement
as we may, the problem of the future of America is in certain respects as
dark as it is vast. Pride, competition, segregation, vicious wilfulness, and
license beyond example, brood already upon us. Unwieldy and immense,
who shall hold in behemoth? who bridle leviathan? Flaunt it as we choose,
athwart and over the roads of our progress loom huge uncertainty, and
dreadful, threatening gloom. It is useless to deny it: Democracy grows
rankly up the thickest, noxious, deadliest plants and fruits of all—brings
worse and worse invaders—needs newer, larger, stronger, keener
compensations and compellers.
Our lands, embracing so much, (embracing indeed the whole, rejecting
none,) hold in their breast that flame also, capable of consuming
themselves, consuming us all. Short as the span of our national life has
been, already have death and downfall crowded close upon us—and will
again crowd close, no doubt, even if warded off. Ages to come may never
know, but I know, how narrowly during the late secession war—and more
than once, and more than twice or thrice—our Nationality, (wherein bound
up, as in a ship in a storm, depended, and yet depend, all our best life, all
hope, all value,) just grazed, just by a hair escaped destruction. Alas! to
think of them! the agony and bloody sweat of certain of those hours! those
cruel, sharp, suspended crises!
Even to-day, amid these whirls, incredible flippancy, and blind fury of
parties, infidelity, entire lack of first-class captains and leaders, added to the
plentiful meanness and vulgarity of the ostensible masses—that problem,
the labor question, beginning to open like a yawning gulf, rapidly widening
every year—what prospect have we? We sail a dangerous sea of seething
currents, cross and under-currents, vortices—all so dark, untried—and
whither shall we turn? It seems as if the Almighty had spread before this
nation charts of imperial destinies, dazzling as the sun, yet with many a
deep intestine difficulty, and human aggregate of cankerous imperfection-
saying, lo! the roads, the only plans of development, long and varied with
all terrible balks and ebullitions. You said in your soul, I will be empire of
empires, overshadowing all else, past and present, putting the history of
Old-World dynasties, conquests behind me, as of no account—making a

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new history, a history of democracy, making old history a dwarf—I alone
inaugurating largeness, culminating time. If these, O lands of America, are
indeed the prizes, the determinations of your soul, be it so. But behold the
cost, and already specimens of the cost. Thought you greatness was to ripen
for you like a pear? If you would have greatness, know that you must
conquer it through ages, centuries—must pay for it with a proportionate
price. For you too, as for all lands, the struggle, the traitor, the wily person
in office, scrofulous wealth, the surfeit of prosperity, the demonism of
greed, the hell of passion, the decay of faith, the long postponement, the
fossil-like lethargy, the ceaseless need of revolutions, prophets, thunder-
storms, deaths, births, new projections and invigorations of ideas and men.
Yet I have dream'd, merged in that hidden-tangled problem of our fate,
whose long unraveling stretches mysteriously through time—dream'd out,
portray'd, hinted already—a little or a larger band—a band of brave and
true, unprecedented yet—arm'd and equipt at every point—the members
separated, it may be, by different dates and States, or south, or north, or
east, or west—Pacific, Atlantic, Southern, Canadian—a year, a century
here, and other centuries there—but always one, compact in soul,
conscience-conserving, God-inculcating, inspirid achievers, not only in
literature, the greatest art, but achievers in all art—a new, undying order,
dynasty, from age to age transmitted—a band, a class, at least as fit to cope
with current years, our dangers, needs, as those who, for their times, so
long, so well, in armor or in cowl, upheld and made illustrious, that far-back
feudal, priestly world. To offset chivalry, indeed, those vanish'd countless
knights, old altars, abbeys, priests, ages and strings of ages, a knightlier and
more sacred cause to-day demands, and shall supply, in a New World, to
larger, grander work, more than the counterpart and tally of them.
Arrived now, definitely, at an apex for these Vistas, I confess that the
promulgation and belief in such a class or institution—a new and greater
literatus order—its possibility, (nay certainty,) underlies these entire
speculations—and that the rest, the other parts, as superstructures, are all
founded upon it. It really seems to me the condition, not only of our future
national and democratic development, but of our perpetuation. In the highly
artificial and materialistic bases of modern civilization, with the
corresponding arrangements and methods of living, the force-infusion of
intellect alone, the depraving influences of riches just as much as poverty,
the absence of all high ideals in character—with the long series of

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tendencies, shapings, which few are strong enough to resist, and which now
seem, with steam-engine speed, to be everywhere turning out the
generations of humanity like uniform iron castings—all of which, as
compared with the feudal ages, we can yet do nothing better than accept,
make the best of, and even welcome, upon the whole, for their oceanic
practical grandeur, and their restless wholesale kneading of the masses—I
say of all this tremendous and dominant play of solely materialistic bearings
upon current life in the United States, with the results as already seen,
accumulating, and reaching far into the future, that they must either be
confronted and met by at least an equally subtle and tremendous force-
infusion for purposes of spiritualization, for the pure conscience, for
genuine esthetics, and for absolute and primal manliness and womanliness
—or else our modern civilization, with all its improvements, is in vain, and
we are on the road to a destiny, a status, equivalent, in its real world, to that
of the fabled damned.
Prospecting thus the coming unsped days, and that new order in them—
marking the endless train of exercise, development, unwind, in nation as in
man, which life is for—we see, fore-indicated, amid these prospects and
hopes, new law-forces of spoken and written language—not merely the
pedagogue-forms, correct, regular, familiar with precedents, made for
matters of outside propriety, fine words, thoughts definitely told out—but a
language fann'd by the breath of Nature, which leaps overhead, cares mostly
for impetus and effects, and for what it plants and invigorates to grow—
tallies life and character, and seldomer tells a thing than suggests or
necessitates it. In fact, a new theory of literary composition for imaginative
works of the very first class, and especially for highest poems, is the sole
course open to these States. Books are to be call'd for, and supplied, on the
assumption that the process of reading is not a half-sleep, but, in highest
sense, an exercise, a gymnast's struggle; that the reader is to do something
for himself, must be on the alert, must himself or herself construct indeed
the poem, argument, history, metaphysical essay—the text furnishing the
hints, the clue, the start or frame-work. Not the book needs so much to be
the complete thing, but the reader of the book does. That were to make a
nation of supple and athletic minds, well-train'd, intuitive, used to depend
on themselves, and not on a few coteries of writers.
Investigating here, we see, not that it is a little thing we have, in having
the bequeath'd libraries, countless shelves of volumes, records, etc.; yet how

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serious the danger, depending entirely on them, of the bloodless vein, the
nerveless arm, the false application, at second or third hand. We see that the
real interest of this people of ours in the theology, history, poetry, politics,
and personal models of the past, (the British islands, for instance, and
indeed all the past,) is not necessarily to mould ourselves or our literature
upon them, but to attain fuller, more definite comparisons, warnings, and
the insight to ourselves, our own present, and our own far grander, different,
future history, religion, social customs, &c. We see that almost everything
that has been written, sung, or stated, of old, with reference to humanity
under the feudal and oriental institutes, religions, and for other lands, needs
to be re-written, re-sung, re-stated, in terms consistent with the institution of
these States, and to come in range and obedient uniformity with them.
We see, as in the universes of the material kosmos, after meteorological,
vegetable, and animal cycles, man at last arises, born through them, to
prove them, concentrate them, to turn upon them with wonder and love—to
command them, adorn them, and carry them upward into superior realms—
so, out of the series of the preceding social and political universes, now
arise these States. We see that while many were supposing things establish'd
and completed, really the grandest things always remain; and discover that
the work of the New World is not ended, but only fairly begun.
We see our land, America, her literature, esthetics, &c., as, substantially,
the getting in form, or effusement and statement, of deepest basic elements
and loftiest final meanings, of history and man—and the portrayal, (under
the eternal laws and conditions of beauty,) of our own physiognomy, the
subjective tie and expression of the objective, as from our own
combination, continuation, and points of view—and the deposit and record
of the national mentality, character, appeals, heroism, wars, and even
liberties—where these, and all, culminate in native literary and artistic
formulation, to be perpetuated; and not having which native, first-class
formulation, she will flounder about, and her other, however imposing,
eminent greatness, prove merely a passing gleam; but truly having which,
she will understand herself, live nobly, nobly contribute, emanate, and,
swinging, poised safely on herself, illumin'd and illuming, become a full-
form'd world, and divine Mother not only of material but spiritual worlds,
in ceaseless succession through time—the main thing being the average, the
bodily, the concrete, the democratic, the popular, on which all the
superstructures of the future are to permanently rest.

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Endnotes:
{20} "From a territorial area of less than nine hundred thousand square
miles, the Union has expanded into over four millions and a half—fifteen
times larger than that of Great Britain and France combined—with a shore-
line, including Alaska, equal to the entire circumference of the earth, and
with a domain within these lines far wider than that of the Romans in their
proudest days of conquest and renown. With a river, lake, and coastwise
commerce estimated at over two thousand millions of dollars per year; with
a railway traffic of four to six thousand millions per year, and the annual
domestic exchanges of the country running up to nearly ten thousand
millions per year; with over two thousand millions of dollars invested in
manufacturing, mechanical, and mining industry; with over five hundred
millions of acres of land in actual occupancy, valued, with their
appurtenances, at over seven thousand millions of dollars, and producing
annually crops valued at over three thousand millions of dollars; with a
realm which, if the density of Belgium's population were possible, would be
vast enough to include all the present inhabitants of the world; and with
equal rights guaranteed to even the poorest and humblest of our forty
millions of people—we can, with a manly pride akin to that which
distinguish'd the palmiest days of Rome, claim," &c., &c., &c.—Vice-
President Colfax's Speech, July 4, 1870.
LATER—London "Times," (Weekly,) June 23, '82.
"The wonderful wealth-producing power of the United States defies and
sets at naught the grave drawbacks of a mischievous protective tariff, and
has already obliterated, almost wholly, the traces of the greatest of modern
civil wars. What is especially remarkable in the present development of
American energy and success is its wide and equable distribution. North
and south, east and west, on the shores of the Atlantic and the Pacific, along
the chain of the great lakes, in the valley of the Mississippi, and on the
coasts of the gulf of Mexico, the creation of wealth and the increase of
population are signally exhibited. It is quite true, as has been shown by the
recent apportionment of population in the House of Representatives, that
some sections of the Union have advanced, relatively to the rest, in an
extraordinary and unexpected degree. But this does not imply that the States
which have gain'd no additional representatives or have actually lost some
have been stationary or have receded. The fact is that the present tide of

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prosperity has risen so high that it has overflow' d all barriers, and has fill'd
up the back-waters, and establish'd something like an approach to uniform
success."
{21} See, for hereditaments, specimens, Walter Scott's Border
Minstrelsy, Percy's collection, Ellis's early English Metrical Romances, the
European continental poems of Walter of Aquitania, and the Nibelungen, of
pagan stock, but monkish-feudal redaction; the history of the Troubadours,
by Fauriel; even the far-back cumbrous old Hindu epics, as indicating the
Asian eggs out of which European chivalry was hatch'd; Ticknor's chapters
on the Cid, and on the Spanish poems and poets of Calderon's time. Then
always, and, of course, as the superbest poetic culmination-expression of
feudalism, the Shaksperean dramas, in the attitudes, dialogue, characters,
&c., of the princes, lords and gentlemen, the pervading atmosphere, the
implied and express'd standard of manners, the high port and proud
stomach, the regal embroidery of style, &c.
{22} Of these rapidly-sketch'd hiatuses, the two which seem to me most
serious are, for one, the condition, absence, or perhaps the singular
abeyance, of moral conscientious fibre all through American society; and,
for another, the appaling depletion of women in their powers of sane
athletic maternity, their crowning attribute, and ever making the woman, in
loftiest spheres, superior to the man.
I have sometimes thought, indeed, that the sole avenue and means of a
reconstructed sociology depended, primarily, on a new birth, elevation,
expansion, invigoration of woman, affording, for races to come, (as the
conditions that antedate birth are indispensable,) a perfect motherhood.
Great, great, indeed, far greater than they know, is the sphere of women.
But doubtless the question of such new sociology all goes together, includes
many varied and complex influences and premises, and the man as well as
the woman, and the woman as well as the man.
{23} The question hinted here is one which time only can answer. Must
not the virtue of modern Individualism, continually enlarging, usurping all,
seriously affect, perhaps keep down entirely, in America, the like of the
ancient virtue of Patriotism, the fervid and absorbing love of general
country? I have no doubt myself that the two will merge, and will mutually
profit and brace each other, and that from them a greater product, a third,

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will arise. But I feel that at present they and their oppositions form a serious
problem and paradox in the United States.
{24} "SHOOTING NIAGARA."—I was at first roused to much anger
and abuse by this essay from Mr. Carlyle, so insulting to the theory of
America—but happening to think afterwards how I had more than once
been in the like mood, during which his essay was evidently cast, and seen
persons and things in the same light, (indeed some might say there are signs
of the same feeling in these Vistas)—I have since read it again, not only as a
study, expressing as it does certain judgments from the highest feudal point
of view, but have read it with respect as coming from an earnest soul, and as
contributing certain sharp-cutting metallic grains, which, if not gold or
silver, may be good, hard, honest iron.
{25} For fear of mistake, I may as well distinctly specify, as cheerfully
included in the model and standard of these Vistas, a practical, stirring,
worldly, money-making, even materialistic character. It is undeniable that
our farms, stores, offices, dry-goods, coal and groceries, enginery, cash-
accounts, trades, earnings, markets, &c., should be attended to in earnest,
and actively pursued, just as if they had a real and permanent existence. I
perceive clearly that the extreme business energy, and this almost maniacal
appetite for wealth prevalent in the United States, are parts of amelioration
and progress, indispensably needed to prepare the very results I demand.
My theory includes riches, and the getting of riches, and the amplest
products, power, activity, inventions, movements, &c. Upon them, as upon
substrata, I raise the edifice design'd in these Vistas.
{26} The whole present system of the officering and personnel of the
army and navy of these States, and the spirit and letter of their trebly-
aristocratic rules and regulations, is a monstrous exotic, a nuisance and
revolt, and belong here just as much as orders of nobility, or the Pope's
council of cardinals. I say if the present theory of our army and navy is
sensible and true, then the rest of America is an unmitigated fraud.
{27} A: After the rest is satiated, all interest culminates in the field of
persons, and never flags there. Accordingly in this field have the great poets
and literatuses signally toil'd. They too, in all ages, all lands, have been
creators, fashioning, making types of men and women, as Adam and Eve
are made in the divine fable. Behold, shaped, bred by orientalism,
feudalism, through their long growth and culmination, and breeding back in

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return—(when shall we have an equal series, typical of democracy?)—
behold, commencing in primal Asia, (apparently formulated, in what
beginning we know, in the gods of the mythologies, and coming down
thence,) a few samples out of the countless product, bequeath'd to the
moderns, bequeath'd to America as studies. For the men, Yudishtura, Rama,
Arjuna, Solomon, most of the Old and New Testament characters; Achilles,
Ulysses, Theseus, Prometheus, Hercules, Aeneas, Plutarch's heroes; the
Merlin of Celtic bards; the Cid, Arthur and his knights, Siegfried and Hagen
in the Nibelungen; Roland and Oliver; Roustam in the Shah-Nemah; and so
on to Milton's Satan, Cervantes' Don Quixote, Shakspere's Hamlet, Richard
II., Lear, Marc Antony, &c., and the modern Faust. These, I say, are models,
combined, adjusted to other standards than America's, but of priceless value
to her and hers.
Among women, the goddesses of the Egyptian, Indian and Greek
mythologies, certain Bible characters, especially the Holy Mother;
Cleopatra, Penelope; the portraits of Brunhelde and Chriemhilde in the
Nibelungen; Oriana, Una, &c.; the modern Consuelo, Walter Scott's Jeanie
and Effie Deans, &c., &c. (Yet woman portray'd or outlin'd at her best, or as
perfect human mother, does not hitherto, it seems to me, fully appear in
literature.)
{28} Note, to-day, an instructive, curious spectacle and conflict. Science,
(twin in its fields, of Democracy in its)—Science, testing absolutely all
thoughts, all works, has already burst well upon the world—a sun,
mounting, most illuminating, most glorious—surely never again to set. But
against it, deeply entrench'd, holding possession, yet remains, (not only
through the churches and schools, but by imaginative literature, and
unregenerate poetry,) the fossil theology of the mythic-materialistic,
superstitious, untaught and credulous, fable-loving, primitive ages of
humanity.
{29} It is to the development, identification, and general prevalence of
that fervid comradeship, (the adhesive love, at least rivaling the amative
love hitherto possessing imaginative literature, if not going beyond it,) that I
look for the counterbalance and offset of our materialistic and vulgar
American democracy, and for the spiritualization thereof. Many will say it
is a dream, and will not follow my inferences: but I confidently expect a
time when there will be seen, running like a half-hid warp through all the

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myriad audible and visible worldly interests of America, threads of manly
friendship, fond and loving, pure and sweet, strong and life-long, carried to
degrees hitherto unknown—not only giving tone to individual character,
and making it unprecedently emotional, muscular, heroic, and refined, but
having the deepest relations to general politics. I say democracy infers such
loving comradeship, as its most inevitable twin or counterpart, without
which it will be incomplete, in vain, and incapable of perpetuating itself.
{30} I am reminded as I write that out of this very conscience, or idea of
conscience, of intense moral right, and in its name and strain'd construction,
the worst fanaticisms, wars, persecutions, murders, &c., have yet, in all
lands, in the past, been broach'd, and have come to their devilish fruition.
Much is to be said—but I may say here, and in response, that side by side
with the unflagging stimulation of the elements of religion and conscience
must henceforth move with equal sway, science, absolute reason, and the
general proportionate development of the whole man. These scientific facts,
deductions, are divine too—precious counted parts of moral civilization,
and, with physical health, indispensable to it, to prevent fanaticism. For
abstract religion, I perceive, is easily led astray, ever credulous, and is
capable of devouring, remorseless, like fire and flame. Conscience, too,
isolated from all else, and from the emotional nature, may but attain the
beauty and purity of glacial, snowy ice. We want, for these States, for the
general character, a cheerful, religious fervor, endued with the ever-present
modifications of the human emotions, friendship, benevolence, with a fair
field for scientific inquiry, the right of individual judgment, and always the
cooling influences of material Nature.
{31} The culmination and fruit of literary artistic expression, and its final
fields of pleasure for the human soul, are in metaphysics, including the
mysteries of the spiritual world, the soul itself, and the question of the
immortal continuation of our identity. In all ages, the mind of man has
brought up here—and always will. Here, at least, of whatever race or era,
we stand on common ground. Applause, too, is unanimous, antique or
modern. Those authors who work well in this field—though their reward,
instead of a handsome percentage, or royalty, may be but simply the laurel-
crown of the victors in the great Olympic games—will be dearest to
humanity, and their works, however esthetically defective, will be treasur'd
forever. The altitude of literature and poetry has always been religion—and
always will be. The Indian Vedas, the Naçkas of Zoroaster, the Tal mud of

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the Jews, the Old Testament, the Gospel of Christ and his disciples, Plato's
works, the Koran of Mohammed, the Edda of Snorro, and so on toward our
own day, to Swedenborg, and to the invaluable contributions of Leibnitz,
Kant and Hegel—these, with such poems only in which, (while singing well
of persons and events, of the passions of man, and the shows of the material
universe,) the religious tone, the consciousness of mystery, the recognition
of the future, of the unknown, of Deity over and under all, and of the divine
purpose, are never absent, but indirectly give tone to all—exhibit literature's
real heights and elevations, towering up like the great mountains of the
earth.
Standing on this ground—the last, the highest, only permanent ground—
and sternly criticising, from it, all works, either of the literary, or any art, we
have peremptorily to dismiss every pretensive production, however fine its
esthetic or intellectual points, which violates or ignores, or even does not
celebrate, the central divine idea of All, suffusing universe, of eternal trains
of purpose, in the development, by however slow degrees, of the physical,
moral, and spiritual kosmos. I say he has studied, meditated to no profit,
whatever may be his mere erudition, who has not absorbed this simple
consciousness and faith. It is not entirely new—but it is for Democracy to
elaborate it, and look to build upon and expand from it, with
uncompromising reliance. Above the doors of teaching the inscription is to
appear, Though little or nothing can be absolutely known, perceiv'd, except
from a point of view which is evanescent, yet we know at least one
permanency, that Time and Space, in the will of God, furnish successive
chains, completions of material births and beginnings, solve all
discrepancies, fears and doubts, and eventually fulfil happiness—and that
the prophecy of those births, namely spiritual results, throws the true arch
over all teaching, all science. The local considerations of sin, disease,
deformity, ignorance, death, &c., and their measurement by the superficial
mind, and ordinary legislation and theology, are to be met by science,
boldly accepting, promulging this faith, and planting the seeds of superber
laws—of the explication of the physical universe through the spiritual—and
clearing the way for a religion, sweet and unimpugnable alike to little child
or great savan.

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Page 307

ORIGINS OF ATTEMPTED SECESSION
Not the whole matter, but some side facts worth conning to-day and any
day.
I consider the war of attempted secession, 1860-'65, not as a struggle of
two distinct and separate peoples, but a conflict (often happening, and very
fierce) between the passions and paradoxes of one and the same identity—
perhaps the only terms on which that identity could really become fused,
homogeneous and lasting. The origin and conditions out of which it arose,
are full of lessons, full of warnings yet to the Republic—and always will be.
The underlying and principal of those origins are yet singularly ignored.
The Northern States were really just as responsible for that war, (in its
precedents, foundations, instigations,) as the South. Let me try to give my
view. From the age of 21 to 40, (1840-'60,) I was interested in the political
movements of the land, not so much as a participant, but as an observer, and
a regular voter at the elections. I think I was conversant with the springs of
action, and their workings, not only in New York city and Brooklyn, but
understood them in the whole country, as I had made leisurely tours through
all the middle States, and partially through the western and southern, and
down to New Orleans, in which city I resided for some time. (I was there at
the close of the Mexican war—saw and talk'd with General Taylor, and the
other generals and officers, who were feted and detain'd several days on
their return victorious from that expedition.)
Of course many and very contradictory things, specialties, developments,
constitutional views, &c., went to make up the origin of the war—but the
most significant general fact can be best indicated and stated as follows: For
twenty-five years previous to the outbreak, the controling "Democratic"
nominating conventions of our Republic—starting from their primaries in
wards or districts, and so expanding to counties, powerful cities, States, and
to the great Presidential nominating conventions—were getting to represent
and be composed of more and more putrid and dangerous materials. Let me
give a schedule, or list, of one of these representative conventions for a long
time before, and inclusive of, that which nominated Buchanan. (Remember
they had come to be the fountains and tissues of the American body politic,

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forming, as it were, the whole blood, legislation, office-holding, &c.) One
of these conventions, from 1840 to '60, exhibited a spectacle such as could
never be seen except in our own age and in these States. The members who
composed it were, seven-eighths of them, the meanest kind of bawling and
blowing office-holders, office-seekers, pimps, malignants, conspirators,
murderers, fancy-men, custom-house clerks, contractors, kept-editors,
spaniels well-train'd to carry and fetch, jobbers, infidels, disunionists,
terrorists, mail-riflers, slave-catchers, pushers of slavery, creatures of the
President, creatures of would-be Presidents, spies, bribers, compromisers,
lobbyers, sponges, ruin'd sports, expell'd gamblers, policy-backers, monte-
dealers, duellists, carriers of conceal'd weapons, deaf men, pimpled men,
scarr'd inside with vile disease, gaudy outside with gold chains made from
the people's money and harlots' money twisted together; crawling,
serpentine men, the lousy combings and born freedom-sellers of the earth.
And whence came they? From back-yards and bar-rooms; from out of the
custom-houses, marshals' offices, post-offices, and gambling-hells; from the
President's house, the jail, the station-house; from unnamed by-places,
where devilish disunion was hatch'd at midnight; from political hearses, and
from the coffins inside, and from the shrouds inside of the coffins; from the
tumors and abscesses of the land; from the skeletons and skulls in the vaults
of the federal almshouses; and from the running sores of the great cities.
Such, I say, form'd, or absolutely controll'd the forming of, the entire
personnel, the atmosphere, nutriment and chyle, of our municipal, State,
and National politics—substantially permeating, handling, deciding, and
wielding everything—legislation, nominations, elections, "public
sentiment," &c.—while the great masses of the people, farmers, mechanics,
and traders, were helpless in their gripe. These conditions were mostly
prevalent in the north and west, and especially in New York and
Philadelphia cities; and the southern leaders, (bad enough, but of a far
higher order,) struck hands and affiliated with, and used them. Is it strange
that a thunder-storm follow'd such morbid and stifling cloud-strata?
I say then, that what, as just outlined, heralded, and made the ground
ready for secession revolt, ought to be held up, through all the future, as the
most instructive lesson in American political history—the most significant
warning and beacon-light to coming generations. I say that the sixteenth,
seventeenth and eighteenth terms of the American Presidency have shown
that the villainy and shallowness of rulers (back'd by the machinery of great

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parties) are just as eligible to these States as to any foreign despotism,
kingdom, or empire—there is not a bit of difference. History is to record
those three Presidentiads, and especially the administrations of Fillmore and
Buchanan, as so far our topmost warning and shame. Never were publicly
display'd more deform'd, mediocre, snivelling, unreliable, false-hearted
men. Never were these States so insulted, and attempted to be betray'd. All
the main purposes for which the government was establish'd were openly
denied. The perfect equality of slavery with freedom was flauntingly
preach'd in the north—nay, the superiority of slavery. The slave trade was
proposed to be renew'd. Everywhere frowns and misunderstandings—
everywhere exasperations and humiliations. (The slavery contest is settled
—and the war is long over—yet do not those putrid conditions, too many of
them, still exist? still result in diseases, fevers, wounds—not of war and
army hospitals—but the wounds and diseases of peace?)
Out of those generic influences, mainly in New York, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, &c., arose the attempt at disunion. To philosophical examination, the
malignant fever of that war shows its embryonic sources, and the original
nourishment of its life and growth, in the north. I say secession, below the
surface, originated and was brought to maturity in the free States. I allude to
the score of years preceding 1860. My deliberate opinion is now, that if at
the opening of the contest the abstract duality-question of slavery and quiet
could have been submitted to a direct popular vote, as against their
opposite, they would have triumphantly carried the day in a majority of the
northern States—in the large cities, leading off with New York and
Philadelphia, by tremendous majorities. The events of '61 amazed
everybody north and south, and burst all prophecies and calculations like
bubbles. But even then, and during the whole war, the stern fact remains
that (not only did the north put it down, but) the secession cause had
numerically just as many sympathizers in the free as in the rebel States.
As to slavery, abstractly and practically, (its idea, and the determination
to establish and expand it, especially in the new territories, the future
America,) it is too common, I repeat, to identify it exclusively with the
south. In fact down to the opening of the war, the whole country had about
an equal hand in it. The north had at least been just as guilty, if not more
guilty; and the east and west had. The former Presidents and Congresses
had been guilty—the governors and legislatures of every northern State had
been guilty, and the mayors of New York and other northern cities had all

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been guilty—their hands were all stain'd. And as the conflict took decided
shape, it is hard to tell which class, the leading southern or northern
disunionists, was more stunn'd and disappointed at the non-action of the
free-State secession element, so largely existing and counted on by those
leaders, both sections.
So much for that point, and for the north. As to the inception and direct
instigation of the war, in the south itself, I shall not attempt interiors or
complications. Behind all, the idea that it was from a resolute and arrogant
determination on the part of the extreme slaveholders, the Calhounites, to
carry the States-rights' portion of the constitutional compact to its farthest
verge, and nationalize slavery, or else disrupt the Union, and found a new
empire, with slavery for its corner-stone, was and is undoubtedly the true
theory. (If successful, this attempt might—I am not sure, but it might—have
destroy'd not only our American republic, in anything like first-class
proportions, in itself and its prestige, but for ages at least, the cause of
Liberty and Equality everywhere—and would have been the greatest
triumph of reaction, and the severest blow to political and every other
freedom, possible to conceive. Its worst result would have inured to the
southern States themselves.) That our national democratic experiment,
principle, and machinery, could triumphantly sustain such a shock, and that
the Constitution could weather it, like a ship a storm, and come out of it as
sound and whole as before, is by far the most signal proof yet of the
stability of that experiment, Democracy, and of those principles, and that
Constitution.
Of the war itself, we know in the ostent what has been done. The
numbers of the dead and wounded can be told or approximated, the debt
posted and put on record, the material events narrated, &c. Meantime,
elections go on, laws are pass'd, political parties struggle, issue their
platforms, &c., just the same as before. But immensest results, not only in
politics, but in literature, poems, and sociology, are doubtless waiting yet
unform'd in the future. How long they will wait I cannot tell. The pageant of
history's retrospect shows us, ages since, all Europe marching on the
crusades, those arm'd uprisings of the people, stirr'd by a mere idea, to
grandest attempt—and, when once baffled in it, returning, at intervals,
twice, thrice, and again. An unsurpass'd series of revolutionary events,
influences. Yet it took over two hundred years for the seeds of the crusades
to germinate, before beginning even to sprout. Two hundred years they lay,

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sleeping, not dead, but dormant in the ground. Then, out of them,
unerringly, arts, travel, navigation, politics, literature, freedom, the spirit of
adventure, inquiry, all arose, grew, and steadily sped on to what we see at
present. Far back there, that huge agitation-struggle of the crusades stands,
as undoubtedly the embryo, the start, of the high preeminence of
experiment, civilization and enterprise which the European nations have
since sustain'd, and of which these States are the heirs.
Another illustration—(history is full of them, although the war itself, the
victory of the Union, and the relations of our equal States, present features
of which there are no precedents in the past.) The conquest of England eight
centuries ago, by the Franco-Normans—the obliteration of the old, (in
many respects so needing obliteration)—the Domesday Book, and the
repartition of the land—the old impedimenta removed, even by blood and
ruthless violence, and a new, progressive genesis establish'd, new seeds
sown—time has proved plain enough that, bitter as they were, all these
were the most salutary series of revolutions that could possibly have
happen'd. Out of them, and by them mainly, have come, out of Albic,
Roman and Saxon England—and without them could not have come—not
only the England of the 500 years down to the present, and of the present—
but these States. Nor, except for that terrible dislocation and overturn,
would these States, as they are, exist to-day.
It is certain to me that the United States, by virtue of that war and its
results, and through that and them only, are now ready to enter, and must
certainly enter, upon their genuine career in history, as no more torn and
divided in their spinal requisites, but a great homogeneous Nation—free
States all—a moral and political unity in variety, such as Nature shows in
her grandest physical works, and as much greater than any mere work of
Nature, as the moral and political, the work of man, his mind, his soul, are,
in their loftiest sense, greater than the merely physical. Out of that war not
only has the nationality of the States escaped from being strangled, but
more than any of the rest, and, in my opinion, more than the north itself, the
vital heart and breath of the south have escaped as from the pressure of a
general nightmare, and are henceforth to enter on a life, development, and
active freedom, whose realities are certain in the future, notwithstanding all
the southern vexations of the hour—a development which could not
possibly have been achiev'd on any less terms, or by any other means than

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that grim lesson, or something equivalent to it. And I predict that the south
is yet to outstrip the north.

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PREFACES TO "LEAVES OF GRASS"

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PREFACE, 1855 To first issue of Leaves of Grass.
Brooklyn, N.Y.
America does not repel the past, or what the past has produced under its
forms, or amid other politics, or the idea of castes, or the old religions—
accepts the lesson with calmness—is not impatient because the slough still
sticks to opinions and manners in literature, while the life which served its
requirements has passed into the new life of the new forms—perceives that
the corpse is slowly borne from the eating and sleeping rooms of the house
—perceives that it waits a little while in the door—that it was fittest for its
days—that its action has descended to the stalwart and well-shaped heir
who approaches—and that he shall be fittest for his days.
The Americans of all nations at any time upon the earth, have probably
the fullest poetical nature. The United States themselves are essentially the
greatest poem. In the history of the earth hitherto, the largest and most
stirring appear tame and orderly to their ampler largeness and stir. Here at
last is something in the doings of man that corresponds with the broadcast
doings of the day and night. Here is action untied from strings, necessarily
blind to particulars and details, magnificently moving in masses. Here is the
hospitality which for ever indicates heroes. Here the performance,
disdaining the trivial, unapproach'd in the tremendous audacity of its
crowds and groupings, and the push of its perspective, spreads with
crampless and flowing breadth, and showers its prolific and splendid
extravagance. One sees it must indeed own the riches of the summer and
winter, and need never be bankrupt while corn grows from the ground, or
the orchards drop apples, or the bays contain fish, or men beget children
upon women.
Other states indicate themselves in their deputies—but the genius of the
United States is not best or most in its executives or legislatures, nor in its
ambassadors or authors, or colleges or churches or parlors, nor even in its
newspapers or inventors—but always most in the common people, south,
north, west, east, in all its States, through all its mighty amplitude. The
largeness of the nation, however, were monstrous without a corresponding

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largeness and generosity of the spirit of the citizen. Not swarming states,
nor streets and steamships, nor prosperous business, nor farms, nor capital,
nor learning, may suffice for the ideal of man—nor suffice the poet. No
reminiscences may suffice either. A live nation can always cut a deep mark,
and can have the best authority the cheapest—namely, from its own soul.
This is the sum of the profitable uses of individuals or states, and of present
action and grandeur, and of the subjects of poets. (As if it were necessary to
trot back generation after generation to the eastern records! As if the beauty
and sacredness of the demonstrable must fall behind that of the mythical!
As if men do not make their mark out of any times! As if the opening of the
western continent by discovery, and what has transpired in North and South
America, were less than the small theatre of the antique, or the aimless
sleep-walking of the middle ages!) The pride of the United States leaves the
wealth and finesse of the cities, and all returns of commerce and
agriculture, and all the magnitude of geography or shows of exterior
victory, to enjoy the sight and realization of full-sized men, or one full-sized
man unconquerable and simple. The American poets are to enclose old and
new, for America is the race of races. The expression of the American poet
is to be transcendent and new. It is to be indirect, and not direct or
descriptive or epic. Its quality goes through these to much more. Let the age
and wars of other nations be chanted, and their eras and characters be
illustrated, and that finish the verse. Not so the great psalm of the republic.
Here the theme is creative, and has vista. Whatever stagnates in the flat of
custom or obedience or legislation, the great poet never stagnates.
Obedience does not master him, he masters it. High up out of reach he
stands, turning a concentrated light—he turns the pivot with his finger—he
baffles the swiftest runners as he stands, and easily overtakes and envelopes
them. The time straying toward infidelity and confections and persiflage he
withholds by steady faith. Faith is the antiseptic of the soul—it pervades the
common people and preserves them—they never give up believing and
expecting and trusting. There is that indescribable freshness and
unconsciousness about an illiterate person, that humbles and mocks the
power of the noblest expressive genius. The poet sees for a certainty how
one not a great artist may be just as sacred and perfect as the greatest artist.
The power to destroy or remould is freely used by the greatest poet, but
seldom the power of attack. What is past is past. If he does not expose
superior models, and prove himself by every step he takes, he is not what is

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wanted. The presence of the great poet conquers—not parleying, or
struggling, or any prepared attempts. Now he has passed that way, see after
him! There is not left any vestige of despair, or misanthropy, or cunning, or
exclusiveness, or the ignominy of a nativity or color, or delusion of hell or
the necessity of hell—and no man thenceforward shall be degraded for
ignorance or weakness or sin. The greatest poet hardly knows pettiness or
triviality. If he breathes into anything that was before thought small, it
dilates with the grandeur and life of the universe. He is a seer—he is
individual—he is complete in himself—the others are as good as he, only
he sees it, and they do not. He is not one of the chorus—he does not stop for
any regulation—he is the president of regulation. What the eyesight does to
the rest, he does to the rest. Who knows the curious mystery of the
eyesight? The other senses corroborate themselves, but this is removed
from any proof but its own, and foreruns the identities of the spiritual
world. A single glance of it mocks all the investigations of man, and all the
instruments and books of the earth, and all reasoning. What is marvellous?
what is unlikely? what is impossible or baseless or vague—after you have
once just open'd the space of a peach-pit, and given audience to far and
near, and to the sunset, and had all things enter with electric swiftness,
softly and duly, without confusion or jostling or jam?
The land and sea, the animals, fishes and birds, the sky of heaven and the
orbs, the forests, mountains and rivers, are not small themes—but folks
expect of the poet to indicate more than the beauty and dignity which
always attach to dumb real objects—they expect him to indicate the path
between reality and their souls. Men and women perceive the beauty well
enough—probably as well as he. The passionate tenacity of hunters,
woodmen, early risers, cultivators of gardens and orchards and fields, the
love of healthy women for the manly form, seafaring persons, drivers of
horses, the passion for light and the open air, all is an old varied sign of the
unfailing perception of beauty, and of a residence of the poetic in out-door
people. They can never be assisted by poets to perceive—some may, but
they never can. The poetic quality is not marshal'd in rhyme or uniformity,
or abstract addresses to things, nor in melancholy complaints or good
precepts, but is the life of these and much else, and is in the soul. The profit
of rhyme is that it drops seeds of a sweeter and more luxuriant rhyme, and
of uniformity that it conveys itself into its own roots in the ground out of
sight. The rhyme and uniformity of perfect poems show the free growth of

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metrical laws, and bud from them as unerringly and loosely as lilacs and
roses on a bush, and take shapes as compact as the shapes of chestnuts and
oranges, and melons and pears, and shed the perfume impalpable to form.
The fluency and ornaments of the finest poems or music or orations or
recitations, are not independent but dependent. All beauty comes from
beautiful blood and a beautiful brain. If the greatnesses are in conjunction in
a man or woman, it is enough—the fact will prevail through the universe;
but the gaggery and gilt of a million years will not prevail. Who troubles
himself about his ornaments or fluency is lost. This is what you shall do:
Love the earth and sun and the animals, despise riches, give alms to every
one that asks, stand up for the stupid and crazy, devote your income and
labor to others, hate tyrants, argue not concerning God, have patience and
indulgence toward the people, take off your hat to nothing known or
unknown, or to any man or number of men—go freely with powerful
uneducated persons, and with the young, and with the mothers of families—
re-examine all you have been told in school or church or in any book, and
dismiss whatever insults your own soul; and your very flesh shall be a great
poem, and have the richest fluency, not only in its words, but in the silent
lines of its lips and face, and between the lashes of your eyes, and in every
motion and joint of your body. The poet shall not spend his time in
unneeded work. He shall know that the ground is already plough'd and
manured; others may not know it, but he shall. He shall go directly to the
creation. His trust shall master the trust of everything he touches—and shall
master all attachment.
The known universe has one complete lover, and that is the greatest poet.
He consumes an eternal passion, and is indifferent which chance happens,
and which possible contingency of fortune or misfortune, and persuades
daily and hourly his delicious pay. What balks or breaks others is fuel for
his burning progress to contact and amorous joy. Other proportions of the
reception of pleasure dwindle to nothing to his proportions. All expected
from heaven or from the highest, he is rapport with in the sight of the
daybreak, or the scenes of the winter woods, or the presence of children
playing, or with his arm round the neck of a man or woman. His love above
all love has leisure and expanse—he leaves room ahead of himself. He is no
irresolute or suspicious lover—he is sure—he scorns intervals. His
experience and the showers and thrills are not for nothing. Nothing can jar
him—suffering and darkness cannot—death and fear cannot. To him

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complaint and jealousy and envy are corpses buried and rotten in the earth
—he saw them buried. The sea is not surer of the shore, or the shore of the
sea, than he is the fruition of his love, and of all perfection and beauty.
The fruition of beauty is no chance of miss or hit—it is as inevitable as
life—it is exact and plumb as gravitation. From the eyesight proceeds
another eyesight, and from the hearing proceeds another hearing, and from
the voice proceeds another voice, eternally curious of the harmony of things
with man. These understand the law of perfection in masses and floods—
that it is profuse and impartial—that there is not a minute of the light or
dark, nor an acre of the earth and sea, without it—nor any direction of the
sky, nor any trade or employment, nor any turn of events. This is the reason
that about the proper expression of beauty there is precision and balance.
One part does not need to be thrust above another. The best singer is not the
one who has the most lithe and powerful organ. The pleasure of poems is
not in them that take the handsomest measure and sound.
Without effort, and without exposing in the least how it is done, the
greatest poet brings the spirit of any or all events and passions and scenes
and persons, some more and some less, to bear on your individual character
as you hear or read. To do this well is to compete with the laws that pursue
and follow Time. What is the purpose must surely be there, and the clue of
it must be there—and the faintest indication is the indication of the best,
and then becomes the clearest indication. Past and present and future are not
disjoin'd but join'd. The greatest poet forms the consistence of what is to be,
from what has been and is. He drags the dead out of their coffins and stands
them again on their feet. He says to the past, Rise and walk before me that I
may realize you. He learns the lesson—he places himself where the future
becomes present. The greatest poet does not only dazzle his rays over
character and scenes and passions—he finally ascends, and finishes all—he
exhibits the pinnacles that no man can tell what they are for, or what is
beyond—he glows a moment on the extremest verge. He is most wonderful
in his last half-hidden smile or frown; by that flash of the moment of
parting the one that sees it shall be encouraged or terrified afterward for
many years. The greatest poet does not moralize or make applications of
morals—he knows the soul. The soul has that measureless pride which
consists in never acknowledging any lessons or deductions but its own. But
it has sympathy as measureless as its pride, and the one balances the other,
and neither can stretch too far while it stretches in company with the other.

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The inmost secrets of art sleep with the twain. The greatest poet has lain
close betwixt both, and they are vital in his style and thoughts.
The art of art, the glory of expression and the sunshine of the light of
letters, is simplicity. Nothing is better than simplicity—nothing can make
up for excess, or for the lack of definiteness. To carry on the heave of
impulse and pierce intellectual depths and give all subjects their
articulations, are powers neither common nor very uncommon. But to speak
in literature with the perfect rectitude and insouciance of the movements of
animals, and the unimpeachableness of the sentiment of trees in the woods
and grass by the roadside, is the flawless triumph of art. If you have look'd
on him who has achiev'd it you have look'd on one of the masters of the
artists of all nations and times. You shall not contemplate the flight of the
gray gull over the bay, or the mettlesome action of the blood horse, or the
tall leaning of sunflowers on their stalk, or the appearance of the sun
journeying through heaven, or the appearance of the moon afterward, with
any more satisfaction than you shall contemplate him. The great poet has
less a mark'd style, and is more the channel of thoughts and things without
increase or diminution, and is the free channel of himself. He swears to his
art, I will not be meddlesome, I will not have in my writing any elegance, or
effect, or originality, to hang in the way between me and the rest like
curtains. I will have nothing hang in the way, not the richest curtains. What
I tell I tell for precisely what it is. Let who may exalt or startle or fascinate
or soothe, I will have purposes as health or heat or snow has, and be as
regardless of observation. What I experience or portray shall go from my
composition without a shred of my composition. You shall stand by my side
and look in the mirror with me.
The old red blood and stainless gentility of great poets will be proved by
their unconstraint. A heroic person walks at his ease through and out of that
custom or precedent or authority that suits him not. Of the traits of the
brotherhood of first-class writers, savans, musicians, inventors and artists,
nothing is finer than silent defiance advancing from new free forms. In the
need of poems, philosophy, politics, mechanism, science, behavior, the craft
of art, an appropriate native grand opera, shipcraft, or any craft, he is
greatest for ever and ever who contributes the greatest original practical
example. The cleanest expression is that which finds no sphere worthy of
itself, and makes one.

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The messages of great poems to each man and woman are, Come to us on
equal terms, only then can you understand us. We are no better than you,
what we inclose you inclose, what we enjoy you may enjoy. Did you
suppose there could be only one Supreme? We affirm there can be
unnumber'd Supremes, and that one does not countervail another any more
than one eyesight countervails another—and that men can be good or grand
only of the consciousness of their supremacy within them. What do you
think is the grandeur of storms and dismemberments, and the deadliest
battles and wrecks, and the wildest fury of the elements, and the power of
the sea, and the motion of Nature, and the throes of human desires, and
dignity and hate and love? It is that something in the soul which says, Rage
on, whirl on, I tread master here and everywhere—Master of the spasms of
the sky and of the shatter of the sea, Master of nature and passion and death,
and of all terror and all pain.
The American bards shall be mark'd for generosity and affection, and for
encouraging competitors. They shall be Kosmos, without monopoly or
secrecy, glad to pass anything to any one—hungry for equals night and day.
They shall not be careful of riches and privilege—they shall be riches and
privilege—they shall perceive who the most affluent man is. The most
affluent man is he that confronts all the shows he sees by equivalents out of
the stronger wealth of himself. The American bard shall delineate no class
of persons, nor one or two out of the strata of interests, nor love most nor
truth most, nor the soul most, nor the body most—and not be for the
Eastern States more than the Western, or the Northern States more than the
Southern.
Exact science and its practical movements are no checks on the greatest
poet, but always his encouragement and support. The outset and
remembrance are there—there the arms that lifted him first, and braced him
best—there he returns after all his goings and comings. The sailor and
traveler—the anatomist, chemist, astronomer, geologist, phrenologist,
spiritualist, mathematician, historian, and lexicographer, are not poets, but
they are the lawgivers of poets, and their construction underlies the
structure of every perfect poem. No matter what rises or is utter'd, they sent
the seed of the conception of it—of them and by them stand the visible
proofs of souls. If there shall be love and content between the father and the
son, and if the greatness of the son is the exuding of the greatness of the
father, there shall be love between the poet and the man of demonstrable

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science. In the beauty of poems are henceforth the tuft and final applause of
science.
Great is the faith of the flush of knowledge, and of the investigation of
the depths of qualities and things. Cleaving and circling here swells the soul
of the poet, yet is president of itself always. The depths are fathomless, and
therefore calm. The innocence and nakedness are resumed—they are neither
modest nor immodest. The whole theory of the supernatural, and all that
was twined with it or educed out of it, departs as a dream. What has ever
happen'd—what happens, and whatever may or shall happen, the vital laws
inclose all. They are sufficient for any case and for all cases—none to be
hurried or retarded—any special miracle of affairs or persons inadmissible
in the vast clear scheme where every motion and every spear of grass, and
the frames and spirits of men and women and all that concerns them, are
unspeakably perfect miracles, all referring to all, and each distinct and in its
place. It is also not consistent with the reality of the soul to admit that there
is anything in the known universe more divine than men and women.
Men and women, and the earth and all upon it, are to be taken as they are,
and the investigation of their past and present and future shall be
unintermitted, and shall be done with perfect candor. Upon this basis
philosophy speculates, ever looking towards the poet, ever regarding the
eternal tendencies of all toward happiness, never inconsistent with what is
clear to the senses and to the soul. For the eternal tendencies of all toward
happiness make the only point of sane philosophy. Whatever comprehends
less than that—whatever is less than the laws of light and of astronomical
motion—or less than the laws that follow the thief, the liar, the glutton and
the drunkard, through this life and doubtless afterward—or less than vast
stretches of time, or the slow formation of density, or the patient upheaving
of strata—is of no account. Whatever would put God in a poem or system
of philosophy as contending against some being or influence, is also of no
account. Sanity and ensemble characterize the great master—spoilt in one
principle, all is spoilt. The great master has nothing to do with miracles. He
sees health for himself in being one of the mass—he sees the hiatus in
singular eminence. To the perfect shape comes common ground. To be
under the general law is great, for that is to correspond with it. The master
knows that he is unspeakably great, and that all are unspeakably great—that
nothing, for instance, is greater than to conceive children, and bring them
up well—that to be is just as great as to perceive or tell.

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In the make of the great masters the idea of political liberty is
indispensable. Liberty takes the adherence of heroes wherever man and
woman exist—but never takes any adherence or welcome from the rest
more than from poets. They are the voice and exposition of liberty. They out
of ages are worthy the grand idea—to them it is confided, and they must
sustain it. Nothing has precedence of it, and nothing can warp or degrade it.
As the attributes of the poets of the kosmos concentre in the real body,
and in the pleasure of things, they possess the superiority of genuineness
over all fiction and romance. As they emit themselves, facts are shower'd
over with light—the daylight is lit with more volatile light—the deep
between the setting and rising sun goes deeper many fold. Each precise
object or condition or combination or process exhibits a beauty—the
multiplication table its—old age its—the carpenter's trade its—the grand
opera its—the huge-hull'd clean-shap'd New York clipper at sea under
steam or full sail gleams with unmatch'd beauty—the American circles and
large harmonies of government gleam with theirs—and the commonest
definite intentions and actions with theirs. The poets of the kosmos advance
through all interpositions and coverings and turmoils and stratagems to first
principles. They are of use—they dissolve poverty from its need, and riches
from its conceit. You large proprietor, they say, shall not realize or perceive
more than any one else. The owner of the library is not he who holds a legal
title to it, having bought and paid for it. Any one and every one is owner of
the library, (indeed he or she alone is owner,) who can read the same
through all the varieties of tongues and subjects and styles, and in whom
they enter with ease, and make supple and powerful and rich and large.
These American States, strong and healthy and accomplish'd, shall
receive no pleasure from violations of natural models, and must not permit
them. In paintings or mouldings or carvings in mineral or wood, or in the
illustrations of books or newspapers, or in the patterns of woven stuffs, or
anything to beautify rooms or furniture or costumes, or to put upon cornices
or monuments, or on the prows or sterns of ships, or to put anywhere before
the human eye indoors or out, that which distorts honest shapes, or which
creates unearthly beings or places or contingencies, is a nuisance and revolt.
Of the human form especially, it is so great it must never be made
ridiculous. Of ornaments to a work nothing outre can be allow'd—but those
ornaments can be allow'd that conform to the perfect facts of the open air,
and that flow out of the nature of the work, and come irrepressibly from it,

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and are necessary to the completion of the work. Most works are most
beautiful without ornament. Exaggerations will be revenged in human
physiology. Clean and vigorous children are jetted and conceiv'd only in
those communities where the models of natural forms are public every day.
Great genius and the people of these States must never be demean'd to
romances. As soon as histories are properly told, no more need of romances.
The great poets are to be known by the absence in them of tricks, and by
the justification of perfect personal candor. All faults may be forgiven of
him who has perfect candor. Henceforth let no man of us lie, for we have
seen that openness wins the inner and outer world, and that there is no
single exception, and that never since our earth gather'd itself in a mass
have deceit or subterfuge or prevarication attracted its smallest particle or
the faintest tinge of a shade—and that through the enveloping wealth and
rank of a state, or the whole republic of states, a sneak or sly person shall be
discover'd and despised—and that the soul has never once been fool'd and
never can be fool'd—and thrift without the loving nod of the soul is only a
foetid puff—and there never grew up in any of the continents of the globe,
nor upon any planet or satellite, nor in that condition which precedes the
birth of babes, nor at any time during the changes of life, nor in any stretch
of abeyance or action of vitality, nor in any process of formation or
reformation anywhere, a being whose instinct hated the truth.
Extreme caution or prudence, the soundest organic health, large hope and
comparison and fondness for women and children, large alimentiveness and
destuctiveness and causality, with a perfect sense of the oneness of nature,
and the propriety of the same spirit applied to human affairs, are called up
of the float of the brain of the world to be parts of the greatest poet from his
birth out of his mother's womb, and from her birth out of her mother's.
Caution seldom goes far enough. It has been thought that the prudent citizen
was the citizen who applied himself to solid gains, and did well for himself
and for his family, and completed a lawful life without debt or crime. The
greatest poet sees and admits these economies as he sees the economies of
food and sleep, but has higher notions of prudence than to think he gives
much when he gives a few slight attentions at the latch of the gate. The
premises of the prudence of life are not the hospitality of it, or the ripeness
and harvest of it. Beyond the independence of a little sum laid aside for
burial-money, and of a few clap-boards around and shingles overhead on a
lot of American soil own'd, and the easy dollars that supply the year's plain

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clothing and meals, the melancholy prudence of the abandonment of such a
great being as a man is, to the toss and pallor of years of money-making,
with all their scorching days and icy nights, and all their stifling deceits and
underhand dodgings, or infinitesimals of parlors, or shameless stuffing
while others starve, and all the loss of the bloom and odor of the earth, and
of the flowers and atmosphere, and of the sea, and of the true taste of the
women and men you pass or have to do with in youth or middle age, and
the issuing sickness and desperate revolt at the close of a life without
elevation or naivety, (even if you have achiev'd a secure 10,000 a year, or
election to Congress or the Governorship,) and the ghastly chatter of a death
without serenity or majesty, is the great fraud upon modern civilization and
forethought, blotching the surface and system which civilization undeniably
drafts, and moistening with tears the immense features it spreads and
spreads with such velocity before the reach'd kisses of the soul.
Ever the right explanation remains to be made about prudence. The
prudence of the mere wealth and respectability of the most esteem'd life
appears too faint for the eye to observe at all, when little and large alike
drop quietly aside at the thought of the prudence suitable for immortality.
What is the wisdom that fills the thinness of a year, or seventy or eighty
years—to the wisdom spaced out by ages, and coming back at a certain
time with strong reinforcements and rich presents, and the clear faces of
wedding-guests as far as you can look, in every direction, running gaily
toward you? Only the soul is of itself—all else has reference to what
ensues. All that a person does or thinks is of consequence. Nor can the push
of charity or personal force ever be anything else' than the profoundest
reason, whether it brings argument to hand or no. No specification is
necessary—to add or subtract or divide is in vain. Little or big, learn'd or
unlearn'd, white or black, legal or illegal, sick or well, from the first
inspiration down the windpipe to the last expiration out of it, all that a male
or female does that is vigorous and benevolent and clean is so much sure
profit to him or her in the unshakable order of the universe, and through the
whole scope of it forever. The prudence of the greatest poet answers at last
the craving and glut of the soul, puts off nothing, permits no let-up for its
own case or any case, has no particular sabbath or judgment day, divides
not the living from the dead, or the righteous from the unrighteous, is
satisfied with the present, matches every thought or act by its correlative,
and knows no possible forgiveness or deputed atonement.

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The direct trial of him who would be the greatest poet is to-day. If he
does not flood himself with the immediate age as with vast oceanic tides—
if he be not himself the age transfigur'd, and if to him is not open'd the
eternity which gives similitude to all periods and locations and processes,
and animate and inanimate forms, and which is the bond of time, and rises
up from its inconceivable vagueness and infiniteness in the swimming
shapes of to-day, and is held by the ductile anchors of life, and makes the
present spot the passage from what was to what shall be, and commits itself
to the representation of this wave of an hour, and this one of the sixty
beautiful children of the wave—let him merge in the general run, and wait
his development.
Still the final test of poems, or any character or work, remains. The
prescient poet projects himself centuries ahead, and judges performer or
performance after the changes of time. Does it live through them? Does it
still hold on untired? Will the same style, and the direction of genius to
similar points, be satisfactory now? Have the marches of tens and hundreds
and thousands of years made willing detours to the right hand and the left
hand for his sake? Is he beloved long and long after he is buried? Does the
young man think often of him? and the young woman think often of him?
and do the middleaged and the old think of him?
A great poem is for ages and ages in common, and for all degrees and
complexions, and all departments and sects, and for a woman as much as a
man, and a man as much as a woman. A great poem is no finish to a man or
woman, but rather a beginning. Has any one fancied he could sit at last
under some due authority, and rest satisfied with explanations, and realize,
and be content and full? To no such terminus does the greatest poet bring—
he brings neither cessation nor shelter'd fatness and ease. The touch of him,
like Nature, tells in action. Whom he takes he takes with firm sure grasp
into live regions previously unattain'd—thenceforward is no rest—they see
the space and ineffable sheen that turn the old spots and lights into dead
vacuums. Now there shall be a man cohered out of tumult and chaos—the
elder encourages the younger and shows him how—they two shall launch
off fearlessly together till the new world fits an orbit for itself, and looks
unabash'd on the lesser orbits of the stars, and sweeps through the ceaseless
rings, and shall never be quiet again.

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There will soon be no more priests. Their work is done. A new order shall
arise, and they shall be the priests of man, and every man shall be his own
priest. They shall find their inspiration in real objects to-day, symptoms of
the past and future. They shall not deign to defend immortality or God, or
the perfection of things, or liberty, or the exquisite beauty and reality of the
soul. They shall arise in America, and be responded to from the remainder
of the earth.
The English language befriends the grand American expression—it is
brawny enough, and limber and full enough. On the tough stock of a race
who through all change of circumstance was never without the idea of
political liberty, which is the animus of all liberty, it has attracted the terms
of daintier and gayer and subtler and more elegant tongues. It is the
powerful language of resistance—it is the dialect of common sense. It is the
speech of the proud and melancholy races, and of all who aspire. It is the
chosen tongue to express growth, faith, self-esteem, freedom, justice,
equality, friendliness, amplitude, prudence, decision, and courage. It is the
medium that shall wellnigh express the inexpressible.
No great literature, nor any like style of behavior or oratory, or social
intercourse or household arrangements, or public institutions, or the
treatment by bosses of employ'd people, nor executive detail, or detail of
the army and navy, nor spirit of legislation or courts, or police or tuition or
architecture, or songs or amusements, can long elude the jealous and
passionate instinct of American standards. Whether or no the sign appears
from the mouths of the people, it throbs a live interrogation in every
freeman's and freewoman's heart, after that which passes by, or this built to
remain. Is it uniform with my country? Are its disposals without
ignominious distinctions? Is it for the ever-growing communes of brothers
and lovers, large, well united, proud, beyond the old models, generous
beyond all models? Is it something grown fresh out of the fields, or drawn
from the sea for use to me to-day here? I know that what answers for me, an
American, in Texas, Ohio, Canada, must answer for any individual or
nation that serves for a part of my materials. Does this answer? Is it for the
nursing of the young of the republic? Does it solve readily with the sweet
milk of the nipples of the breasts of the Mother of Many Children?
America prepares with Composure and good-will for the visitors that
have sent word. It is not intellect that is to be their warrant and welcome.

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The talented, the artist, the ingenious, the editor, the statesman, the erudite,
are not unappreciated—they fall in their place and do their work. The soul
of the nation also does its work. It rejects none, it permits all. Only toward
the like of itself will it advance half-way. An individual is as superb as a
nation when he has the qualities which make a superb nation. The soul of
the largest and wealthiest and proudest nation may well go half-way to meet
that of its poets.

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PREFACE, 1872 To As a Strong Bird on Pinions
Free Now Thou Mother with
thy Equal Brood, in permanent edition.
The impetus and ideas urging me, for some years past, to an utterance, or
attempt at utterance, of New World songs, and an epic of Democracy,
having already had their publish'd expression, as well as I can expect to
give it, in "Leaves of Grass," the present and any future pieces from me are
really but the surplusage forming after that volume, or the wake eddying
behind it. I fulfill'd in that an imperious conviction, and the commands of
my nature as total and irresistible as those which make the sea flow, or the
globe revolve. But of this supplementary volume, I confess I am not so
certain. Having from early manhood abandon'd the business pursuits and
applications usual in my time and country, and obediently yielded myself
up ever since to the impetus mention'd, and to the work of expressing those
ideas, it may be that mere habit has got dominion of me, when there is no
real need of saying anything further. But what is life but an experiment? and
mortality but an exercise? with reference to results beyond. And so shall my
poems be. If incomplete here, and superfluous there, n' importe—the
earnest trial and persistent exploration shall at least be mine, and other
success failing shall be success enough. I have been more anxious, anyhow,
to suggest the songs of vital endeavor and manly evolution, and furnish
something for races of outdoor athletes, than to make perfect rhymes, or
reign in the parlors. I ventur'd from the beginning my own way, taking
chances—and would keep on venturing.
I will therefore not conceal from any persons, known or unknown to me,
who take an interest in the matter, that I have the ambition of devoting yet a
few years to poetic composition. The mighty present age! To absorb and
express in poetry, anything of it—of its world—America—cities and States
—the years, the events of our Nineteeth century—the rapidity of movement
—the violent contrasts, fluctuations of light and shade, of hope and fear—
the entire revolution made by science in the poetic method—these great
new underlying facts and new ideas rushing and spreading everywhere;—

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truly a mighty age! As if in some colossal drama, acted again like those of
old under the open sun, the Nations of our time, and all the characteristics
of Civilization, seem hurrying, stalking across, flitting from wing to wing,
gathering, closing up, toward some long-prepared, most tremendous
denouement. Not to conclude the infinite scenas of the race's life and toil
and happiness and sorrow, but haply that the boards be clear'd from oldest,
worst incumbrances, accumulations, and Man resume the eternal play anew,
and under happier, freer auspices. To me, the United States are important
because in this colossal drama they are unquestionably designated for the
leading parts, for many a century to come. In them history and humanity
seem to seek to culminate. Our broad areas are even now the busy theatre of
plots, passions, interests, and suspended problems, compared to which the
intrigues of the past of Europe, the wars of dynasties, the scope of kings and
kingdoms, and even the development of peoples, as hitherto, exhibit scales
of measurement comparatively narrow and trivial. And on these areas of
ours, as on a stage, sooner or later, something like an eclairissement of all
the past civilization of Europe and Asia is probably to be evolved.
The leading parts. Not to be acted, emulated here, by us again, that role
till now foremost in history—not to become a conqueror nation, or to
achieve the glory of mere military, or diplomatic, or commercial superiority
—but to become the grand producing land of nobler men and women—of
copious races, cheerful, healthy, tolerant, free—to become the most friendly
nation, (the United States indeed)—the modern composite nation, form'd
from all, with room for all, welcoming all immigrants—accepting the work
of our own interior development, as the work fitly filling ages and ages to
come;—the leading nation of peace, but neither ignorant nor incapable of
being the leading nation of war;—not the man's nation only, but the
woman's nation—a land of splendid mothers, daughters, sisters, wives.
Our America to-day I consider in many respects as but indeed a vast
seething mass of materials, ampler, better, (worse also,) than previously
known—eligible to be used to carry towards its crowning stage, and build
for good, the great ideal nationality of the future, the nation of the body and
the soul,{32}—no limit here to land, help, opportunities, mines, products,
demands, supplies, etc.;—with (I think) our political organization, National,
State, and Municipal, permanently establish'd, as far ahead as we can
calculate—but, so far, no social, literary, religious, or esthetic organizations,
consistent with our politics, or becoming to us—which organizations can

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only come, in time, through great democratic ideas, religion—through
science, which now, like a new sunrise, ascending, begins to illuminate all
—and through our own begotten poets and literatuses. (The moral of a late
well-written book on civilization seems to be that the only real foundation-
walls and bases—and also sine qua non afterward—of true and full
civilization, is the eligibility and certainty of boundless products for
feeding, clothing, sheltering everybody—perennial fountains of physical
and domestic comfort, with intercommunication, and with civil and
ecclesiastical freedom—and that then the esthetic and mental business will
take care of itself. Well, the United States have establish'd this basis, and
upon scales of extent, variety, vitality, and continuity, rivaling those of
Nature; and have now to proceed to build an edifice upon it. I say this
edifice is only to be fitly built by new literatures, especially the poetic. I say
a modern image-making creation is indispensable to fuse and express the
modern political and scientific creations—and then the trinity will be
complete.)
When I commenced, years ago, elaborating the plan of my poems, and
continued turning over that plan, and shifting it in my mind through many
years, (from the age of twenty-eight to thirty-five,) experimenting much,
and writing and abandoning much, one deep purpose underlay the others,
and has underlain it and its execution ever since—and that has been the
religious purpose. Amid many changes, and a formulation taking far
different shape from what I at first supposed, this basic purpose has never
been departed from in the composition of my verses. Not of course to
exhibit itself in the old ways, as in writing hymns or psalms with an eye to
the church-pew, or to express conventional pietism, or the sickly yearnings
of devotees, but in new ways, and aiming at the widest sub-bases and
inclusions of humanity, and tallying the fresh air of sea and land. I will see,
(said I to myself,) whether there is not, for my purposes as poet, a religion,
and a sound religious germenancy in the average human race, at least in
their modern development in the United States, and in the hardy common
fiber and native yearnings and elements, deeper and larger, and affording
more profitable returns, than all mere sects or churches—as boundless,
joyous, and vital as Nature itself—a germenancy that has too long been
unencouraged, unsung, almost unknown. With science, the old theology of
the East, long in its dotage, begins evidently to die and disappear. But (to
my mind) science—and may-be such will prove its principal service—as

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evidently prepares the way for One indescribably grander—Time's young
but perfect offspring—the new theology—heir of the West—lusty and
loving, and wondrous beautiful. For America, and for today, just the same
as any day, the supreme and final science is the science of God—what we
call science being only its minister—as Democracy is, or shall be also. And
a poet of America (I said) must fill himself with such thoughts, and chant
his best out of them. And as those were the convictions and aims, for good
or bad, of "Leaves of Grass," they are no less the intention of this volume.
As there can be, in my opinion, no sane and complete personality, nor any
grand and electric nationality, without the stock element of religion imbuing
all the other elements, (like heat in chemistry, invisible itself, but the life of
all visible life,) so there can be no poetry worthy the name without that
element behind all. The time has certainly come to begin to discharge the
idea of religion, in the United States, from mere ecclesiasticism, and from
Sundays and churches and church-going, and assign it to that general
position, chiefest, most indispensable, most exhilarating, to which the
others are to be adjusted, inside of all human character, and education, and
affairs. The people, especially the young men and women of America, must
begin to learn that religion, (like poetry,) is something far, far different from
what they supposed. It is, indeed, too important to the power and perpetuity
of the New World to be consign'd any longer to the churches, old or new,
Catholic or Protestant—Saint this, or Saint that. It must be consign'd
henceforth to democracy en masse, and to literature. It must enter into the
poems of the nation. It must make the nation.
The Four Years' War is over—and in the peaceful, strong, exciting, fresh
occasions of to-day, and of the future, that strange, sad war is hurrying even
now to be forgotten. The camp, the drill, the lines of sentries, the prisons,
the hospitals—(ah! the hospitals!)—all have passed away—all seem now
like a dream. A new race, a young and lusty generation, already sweeps in
with oceanic currents, obliterating the war, and all its scars, its mounded
graves, and all its reminiscences of hatred, conflict, death. So let It be
obliterated. I say the life of the present and the future makes undeniable
demands upon us each and all, south, north, east, west. To help put the
United States (even if only in imagination) hand in hand, in one unbroken
circle in a chant—to rouse them to the unprecedented grandeur of the part
they are to play, and are even now playing—to the thought of their great
future, and the attitude conform'd to it—especially their great esthetic,

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moral, scientific future, (of which their vulgar material and political present
is but as the preparatory tuning of instruments by an orchestra,) these, as
hitherto, are still, for me, among my hopes, ambitions.
"Leaves of Grass," already publish'd, is, in its intentions, the song of a
great composite democratic individual, male or female. And following on
and amplifying the same purpose, I suppose I have in my mind to run
through the chants of this volume, (if ever completed,) the thread-voice,
more or less audible, of an aggregated, inseparable, unprecedented, vast,
composite, electric democratic nationality.
Purposing, then, to still fill out, from time to time through years to come,
the following volume, (unless prevented,) I conclude this preface to the first
instalment of it, pencil'd in the open air, on my fifty-third birth-day, by
wafting to you, dear reader, whoever you are, (from amid the fresh scent of
the grass, the pleasant coolness of the forenoon breeze, the lights and
shades of tree-boughs silently dappling and playing around me, and the
notes of the cat-bird for undertone and accompaniment,) my true good-will
and love. W. W. Washington, D. C., May 31, 1872.
Endnotes:
{32} The problems of the achievements of this crowning stage through
future first-class National Singers, Orators, Artists, and others—of creating
in literature an imaginative New World, the correspondent and counterpart
of the current Scientific and Political New Worlds,—and the perhaps
distant, but still delightful prospect, (for our children, if not in our own day,)
of delivering America, and, indeed, all Christian lands everywhere, from the
thin moribund and watery, but appallingly extensive nuisance of
conventional poetry—by putting something really alive and substantial in
its place—I have undertaken to grapple with, and argue, in the preceding
"Democratic Vistas."

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PREFACE, 1876 To the two-volume Centennial
Edition of Leaves of Grass
and Two Rivulets.
At the eleventh hour, under grave illness, I gather up the pieces of prose
and poetry left over since publishing, a while since, my first and main
volume, "Leaves or Grass"—pieces, here, some new, some old—nearly all
of them (sombre as many are, making this almost death's book) composed
in by-gone atmospheres of perfect health—and preceded by the freshest
collection, the little "Two Rivulets," now send them out, embodied in the
present melange, partly as my contribution and outpouring to celebrate, in
some sort, the feature of the time, the first centennial of our New World
nationality—and then as chyle and nutriment to that moral, indissoluble
union, equally representing all, and the mother of many coming centennials.
And e'en for flush and proof of our America—for reminder, just as much,
or more, in moods of towering pride and joy, I keep my special chants of
death and immortality{33} to stamp the coloring-finish of all, present and
past. For terminus and temperer to all, they were originally written; and that
shall be their office at the last.
For some reason—not explainable or definite to my own mind, yet
secretly pleasing and satisfactory to it—I have not hesitated to embody in,
and run through the volume, two altogether distinct veins, or strata—
politics for one, and for the other, the pensive thought of immortality. Thus,
too, the prose and poetic, the dual forms of the present book. The volume,
therefore, after its minor episodes, probably divides into these two, at first
sight far diverse, veins of topic and treatment. Three points, in especial,
have become very dear to me, and all through I seek to make them again
and again, in many forms and repetitions, as will be seen: 1. That the true
growth-characteristics of the democracy of the New World are henceforth to
radiate in superior literary, artistic and religious expressions, far more than
in its republican forms, universal suffrage, and frequent elections, (though
these are unspeakably important.) 2. That the vital political mission of the
United States is, to practically solve and settle the problem of two sets of

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rights—the fusion, thorough compatibility and junction of individual State
prerogatives, with the indispensable necessity of centrality and Oneness—
the national identity power—the sovereign Union, relentless, permanently
comprising all, and over all, and in that never yielding an inch: then 3d. Do
we not, amid a general malaria of fogs and vapors, our day, unmistakably
see two pillars of promise, with grandest, indestructible indications—one,
that the morbid facts of American politics and society everywhere are but
passing incidents and flanges of our unbounded impetus of growth? weeds,
annuals, of the rank, rich soil—not central, enduring, perennial things? The
other, that all the hitherto experience of the States, their first century, has
been but preparation, adolescence—and that this Union is only now and
henceforth, (i.e., since the secession war,) to enter on its full democratic
career?
Of the whole, poems and prose, (not attending at all to chronological
order, and with original dates and passing allusions in the heat and
impression of the hour, left shuffled in, and undisturb'd,) the chants of
"Leaves of Grass," my former volume, yet serve as the indispensable deep
soil, or basis, out of which, and out of which only, could come the roots and
stems more definitely indicated by these later pages. (While that volume
radiates physiology alone, the present one, though of the like origin in the
main, more palpably doubtless shows the pathology which was pretty sure
to come in time from the other.)
In that former and main volume, composed in the flush of my health and
strength, from the age of 30 to 50 years, I dwelt on birth and life, clothing
my ideas in pictures, days, transactions of my time, to give them positive
place, identity—saturating them with that vehemence of pride and audacity
of freedom necessary to loosen the mind of still-to-be-form'd America from
the accumulated folds, the superstitions, and all the long, tenacious and
stifling anti-democratic authorities of the Asiatic and European past—my
enclosing purport being to express, above all artificial regulation and aid,
the eternal bodily composite, cumulative, natural character of one's self.
{34}
Estimating the American Union as so far, and for some time to come, in
its yet formative condition, I bequeath poems and essays as nutriment and
influences to help truly assimilate and harden, and especially to furnish
something toward what the States most need of all, and which seems to me

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yet quite unsupplied in literature, namely, to show them, or begin to show
them, themselves distinctively, and what they are for. For though perhaps
the main points of all ages and nations are points of resemblance, and, even
while granting evolution, are substantially the same, there are some vital
things in which this Republic, as to its individualities, and as a compacted
Nation, is to specially stand forth, and culminate modern humanity. And
these are the very things it least morally and mentally knows—(though,
curiously enough, it is at the same time faithfully acting upon them.)
I count with such absolute certainty on the great future of the United
States—different from, though founded on, the past—that I have always
invoked that future, and surrounded myself with it, before or while singing
my songs. (As ever, all tends to followings—America, too, is a prophecy.
What, even of the best and most successful, would be justified by itself
alone? by the present, or the material ostent alone? Of men or States, few
realize how much they live in the future. That, rising like pinnacles, gives
its main significance to all You and I are doing to-day. Without it, there
were little meaning in lands or poems—little purport in human lives. All
ages, all Nations and States, have been such prophecies. But where any
former ones with prophecy so broad, so clear, as our times, our lands—as
those of the West?)
Without being a scientist, I have thoroughly adopted the conclusions of
the great savants and experimentalists of our time, and of the last hundred
years, and they have interiorly tinged the chyle of all my verse, for purposes
beyond. Following the modern spirit, the real poems of the present, ever
solidifying and expanding into the future, must vocalize the vastness and
splendor and reality with which scientism has invested man and the
universe, (all that is called creation) and must henceforth launch humanity
into new orbits, consonant, with that vastness, splendor, and reality,
(unknown to the old poems,) like new systems of orbs, balanced upon
themselves, revolving in limitless space, more subtle than the stars. Poetry,
so largely hitherto and even at present wedded to children's tales, and to
mere amorousness, upholstery and superficial rhyme, will have to accept,
and, while not denying the past, nor the themes of the past, will be
revivified by this tremendous innovation, the kosmic spirit, which must
henceforth, in my opinion, be the background and underlying impetus, more
or less visible, of all first-class songs.

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Only, (for me, at any rate, in all my prose and poetry,) joyfully accepting
modern science, and loyally following it without the slightest hesitation,
there remains ever recognized still a higher flight, a higher fact, the eternal
soul of man, (of all else too,) the spiritual, the religious—which it is to be
the greatest office of scientism, in my opinion, and of future poetry also, to
free from fables, crudities and superstitions, and launch forth in renew'd
faith and scope a hundred fold. To me, the worlds of religiousness, of the
conception of the divine, and of the ideal, though mainly latent, are just as
absolute in humanity and the universe as the world of chemistry, or
anything in the objective worlds. To me

The prophet and the bard,
Shall yet maintain themselves—in higher circles yet,
Shall mediate to the modern, to democracy—interpret yet to them,
God and eidólons.

To me, the crown of savantism is to be, that it surely opens the way for a
more splendid theology, and for ampler and diviner songs. No year, nor
even century, will settle this. There is a phase of the real, lurking behind the
real, which it is all for. There is also in the intellect of man, in time, far in
prospective recesses, a judgment, a last appellate court, which will settle it.
In certain parts in these flights, or attempting to depict or suggest them, I
have not been afraid of the charge of obscurity, in either of my two
volumes-because human thought, poetry or melody, must leave dim escapes
and outlets-must possess a certain fluid, aerial character, akin to space itself,
obscure to those of little or no imagination,—but indispensable to the
highest purposes. Poetic style, when address'd to the soul, is less definite
form, outline, sculpture, and becomes vista, music, half-tints, and even less
than half-tints. True, it may be architecture; but again it may be the forest
wild-wood, or the best effect thereof, at twilight, the waving oaks and
cedars in the wind, and the impalpable odor.
Finally, as I have lived in fresh lands, inchoate, and in a revolutionary
age, future-founding, I have felt to identify the points of that age, these
lands, in my recitatives, altogether in my own way. Thus my form has
strictly grown from my purports and facts, and is the analogy of them.
Within my time the United States have emerged from nebulous vagueness
and suspense, to full orbic, (though varied,) decision—have done the deeds
and achiev'd the triumphs of half a score of centuries—and are henceforth
to enter upon their real history the way being now, (i.e. since the result of

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the secession war,) clear'd of death-threatening impedimenta, and the free
areas around and ahead of us assured and certain, which were not so before
—(the past century being but preparations, trial voyages and experiments of
the ship, before her starting out upon deep water.)
In estimating my volumes, the world's current times and deeds, and their
spirit, must be first profoundly estimated. Out of the hundred years just
ending, (1776-1876,) with their genesis of inevitable wilful events, and new
experiments and introductions, and many unprecedented things of war and
peace, (to be realized better, perhaps only realized, at the remove of a
century hence;) out of that stretch of time, and especially out of the
immediately preceding twenty-five years, (1850-'75,) with all their rapid
changes, innovations, and audacious movements-and bearing their own
inevitable wilful birth-marks—the experiments of my poems too have
found genesis.

W. W.

Endnotes:
{33} PASSAGE TO INDIA.—As in some ancient legend-play, to close
the plot and the hero's career, there is a farewell gathering on ship's deck
and on shore, a loosing of hawsers and ties, a spreading of sails to the wind
—a starting out on unknown seas, to fetch up no one knows whither—to
return no more—and the curtain falls, and there is the end of it—so I have
reserv'd that poem, with its cluster, to finish and explain much that, without
them, would not be explain'd, and to take leave, and escape for good, from
all that has preceded them. (Then probably "Passage to India," and its
cluster, are but freer vent and fuller expression to what, from the first, and
so on throughout, more or less lurks in my writings, underneath every page,
every line, everywhere.)
I am not sure but the last inclosing sublimation of race or poem is, what it
thinks of death. After the rest has been comprehended and said, even the
grandest—after those contributions to mightiest nationality, or to sweetest
song, or to the best personalism, male or female, have been glean'd from the
rich and varied themes of tangible life, and have been fully accepted and
sung, and the pervading fact of visible existence, with the duty it devolves,
is rounded and apparently completed, it still remains to be really completed

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by suffusing through the whole and several, that other pervading invisible
fact, so large a part, (is it not the largest part?) of life here, combining the
rest, and furnishing, for person or State, the only permanent and unitary
meaning to all, even the meanest life, consistently with the dignity of the
universe, in Time. As from the eligibility to this thought, and the cheerful
conquest of this fact, flash forth the first distinctive proofs of the soul, so to
me, (extending it only a little further,) the ultimate Democratic purports, the
ethereal and spiritual ones, are to concentrate here, and as fixed stars,
radiate hence. For, in my opinion, it is no less than this idea of immortality,
above all other ideas, that is to enter into, and vivify, and give crowning
religious stamp, to democracy in the New World.
It was originally my intention, after chanting in "Leaves of Grass" the
songs of the body and existence, to then compose a further, equally needed
volume, based on those convictions of perpetuity and conservation which,
enveloping all precedents, make the unseen soul govern absolutely at last. I
meant, while in a sort continuing the theme of my first chants, to shift the
slides, and exhibit the problem and paradox of the same ardent and fully
appointed personality entering the sphere of the resistless gravitation of
spiritual law, and with cheerful face estimating death, not at all as the
cessation, but as somehow what I feel it must be, the entrance upon by far
the greatest part of existence, and something that life is at least as much for,
as it is for itself. But the full construction of such a work is beyond my
powers, and must remain for some bard in the future. The physical and the
sensuous, in themselves or in their immediate continuations, retain holds
upon me which I think are never entirely releas'd; and those holds I have
not only not denied, but hardly wish'd to weaken.
Meanwhile, not entirely to give the go-by to my original plan, and far
more to avoid a mark'd hiatus in it, than to entirely fulfil it, I end my books
with thoughts, or radiations from thoughts, on death, immortality, and a free
entrance into the spiritual world. In those thoughts, in a sort, I make the first
steps or studies toward the mighty theme, from the point of view
necessitated by my foregoing poems, and by modern science. In them I also
seek to set the key-stone to my democracy's enduring arch. I recollate them
now, for the press, in order to partially occupy and offset days of strange
sickness, and the heaviest affliction and bereavement of my life; and I
fondly please myself with the notion of leaving that cluster to you, O
unknown reader of the future, as "something to remember me by," more

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especially than all else. Written in former days of perfect health, little did I
think the pieces had the purport that now, under present circumstances,
opens to me.
{As I write these lines, May 31, 1875, it is again early summer,—again
my birth-day—now my fifty-sixth. Amid the outside beauty and freshness,
the sunlight and verdure of the delightful season, O how different the moral
atmosphere amid which I now revise this Volume, from the jocund
influence surrounding the growth and advent of "Leaves of Grass." I occupy
myself, arranging these pages for publication, still envelopt in thoughts of
the death two years since of my dear Mother, the most perfect and magnetic
character, the rarest combination of practical, moral and spiritual, and the
least selfish, of all and any I have ever known—and by me O so much the
most deeply loved—and also under the physical affliction of a tedious
attack of paralysis, obstinately lingering and keeping its hold upon me, and
quite suspending all bodily activity and comfort.}
Under these influences, therefore, I still feel to keep "Passage to India"
for last words even to this centennial dithyramb. Not as, in antiquity, at
highest festival of Egypt, the noisome skeleton of death was sent on
exhibition to the revelers, for zest and shadow to the occasion's joy and
light—but as the marble statue of the normal Greeks at Elis, suggesting
death in the form of a beautiful and perfect young man, with closed eyes,
leaning on an inverted torch—emblem of rest and aspiration after action—
of crown and point which all lives and poems should steadily have
reference to, namely, the justified and noble termination of our identity, this
grade of it, and outlet-preparation to another grade.
{34} Namely, a character, making most of common and normal elements,
to the superstructure of which not only the precious accumulations of the
learning and experiences of the Old World, and the settled social and
municipal necessities and current requirements, so long a-building, shall
still faithfully contribute, but which at its foundations and carried up thence,
and receiving its impetus from the democratic spirit, and accepting its
gauge in all departments from the democratic formulas, shall again directly
be vitalized by the perennial influences of Nature at first hand, and the old
heroic stamina of Nature, the strong air of prairie and mountain, the dash of
the briny sea, the primary antiseptics—of the passions, in all their fullest
heat and potency, of courage, rankness, amativeness, and of immense pride.

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Not to lose at all, therefore, the benefits of artificial progress and
civilization, but to re-occupy for Western tenancy the oldest though ever-
fresh fields, and reap from them the savage and sane nourishment
indispensable to a hardy nation, and the absence of which, threatening to
become worse and worse, is the most serious lack and defect to-day of our
New World literature.
Not but what the brawn of "Leaves of Grass" is, I hope, thoroughly
spiritualized everywhere, for final estimate, but, from the very subjects, the
direct effect is a sense of the life, as it should be, of flesh and blood, and
physical urge, and animalism. While there are other themes, and plenty of
abstract thoughts and poems in the volume—while I have put in it passing
and rapid but actual glimpses of the great struggle between the nation and
the slave-power, (1861-'65,) as the fierce and bloody panorama of that
contest unroll'd itself: while the whole book, indeed, revolves around that
four years' war, which, as I was in the midst of it, becomes, in "Drum-
Taps," pivotal to the rest entire—and here and there, before and afterward,
not a few episodes and speculations—that—namely, to make a type-portrait
for living, active, worldly, healthy personality, objective as well as
subjective, joyful and potent, and modern and free, distinctively for the use
of the United States, male and female, through the long future—has been, I
say, my general object. (Probably, indeed, the whole of these varied songs,
and all my writings, both volumes, only ring changes in some sort, on the
ejaculation, How vast, how eligible, how joyful, how real, is a human
being, himself or herself.)
Though from no definite plan at the time, I see now that I have
unconsciously sought, by indirections at least as much as directions, to
express the whirls and rapid growth and intensity of the United States, the
prevailing tendency and events of the Nineteenth century, and largely the
spirit of the whole current world, my time; for I feel that I have partaken of
that spirit, as I have been deeply interested in all those events, the closing of
long-stretch'd eras and ages, and, illustrated in the history of the United
States, the opening of larger ones. (The death of President Lincoln, for
instance, fitly, historically closes, in the civilization of feudalism, many old
influences—drops on them, suddenly, a vast, gloomy, as it were, separating
curtain.)

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Since I have been ill, (1873-'74-'75,) mostly without serious pain, and
with plenty of time and frequent inclination to judge my poems, (never
composed with eye on the book-market, nor for fame, nor for any pecuniary
profit,) I have felt temporary depression more than once, for fear that in
"Leaves of Grass" the moral parts were not sufficiently pronounced. But in
my clearest and calmest moods I have realized that as those "Leaves," all
and several, surely prepare the way for, and necessitate morals, and are
adjusted to them, just the same as Nature does and is, they are what,
consistently with my plan, they must and probably should be. (In a certain
sense, while the Moral is the purport and last intelligence of all Nature,
there is absolutely nothing of the moral in the works, or laws, or shows of
Nature. Those only lead inevitably to it—begin and necessitate it.)
Then I meant "Leaves of Grass," as publish'd, to be the Poem of average
Identity, (of yours, whoever you are, now reading these lines.) A man is not
greatest as victor in war, nor inventor or explorer, nor even in science, or in
his intellectual or artistic capacity, or exemplar in some vast benevolence.
To the highest democratic view, man is most acceptable in living well the
practical life and lot which happens to him as ordinary farmer, sea-farer,
mechanic, clerk, laborer, or driver—upon and from which position as a
central basis or pedestal, while performing its labors, and his duties as
citizen, son, husband, father and employ'd person, he preserves his
physique, ascends, developing, radiating himself in other regions—and
especially where and when, (greatest of all, and nobler than the proudest
mere genius or magnate in any field,) he fully realizes the conscience, the
spiritual, the divine faculty, cultivated well, exemplified in all his deeds and
words, through life, uncompromising to the end—a flight loftier than any of
Homer's or Shakspere's—broader than all poems and bibles—namely,
Nature's own, and in the midst of it, Yourself, your own Identity, body and
soul. (All serves, helps—but in the centre of all, absorbing all, giving, for
your purpose, the only meaning and vitality to all, master or mistress of all,
under the law, stands Yourself.) To sing the Song of that law of average
Identity, and of Yourself, consistently with the divine law of the universal,
is a main intention of those "Leaves."
Something more may be added—for, while I am about it, I would make a
full confession. I also sent out "Leaves of Grass" to arouse and set flowing
in men's and women's hearts, young and old, endless streams of living,
pulsating love and friendship, directly from them to myself, now and ever.

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To this terrible, irrepressible yearning, (surely more or less down
underneath in most human souls)—this never-satisfied appetite for
sympathy, and this boundless offering of sympathy—this universal
democratic comradeship-this old, eternal, yet ever-new interchange of
adhesiveness, so fitly emblematic of America—I have given in that book,
undisguisedly, declaredly, the openest expression. Besides, important as
they are in my purpose as emotional expressions for humanity, the special
meaning of the "Calamus" cluster of "Leaves of Grass," (and more or less
running through the book, and cropping out in "Drum-Taps,") mainly
resides in its political significance. In my opinion, it is by a fervent,
accepted development of comradeship, the beautiful and sane affection of
man for man, latent in all the young fellows, north and south, east and west
—it is by this, I say, and by what goes directly and indirectly along with it,
that the United States of the future, (I cannot too often repeat,) are to be
most effectually welded together, intercalated, anneal'd into a living union.
Then, for enclosing clue of all, it is imperatively and ever to be borne in
mind that "Leaves of Grass" entire is not to be construed as an intellectual
or scholastic effort or poem mainly, but more as a radical utterance out of
the Emotions and the Physique—an utterance adjusted to, perhaps born of,
Democracy and the Modern—in its very nature regardless of the old
conventions, and, under the great laws, following only its own impulses.

POETRY TO-DAY IN AMERICA

SHAKSPERE—THE FUTURE

Strange as it may seem, the topmost proof of a race is its own born
poetry. The presence of that, or the absence, each tells its story. As the
flowering rose or lily, as the ripened fruit to a tree, the apple or the peach,
no matter how fine the trunk, or copious or rich the branches and foliage,
here waits sine qua non at last. The stamp of entire and finished greatness to
any nation, to the American Republic among the rest, must be sternly
withheld till it has put what it stands for in the blossom of original, first-
class poems. No imitations will do.
And though no esthetik worthy the present condition or future certainties
of the New World seems to have been outlined in men's minds, or has been

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generally called for, or thought needed, I am clear that until the United
States have just such definite and native expressers in the highest artistic
fields, their mere political, geographical, wealth-forming, and even
intellectual eminence, however astonishing and predominant, will constitute
but a more and more expanded and well-appointed body, and perhaps brain,
with little or no soul. Sugar-coat the grim truth as we may, and ward off
with outward plausible words, denials, explanations, to the mental inward
perception of the land this blank is plain; a barren void exists. For the
meanings and maturer purposes of these States are not the constructing of a
new world of politics merely, and physical comforts for the million, but
even more determinedly, in range with science and the modern, of a new
world of democratic sociology and imaginative literature. If the latter were
not establish'd for the States, to form their only permanent tie and hold, the
first-named would be of little avail.
With the poems of a first-class land are twined, as weft with warp, its
types of personal character, of individuality, peculiar, native, its own
physiognomy, man's and woman's, its own shapes, forms, and manners,
fully justified under the eternal laws of all forms, all manners, all times. The
hour has come for democracy in America to inaugurate itself in the two
directions specified—autochthonic poems and personalities—born
expressers of itself, its spirit alone, to radiate in subtle ways, not only in art,
but the practical and familiar, in the transactions between employers and
employed persons, in business and wages, and sternly in the army and navy,
and revolutionizing them. I find nowhere a scope profound enough, and
radical and objective enough, either for aggregates or individuals. The
thought and identity of a poetry in America to fill, and worthily fill, the
great void, and enhance these aims, electrifying all and several, involves the
essence and integral facts, real and spiritual, of the whole land, the whole
body. What the great sympathetic is to the congeries of bones, joints, heart,
fluids, nervous system and vitality, constituting, launching forth in time and
space a human being—aye, an immortal soul—such relation, and no less,
holds true poetry to the single personality, or to the nation.
Here our thirty-eight States stand to-day, the children of past precedents,
and, young as they are, heirs of a very old estate. One or two points we will
consider, out of the myriads presenting themselves. The feudalism, of the
British Islands, illustrated by Shakspere—and by his legitimate followers,
Walter Scott and Alfred Tennyson—with all its tyrannies, superstitions,

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evils, had most superb and heroic permeating veins, poems, manners; even
its errors fascinating. It almost seems as if only that feudalism in Europe,
like slavery in our own South, could outcrop types of tallest, noblest
personal character yet—strength and devotion and love better than
elsewhere—invincible courage, generosity, aspiration, the spines of all.
Here is where Shakspere and the others I have named perform a service
incalculably precious to our America. Politics, literature, and everything
else, centers at last in perfect personnel, (as democracy is to find the same
as the rest;) and here feudalism is unrival'd—here the rich and highest-
rising lessons it bequeaths us—a mass of foreign nutriment, which we are to
work over, and popularize and enlarge, and present again in our own
growths.
Still there are pretty grave and anxious drawbacks, jeopardies, fears. Let
us give some reflections on the subject, a little fluctuating, but starting from
one central thought, and returning there again. Two or three curious results
may plow up. As in the astronomical laws, the very power that would seem
most deadly and destructive turns out to be latently conservative of longest,
vastest future births and lives. We will for once briefly examine the just-
named authors solely from a Western point of view. It may be, indeed, that
we shall use the sun of English literature, and the brightest current stars of
his system, mainly as pegs to hang some cogitations on, for home
inspection.
As depicter and dramatist of the passions at their stormiest outstretch,
though ranking high, Shakspere (spanning the arch wide enough) is equaled
by several, and excelled by the best old Greeks, (as Eschylus.) But in
portraying mediaeval European lords and barons, the arrogant port, so dear
to the inmost human heart, (pride! pride! dearest, perhaps, of all—touching
us, too, of the States closest of all—closer than love,) he stands alone, and I
do not wonder he so witches the world.
From first to last, also, Walter Scott and Tennyson, like Shakspere, exhale
that principle of caste which we Americans have come on earth to destroy.
Jefferson's verdict on the Waverley novels was that they turned and
condensed brilliant but entirely false lights and glamours over the lords,
ladies, and aristocratic institutes of Europe, with all their measureless
infamies, and then left the bulk of the suffering, down-trodden people
contemptuously in the shade. Without stopping to answer this hornet-

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stinging criticism, or to repay any part of the debt of thanks I owe, in
common with every American, to the noblest, healthiest, cheeriest romancer
that ever lived, I pass on to Tennyson, his works.
Poetry here of a very high (perhaps the highest) order of verbal melody,
exquisitely clean and pure, and almost always perfumed, like the tuberose,
to an extreme of sweetness—sometimes not, however, but even then a
camellia of the hot-house, never a common flower—the verse of inside
elegance and high-life; and yet preserving amid all its super-delicatesse a
smack of outdoors and outdoor folk. The old Norman lordhood quality here,
too, crossed with that Saxon fiber from which twain the best current stock
of England springs—poetry that revels above all things in traditions of
knights and chivalry, and deeds of derring-do. The odor of English social
life in its highest range—a melancholy, affectionate, very manly, but dainty
breed—pervading the pages like an invisible scent; the idleness, the
traditions, the mannerisms, the stately ennui; the yearning of love, like a
spinal marrow, inside of all; the costumes brocade and satin; the old houses
and furniture—solid oak, no mere veneering—the moldy secrets
everywhere; the verdure, the ivy on the walls, the moat, the English
landscape outside, the buzzing fly in the sun inside the window pane. Never
one democratic page; nay, not a line, not a word; never free and naïve
poetry, but involved, labored, quite sophisticated—even when the theme is
ever so simple or rustic, (a shell, a bit of sedge, the commonest love-
passage between a lad and lass,) the handling of the rhyme all showing the
scholar and conventional gentleman; showing the laureate too, the attaché
of the throne, and most excellent, too; nothing better through the volumes
than the dedication "to the Queen" at the beginning, and the other fine
dedication, "these to his memory" (Prince Albert's,) preceding "Idylls of the
King."
Such for an off-hand summary of the mighty three that now, by the
women, men, and young folk of the fifty millions given these States by their
late census, have been and are more read than all others put together.
We hear it said, both of Tennyson and another current leading literary
illustrator of Great Britain, Carlyle—as of Victor Hugo in France—that not
one of them is personally friendly or admirant toward America; indeed,
quite the reverse. N'importe. That they (and more good minds than theirs)
cannot span the vast revolutionary arch thrown by the United States over

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the centuries, fixed in the present, launched to the endless future; that they
cannot stomach the high-life-below-stairs coloring all our poetic and
genteel social status so far—the measureless viciousness of the great radical
Republic, with its ruffianly nominations and elections; its loud, ill-pitched
voice, utterly regardless whether the verb agrees with the nominative; its
fights, errors, eructations, repulsions, dishonesties, audacities; those fearful
and varied and long-continued storm and stress stages (so offensive to the
well-regulated college-bred mind) wherewith Nature, history, and time
block out nationalities more powerful than the past, and to upturn it and
press on to the future;—that they cannot understand and fathom all this, I
say, is it to be wondered at? Fortunately, the gestation of our thirty-eight
empires (and plenty more to come) proceeds on its course, on scales of area
and velocity immense and absolute as the globe, and, like the globe itself,
quite oblivious even of great poets and thinkers. But we can by no means
afford to be oblivious of them.
The same of feudalism, its castles, courts, etiquettes, personalities.
However they, or the spirits of them hovering in the air, might scowl and
glower at such removes as current Kansas or Kentucky life and forms, the
latter may by no means repudiate or leave out the former. Allowing all the
evil that it did, we get, here and today, a balance of good out of its
reminiscence almost beyond price.
Am I content, then, that the general interior chyle of our republic should
be supplied and nourish'd by wholesale from foreign and antagonistic
sources such as these? Let me answer that question briefly:
Years ago I thought Americans ought to strike out separate, and have
expressions of their own in highest literature. I think so still, and more
decidedly than ever. But those convictions are now strongly temper'd by
some additional points, (perhaps the results of advancing age, or the
reflection of invalidism.) I see that this world of the West, as part of all,
fuses inseparably with the East, and with all, as time does—the ever new
yet old, old human race—"the same subject continued," as the novels of our
grandfathers had it for chapter-heads. If we are not to hospitably receive
and complete the inaugurations of the old civilizations, and change their
small scale to the largest, broadest scale, what on earth are we for?
The currents of practical business in America, the rude, coarse, tussling
facts of our lives, and all their daily experiences, need just the precipitation

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and tincture of this entirely different fancy world of lulling, contrasting,
even feudalistic, anti-republican poetry and romance. On the enormous
outgrowth of our unloos'd individualities, and the rank, self-assertion of
humanity here, may well fall these grace-persuading, recherché influences.
We first require that individuals and communities shall be free; then surely
comes a time when it is requisite that they shall not be too free. Although to
such results in the future I look mainly for a great poetry native to us, these
importations till then will have to be accepted, such as they are, and
thankful they are no worse. The inmost spiritual currents of the present time
curiously revenge and check their own compell'd tendency to democracy,
and absorption in it, by mark'd leanings to the past—by reminiscences in
poems, plots, operas, novels, to a far-off, contrary, deceased world, as if
they dreaded the great vulgar gulf-tides of to-day. Then what has been fifty
centuries growing, working in, and accepted as crowns and apices for our
kind, is not going to be pulled down and discarded in a hurry.
It is, perhaps, time we paid our respects directly to the honorable party,
the real object of these preambles. But we must make reconnaissance a
little further still. Not the least part of our lesson were to realize the
curiosity and interest of friendly foreign experts,{35} and how our situation
looks to them. "American poetry," says the London "Times,"{36} is the
poetry of apt pupils, but it is afflicted from first to last with a fatal want of
raciness. Bryant has been long passed as a poet by Professor Longfellow;
but in Longfellow, with all his scholarly grace and tender feeling, the defect
is more apparent than it was in Bryant. Mr. Lowell can overflow with
American humor when politics inspire his muse; but in the realm of pure
poetry he is no more American than a Newdigate prize-man. Joaquin
Miller's verse has fluency and movement and harmony, but as for the
thought, his songs of the sierras might as well have been written in Holland.
Unless in a certain very slight contingency, the "Times" says: "American
verse, from its earliest to its latest stages, seems an exotic, with an
exuberance of gorgeous blossom, but no principle of reproduction. That is
the very note and test of its inherent want. Great poets are tortured and
massacred by having their flowers of fancy gathered and gummed down in
the hortus siccus of an anthology. American poets show better in an
anthology than in the collected volumes of their works. Like their audience
they have been unable to resist the attraction of the vast orbit of English
literature. They may talk of the primeval forest, but it would generally be

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very hard from internal evidence to detect that they were writing on the
banks of the Hudson rather than on those of the Thames. ....In fact, they
have caught the English tone and air and mood only too faithfully, and are
accepted by the superficially cultivated English intelligence as readily as if
they were English born. Americans themselves confess to a certain
disappointment that a literary curiosity and intelligence so diffused {as in
the United States} have not taken up English literature at the point at which
America has received it, and carried it forward and developed it with an
independent energy. But like reader like poet. Both show the effects of
having come into an estate they have not earned. A nation of readers has
required of its poets a diction and symmetry of form equal to that of an old
literature like that of Great Britain, which is also theirs. No ruggedness,
however racy, would be tolerated by circles which, however superficial
their culture, read Byron and Tennyson."
The English critic, though a gentleman and a scholar, and friendly withal,
is evidently not altogether satisfied, (perhaps he is jealous,) and winds up
by saying: "For the English language to have been enriched with a national
poetry which was not English but American, would have been a treasure
beyond price." With which, as whet and foil, we shall proceed to ventilate
more definitely certain no doubt willful opinions.
Leaving unnoticed at present the great masterpieces of the antique, or
anything from the middle ages, the prevailing flow of poetry for the last
fifty or eighty years, and now at its height, has been and is (like the music)
an expression of mere surface melody, within narrow limits, and yet, to give
it its due, perfectly satisfying to the demands of the ear, of wondrous charm,
of smooth and easy delivery, and the triumph of technical art. Above all
things it is fractional and select. It shrinks with aversion from the sturdy, the
universal, and the democratic.
The poetry of the future, (a phrase open to sharp criticism, and not
satisfactory to me, but significant, and I will use it)—the poetry of the
future aims at the free expression of emotion, (which means far, far more
than appears at first,) and to arouse and initiate, more than to define or
finish. Like all modern tendencies, it has direct or indirect reference
continually to the reader, to you or me, to the central identity of everything,
the mighty Ego. (Byron's was a vehement dash, with plenty of impatient
democracy, but lurid and introverted amid all its magnetism; not at all the

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fitting, lasting song of a grand, secure, free, sunny race.) It is more akin,
likewise, to outside life and landscape, (returning mainly to the antique
feeling,) real sun and gale, and woods and shores—to the elements
themselves—not sitting at ease in parlor or library listening to a good tale of
them, told in good rhyme. Character, a feature far above style or polish—a
feature not absent at any time, but now first brought to the fore—gives
predominant stamp to advancing poetry. Its born sister, music, already
responds to the same influences. "The music of the present, Wagner's,
Gounod's, even the later Verdi's, all tends toward this free expression of
poetic emotion, and demands a vocalism totally unlike that required for
Rossini's splendid roulades, or Bellini's suave melodies."
Is there not even now, indeed, an evolution, a departure from the
masters? Venerable and unsurpassable after their kind as are the old works,
and always unspeakably precious as studies, (for Americans more than any
other people,) is it too much to say that by the shifted combinations of the
modern mind the whole underlying theory of first-class verse has changed?
"Formerly, during the period term'd classic," says Sainte-Beuve, "when
literature was govern'd by recognized rules, he was considered the best poet
who had composed the most perfect work, the most beautiful poem, the
most intelligible, the most agreeable to read, the most complete in every
respect,—the Aeneid, the Gerusalemme, a fine tragedy. To-day, something
else is wanted. For us the greatest poet is he who in his works most
stimulates the reader's imagination and reflection, who excites him the most
himself to poetize. The greatest poet is not he who has done the best; it is he
who suggests the most; he, not all of whose meaning is at first obvious, and
who leaves you much to desire, to explain, to study, much to complete in
your turn."
The fatal defects our American singers labor under are subordination of
spirit, an absence of the concrete and of real patriotism, and in excess that
modern esthetic contagion a queer friend of mine calls the beauty disease.
"The immoderate taste for beauty and art," says Charles Baudelaire, "leads
men into monstrous excesses. In minds imbued with a frantic greed for the
beautiful, all the balances of truth and justice disappear. There is a lust, a
disease of the art faculties, which eats up the moral like a cancer."
Of course, by our plentiful verse-writers there is plenty of service
perform'd, of a kind. Nor need we go far for a tally. We see, in every polite

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circle, a class of accomplished, good-natured persons, ("society," in fact,
could not get on without them,) fully eligible for certain problems, times,
and duties—to mix egg-nog, to mend the broken spectacles, to decide
whether the stewed eels shall precede the sherry or the sherry the stewed
eels, to eke out Mrs. A. B.'s parlor-tableaux with monk, Jew, lover, Puck,
Prospero, Caliban, or what not, and to generally contribute and gracefully
adapt their flexibilities and talents, in those ranges, to the world's service.
But for real crises, great needs and pulls, moral or physical, they might as
well have never been born.
Or the accepted notion of a poet would appear to be a sort of male
odalisque, singing or piano-playing a kind of spiced ideas, second-hand
reminiscences, or toying late hours at entertainments, in rooms stifling with
fashionable scent. I think I haven't seen a new-published, healthy, bracing,
simple lyric in ten years. Not long ago, there were verses in each of three
fresh monthlies, from leading authors, and in every one the whole central
motif (perfectly serious) was the melancholiness of a marriageable young
woman who didn't get a rich husband, but a poor one!
Besides its tonic and al fresco physiology, relieving such as this, the
poetry of the future will take on character in a more important respect.
Science, having extirpated the old stock-fables and superstitions, is clearing
a field for verse, for all the arts, and even for romance, a hundred-fold
ampler and more wonderful, with the new principles behind. Republicanism
advances over the whole world. Liberty, with Law by her side, will one day
be paramount—will at any rate be the central idea. Then only—for all the
splendor and beauty of what has been, or the polish of what is—then only
will the true poets appear, and the true poems. Not the satin and patchouly
of today, not the glorification of the butcheries and wars of the past, nor any
fight between Deity on one side and somebody else on the other—not
Milton, not even Shakspere's plays, grand as they are. Entirely different and
hitherto unknown Classes of men, being authoritatively called for in
imaginative literature, will certainly appear. What is hitherto most lacking,
perhaps most absolutely indicates the future. Democracy has been hurried
on through time by measureless tides and winds, resistless as the revolution
of the globe, and as far-reaching and rapid. But in the highest walks of art it
has not yet had a single representative worthy of it anywhere upon the
earth.

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Never had real bard a task more fit for sublime ardor and genius than to
sing worthily the songs these States have already indicated. Their origin,
Washington, '76, the picturesqueness of old times, the war of 1812 and the
sea-fights; the incredible rapidity of movement and breadth of area—to fuse
and compact the South and North, the East and West, to express the native
forms, situations, scenes, from Montauk to California, and from the
Saguenay to the Rio Grande—the working out on such gigantic scales, and
with such a swift and mighty play of changing light and shade, of the great
problems of man and freedom,—how far ahead of the stereotyped plots, or
gem-cutting, or tales of love, or wars of mere ambition! Our history is so
full of spinal, modern, germinal subjects—one above all. What the ancient
siege of Illium, and the puissance of Hector's and Agamemnon's warriors
proved to Hellenic art and literature, and all art and literature since, may
prove the war of attempted secession of 1861-'65 to the future esthetics,
drama, romance, poems of the United States.
Nor could utility itself provide anything more practically serviceable to
the hundred millions who, a couple of generations hence, will inhabit within
the limits just named, than the permeation of a sane, sweet, autochthonous
national poetry—must I say of a kind that does not now exist? but which, I
fully believe, will in time be supplied on scales as free as Nature's elements.
(It is acknowledged that we of the States are the most materialistic and
money-making people ever known. My own theory, while fully accepting
this, is that we are the most emotional, spiritualistic, and poetry-loving
people also.)
Infinite are the new and orbic traits waiting to be launch'd forth in the
firmament that is, and is to be, America. Lately, I have wonder'd whether
the last meaning of this cluster of thirty-eight States is not only practical
fraternity among themselves—the only real union, (much nearer its
accomplishment, too, than appears on the surface)—but for fraternity over
the whole globe—that dazzling, pensive dream of ages! Indeed, the peculiar
glory of our lands, I have come to see, or expect to see, not in their
geographical or republican greatness, nor wealth or products, nor military
or naval power, nor special, eminent names in any department, to shine
with, or outshine, foreign special names in similar departments,—but more
and more in a vaster, saner, more surrounding Comradeship, uniting closer
and closer not only the American States, but all nations, and all humanity.
That, O poets! is not that a theme worth chanting, striving for? Why not fix

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your verses henceforth to the gauge of the round globe? the whole race?
Perhaps the most illustrious culmination of the modern may thus prove to
be a signal growth of joyous, more exalted bards of adhesiveness,
identically one in soul, but contributed by every nation, each after its
distinctive kind. Let us, audacious, start it. Let the diplomats, as ever, still
deeply plan, seeking advantages, proposing treaties between governments,
and to bind them, on paper: what I seek is different, simpler. I would
inaugurate from America, for this purpose, new formulas—international
poems. I have thought that the invisible root out of which the poetry deepest
in, and dearest to, humanity grows, is Friendship. I have thought that both
in patriotism and song (even amid their grandest shows past) we have
adhered too long to petty limits, and that the time has come to enfold the
world.
Not only is the human and artificial world we have establish'd in the West
a radical departure from anything hitherto known—not only men and
politics, and all that goes with them—but Nature itself, in the main sense,
its construction, is different. The same old font of type, of course, but set up
to a text never composed or issued before. For Nature consists not only in
itself, objectively, but at least just as much in its subjective reflection from
the person, spirit, age, looking at it, in the midst of it, and absorbing it—
faithfully sends back the characteristic beliefs of the time or individual—
takes, and readily gives again, the physiognomy of any nation or literature
—falls like a great elastic veil on a face, or like the molding plaster on a
statue.
What is Nature? What were the elements, the invisible backgrounds and
eidolons of it, to Homer's heroes, voyagers, gods? What all through the
wanderings of Virgil's Aeneas? Then to Shakspere's characters—Hamlet,
Lear, the English-Norman kings, the Romans? What was Nature to
Rousseau, to Voltaire, to the German Goethe in his little classical court
gardens? In those presentments in Tennyson (see the "Idylls of the King"—
what sumptuous, perfumed, arras-and-gold Nature, inimitably described,
better than any, fit for princes and knights and peerless ladies—wrathful or
peaceful, just the same—Vivien and Merlin in their strange dalliance, or the
death-float of Elaine, or Geraint and the long journey of his disgraced Enid
and himself through the wood, and the wife all day driving the horses,) as in
all the great imported art-works, treatises systems, from Lucretius down,
there is a constantly lurking often pervading something, that will have to be

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eliminated, as not only unsuited to modern democracy and science in
America, but insulting to them, and disproved by them.{37}
Still, the rule and demesne of poetry will always be not the exterior, but
interior; not the macrocosm, but microcosm; not Nature, but Man. I haven't
said anything about the imperative need of a race of giant bards in the
future, to hold up high to eyes of land and race the eternal antiseptic
models, and to dauntlessly confront greed, injustice, and all forms of that
wiliness and tyranny whose roots never die—(my opinion is, that after all
the rest is advanced, that is what first-class poets are for; as, to their days
and occasions, the Hebrew lyrists, Roman Juvenal, and doubtless the old
singers of India, and the British Druids)—to counteract dangers, immensest
ones, already looming in America—measureless corruption in politics—
what we call religion, a mere mask of wax or lace;—for ensemble, that most
cankerous, offensive of all earth's shows—a vast and varied community,
prosperous and fat with wealth of money and products and business
ventures—plenty of mere intellectuality too—and then utterly without the
sound, prevailing, moral and esthetic health-action beyond all the money
and mere intellect of the world.
Is it a dream of mine that, in times to come, west, south, east, north, will
silently, surely arise a race of such poets, varied, yet one in soul—nor only
poets, and of the best, but newer, larger prophets—larger than Judea's, and
more passionate—to meet and penetrate those woes, as shafts of light the
darkness?
As I write, the last fifth of the nineteenth century is enter'd upon, and will
soon be waning. Now, and for a long time to come, what the United States
most need, to give purport, definiteness, reason why, to their unprecedented
material wealth, industrial products, education by rote merely, great
populousness and intellectual activity, is the central, spinal reality, (or even
the idea of it,) of such a democratic band of-native-born-and-bred teachers,
artists, littérateurs, tolerant and receptive of importations, but entirely
adjusted to the West, to ourselves, to our own days, combinations,
differences, superiorities. Indeed, I am fond of thinking that the whole
series of concrete and political triumphs of the Republic are mainly as bases
and preparations for half a dozen future poets, ideal personalities, referring
not to a special class, but to the entire people, four or five millions of square
miles.

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Long, long are the processes of the development of a nationality Only to
the rapt vision does the seen become the prophecy of the unseen.{38}
Democracy, so far attending only to the real, is not for the real only, but the
grandest ideal—to justify the modern by that, and not only to equal, but to
become by that superior to the past.
On a comprehensive summing up of the processes and present and
hitherto condition of the United States, with reference to their future, and
the indispensable precedents to it, my point, below all surfaces, and
subsoiling them, is, that the bases and prerequisites of a leading nationality
are, first, at all hazards, freedom, worldly wealth and products on the largest
and most varied scale, common education and intercommunication, and, in
general, the passing through of just the stages and crudities we have passed
or are passing through in the United States.
Then, perhaps, as weightiest factor of the whole business, and of the
main outgrowths of the future, it remains to be definitely avow'd that the
native-born middle-class population of quite all the United States—the
average of farmers and mechanics everywhere—the real, though latent and
silent bulk of America, city or country, presents a magnificent mass of
material, never before equal'd on earth. It is this material, quite unexpress'd
by literature or art, that in every respect insures the future of the republic.
During the secession war I was with the armies, and saw the rank and file,
north and south, and studied them for four years. I have never had the least
doubt about the country in its essential future since.
Meantime, we can (perhaps) do no better than to saturate ourselves with,
and continue to give imitations, yet awhile, of the esthetic models, supplies,
of that past and of those lands we spring from. Those wondrous stores,
reminiscences, floods, currents! Let them flow on, flow hither freely. And
let the sources be enlarged, to include not only the works of British origin,
as now, but stately and devout Spain, courteous France, profound Germany,
the manly Scandinavian lands, Italy's art race, and always the mystic Orient.
Remembering that at present, and doubtless long ahead, a certain humility
would well become us. The course through time of highest civilization,
does it not wait the first glimpse of our contribution to its kosmic train of
poems, bibles, first-class structures, perpetuities—Egypt and Palestine and
India—Greece and Rome and mediaeval Europe—and so onward? The
shadowy procession is not a meagre one, and the standard not a low one.

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All that is mighty in our kind seems to have already trod the road. Ah, never
may America forget her thanks and reverence for samples, treasures such as
these—that other life-blood, inspiration, sunshine, hourly in use to-day, all
days, forever, through her broad demesne!
All serves our New World progress, even the bafflers, head-winds, cross-
tides. Through many perturbations and squalls, and much backing and
filling, the ship, upon the whole, makes unmistakably for her destination.
Shakspere has served, and serves, may-be, the best of any.
For conclusion, a passing thought, a contrast, of him who, in my opinion,
continues and stands for the Shaksperean cultus at the present day among
all English-writing peoples—of Tennyson, his poetry. I find it impossible,
as I taste the sweetness of those lines, to escape the flavor, the conviction,
the lush-ripening culmination, and last honey of decay (I dare not call it
rottenness) of that feudalism which the mighty English dramatist painted in
all the splendors of its noon and afternoon. And how they are chanted—
both poets! Happy those kings and nobles to be so sung, so told! To run
their course—to get their deeds and shapes in lasting pigments—the very
pomp and dazzle of the sunset!
Meanwhile, democracy waits the coming of its bards in silence and in
twilight—but 'tis the twilight of the dawn.
Endnotes:
{35} A few years ago I saw the question, "Has America produced any
great poem?" announced as prize-subject for the competition of some
university in Northern Europe. I saw the item in a foreign paper and made a
note of it; but being taken down with paralysis, and prostrated for a long
season, the matter slipp'd away, and I have never been able since to get hold
of any essay presented for the prize, or report of the discussion, nor to learn
for certain whether there was any essay or discussion, nor can I now
remember the place. It may have been Upsala, or possibly Heidelberg.
Perhaps some German or Scandinavian can give particulars. I think it was
in 1872.
{36} In a long and prominent editorial, at the time, on the death of
William Cullen Bryant.
{37} Whatever may be said of the few principal poems—or their best
passages—it is certain that the overwhelming mass of poetic works, as now
absorb'd into human character, exerts a certain constipating, repressing,

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indoor, and artificial influence, impossible to elude—seldom or never that
freeing, dilating, joyous one, with which uncramp'd Nature works on every
individual without exception.
{38} Is there not such a thing as the philosophy of American history and
politics? And if so, what is it?... Wise men say there are two sets of wills to
nations and to persons—one set that acts and works from explainable
motives—from teaching, intelligence, judgment, circumstance, caprice,
emulation, greed, etc.—and then another set, perhaps deep, hidden,
unsuspected, yet often more potent than the first, refusing to be argued with,
rising as it were out of abysses, resistlessly urging on speakers, doers,
communities, unwitting to themselves—the poet to his fieriest words—the
race to pursue its loftiest ideal. Indeed, the paradox of a nation's life and
career, with all its wondrous contradictions, can probably only be explain'd
from these two wills, sometimes conflicting, each operating in its sphere,
combining in races or in persons, and producing strangest results.
Let us hope there is (indeed, can there be any doubt there is?) this great
unconscious and abysmic second will also running through the average
nationality and career of America. Let us hope that, amid all the dangers
and defections of the present, and through all the processes of the conscious
will, it alone is the permanent and sovereign force, destined to carry on the
New World to fulfil its destinies in the future—to resolutely pursue those
destinies, age upon age; to build, far, far beyond its past vision, present
thought; to form and fashion, and for the general type, men and women
more noble, more athletic than the world has yet seen; to gradually, firmly
blend, from all the States, with all varieties, a friendly, happy, free, religious
nationality—a nationality not only the richest, most inventive, most
productive and materialistic the world has yet known, but compacted
indissolubly, and out of whose ample and solid bulk, and giving purpose
and finish to it, conscience, morals, and all the spiritual attributes, shall
surely rise, like spires above some group of edifices, firm-footed on the
earth, yet scaling space and heaven.
Great as they are, and greater far to be, the United States, too, are but a
series of steps in the eternal process of creative thought. And here is, to my
mind, their final justification, and certain perpetuity. There is in that
sublime process, in the laws of the universe—and, above all, in the moral
law—something that would make unsatisfactory, and even vain and

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contemptible, all the triumphs of war, the gains of peace, and the proudest
worldly grandeur of all the nations that have ever existed, or that (ours
included) now exist, except that we constantly see, through all their worldly
career, however struggling and blind and lame, attempts, by all ages, all
peoples, according to their development, to reach, to press, to progress on,
and ever farther on, to more and more advanced ideals.
The glory of the republic of the United States, in my opinion, is to be
that, emerging in the light of the modern and the splendor of science, and
solidly based on the past, it is to cheerfully range itself, and its politics are
henceforth to come, under those universal laws, and embody them, and
carry them out, to serve them. And as only that individual becomes truly
great who understands well that, while complete in himself in a certain
sense, he is but a part of the divine, eternal scheme, and whose special life
and laws are adjusted to move in harmonious relations with the general
laws of Nature, and especially with the moral law, the deepest and highest
of all, and the last vitality of man or state—so the United States may only
become the greatest and the most continuous, by understanding well their
harmonious relations with entire humanity and history, and all their laws
and progress, sublimed with the creative thought of Deity, through all time,
past, present, and future. Thus will they expand to the amplitude of their
destiny, and become illustrations and culminating parts of the kosmos, and
of civilization.
No more considering the States as an incident, or series of incidents,
however vast, coming accidentally along the path of time, and shaped by
casual emergencies as they happen to arise, and the mere result of modern
improvements, vulgar and lucky, ahead of other nations and times, I would
finally plant, as seeds, these thoughts or speculations in the growth of our
republic—that it is the deliberate culmination and result of all the past—that
here, too, as in all departments of the universe, regular laws (slow and sure
in planting, slow and sure in ripening) have controll'd and govern'd, and
will yet control and govern; and that those laws can no more be baffled or
steer'd clear of, or vitiated, by chance, or any fortune or opposition, than the
laws of winter and summer, or darkness and light.
The summing up of the tremendous moral and military perturbations of
1861-'65, and their results—and indeed of the entire hundred years of the
past of our national experiment, from its inchoate movement down to the

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present day (1780-1881)—is, that they all now launch the United States
fairly forth, consistently with the entirety of civilization and humanity, and
in main sort the representative of them, leading the van, leading the fleet of
the modern and democratic, on the seas and voyages of the future.
And the real history of the United States—starting from that great
convulsive struggle for unity, the secession war, triumphantly concluded,
and the South victorious after all—is only to be written at the remove of
hundreds, perhaps a thousand, years hence.

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A MEMORANDUM AT A VENTURE
"All is proper to be express'd, provided our aim is only high enough."—J.
F. Millet.
"The candor of science is the glory of the modern. It does not hide and
repress; it confronts, turns on the light. It alone has perfect faith—faith not
in a part only, but all. Does it not undermine the old religious standards?
Yes, in God's truth, by excluding the devil from the theory of the universe—
by showing that evil is not a law in itself, but a sickness, a perversion of the
good, and the other side of the good—that in fact all of humanity, and of
everything, is divine in its bases, its eligibilities."
Shall the mention of such topics as I have briefly but plainly and
resolutely broach'd in the "Children of Adam" section of "Leaves of Grass"
be admitted in poetry and literature? Ought not the innovation to be put
down by opinion and criticism? and, if those fail, by the District Attorney?
True, I could not construct a poem which declaredly took, as never before,
the complete human identity, physical, moral, emotional, and intellectual,
(giving precedence and compass in a certain sense to the first,) nor fulfil
that bona fide candor and entirety of treatment which was a part of my
purpose, without comprehending this section also. But I would entrench
myself more deeply and widely than that. And while I do not ask any man
to indorse my theory, I confess myself anxious that what I sought to write
and express, and the ground I built on, shall be at least partially understood,
from its own platform. The best way seems to me to confront the question
with entire frankness.
There are, generally speaking, two points of view, two conditions of the
world's attitude toward these matters; the first, the conventional one of good
folks and good print everywhere, repressing any direct statement of them,
and making allusions only at second or third hand—(as the Greeks did of
death, which, in Hellenic social culture, was not mention'd point-blank, but
by euphemisms.) In the civilization of to-day, this condition—without
stopping to elaborate the arguments and facts, which are many and varied
and perplexing—has led to states of ignorance, repressal, and cover'd over
disease and depletion, forming certainly a main factor in the world's woe. A

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nonscientific, non-esthetic, and eminently non-religious condition,
bequeath'd to us from the past, (its origins diverse, one of them the far-back
lessons of benevolent and wise men to restrain the prevalent coarseness and
animality of the tribal ages—with Puritanism, or perhaps Protestantism
itself for another, and still another specified in the latter part of this
memorandum)—to it is probably due most of the ill births, inefficient
maturity, snickering pruriency, and of that human pathologic evil and
morbidity which is, in my opinion, the keel and reason-why of every evil
and morbidity. Its scent, as of something sneaking, furtive, mephitic, seems
to lingeringly pervade all modern literature, conversation, and manners.
The second point of view, and by far the largest—as the world in
working-day dress vastly exceeds the world in parlor toilette—is the one of
common life, from the oldest times down, and especially in England, (see
the earlier chapters of "Taine's English Literature," and see Shakspere
almost anywhere,) and which our age to-day inherits from riant stock, in the
wit, or what passes for wit, of masculine circles, and in erotic stories and
talk, to excite, express, and dwell on, that merely sensual voluptuousness
which, according to Victor Hugo, is the most universal trait of all ages, all
lands. This second condition, however bad, is at any rate like a disease
which comes to the surface, and therefore less dangerous than a conceal'd
one.
The time seems to me to have arrived, and America to be the place, for a
new departure—a third point of view. The same freedom and faith and
earnestness which, after centuries of denial, struggle, repression, and
martyrdom, the present day brings to the treatment of politics and religion,
must work out a plan and standard on this subject, not so much for what is
call'd society, as for thoughtfulest men and women, and thoughtfulest
literature. The same spirit that marks the physiological author and
demonstrator on these topics in his important field, I have thought
necessary to be exemplified, for once, in another certainly not less
important field.
In the present memorandum I only venture to indicate that plan and view
—decided upon more than twenty years ago, for my own literary action,
and formulated tangibly in my printed poems—(as Bacon says an abstract
thought or theory is of no moment unless it leads to a deed or work done,
exemplifying it in the concrete)—that the sexual passion in itself, while

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normal and unperverted, is inherently legitimate, creditable, not necessarily
an improper theme for poet, as confessedly not for scientist—that, with
reference to the whole construction, organism, and intentions of "Leaves of
Grass," anything short of confronting that theme, and making myself clear
upon it as the enclosing basis of everything, (as the sanity of everything was
to be the atmosphere of the poems,) I should beg the question in its most
momentous aspect, and the superstructure that follow'd, pretensive as it
might assume to be, would all rest on a poor foundation, or no foundation at
all. In short, as the assumption of the sanity of birth, Nature and humanity,
is the key to any true theory of life and the universe—at any rate, the only
theory out of which I wrote—it is, and must inevitably be, the only key to
"Leaves of Grass," and every part of it. That, (and not a vain consistency or
weak pride, as a late "Springfield Republican" charges,) is the reason that I
have stood out for these particular verses uncompromisingly for over
twenty years, and maintain them to this day. That is what I felt in my inmost
brain and heart, when I only answer'd Emerson's vehement arguments with
silence, under the old elms of Boston Common.
Indeed, might not every physiologist and every good physician pray for
the redeeming of this subject from its hitherto relegation to the tongues and
pens of blackguards, and boldly putting it for once at least, if no more, in
the demesne of poetry and sanity—as something not in itself gross or
impure, but entirely consistent with highest manhood and womanhood, and
indispensable to both? Might not only every wife and every mother—not
only every babe that comes into the world, if that were possible—not only
all marriage, the foundation and sine qua non of the civilized state—bless
and thank the showing, or taking for granted, that motherhood, fatherhood,
sexuality, and all that belongs to them, can be asserted, where it comes to
question, openly, joyously, proudly, "without shame or the need of shame,"
from the highest artistic and human considerations—but, with reverence be
it written, on such attempt to justify the base and start of the whole divine
scheme in humanity, might not the Creative Power itself deign a smile of
approval?
To the movement for the eligibility and entrance of women amid new
spheres of business, politics, and the suffrage, the current prurient,
conventional treatment of sex is the main formidable obstacle. The rising
tide of "woman's rights," swelling and every year advancing farther and
farther, recoils from it with dismay. There will in my opinion be no general

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progress in such eligibility till a sensible, philosophic, democratic method is
substituted.
The whole question—which strikes far, very far deeper than most people
have supposed, (and doubtless, too, something is to be said on all sides,) is
peculiarly an important one in art—is first an ethic, and then still more an
esthetic one. I condense from a paper read not long since at Cheltenham,
England, before the "Social Science Congress," to the Art Department, by P.
H. Rathbone of Liverpool, on the "Undraped Figure in Art," and the
discussion that follow'd:
"When coward Europe suffer'd the unclean Turk to soil the sacred shores
of Greece by his polluting presence, civilization and morality receiv'd a
blow from which they have never entirely recover'd, and the trail of the
serpent has been over European art and European society ever since. The
Turk regarded and regards women as animals without soul, toys to be play'd
with or broken at pleasure, and to be hidden, partly from shame, but chiefly
for the purpose of stimulating exhausted passion. Such is the unholy origin
of the objection to the nude as a fit subject for art; it is purely Asiatic, and
though not introduced for the first time in the fifteenth century, is yet to be
traced to the source of all impurity—the East. Although the source of the
prejudice is thoroughly unhealthy and impure, yet it is now shared by many
pure-minded and honest, if somewhat uneducated, people. But I am
prepared to maintain that it is necessary for the future of English art and of
English morality that the right of the nude to a place in our galleries should
be boldly asserted; it must, however, be the nude as represented by
thoroughly trained artists, and with a pure and noble ethic purpose. The
human form, male and female, is the type and standard of all beauty of form
and proportion, and it is necessary to be thoroughly familiar with it in order
safely to judge of all beauty which consists of form and proportion. To
women it is most necessary that they should become thoroughly imbued
with the knowledge of the ideal female form, in order that they should
recognize the perfection of it at once, and without effort, and so far as
possible avoid deviations from the ideal. Had this been the case in times
past, we should not have had to deplore the distortions effected by tight-
lacing, which destroy'd the figure and ruin'd the health of so many of the
last generation. Nor should we have had the scandalous dresses alike of
society and the stage. The extreme development of the low dresses which
obtain'd some years ago, when the stays crush'd up the breasts into

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suggestive prominence, would surely have been check'd, had the eye of the
public been properly educated by familiarity with the exquisite beauty of
line of a well-shaped bust. I might show how thorough acquaintance with
the ideal nude foot would probably have much modified the foot-torturing
boots and high heels, which wring the foot out of all beauty of line, and
throw the body forward into an awkward and ungainly attitude.
It is argued that the effect of nude representation of women upon young
men is unwholesome, but it would not be so if such works were admitted
without question into our galleries, and became thoroughly familiar to
them. On the contrary, it would do much to clear away from healthy-hearted
lads one of their sorest trials—that prurient curiosity which is bred of
prudish concealment. Where there is mystery there is the suggestion of evil,
and to go to a theatre, where you have only to look at the stalls to see one-
half of the female form, and to the stage to see the other half undraped, is
far more pregnant with evil imaginings than the most objectionable of
totally undraped figures. In French art there have been questionable nude
figures exhibited; but the fault was not that they were nude, but that they
were the portraits of ugly immodest women. Some discussion follow'd.
There was a general concurrence in the principle contended for by the
reader of the paper. Sir Walter Stirling maintain'd that the perfect male
figure, rather than the female, was the model of beauty. After a few remarks
from Rev. Mr. Roberts and Colonel Oldfield, the Chairman regretted that no
opponent of nude figures had taken part in the discussion. He agreed with
Sir Walter Stirling as to the male figure being the most perfect model of
proportion. He join'd in defending the exhibition of nude figures, but
thought considerable supervision should be exercis'd over such exhibitions.
No, it is not the picture or nude statue or text, with clear aim, that is
indecent; it is the beholder's own thought, inference, distorted construction.
True modesty is one of the most precious of attributes, even virtues, but in
nothing is there more pretense, more falsity, than the needless assumption
of it. Through precept and consciousness, man has long enough realized
how bad he is. I would not so much disturb or demolish that conviction,
only to resume and keep unerringly with it the spinal meaning of the
Scriptural text, God overlook'd all that He had made, (including the apex of
the whole—humanity—with its elements, passions, appetites,) and behold,
it was very good."

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Does not anything short of that third point of view, when you come to
think of it profoundly and with amplitude, impugn Creation from the
outset? In fact, however overlaid, or unaware of itself, does not the
conviction involv'd in it perennially exist at the centre of all society, and of
the sexes, and of marriage? Is it not really an intuition of the human race?
For, old as the world is, and beyond statement as are the countless and
splendid results of its culture and evolution, perhaps the best and earliest
and purest intuitions of the human race have yet to be develop'd.

Page 365

Page 366

DEATH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN LECTURE
deliver'd in New York, April 14, 1879—in Philadelphia, '80—in Boston,
'81
How often since that dark and dripping Saturday—that chilly April day,
now fifteen years bygone—my heart has entertain'd the dream, the wish, to
give of Abraham Lincoln's death, its own special thought and memorial. Yet
now the sought-for opportunity offers, I find my notes incompetent, (why,
for truly profound themes, is statement so idle? why does the right phrase
never offer?) and the fit tribute I dream'd of, waits unprepared as ever. My
talk here indeed is less because of itself or anything in it, and nearly
altogether because I feel a desire, apart from any talk, to specify the day, the
martyrdom. It is for this, my friends, I have call'd you together. Oft as the
rolling years bring back this hour, let it again, however briefly, be dwelt
upon. For my own part, I hope and desire, till my own dying day, whenever
the 14th or 15th of April comes, to annually gather a few friends, and hold
its tragic reminiscence. No narrow or sectional reminiscence. It belongs to
these States in their entirety—not the North only, but the South—perhaps
belongs most tenderly and devoutly to the South, of all; for there, really,
this man's birth-stock. There and thence his antecedent stamp. Why should I
not say that thence his manliest traits—his universality—his canny, easy
ways and words upon the surface—his inflexible determination and courage
at heart? Have you never realized it, my friends, that Lincoln, though
grafted on the West, is essentially, in personnel and character, a Southern
contribution?
And though by no means proposing to resume the secession war to-night,
I would briefly remind you of the public conditions preceding that contest.
For twenty years, and especially during the four or five before the war
actually began, the aspect of affairs in the United States, though without the
flash of military excitement, presents more than the survey of a battle, or
any extended campaign, or series, even of Nature's convulsions. The hot
passions of the South—the strange mixture at the North of inertia,
incredulity, and conscious power—the incendiarism of the abolitionists—
the rascality and grip of the politicians, unparallel'd in any land, any age. To

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these I must not omit adding the honesty of the essential bulk of the people
everywhere—yet with all the seething fury and contradiction of their
natures more arous'd than the Atlantic's waves in wildest equinox. In
politics, what can be more ominous, (though generally unappreciated then)
—what more significant than the Presidentiads of Fillmore and Buchanan?
proving conclusively that the weakness and wickedness of elected rulers are
just as likely to afflict us here, as in the countries of the Old World, under
their monarchies, emperors, and aristocracies. In that Old World were
everywhere heard underground rumblings, that died out, only to again
surely return. While in America the volcano, though civic yet, continued to
grow more and more convulsive—more and more stormy and threatening.
In the height of all this excitement and chaos, hovering on the edge at
first, and then merged in its very midst, and destined to play a leading part,
appears a strange and awkward figure. I shall not easily forget the first time
I ever saw Abraham Lincoln. It must have been about the 18th or 19th of
February, 1861. It was rather a pleasant afternoon, in New York city, as he
arrived there from the West, to remain a few hours, and then pass on to
Washington, to prepare for his inauguration. I saw him in Broadway, near
the site of the present Post-office. He came down, I think from Canal street,
to stop at the Astor House. The broad spaces, sidewalks, and street in the
neighborhood, and for some distance, were crowded with solid masses of
people, many thousands. The omnibuses and other vehicles had all been
turn'd off, leaving an unusual hush in that busy part of the city. Presently
two or three shabby hack barouches made their way with some difficulty
through the crowd, and drew up at the Astor House entrance. A tall figure
stepp'd out of the centre of these barouches, paus'd leisurely on the
sidewalk, look'd up at the granite walls and looming architecture of the
grand old hotel—then, after a relieving stretch of arms and legs, turn'd
round for over a minute to slowly and good-humoredly scan the appearance
of the vast and silent crowds. There were no speeches—no compliments—
no welcome—as far as I could hear, not a word said. Still much anxiety was
conceal'd in that quiet. Cautious persons had fear'd some mark'd insult or
indignity to the President-elect—for he possess'd no personal popularity at
all in New York city, and very little political. But it was evidently tacitly
agreed that if the few political supporters of Mr. Lincoln present would
entirely abstain from any demonstration on their side, the immense
majority, who were anything but supporters, would abstain on their side

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also. The result was a sulky, unbroken silence, such as certainly never
before characterized so great a New York crowd.
Almost in the same neighborhood I distinctly remember'd seeing
Lafayette on his visit to America in 1825. I had also personally seen and
heard, various years afterward, how Andrew Jackson, Clay, Webster,
Hungarian Kossuth, Filibuster Walker, the Prince of Wales on his visit, and
other celebres, native and foreign, had been welcom'd there—all that
indescribable human roar and magnetism, unlike any other sound in the
universe—the glad exulting thunder-shouts of countless unloos'd throats of
men! But on this occasion, not a voice—not a sound. From the top of an
omnibus, (driven up one side, close by, and block'd by the curbstone and the
crowds,) I had, I say, a capital view of it all, and especially of Mr. Lincoln,
his look and gait—his perfect composure and coolness—his unusual and
uncouth height, his dress of complete black, stovepipe hat push'd back on
the head, dark-brown complexion, seam'd and wrinkled yet canny-looking
face, black, bushy head of hair, disproportionately long neck, and his hands
held behind as he stood observing the people. He look'd with curiosity upon
that immense sea of faces, and the sea of faces return'd the look with similar
curiosity. In both there was a dash of comedy, almost farce, such as
Shakspere puts in his blackest tragedies. The crowd that hemm'd around
consisted I should think of thirty to forty thousand men, not a single one his
personal friend—while I have no doubt, (so frenzied were the ferments of
the time,) many an assassin's knife and pistol lurk'd in hip or breast-pocket
there, ready, soon as break and riot came.
But no break or riot came. The tall figure gave another relieving stretch
or two of arms and legs; then with moderate pace, and accompanied by a
few unknown-looking persons, ascended the portico-steps of the Astor
House, disappear'd through its broad entrance—and the dumb-show ended.
I saw Abraham Lincoln often the four years following that date. He
changed rapidly and much during his Presidency—but this scene, and him
in it, are indelibly stamp'd upon my recollection. As I sat on the top of my
omnibus, and had a good view of him, the thought, dim and inchoate then,
has since come out clear enough, that four sorts of genius, four mighty and
primal hands, will be needed to the complete limning of this man's future
portrait—the eyes and brains and finger-touch of Plutarch and Eschylus and
Michel Angelo, assisted by Rabelais.

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And now—(Mr. Lincoln passing on from this scene to Washington,
where he was inaugurated, amid armed cavalry, and sharpshooters at every
point—the first instance of the kind in our history—and I hope it will be the
last)—now the rapid succession of well-known events, (too well known—I
believe, these days, we almost hate to hear them mention'd)—the national
flag fired on at Sumter—the uprising of the North, in paroxysms of
astonishment and rage—the chaos of divided councils—the call for troops
—the first Bull Run—the stunning cast-down, shock, and dismay of the
North—and so in full flood the secession war. Four years of lurid, bleeding,
murky, murderous war. Who paint those years, with all their scenes?—the
hard-fought engagements—the defeats, plans, failures—the gloomy hours,
days, when our Nationality seem'd hung in pall of doubt, perhaps death—
the Mephistophelean sneers of foreign lands and attachés—the dreaded
Scylla of European interference, and the Charybdis of the tremendously
dangerous latent strata of secession sympathizers throughout the free States,
(far more numerous than is supposed)—the long marches in summer—the
hot sweat, and many a sunstroke, as on the rush to Gettysburg in '63—the
night battles in the woods, as under Hooker at Chancellorsville—the camps
in winter—the military prisons—the hospitals—(alas! alas! the hospitals.)
The secession war? Nay, let me call it the Union war. Though whatever
call'd, it is even yet too near us—too vast and too closely overshadowing—
its branches unform'd yet, (but certain,) shooting too far into the future—
and the most indicative and mightiest of them yet ungrown. A great
literature will yet arise out of the era of those four years, those scenes—era
compressing centuries of native passion, first-class pictures, tempests of life
and death—an inexhaustible mine for the histories, drama, romance, and
even philosophy, of peoples to come—indeed the verteber of poetry and art,
(of personal character too,) for all future America—far more grand, in my
opinion, to the hands capable of it, than Homer's siege of Troy, or the
French wars to Shakspere.
But I must leave these speculations, and come to the theme I have
assign'd and limited myself to. Of the actual murder of President Lincoln,
though so much has been written, probably the facts are yet very indefinite
in most persons' minds. I read from my memoranda, written at the time, and
revised frequently and finally since.

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The day, April 14, 1865, seems to have been a pleasant one throughout
the whole land—the moral atmosphere pleasant too—the long storm, so
dark, so fratricidal, full of blood and doubt and gloom, over and ended at
last by the sun-rise of such an absolute National victory, and utter break-
down of Secessionism—we almost doubted our own senses! Lee had
capitulated beneath the apple-tree of Appomattox. The other armies, the
flanges of the revolt, swiftly follow'd. And could it really be, then? Out of
all the affairs of this world of woe and failure and disorder, was there really
come the confirm'd, unerring sign of plan, like a shaft of pure light—of
rightful rule—of God? So the day, as I say, was propitious. Early herbage,
early flowers, were out. (I remember where I was stopping at the time, the
season being advanced, there were many lilacs in full bloom. By one of
those caprices that enter and give tinge to events without being at all a part
of them, I find myself always reminded of the great tragedy of that day by
the sight and odor of these blossoms. It never fails.)
But I must not dwell on accessories. The deed hastens. The popular
afternoon paper of Washington, the little "Evening Star," had spatter'd all
over its third page, divided among the advertisements in a sensational
manner, in a hundred different places, The President and his Lady will be at
the Theatre this evening.... (Lincoln was fond of the theatre. I have myself
seen him there several times. I remember thinking how funny it was that he,
in some respects the leading actor in the stormiest drama known to real
history's stage through centuries, should sit there and be so completely
interested and absorb'd in those human jack-straws, moving about with their
silly little gestures, foreign spirit, and flatulent text.)
On this occasion the theatre was crowded, many ladies in rich and gay
costumes, officers in their uniforms, many well-known citizens, young
folks, the usual clusters of gas-lights, the usual magnetism of so many
people, cheerful, with perfumes, music of violins and flutes—(and over all,
and saturating all, that vast, vague wonder, Victory, the nation's victory, the
triumph of the Union, filling the air, the thought, the sense, with
exhilaration more than all music and perfumes.)
The President came betimes, and, with his wife, witness'd the play from
the large stage-boxes of the second tier, two thrown into one, and profusely
drap'd with the national flag. The acts and scenes of the piece—one of those
singularly written compositions which have at least the merit of giving

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entire relief to an audience engaged in mental action or business
excitements and cares during the day, as it makes not the slightest call on
either the moral, emotional, esthetic, or spiritual nature—a piece, ("Our
American Cousin,") in which, among other characters, so call'd, a Yankee,
certainly such a one as was never seen, or the least like it ever seen, in
North America, is introduced in England, with a varied fol-de-rol of talk,
plot, scenery, and such phantasmagoria as goes to make up a modern
popular drama—had progress'd through perhaps a couple of its acts, when
in the midst of this comedy, or non-such, or whatever it is to be call'd, and
to offset it, or finish it out, as if in Nature's and the great Muse's mockery of
those poor mimes, came interpolated that scene, not really or exactly to be
described at all, (for on the many hundreds who were there it seems to this
hour to have left a passing blur, a dream, a blotch)—and yet partially to be
described as I now proceed to give it. There is a scene in the play
representing a modern parlor in which two unprecedented English ladies are
inform'd by the impossible Yankee that he is not a man of fortune, and
therefore undesirable for marriage-catching purposes; after which, the
comments being finish'd, the dramatic trio make exit, leaving the stage clear
for a moment. At this period came the murder of Abraham Lincoln.
Great as all its manifold train, circling round it, and stretching into the
future for many a century, in the politics, history, art, &c., of the New
World, in point of fact the main thing, the actual murder, transpired with the
quiet and simplicity of any commonest occurrence—the bursting of a bud
or pod in the growth of vegetation, for instance. Through the general hum
following the stage pause, with the change of positions, came the muffled
sound of a pistol-shot, which not one-hundredth part of the audience heard
at the time—and yet a moment's hush—somehow, surely, a vague startled
thrill—and then, through the ornamented, draperied, starr'd and striped
space-way of the President's box, a sudden figure, a man, raises himself
with hands and feet, stands a moment on the railing, leaps below to the
stage, (a distance of perhaps fourteen or fifteen feet,) falls out of position,
catching his boot-heel in the copious drapery, (the American flag,) falls on
one knee, quickly recovers himself, rises as if nothing had happen'd, (he
really sprains his ankle, but unfelt then)—and so the figure, Booth, the
murderer, dress'd in plain black broadcloth, bare-headed, with full, glossy,
raven hair, and his eyes like some mad animal's flashing with light and
resolution, yet with a certain strange calmness, holds aloft in one hand a

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large knife—walks along not much back from the footlights—turns fully
toward the audience his face of statuesque beauty, lit by those basilisk eyes,
flashing with desperation, perhaps insanity—launches out in a firm and
steady voice the words Sic semper tyrannis—and then walks with neither
slow nor very rapid pace diagonally across to the back of the stage, and
disappears. (Had not all this terrible scene—making the mimic ones
preposterous—had it not all been rehears'd, in blank, by Booth,
beforehand?)
A moment's hush—a scream—the cry of murder—Mrs. Lincoln leaning
out of the box, with ashy cheeks and lips, with involuntary cry, pointing to
the retreating figure, He has kill'd the President. And still a moment's
strange, incredulous suspense—and then the deluge!—then that mixture of
horror, noises, uncertainty—(the sound, somewhere back, of a horse's hoofs
clattering with speed)—the people burst through chairs and railings, and
break them up—there is inextricable confusion and terror—women faint—
quite feeble persons fall, and are trampl'd on—many cries of agony are
heard—the broad stage suddenly fills to suffocation with a dense and
motley crowd, like some horrible carnival—the audience rush generally
upon it, at least the strong men do—the actors and actresses are all there in
their play-costumes and painted faces, with mortal fright showing through
the rouge—the screams and calls, confused talk—redoubled, trebled—two
or three manage to pass up water from the stage to the President's box—
others try to clamber up—&c., &c.
In the midst of all this, the soldiers of the President's guard, with others,
suddenly drawn to the scene, burst in—(some two hundred altogether)—
they storm the house, through all the tiers, especially the upper ones,
inflam'd with fury, literally charging the audience with fix'd bayonets,
muskets and pistols, snouting Clear out! clear out! you sons of——.... Such
the wild scene, or a suggestion of it rather, inside the play-house that night.
Outside, too, in the atmosphere of shock and craze, crowds of people,
fill'd with frenzy, ready to seize any outlet for it, come near committing
murder several times on innocent individuals. One such case was especially
exciting. The infuriated crowd, through some chance, got started against
one man, either for words he utter'd, or perhaps without any cause at all,
and were proceeding at once to actually hang him on a neighboring lamp-
post, when he was rescued by a few heroic policemen, who placed him in

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their midst, and fought their way slowly and amid great peril toward the
station house. It was a fitting episode of the whole affair. The crowd rushing
and eddying to and fro—the night, the yells, the pale faces, many frighten'd
people trying in vain to extricate themselves—the attack'd man, not yet
freed from the jaws of death, looking like a corpse—the silent, resolute,
half-dozen policemen, with no weapons but their little clubs, yet stern and
steady through all those eddying swarms—made a fitting side-scene to the
grand tragedy of the murder. They gain'd the station house with the
protected man, whom they placed in security for the night, and discharged
him in the morning.
And in the midst of that pandemonium, infuriated soldiers, the audience
and the crowd, the stage, and all its actors and actresses, its paint-pots,
spangles, and gas-lights—the life blood from those veins, the best and
sweetest of the land, drips slowly down, and death's ooze already begins its
little bubbles on the lips.
Thus the visible incidents and surroundings of Abraham Lincoln's
murder, as they really occur'd. Thus ended the attempted secession of these
States; thus the four years' war. But the main things come subtly and
invisibly afterward, perhaps long afterward—neither military, political, nor
(great as those are,) historical. I say, certain secondary and indirect results,
out of the tragedy of this death, are, in my opinion, greatest. Not the event
of the murder itself. Not that Mr. Lincoln strings the principal points and
personages of the period, like beads, upon the single string of his career.
Not that his idiosyncrasy, in its sudden appearance and disappearance,
stamps this Republic with a stamp more mark'd and enduring than any yet
given by any one man—(more even than Washington's;)—but, join'd with
these, the immeasurable value and meaning of that whole tragedy lies, to
me, in senses finally dearest to a nation, (and here all our own)—the
imaginative and artistic senses—the literary and dramatic ones. Not in any
common or low meaning of those terms, but a meaning precious to the race,
and to every age. A long and varied series of contradictory events arrives at
last at its highest poetic, single, central, pictorial denouement. The whole
involved, baffling, multiform whirl of the secession period comes to a head,
and is gather'd in one brief flash of lightning-illumination—one simple,
fierce deed. Its sharp culmination, and as it were solution, of so many
bloody and angry problems, illustrates those climax-moments on the stage
of universal Time, where the historic Muse at one entrance, and the tragic

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Muse at the other, suddenly ringing down the curtain, close an immense act
in the long drama of creative thought, and give it radiation, tableau, stranger
than fiction. Fit radiation—fit close! How the imagination—how the
student loves these things! America, too, is to have them. For not in all great
deaths, nor far or near—not Caesar in the Roman senate-house, or
Napoleon passing away in the wild night-storm at St. Helena—not
Paleologus, falling, desperately fighting, piled over dozens deep with
Grecian corpses—not calm old Socrates, drinking the hemlock—outvies
that terminus of the secession war, in one man's life, here in our midst, in
our own time—that seal of the emancipation of three million slaves—that
parturition and delivery of our at last really free Republic, born again,
henceforth to commence its career of genuine homogeneous Union,
compact, consistent with itself.
Nor will ever future American Patriots and Unionists, indifferently over
the whole land, or North or South, find a better moral to their lesson. The
final use of the greatest men of a Nation is, after all, not with reference to
their deeds in themselves, or their direct bearing on their times or lands. The
final use of a heroic-eminent life—especially of a heroic-eminent death—is
its indirect filtering into the nation and the race, and to give, often at many
removes, but unerringly, age after age, color and fibre to the personalism of
the youth and maturity of that age, and of mankind. Then there is a cement
to the whole people, subtler, more underlying, than any thing in written
constitution, or courts or armies—namely, the cement of a death identified
thoroughly with that people, at its head, and for its sake. Strange, (is it not?)
that battles, martyrs, agonies, blood, even assassination, should so condense
—perhaps only really, lastingly condense—a Nationality.
I repeat it—the grand deaths of the race—the dramatic deaths of every
nationality—are its most important inheritance-value—in some respects
beyond its literature and art—(as the hero is beyond his finest portrait, and
the battle itself beyond its choicest song or epic.) Is not here indeed the
point underlying all tragedy? the famous pieces of the Grecian masters—
and all masters? Why, if the old Greeks had had this man, what trilogies of
plays—what epics—would have been made out of him! How the rhapsodes
would have recited him! How quickly that quaint tall form would have
enter'd into the region where men vitalize gods, and gods divinify men! But
Lincoln, his times, his death—great as any, any age—belong altogether to
our own, and our autochthonic. (Sometimes indeed I think our American

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days, our own stage—the actors we know and have shaken hands, or talk'd
with—more fateful than anything in Eschylus—more heroic than the
fighters around Troy—afford kings of men for our Democracy prouder than
Agamemnon—models of character cute and hardy as Ulysses—deaths more
pitiful than Priam's.)
When, centuries hence, (as it must, in my opinion, be centuries hence
before the life of these States, or of Democracy, can be really written and
illustrated,) the leading historians and dramatists seek for some personage,
some special event, incisive enough to mark with deepest cut, and
mnemonize, this turbulent Nineteenth century of ours, (not only these
States, but all over the political and social world)—something, perhaps, to
close that gorgeous procession of European feudalism, with all its pomp and
caste-prejudices, (of whose long train we in America are yet so inextricably
the heirs)—something to identify with terrible identification, by far the
greatest revolutionary step in the history of the United States, (perhaps the
greatest of the world, our century)—the absolute extirpation and erasure of
slavery from the States—those historians will seek in vain for any point to
serve more thoroughly their purpose, than Abraham Lincoln's death.
Dear to the Muse—thrice dear to Nationality—to the whole human race
—precious to this Union—precious to Democracy—unspeakably and
forever precious—their first great Martyr Chief.

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TWO LETTERS
I

TO — — — LONDON, ENGLAND

Camden, N.J., U.S. America, March 17th, 1876. DEAR FRIEND:—
Yours of the 28th Feb. receiv'd, and indeed welcom'd. I am jogging along
still about the same in physical condition—still certainly no worse, and I
sometimes lately suspect rather better, or at any rate more adjusted to the
situation. Even begin to think of making some move, some change of base,
&c.: the doctors have been advising it for over two years, but I haven't felt
to do it yet. My paralysis does not lift—I cannot walk any distance—I still
have this baffling, obstinate, apparently chronic affection of the stomachic
apparatus and liver: yet I get out of doors a little every day—write and read
in moderation—appetite sufficiently good—(eat only very plain food, but
always did that)—digestion tolerable—spirits unflagging. I have told you
most of this before, but suppose you might like to know it all again, up to
date. Of course, and pretty darkly coloring the whole, are bad spells,
prostrations, some pretty grave ones, intervals—and I have resign'd myself
to the certainty of permanent incapacitation from solid work: but things
may continue at least in this half-and-half way for months, even years.
My books are out, the new edition; a set of which, immediately on
receiving your letter of 28th, I have sent you, (by mail, March 15,) and I
suppose you have before this receiv'd them. My dear friend, your offers of
help, and those of my other British friends, I think I fully appreciate, in the
right spirit, welcome and acceptive—leaving the matter altogether in your
and their hands, and to your and their convenience, discretion, leisure, and
nicety. Though poor now, even to penury, I have not so far been deprived of
any physical thing I need or wish whatever, and I feel confident I shall not
in the future. During my employment of seven years or more in Washington
after the war (1865-'72) I regularly saved part of my wages: and, though the
sum has now become about exhausted by my expenses of the last three
years, there are already beginning at present welcome dribbles hitherward

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from the sales of my new edition, which I just job and sell, myself, (all
through this illness, my book-agents for three years in New York
successively, badly cheated me,) and shall continue to dispose of the books
myself. And that is the way I should prefer to glean my support. In that way
I cheerfully accept all the aid my friends find it convenient to proffer.
To repeat a little, and without undertaking details, understand, dear
friend, for yourself and all, that I heartily and most affectionately thank my
British friends, and that I accept their sympathetic generosity in the same
spirit in which I believe (nay, know) it is offer'd—that though poor I am not
in want—that I maintain good heart and cheer; and that by far the most
satisfaction to me (and I think it can be done, and believe it will be) will be
to live, as long as possible, on the sales, by myself, of my own works, and
perhaps, if practicable, by further writings for the press.

W. W.

I am prohibited from writing too much, and I must make this candid
statement of the situation serve for all my dear friends over there.

II

TO — — — DRESDEN, SAXONY

Camden, New Jersey, U.S.A., Dec. 20, '81. DEAR SIR:—Your letter
asking definite endorsement to your translation of my "Leaves of Grass"
into Russian is just received, and I hasten to answer it. Most warmly and
willingly I consent to the translation, and waft a prayerful God speed to the
enterprise.
You Russians and we Americans! Our countries so distant, so unlike at
first glance—such a difference in social and political conditions, and our
respective methods of moral and practical development the last hundred
years;—and yet in certain features, and vastest ones, so resembling each
other. The variety of stock-elements and tongues, to be resolutely fused in a
common identity and union at all hazards—the idea, perennial through the
ages, that they both have their historic and divine mission—the fervent
element of manly friendship throughout the whole people, surpass'd by no

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other races—the grand expanse of territorial limits and boundaries—the
unform'd and nebulous state of many things, not yet permanently settled,
but agreed on all hands to be the preparations of an infinitely greater future
—the fact that both Peoples have their independent and leading positions to
hold, keep, and if necessary, fight for, against the rest of the world—the
deathless aspirations at the inmost centre of each great community, so
vehement, so mysterious, so abysmic—are certainly features you Russians
and we Americans possess in common. As my dearest dream is for an
internationality of poems and poets binding the lands of the earth closer
than all treaties and diplomacy—as the purpose beneath the rest in my book
is such hearty comradeship, for individuals to begin with, and for all the
nations of the earth as a result—how happy I should be to get the hearing
and emotional contact of the great Russian peoples.
To whom, now and here, (addressing you for Russia and Russians and
empowering you, should you see fit, to print the present letter, in your book,
as a preface,) I waft affectionate salutation from these shores, in America's
name.

W. W.

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NOTES LEFT OVER
NATIONALITY—(AND YET) It is more and more clear to me that the
main sustenance for highest separate personality, these States, is to come
from that general sustenance of the aggregate, (as air, earth, rains, give
sustenance to a tree)—and that such personality, by democratic standards,
will only be fully coherent, grand and free, through the cohesion, grandeur
and freedom of the common aggregate, the Union. Thus the existence of the
true American continental solidarity of the future, depending on myriads of
superb, large-sized, emotional and physically perfect individualities, of one
sex just as much as the other, the supply of such individualities, in my
opinion, wholly depends on a compacted imperial ensemble. The theory and
practice of both sovereignties, contradictory as they are, are necessary. As
the centripetal law were fatal alone, or the centrifugal law deadly and
destructive alone, but together forming the law of eternal kosmical action,
evolution, preservation, and life—so, by itself alone, the fullness of
individuality, even the sanest, would surely destroy itself. This is what
makes the importance to the identities of these States of the thoroughly
fused, relentless, dominating Union—a moral and spiritual idea, subjecting
all the parts with remorseless power, more needed by American democracy
than by any of history's hitherto empires or feudalities, and the sine qua non
of carrying out the republican principle to develop itself in the New World
through hundreds, thousands of years to come.
Indeed, what most needs fostering through the hundred years to come, in
all parts of the United States, north, south, Mississippi valley, and Atlantic
and Pacific coasts, is this fused and fervent identity of the individual,
whoever he or she may be, and wherever the place, with the idea and fact of
AMERICAN TOTALITY, and with what is meant by the Flag, the stars and
stripes. We need this conviction of nationality as a faith, to be absorb'd in
the blood and belief of the People everywhere, south, north, west, east, to
emanate in their life, and in native literature and art. We want the germinal
idea that America, inheritor of the past, is the custodian of the future of
humanity. Judging from history, it is some such moral and spiritual ideas
appropriate to them, (and such ideas only,) that have made the profoundest

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glory and endurance of nations in the past. The races of Judea, the classic
clusters of Greece and Rome, and the feudal and ecclesiastical clusters of
the Middle Ages, were each and all vitalized by their separate distinctive
ideas, ingrain'd in them, redeeming many sins, and indeed, in a sense, the
principal reason-why for their whole career.
Then, in the thought of nationality especially for the United States, and
making them original, and different from all other countries, another point
ever remains to be considered. There are two distinct principles—aye,
paradoxes—at the life-fountain and life-continuation of the States; one, the
sacred principle of the Union, the right of ensemble, at whatever sacrifice—
and yet another, an equally sacred principle, the right of each State,
consider'd as a separate sovereign individual, in its own sphere. Some go
zealously for one set of these rights, and some as zealously for the other set.
We must have both; or rather, bred out of them, as out of mother and father,
a third set, the perennial result and combination of both, and neither
jeopardized. I say the loss or abdication of one set, in the future, will be ruin
to democracy just as much as the loss of the other set. The problem is, to
harmoniously adjust the two, and the play of the two. {Observe the lesson
of the divinity of Nature, ever checking the excess of one law, by an
opposite, or seemingly opposite law—generally the other side of the same
law.} For the theory of this Republic is, not that the General government is
the fountain of all life and power, dispensing it forth, around, and to the
remotest portions of our territory, but that THE PEOPLE are, represented in
both, underlying both the General and State governments, and consider'd
just as well in their individualities and in their separate aggregates, or
States, as consider'd in one vast aggregate, the Union. This was the original
dual theory and foundation of the United States, as distinguish'd from the
feudal and ecclesiastical single idea of monarchies and papacies, and the
divine right of kings. (Kings have been of use, hitherto, as representing the
idea of the identity of nations. But, to American democracy, both ideas must
be fulfill'd, and in my opinion the loss of vitality of either one will indeed
be the loss of vitality of the other.)

EMERSON'S BOOKS, (THE SHADOWS OF THEM)

In the regions we call Nature, towering beyond all measurement, with
infinite spread, infinite depth and height—in those regions, including Man,

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socially and historically, with his moral-emotional influences—how small a
part, (it came in my mind to-day,) has literature really depicted—even
summing up all of it, all ages. Seems at its best some little fleet of boats,
hugging the shores of a boundless sea, and never venturing, exploring the
unmapp'd—never, Columbus-like, sailing out for New Worlds, and to
complete the orb's rondure. Emerson writes frequently in the atmosphere of
this thought, and his books report one or two things from that very ocean
and air, and more legibly address'd to our age and American polity than by
any man yet. But I will begin by scarifying him—thus proving that I am not
insensible to his deepest lessons. I will consider his books from a
democratic and western point of view. I will specify the shadows on these
sunny expanses. Somebody has said of heroic character that "wherever the
tallest peaks are present, must inevitably be deep chasms and valleys."
Mine be the ungracious task (for reasons) of leaving unmention'd both
sunny expanses and sky-reaching heights, to dwell on the bare spots and
darknesses. I have a theory that no artist or work of the very first class may
be or can be without them.
First, then, these pages are perhaps too perfect, too concentrated. (How
good, for instance, is good butter, good sugar. But to be eating nothing but
sugar and butter all the time! even if ever so good.) And though the author
has much to say of freedom and wildness and simplicity and spontaneity, no
performance was ever more based on artificial scholarships and decorums
at third or fourth removes, (he calls it culture,) and built up from them. It is
always a make, never an unconscious growth. It is the porcelain figure or
statuette of lion, or stag, or Indian hunter—and a very choice statuette too—
appropriate for the rosewood or marble bracket of parlor or library; never
the animal itself, or the hunter himself. Indeed, who wants the real animal
or hunter? What would that do amid astral and bric-a-brac and tapestry, and
ladies and gentlemen talking in subdued tones of Browning and Longfellow
and art? The least suspicion of such actual bull, or Indian, or of Nature
carrying out itself, would put all those good people to instant terror and
flight.
Emerson, in my opinion, is not most eminent as poet or artist or teacher,
though valuable in all those. He is best as critic, or diagnoser. Not passion
or imagination or warp or weakness, or any pronounced cause or specialty,
dominates him. Cold and bloodless intellectuality dominates him. (I know
the fires, emotions, love, egotisms, glow deep, perennial, as in all New

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Englanders—but the façade, hides them well—they give no sign.) He does
not see or take one side, one presentation only or mainly, (as all the poets,
or most of the fine writers anyhow)—he sees all sides. His final influence is
to make his students cease to worship anything—almost cease to believe in
anything, outside of themselves. These books will fill, and well fill, certain
stretches of life, certain stages of development—are, (like the tenets or
theology the author of them preach'd when a young man,) unspeakably
serviceable and precious as a stage. But in old or nervous or solemnest or
dying hours, when one needs the impalpably soothing and vitalizing
influences of abysmic Nature, or its affinities in literature or human society,
and the soul resents the keenest mere intellection, they will not be sought
for.
For a philosopher, Emerson possesses a singularly dandified theory of
manners. He seems to have no notion at all that manners are simply the
signs by which the chemist or metallurgist knows his metals. To the
profound scientist, all metals are profound, as they really are. The little one,
like the conventional world, will make much of gold and silver only. Then
to the real artist in humanity, what are called bad manners are often the
most picturesque and significant of all. Suppose these books becoming
absorb'd, the permanent chyle of American general and particular character
—what a well-wash'd and grammatical, but bloodless and helpless, race we
should turn out! No, no, dear friend; though the States want scholars,
undoubtedly, and perhaps want ladies and gentlemen who use the bath
frequently, and never laugh loud, or talk wrong, they don't want scholars, or
ladies and gentlemen, at the expense of all the rest. They want good
farmers, sailors, mechanics, clerks, citizens—perfect business and social
relations—perfect fathers and mothers. If we could only have these, or their
approximations, plenty of them, fine and large and sane and generous and
patriotic, they might make their verbs disagree from their nominatives, and
laugh like volleys of musketeers, if they should please. Of course these are
not all America wants, but they are first of all to be provided on a large
scale. And, with tremendous errors and escapades, this, substantially, is
what the States seem to have an intuition of, and to be mainly aiming at.
The plan of a select class, superfined, (demarcated from the rest,) the plan
of Old World lands and literatures, is not so objectionable in itself, but
because it chokes the true plan for us, and indeed is death to it. As to such
special class, the United States can never produce any equal to the splendid

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show, (far, far beyond comparison or competition here,) of the principal
European nations, both in the past and at the present day. But an immense
and distinctive commonalty over our vast and varied area, west and east,
south and north—in fact, for the first time in history, a great, aggregated,
real PEOPLE, worthy the name, and made of develop'd heroic individuals,
both sexes—is America's principal, perhaps only, reason for being. If ever
accomplish'd, it will be at least as much, (I lately think, doubly as much,)
the result of fitting and democratic sociologies, literatures and arts—if we
ever get them—as of our democratic politics.
At times it has been doubtful to me if Emerson really knows or feels
what Poetry is at its highest, as in the Bible, for instance, or Homer or
Shakspere. I see he covertly or plainly likes best superb verbal polish, or
something old or odd—Waller's "Go, lovely rose," or Lovelace's lines "to
Lucusta"—the quaint conceits of the old French bards, and the like. Of
power he seems to have a gentleman's admiration—but in his inmost heart
the grandest attribute of God and Poets is always subordinate to the octaves,
conceits, polite kinks, and verbs.
The reminiscence that years ago I began like most youngsters to have a
touch (though it came late, and was only on the surface) of Emerson-on-the-
brain—that I read his writings reverently, and address'd him in print as
"Master," and for a month or so thought of him as such—I retain not only
with composure, but positive satisfaction. I have noticed that most young
people of eager minds pass through this stage of exercise.
The best part of Emersonianism is, it breeds the giant that destroys itself.
Who wants to be any man's mere follower? lurks behind every page. No
teacher ever taught, that has so provided for his pupil's setting up
independently—no truer evolutionist.

VENTURES, ON AN OLD THEME

A DIALOGUE—

One party says—We arrange our lives—even the best and boldest men
and women that exist, just as much as the most limited—with reference to
what society conventionally rules and makes right. We retire to our rooms

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for freedom; to undress, bathe, unloose everything in freedom. These, and
much else, would not be proper in society.
Other party answers—Such is the rule of society. Not always so, and
considerable exceptions still exist. However, it must be called the general
rule, sanction'd by immemorial usage, and will probably always remain so.
First party—Why not, then, respect it in your poems?
Answer—One reason, and to me a profound one, is that the soul of a man
or woman demands, enjoys compensation in the highest directions for this
very restraint of himself or herself, level'd to the average, or rather mean,
low, however eternally practical, requirements of society's intercourse. To
balance this indispensable abnegation, the free minds of poets relieve
themselves, and strengthen and enrich mankind with free flights in all the
directions not tolerated by ordinary society.
First party—But must not outrage or give offence to it.
Answer—No, not in the deepest sense—and do not, and cannot. The vast
averages of time and the race en masse settle these things. Only understand
that the conventional standards and laws proper enough for ordinary society
apply neither to the action of the soul, nor its poets. In fact the latter know
no laws but the laws of themselves, planted in them by God, and are
themselves the last standards of the law, and its final exponents—
responsible to Him directly, and not at all to mere etiquette. Often the best
service that can be done to the race, is to lift the veil, at least for a time,
from these rules and fossil-etiquettes.
NEW POETRY—California, Canada, Texas.—In my opinion the time
has arrived to essentially break down the barriers of form between prose
and poetry. I say the latter is henceforth to win and maintain its character
regardless of rhyme, and the measurement-rules of iambic, spondee, dactyl,
&c., and that even if rhyme and those measurements continue to furnish the
medium for inferior writers and themes, (especially for persiflage and the
comic, as there seems henceforward, to the perfect taste, something
inevitably comic in rhyme, merely in itself, and anyhow,) the truest and
greatest Poetry, (while subtly and necessarily always rhythmic, and
distinguishable easily enough,) can never again, in the English language, be
express'd in arbitrary and rhyming metre, any more than the greatest
eloquence, or the truest power and passion. While admitting that the
venerable and heavenly forms of chiming versification have in their time

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play'd great and fitting parts—that the pensive complaint, the ballads, wars,
amours, legends of Europe, &c., have, many of them, been inimitably
render'd in rhyming verse—that there have been very illustrious poets
whose shapes the mantle of such verse has beautifully and appropriately
envelopt—and though the mantle has fallen, with perhaps added beauty, on
some of our own age—it is, not-withstanding, certain to me, that the day of
such conventional rhyme is ended. In America, at any rate, and as a medium
of highest esthetic practical or spiritual expression, present or future, it
palpably fails, and must fail, to serve. The Muse of the Prairies, of
California, Canada, Texas, and of the peaks of Colorado, dismissing the
literary, as well as social etiquette of over-sea feudalism and caste, joyfully
enlarging, adapting itself to comprehend the size of the whole people, with
the free play, emotions, pride, passions, experiences, that belong to them,
body and soul—to the general globe, and all its relations in astronomy, as
the savans portray them to us—to the modern, the busy Nineteenth century,
(as grandly poetic as any, only different,) with steamships, railroads,
factories, electric telegraphs, cylinder presses—to the thought of the
solidarity of nations, the brotherhood and sisterhood of the entire earth—to
the dignity and heroism of the practical labor of farms, factories, foundries,
workshops, mines, or on shipboard, or on lakes and rivers—resumes that
other medium of expression, more flexible, more eligible—soars to the
freer, vast, diviner heaven of prose.
Of poems of the third or fourth class, (perhaps even some of the second,)
it makes little or no difference who writes them—they are good enough for
what they are; nor is it necessary that they should be actual emanations
from the personality and life of the writers. The very reverse sometimes
gives piquancy. But poems of the first class, (poems of the depth, as
distinguished from those of the surface,) are to be sternly tallied with the
poets themselves, and tried by them and their lives. Who wants a
glorification of courage and manly defiance from a coward or a sneak?—a
ballad of benevolence or chastity from some rhyming hunks, or lascivious,
glib roué?
In these States, beyond all precedent, poetry will have to do with actual
facts, with the concrete States, and—for we have not much more than
begun—with the definitive getting into shape of the Union. Indeed I
sometimes think it alone is to define the Union, (namely, to give it artistic
character, spirituality, dignity.) What American humanity is most in danger

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of is an overwhelming prosperity, "business" worldliness, materialism: what
is most lacking, east, west, north, south, is a fervid and glowing Nationality
and patriotism, cohering all the parts into one. Who may fend that danger,
and fill that lack in the future, but a class of loftiest poets?
If the United States haven't grown poets, on any scale of grandeur, it is
certain they import, print, and read more poetry than any equal number of
people elsewhere—probably more than all the rest of the world combined.
Poetry (like a grand personality) is a growth of many generations—many
rare combinations.
To have great poets, there must be great audiences, too.

BRITISH LITERATURE

To avoid mistake, I would say that I not only commend the study of this
literature, but wish our sources of supply and comparison vastly enlarged.
American students may well derive from all former lands—from forenoon
Greece and Rome, down to the perturb'd mediaeval times, the Crusades,
and so to Italy, the German intellect—all the older literatures, and all the
newer ones—from witty and warlike France, and markedly, and in many
ways, and at many different periods, from the enterprise and soul of the
great Spanish race—bearing ourselves always courteous, always
deferential, indebted beyond measure to the mother-world, to all its nations
dead, as all its nations living—the offspring, this America of ours, the
daughter, not by any means of the British isles exclusively, but of the
continent, and all continents. Indeed, it is time we should realize and fully
fructify those germs we also hold from Italy, France, Spain, especially in
the best imaginative productions of those lands, which are, in many ways,
loftier and subtler than the English, or British, and indispensable to
complete our service, proportions, education, reminiscences, &c.... The
British element these States hold, and have always held, enormously
beyond its fit proportions. I have already spoken of Shakspere. He seems to
me of astral genius, first class, entirely fit for feudalism. His contributions,
especially to the literature of the passions, are immense, forever dear to
humanity—and his name is always to be reverenced in America. But there
is much in him ever offensive to democracy. He is not only the tally of
feudalism, but I should say Shakspere is incarnated, uncompromising

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feudalism, in literature. Then one seems to detect something in him—I
hardly know how to describe it—even amid the dazzle of his genius; and, in
inferior manifestations, it is found in nearly all leading British authors.
(Perhaps we will have to import the words Snob, Snobbish, &c., after all.)
While of the great poems of Asian antiquity, the Indian epics, the book of
Job, the Ionian Iliad, the unsurpassedly simple, loving, perfect idyls of the
life and death of Christ, in the New Testament, (indeed Homer and the
Biblical utterances intertwine familiarly with us, in the main,) and along
down, of most of the characteristic, imaginative or romantic relics of the
continent, as the Cid, Cervantes' Don Quixote, &c., I should say they
substantially adjust themselves to us, and, far off as they are, accord
curiously with our bed and board to-day, in New York, Washington,
Canada, Ohio, Texas, California—and with our notions, both of seriousness
and of fun, and our standards of heroism, manliness, and even the
democratic requirements—those requirements are not only not fulfill'd in
the Shaksperean productions, but are insulted on every page.
I add that—while England is among the greatest of lands in political
freedom, or the idea of it, and in stalwart personal character, &c.—the spirit
of English literature is not great, at least is not greatest—and its products
are no models for us. With the exception of Shakspere, there is no first-class
genius in that literature—which, with a truly vast amount of value, and of
artificial beauty, (largely from the classics,) is almost always material,
sensual, not spiritual—almost always congests, makes plethoric, not frees,
expands, dilates—is cold, anti-democratic, loves to be sluggish and stately,
and shows much of that characteristic of vulgar persons, the dread of saying
or doing something not at all improper in itself, but unconventional, and
that may be laugh'd at. In its best, the sombre pervades it; it is moody,
melancholy, and, to give it its due, expresses, in characters and plots, those
qualities, in an unrival'd manner. Yet not as the black thunder-storms, and in
great normal, crashing passions, of the Greek dramatists—clearing the air,
refreshing afterward, bracing with power; but as in Hamlet, moping, sick,
uncertain, and leaving ever after a secret taste for the blues, the morbid
fascination, the luxury of wo....
I strongly recommend all the young men and young women of the United
States to whom it may be eligible, to overhaul the well-freighted fleets, the
literatures of Italy, Spain, France, Germany, so full of those elements of
freedom, self-possession, gay-heartedness, subtlety, dilation, needed in

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preparations for the future of the States. I only wish we could have really
good translations. I rejoice at the feeling for Oriental researches and poetry,
and hope it will go on.

DARWINISM—(THEN FURTHERMORE)

Running through prehistoric ages—coming down from them into the
daybreak of our records, founding theology, suffusing literature, and so
brought onward—(a sort of verteber and marrow to all the antique races and
lands, Egypt, India, Greece, Rome, the Chinese, the Jews, &c., and giving
cast and complexion to their art, poems, and their politics as well as
ecclesiasticism, all of which we more or less inherit,) appear those
venerable claims to origin from God himself, or from gods and goddesses—
ancestry from divine beings of vaster beauty, size, and power than ours. But
in current and latest times, the theory of human origin that seems to have
most made its mark, (curiously reversing the antique,) is that we have come
on, originated, developt, from monkeys, baboons—a theory more
significant perhaps in its indirections, or what it necessitates, than it is even
in itself. (Of the twain, far apart as they seem, and angrily as their
conflicting advocates to-day oppose each other, are not both theories to be
possibly reconcil'd, and even blended? Can we, indeed, spare either of
them? Better still, out of them is not a third theory, the real one, or
suggesting the real one, to arise?)
Of this old theory, evolution, as broach'd anew, trebled, with indeed all-
devouring claims, by Darwin, it has so much in it, and is so needed as a
counterpoise to yet widely prevailing and unspeakably tenacious,
enfeebling superstitions—is fused, by the new man, into such grand,
modest, truly scientific accompaniments—that the world of erudition, both
moral and physical, cannot but be eventually better'd and broaden'd in its
speculations, from the advent of Darwinism. Nevertheless, the problem of
origins, human and other, is not the least whit nearer its solution. In due
time the Evolution theory will have to abate its vehemence, cannot be
allow'd to dominate every thing else, and will have to take its place as a
segment of the circle, the cluster—as but one of many theories, many
thoughts, of profoundest value—and re-adjusting and differentiating much,
yet leaving the divine secrets just as inexplicable and unreachable as before
—maybe more so.

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Then furthermore—What is finally to be done by priest or poet—and by
priest or poet only—amid all the stupendous and dazzling novelties of our
century, with the advent of America, and of science and democracy—
remains just as indispensable, after all the work of the grand astronomers,
chemists, linguists, historians, and explorers of the last hundred years—and
the wondrous German and other metaphysicians of that time—and will
continue to remain, needed, America and here, just the same as in the world
of Europe, or Asia, of a hundred, or a thousand, or several thousand years
ago. I think indeed more needed, to furnish statements from the present
points, the added arriere, and the unspeakably immenser vistas of to-day.
Only, the priests and poets of the modern, at least as exalted as any in the
past, fully absorbing and appreciating the results of the past, in the
commonalty of all humanity, all time, (the main results already, for there is
perhaps nothing more, or at any rate not much, strictly new, only more
important modern combinations, and new relative adjustments,) must
indeed recast the old metal, the already achiev'd material, into and through
new moulds, current forms.
Meantime, the highest and subtlest and broadest truths of modern science
wait for their true assignment and last vivid flashes of light—as Democracy
waits for it's—through first-class metaphysicians and speculative
philosophs—laying the basements and foundations for those new, more
expanded, more harmonious, more melodious, freer American poems.

"SOCIETY"

I have myself little or no hope from what is technically called "Society"
in our American cities. New York, of which place I have spoken so sharply,
still promises something, in time, out of its tremendous and varied
materials, with a certain superiority of intuitions, and the advantage of
constant agitation, and ever new and rapid dealings of the cards. Of Boston,
with its circles of social mummies, swathed in cerements harder than brass
—its bloodless religion, (Unitarianism,) its complacent vanity of scientism
and literature, lots of grammatical correctness, mere knowledge, (always
wearisome, in itself)—its zealous abstractions, ghosts of reforms—I should
say, (ever admitting its business powers, its sharp, almost demoniac,
intellect, and no lack, in its own way, of courage and generosity)—there is,
at present, little of cheering, satisfying sign. In the West, California, &c.,

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"society" is yet unform'd, puerile, seemingly unconscious of anything above
a driving business, or to liberally spend the money made by it, in the usual
rounds and shows.
Then there is, to the humorous observer of American attempts at fashion,
according to the models of foreign courts and saloons, quite a comic side—
particularly visible at Washington city—a sort of high-life-below-stairs
business. As if any farce could be funnier, for instance, than the scenes of
the crowds, winter nights, meandering around our Presidents and their
wives, cabinet officers, western or other Senators, Representatives, &c.;
born of good laboring mechanic or farmer stock and antecedents,
attempting those full-dress receptions, finesse of parlors, foreign
ceremonies, etiquettes, &c.
Indeed, consider'd with any sense of propriety, or any sense at all, the
whole of this illy-play'd fashionable play and display, with their absorption
of the best part of our wealthier citizens' time, money, energies, &c., is
ridiculously out of place in the United States. As if our proper man and
woman, (far, far greater words than "gentleman" and "lady,") could still fail
to see, and presently achieve, not this spectral business, but something truly
noble, active, sane, American—by modes, perfections of character,
manners, costumes, social relations, &c., adjusted to standards, far, far
different from those.
Eminent and liberal foreigners, British or continental, must at times have
their faith fearfully tried by what they see of our New World personalities.
The shallowest and least American persons seem surest to push abroad, and
call without fail on well-known foreigners, who are doubtless affected with
indescribable qualms by these queer ones. Then, more than half of our
authors and writers evidently think it a great thing to be "aristocratic," and
sneer at progress, democracy, revolution, etc. If some international literary
snobs' gallery were establish'd, it is certain that America could contribute at
least her full share of the portraits, and some very distinguish'd ones.
Observe that the most impudent slanders, low insults, &c., on the great
revolutionary authors, leaders, poets, &c., of Europe, have their origin and
main circulation in certain circles here. The treatment of Victor Hugo living,
and Byron dead, are samples. Both deserving so well of America, and both
persistently attempted to be soil'd here by unclean birds, male and female.

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Meanwhile I must still offset the like of the foregoing, and all it infers, by
the recognition of the fact, that while the surfaces of current society here
show so much that is dismal, noisome, and vapory, there are, beyond
question, inexhaustible supplies, as of true gold ore, in the mines of
America's general humanity. Let us, not ignoring the dross, give fit stress to
these precious immortal values also. Let it be distinctly admitted, that—
whatever may be said of our fashionable society, and of any foul fractions
and episodes—only here in America, out of the long history and manifold
presentations of the ages, has at last arisen, and now stands, what never
before took positive form and sway, the People—and that view'd en masse,
and while fully acknowledging deficiencies, dangers, faults, this people,
inchoate, latent, not yet come to majority, nor to its own religious, literary,
or esthetic expression, yet affords, to-day, an exultant justification of all the
faith, all the hopes and prayers and prophecies of good men through the
past—the stablest, solidest-based government of the world—the most
assured in a future—the beaming Pharos to whose perennial light all earnest
eyes, the world over, are tending—and that already, in and from it, the
democratic principle, having been mortally tried by severest tests, fatalities
of war and peace, now issues from the trial, unharm'd, trebly-invigorated,
perhaps to commence forthwith its finally triumphant march around the
globe.
THE TRAMP AND STRIKE QUESTIONS: Part of a Lecture proposed,
(never deliver'd)
Two grim and spectral dangers—dangerous to peace, to health, to social
security, to progress—long known in concrete to the governments of the
Old World, and there eventuating, more than once or twice, in dynastic
overturns, bloodshed, days, months, of terror—seem of late years to be
nearing the New World, nay, to be gradually establishing themselves among
us. What mean these phantoms here? (I personify them in fictitious shapes,
but they are very real.) Is the fresh and broad demesne of America destined
also to give them foothold and lodgment, permanent domicile?
Beneath the whole political world, what most presses and perplexes to-
day, sending vastest results affecting the future, is not the abstract question
of democracy, but of social and economic organization, the treatment of
working-people by employers, and all that goes along with it—not only the
wages-payment part, but a certain spirit and principle, to vivify anew these

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relations; all the questions of progress, strength, tariffs, finance, &c., really
evolving themselves more or less directly out of the Poverty Question, ("the
Science of Wealth," and a dozen other names are given it, but I prefer the
severe one just used.) I will begin by calling the reader's attention to a
thought upon the matter which may not have struck you before—the wealth
of the civilized world, as contrasted with its poverty—what does it
derivatively stand for, and represent? A rich person ought to have a strong
stomach. As in Europe the wealth of to-day mainly results from, and
represents, the rapine, murder, outrages, treachery, hoggishness, of
hundreds of years ago, and onward, later, so in America, after the same
token—(not yet so bad, perhaps, or at any rate not so palpable—we have
not existed long enough—but we seem to be doing our best to make it up.)
Curious as it may seem, it is in what are call'd the poorest, lowest
characters you will sometimes, nay generally, find glints of the most
sublime virtues, eligibilities, heroisms. Then it is doubtful whether the State
is to be saved, either in the monotonous long run, or in tremendous special
crises, by its good people only. When the storm is deadliest, and the disease
most imminent, help often comes from strange quarters—(the
homoeopathic motto, you remember, cure the bite with a hair of the same
dog.)
The American Revolution of 1776 was simply a great strike, successful
for its immediate object—but whether a real success judged by the scale of
the centuries, and the long-striking balance of Time, yet remains to be
settled. The French Revolution was absolutely a strike, and a very terrible
and relentless one, against ages of bad pay, unjust division of wealth-
products, and the hoggish monopoly of a few, rolling in superfluity, against
the vast bulk of the work-people, living in squalor.
If the United States, like the countries of the Old World, are also to grow
vast crops of poor, desperate, dissatisfied, nomadic, miserably-waged
populations, such as we see looming upon us of late years—steadily, even if
slowly, eating into them like a cancer of lungs or stomach—then our
republican experiment, notwithstanding all its surface-successes, is at heart
an unhealthy failure.
Feb. '79.—I saw to-day a sight I had never seen before—and it amazed,
and made me serious; three quite good-looking American men, of
respectable personal presence, two of them young, carrying chiffonier-bags

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on their shoulders, and the usual long iron hooks in their hands, plodding
along, their eyes cast down, spying for scraps, rags, bones, &c.

DEMOCRACY IN THE NEW WORLD

Estimated and summ'd-up to-day, having thoroughly justified itself the
past hundred years, (as far as growth, vitality and power are concern'd,) by
severest and most varied trials of peace and war, and having establish'd
itself for good, with all its necessities and benefits, for time to come, is now
to be seriously consider'd also in its pronounc'd and already developt
dangers. While the battle was raging, and the result suspended, all
defections and criticisms were to be hush'd, and everything bent with
vehemence unmitigated toward the urge of victory. But that victory settled,
new responsibilities advance. I can conceive of no better service in the
United States, henceforth, by democrats of thorough and heart-felt faith,
than boldly exposing the weakness, liabilities and infinite corruptions of
democracy. By the unprecedented opening-up of humanity en-masse in the
United States, the last hundred years, under our institutions, not only the
good qualities of the race, but just as much the bad ones, are prominently
brought forward. Man is about the same, in the main, whether with
despotism, or whether with freedom.
"The ideal form of human society," Canon Kingsley declares, "is
democracy. A nation—and were it even possible, a whole world—of free
men, lifting free foreheads to God and Nature; calling no man master, for
One is their master, even God; knowing and doing their duties toward the
Maker of the universe, and therefore to each other; not from fear, nor
calculation of profit or loss, but because they have seen the beauty of
righteousness, and trust, and peace; because the law of God is in their
hearts. Such a nation—such a society—what nobler conception of moral
existence can we form? Would not that, indeed, be the kingdom of God
come on earth?"
To this faith, founded in the ideal, let us hold—and never abandon or lose
it. Then what a spectacle is practically exhibited by our American
democracy to-day!

FOUNDATION STAGES—THEN OTHERS

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Though I think I fully comprehend the absence of moral tone in our
current politics and business, and the almost entire futility of absolute and
simple honor as a counterpoise against the enormous greed for worldly
wealth, with the trickeries of gaining it, all through society our day, I still do
not share the depression and despair on the subject which I find possessing
many good people. The advent of America, the history of the past century,
has been the first general aperture and opening-up to the average human
commonalty, on the broadest scale, of the eligibilities to wealth and worldly
success and eminence, and has been fully taken advantage of; and the
example has spread hence, in ripples, to all nations. To these eligibilities—
to this limitless aperture, the race has tended, en-masse, roaring and rushing
and crude, and fiercely, turbidly hastening—and we have seen the first
stages, and are now in the midst of the result of it all, so far. But there will
certainly ensue other stages, and entirely different ones. In nothing is there
more evolution than the American mind. Soon, it will be fully realized that
ostensible wealth and money-making, show, luxury, &c., imperatively
necessitate something beyond—namely, the sane, eternal moral and
spiritual-esthetic attributes, elements. (We cannot have even that realization
on any less terms than the price we are now paying for it.) Soon, it will be
understood clearly, that the State cannot flourish, (nay, cannot exist,)
without those elements. They will gradually enter into the chyle of
sociology and literature. They will finally make the blood and brawn of the
best American individualities of both sexes—and thus, with them, to a
certainty, (through these very processes of to-day,) dominate the New
World.

GENERAL SUFFRAGE, ELECTIONS, ETC.

It still remains doubtful to me whether these will ever secure, officially,
the best wit and capacity—whether, through them, the first-class genius of
America will ever personally appear in the high political stations, the
Presidency, Congress, the leading State offices, &c. Those offices, or the
candidacy for them, arranged, won, by caucusing, money, the favoritism or
pecuniary interest of rings, the superior manipulation of the ins over the
outs, or the outs over the ins, are, indeed, at best, the mere business
agencies of the people, are useful as formulating, neither the best and
highest, but the average of the public judgment, sense, justice, (or

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sometimes want of judgment, sense, justice.) We elect Presidents,
Congressmen, &c., not so much to have them consider and decide for us,
but as surest practical means of expressing the will of majorities on mooted
questions, measures, &c.
As to general suffrage, after all, since we have gone so far, the more
general it is, the better. I favor the widest opening of the doors. Let the
ventilation and area be wide enough, and all is safe. We can never have a
born penitentiary-bird, or panel-thief, or lowest gambling-hell or groggery
keeper, for President—though such may not only emulate, but get, high
offices from localities—even from the proud and wealthy city of New York.

WHO GETS THE PLUNDER?

The protectionists are fond of flashing to the public eye the glittering
delusion of great money-results from manufactures, mines, artificial exports
—so many millions from this source, and so many from that—such a
seductive, unanswerable show—an immense revenue of annual cash from
iron, cotton, woollen, leather goods, and a hundred other things, all
bolstered up by "protection." But the really important point of all is, into
whose pockets does this plunder really go? It would be some excuse and
satisfaction if even a fair proportion of it went to the masses of laboring-
men—resulting in homesteads to such, men, women, children—myriads of
actual homes in fee simple, in every State, (not the false glamour of the
stunning wealth reported in the census, in the statistics, or tables in the
newspapers,) but a fair division and generous average to those workmen
and workwomen—that would be something. But the fact itself is nothing of
the kind. The profits of "protection" go altogether to a few score select
persons—who, by favors of Congress, State legislatures, the banks, and
other special advantages, are forming a vulgar aristocracy, full as bad as
anything in the British or European castes, of blood, or the dynasties there
of the past. As Sismondi pointed out, the true prosperity of a nation is not in
the great wealth of a special class, but is only to be really attain'd in having
the bulk of the people provided with homes or land in fee simple. This may
not be the best show, but it is the best reality.

FRIENDSHIP, (THE REAL ARTICLE)

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Though Nature maintains, and must prevail, there will always be plenty
of people, and good people, who cannot, or think they cannot, see anything
in that last, wisest, most envelop'd of proverbs, "Friendship rules the
World." Modern society, in its largest vein, is essentially intellectual,
infidelistic—secretly admires, and depends most on, pure compulsion or
science, its rule and sovereignty—is, in short, in "cultivated" quarters,
deeply Napoleonic.
"Friendship," said Bonaparte, in one of his lightning-flashes of candid
garrulity, "Friendship is but a name. I love no one—not even my brothers;
Joseph perhaps a little. Still, if I do love him, it is from habit, because he is
the eldest of us. Duroc? Ay, him, if any one, I love in a sort—but why? He
suits me; he is cool, undemonstrative, unfeeling—has no weak affections—
never embraces any one—never weeps."
I am not sure but the same analogy is to be applied, in cases, often seen,
where, with an extra development and acuteness of the intellectual faculties,
there is a mark'd absence of the spiritual, affectional, and sometimes,
though more rarely, the highest esthetic and moral elements of cognition.

LACKS AND WANTS YET

Of most foreign countries, small or large, from the remotest times known,
down to our own, each has contributed after its kind, directly or indirectly,
at least one great undying song, to help vitalize and increase the valor,
wisdom, and elegance of humanity, from the points of view attain'd by it up
to date. The stupendous epics of India, the holy Bible itself, the Homeric
canticles, the Nibelungen, the Cid Campeador, the Inferno, Shakspere's
dramas of the passions and of the feudal lords, Burns's songs, Goethe's in
Germany, Tennyson's poems in England, Victor Hugo's in France, and many
more, are the widely various yet integral signs or land-marks, (in certain
respects the highest set up by the human mind and soul, beyond science,
invention, political amelioration, &c.,) narrating in subtlest, best ways, the
long, long routes of history, and giving identity to the stages arrived at by
aggregate humanity, and the conclusions assumed in its progressive and
varied civilizations.... Where is America's art-rendering, in any thing like
the spirit worthy of herself and the modern, to these characteristic immortal
monuments? So far, our Democratic society, (estimating its various strata,
in the mass, as one,) possesses nothing—nor have we contributed any

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characteristic music, the finest tie of nationality—to make up for that
glowing, blood-throbbing, religious, social, emotional, artistic, indefinable,
indescribably beautiful charm and hold which fused the separate parts of the
old feudal societies together, in their wonderful interpenetration, in Europe
and Asia, of love, belief, and loyalty, running one way like a living weft—
and picturesque responsibility, duty, and blessedness, running like a warp
the other way. (In the Southern States, under slavery, much of the same.)...
In coincidence, and as things now exist in the States, what is more terrible,
more alarming, than the total want of any such fusion and mutuality of love,
belief, and rapport of interest, between the comparatively few successful
rich, and the great masses of the unsuccessful, the poor? As a mixed
political and social question, is not this full of dark significance? Is it not
worth considering as a problem and puzzle in our democracy—an
indispensable want to be supplied?

RULERS STRICTLY OUT OF THE MASSES

In the talk (which I welcome) about the need of men of training,
thoroughly school'd and experienced men, for statesmen, I would present
the following as an offset. It was written by me twenty years ago—and has
been curiously verified since:
I say no body of men are fit to make Presidents, Judges, and Generals,
unless they themselves supply the best specimens of the same; and that
supplying one or two such specimens illuminates the whole body for a
thousand years. I expect to see the day when the like of the present
personnel of the governments, Federal, State, municipal, military, and
naval, will be look'd upon with derision, and when qualified mechanics and
young men will reach Congress and other official stations, sent in their
working costumes, fresh from their benches and tools, and returning to
them again with dignity. The young fellows must prepare to do credit to this
destiny, for the stuff is in them. Nothing gives place, recollect, and never
ought to give place, except to its clean superiors. There is more rude and
undevelopt bravery, friendship, conscientiousness, clear-sightedness, and
practical genius for any scope of action, even the broadest and highest, now
among the American mechanics and young men, than in all the official
persons in these States, legislative, executive, judicial, military, and naval,
and more than among all the literary persons. I would be much pleas'd to

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see some heroic, shrewd, fully-inform'd, healthy-bodied, middle-aged,
beard-faced American blacksmith or boatman come down from the West
across the Alleghanies, and walk into the Presidency, dress'd in a clean suit
of working attire, and with the tan all over his face, breast, and arms; I
would certainly vote for that sort of man, possessing the due requirements,
before any other candidate.
(The facts of rank-and-file workingmen, mechanics, Lincoln, Johnson,
Grant, Garfield, brought forward from the masses and placed in the
Presidency, and swaying its mighty powers with firm hand—really with
more sway than any king in history, and with better capacity in using that
sway—can we not see that these facts have bearings far, far beyond their
political or party ones?)

MONUMENTS—THE PAST AND PRESENT

If you go to Europe, (to say nothing of Asia, more ancient and massive
still,) you cannot stir without meeting venerable mementos—cathedrals,
ruins of temples, castles, monuments of the great, statues and paintings,
(far, far beyond anything America can ever expect to produce,) haunts of
heroes long dead, saints, poets, divinities, with deepest associations of ages.
But here in the New World, while those we can never emulate, we have
more than those to build, and far more greatly to build. (I am not sure but
the day for conventional monuments, statues, memorials, &c., has pass'd
away—and that they are henceforth superfluous and vulgar.) An enlarg'd
general superior humanity, (partly indeed resulting from those,) we are to
build. European, Asiatic greatness are in the past. Vaster and subtler,
America, combining, justifying the past, yet works for a grander future, in
living democratic forms. (Here too are indicated the paths for our national
bards.) Other times, other lands, have had their missions—Art, War,
Ecclesiasticism, Literature, Discovery, Trade, Architecture, &c., &c.—but
that grand future is the enclosing purport of the United States.

LITTLE OR NOTHING NEW, AFTER ALL

How small were the best thoughts, poems, conclusions, except for a
certain invariable resemblance and uniform standard in the final thoughts,
theology, poems, &c., of all nations, all civilizations, all centuries and

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times. Those precious legacies—accumulations! They come to us from the
far-off—from all eras, and all lands—from Egypt, and India, and Greece,
and Rome—and along through the middle and later ages, in the grand
monarchies of Europe—born under far different institutes and conditions
from ours—but out of the insight and inspiration of the same old humanity
—the same old heart and brain—the same old countenance yearningly,
pensively, looking forth. What we have to do to-day is to receive them
cheerfully, and to give them ensemble, and a modern American and
democratic physiognomy.

A LINCOLN REMINISCENCE

As is well known, story-telling was often with President Lincoln a
weapon which he employ'd with great skill. Very often he could not give a
point-blank reply or comment—and these indirections, (sometimes funny,
but not always so,) were probably the best responses possible. In the
gloomiest period of the war, he had a call from a large delegation of bank
presidents. In the talk after business was settled, one of the big Dons asked
Mr. Lincoln if his confidence in the permanency of the Union was not
beginning to be shaken—whereupon the homely President told a little story:
"When I was a young man in Illinois," said he, "I boarded for a time with a
deacon of the Presbyterian church. One night I was roused from my sleep
by a rap at the door, and I heard the deacon's voice exclaiming, 'Arise,
Abraham! the day of judgment has come!' I sprang from my bed and rushed
to the window, and saw the stars falling in great showers; but looking back
of them in the heavens I saw the grand old constellations, with which I was
so well acquainted, fixed and true in their places. Gentlemen, the world did
not come to an end then, nor will the Union now."

FREEDOM

It is not only true that most people entirely misunderstand Freedom, but I
sometimes think I have not yet met one person who rightly understands it.
The whole Universe is absolute Law. Freedom only opens entire activity
and license under the law. To the degraded or undevelopt—and even to too
many others—the thought of freedom is a thought of escaping from law—
which, of course, is impossible. More precious than all worldly riches is

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Freedom—freedom from the painful constipation and poor narrowness of
ecclesiasticism—freedom in manners, habiliments, furniture, from the
silliness and tyranny of local fashions—entire freedom from party rings and
mere conventions in Politics—and better than all, a general freedom of
One's-Self from the tyrannic domination of vices, habits, appetites, under
which nearly every man of us, (often the greatest brawler for freedom,) is
enslav'd. Can we attain such enfranchisement—the true Democracy, and the
height of it? While we are from birth to death the subjects of irresistible
law, enclosing every movement and minute, we yet escape, by a paradox,
into true free will. Strange as it may seem, we only attain to freedom by a
knowledge of, and implicit obedience to, Law. Great—unspeakably great—
is the Will! the free Soul of man! At its greatest, understanding and obeying
the laws, it can then, and then only, maintain true liberty. For there is to the
highest, that law as absolute as any—more absolute than any—the Law of
Liberty. The shallow, as intimated, consider liberty a release from all law,
from every constraint. The wise see in it, on the contrary, the potent Law of
Laws, namely, the fusion and combination of the conscious will, or partial
individual law, with those universal, eternal, unconscious ones, which run
through all Time, pervade history, prove immortality, give moral purpose to
the entire objective world, and the last dignity to human life.

BOOK-CLASSES—AMERICA'S LITERATURE

For certain purposes, literary productions through all the recorded ages
may be roughly divided into two classes. The first consisting of only a score
or two, perhaps less, of typical, primal, representative works, different from
any before, and embodying in themselves their own main laws and reasons
for being. Then the second class, books and writings innumerable, incessant
—to be briefly described as radiations or offshoots, or more or less
imitations of the first. The works of the first class, as said, have their own
laws, and may indeed be described as making those laws, and amenable
only to them. The sharp warning of Margaret Fuller, unquell'd for thirty
years, yet sounds in the air: "It does not follow that because the United
States print and read more books, magazines, and newspapers than all the
rest of the world, that they really have, therefore, a literature."

OUR REAL CULMINATION

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The final culmination of this vast and varied Republic will be the
production and perennial establishment of millions of comfortable city
homesteads and moderate-sized farms, healthy and independent, single
separate ownership, fee simple, life in them complete but cheap, within
reach of all. Exceptional wealth, splendor, countless manufactures, excess
of exports, immense capital and capitalists, the five-dollar-a-day hotels well
fill'd, artificial improvements, even books, colleges, and the suffrage—all,
in many respects, in themselves, (hard as it is to say so, and sharp as a
surgeon's lance,) form, more or less, a sort of anti-democratic disease and
monstrosity, except as they contribute by curious indirections to that
culmination—seem to me mainly of value, or worth consideration, only
with reference to it.
There is a subtle something in the common earth, crops, cattle, air, trees,
&c., and in having to do at first hand with them, that forms the only
purifying and perennial element for individuals and for society. I must
confess I want to see the agricultural occupation of America at first hand
permanently broaden'd. Its gains are the only ones on which God seems to
smile. What others—what business, profit, wealth, without a taint? What
fortune else—what dollar—does not stand for, and come from, more or less
imposition, lying, unnaturalness?

AN AMERICAN PROBLEM

One of the problems presented in America these times is, how to combine
one's duty and policy as a member of associations, societies, brotherhoods
or what not, and one's obligations to the State and Nation, with essential
freedom as an individual personality, without which freedom a man cannot
grow or expand, or be full, modern, heroic, democratic, American. With all
the necessities and benefits of association, (and the world cannot get along
without it,) the true nobility and satisfaction of a man consist in his thinking
and acting for himself. The problem, I say, is to combine the two, so as not
to ignore either.

THE LAST COLLECTIVE COMPACTION

I like well our polyglot construction-stamp, and the retention thereof, in
the broad, the tolerating, the many-sided, the collective. All nations here—a

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home for every race on earth. British, German, Scandinavian, Spanish,
French, Italian—papers published, plays acted, speeches made, in all
languages—on our shores the crowning resultant of those distillations,
decantations, compactions of humanity, that have been going on, on trial,
over the earth so long.

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APPENDIX

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PIECES IN EARLY YOUTH
1834-'42

DOUGH-FACE SONG —Like dough; soft; yielding to pressure; pale
——Webster's Dictionary.

We are all docile dough-faces,
They knead us with the fist,
They, the dashing southern lords,
We labor as they list;
For them we speak—or hold our tongues,
For them we turn and twist.

We join them in their howl against
Free soil and "abolition,"
That firebrand—that assassin knife—
Which risk our land's condition,
And leave no peace of life to any
Dough-faced politician.

To put down "agitation," now,
We think the most judicious;
To damn all "northern fanatics,"
Those "traitors" black and vicious;
The "reg'lar party usages"
For us, and no "new issues."

Things have come to a pretty pass,
When a trifle small as this,
Moving and bartering nigger slaves,
Can open an abyss,
With jaws a-gape for "the two great parties;"
A pretty thought, I wis!

Principle—freedom!—fiddlesticks!
We know not where they're found.
Rights of the masses—progress!—bah!
Words that tickle and sound;
But claiming to rule o'er "practical men"
Is very different ground.

Beyond all such we know a term
Charming to ears and eyes,
With it we'll stab young Freedom,
And do it in disguise;

Speak soft, ye wily dough-faces—
That term is "compromise."

And what if children, growing up,
In future seasons read

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The thing we do? and heart and tongue
Accurse us for the deed?
The future cannot touch us;
The present gain we heed.

Then, all together, dough-faces!
Let's stop the exciting clatter,
And pacify slave-breeding wrath
By yielding all the matter;
For otherwise, as sure as guns,
The Union it will shatter.

Besides, to tell the honest truth
(For us an innovation,)
Keeping in with the slave power
Is our personal salvation;
We've very little to expect
From t' other part of the nation.

Besides it's plain at Washington
Who likeliest wins the race,
What earthly chance has "free soil"
For any good fat place?
While many a daw has feather'd his nest,
By his creamy and meek dough-face.

Take heart, then, sweet companions,
Be steady, Scripture Dick!
Webster, Cooper, Walker,
To your allegiance stick!
With Brooks, and Briggs and Phoenix,
Stand up through thin and thick!

We do not ask a bold brave front;
We never try that game;
'Twould bring the storm upon our heads,
A huge mad storm of shame;
Evade it, brothers—"compromise"
Will answer just the same.

PAUMANOK.

DEATH IN THE SCHOOL-ROOM (A Fact)
Ting-a-ling-ling-ling! went the little bell on the teacher's desk of a
village-school one morning, when the studies of the earlier part of the day
were about half completed. It was well understood that this was a command
for silence and attention; and when these had been obtained, the master
spoke. He was a low thick-set man, and his name was Lugare.
"Boys," said he, "I have had a complaint enter'd, that last night some of
you were stealing fruit from Mr. Nichols's garden. I rather think I know the
thief. Tim Barker, step up here, sir."

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The one to whom he spoke came forward. He was a slight, fair-looking
boy of about thirteen; and his face had a laughing, good-humor'd
expression, which even the charge now preferr'd against him, and the stern
tone and threatening look of the teacher, had not entirely dissipated. The
countenance of the boy, however, was too unearthly fair for health; it had,
notwithstanding its fleshy, cheerful look, a singular cast as if some inward
disease, and that a fearful one, were seated within. As the stripling stood
before that place of judgment—that place so often made the scene of
heartless and coarse brutality, of timid innocence confused, helpless child-
hood outraged, and gentle feelings crush' d—Lugare looked on him with a
frown which plainly told that he felt in no very pleasant mood. (Happily a
worthier and more philosophical system is proving to men that schools can
be better govern'd than by lashes and tears and sighs. We are waxing toward
that consummation when one of the old-fashion'd school-masters, with his
cowhide, his heavy birch-rod, and his many ingenious methods of child-
torture, will be gazed upon as a scorn'd memento of an ignorant, cruel, and
exploded doctrine. May propitious gales speed that day!)
"Were you by Mr. Nichols's garden-fence last night?" said Lugare.
"Yes, sir," answer'd the boy, "I was."
"Well, sir, I'm glad to find you so ready with your confession. And so you
thought you could do a little robbing, and enjoy yourself in a manner you
ought to be ashamed to own, without being punish'd, did you?"
"I have not been robbing," replied the boy quickly. His face was suffused,
whether with resentment or fright, it was difficult to tell. "And I didn't do
anything last night, that I am ashamed to own."
"No impudence!" exclaim'd the teacher, passionately, as he grasp'd a long
and heavy ratan: "give me none of your sharp speeches, or I'll thrash you till
you beg like a dog."
The youngster's face paled a little; his lip quiver'd, but he did not speak.
"And pray, sir," continued Lugare, as the outward signs of wrath
disappear'd from his features; "what were you about the garden for?
Perhaps you only receiv'd the plunder, and had an accomplice to do the
more dangerous part of the job?"
"I went that way because it is on my road home. I was there again
afterwards to meet an acquaintance; and—and—But I did not go into the

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garden, nor take anything away from it. I would not steal,—hardly to save
myself from starving."
"You had better have stuck to that last evening. You were seen, Tim
Barker, to come from under Mr. Nichols's garden-fence, a little after nine
o'clock, with a bag full of something or other over your shoulders. The bag
had every appearance of being filled with fruit, and this morning the melon-
beds are found to have been completely clear'd. Now, sir, what was there in
that bag?"
Like fire itself glow'd the face of the detected lad. He spoke not a word.
All the school had their eyes directed at him. The perspiration ran down his
white forehead like rain-drops.
"Speak, sir!" exclaimed Lugare, with a loud strike of his ratan on the
desk.
The boy look'd as though he would faint. But the unmerciful teacher,
confident of having brought to light a criminal, and exulting in the idea of
the severe chastisement he should now be justified in inflicting, kept
working himself up to a still greater and greater degree of passion. In the
meantime, the child seem'd hardly to know what to do with himself. His
tongue cleav'd to the roof of his mouth. Either he was very much frighten'd,
or he was actually unwell.
"Speak, I say!" again thunder'd Lugare; and his hand, grasping his ratan,
tower'd above his head in a very significant manner.
"I hardly can, sir," said the poor fellow faintly. His voice was husky and
thick. "I will tell you some—some other time. Please let me go to my seat—
I a'n't well."
"Oh yes; that's very likely;" and Mr. Lugare bulged out his nose and
cheeks with contempt. "Do you think to make me believe your lies? I've
found you out, sir, plainly enough; and I am satisfied that you are as
precious a little villain as there is in the State. But I will postpone settling
with you for an hour yet. I shall then call you up again; and if you don't tell
the whole truth then, I will give you something that'll make you remember
Mr. Nichols's melons for many a month to come:—go to your seat."
Glad enough of the ungracious permission, and answering not a sound,
the child crept tremblingly to his bench. He felt very strangely, dizzily—
more as if he was in a dream than in real life; and laying his arms on his

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desk, bow'd down his face between them. The pupils turn'd to their
accustom'd studies, for during the reign of Lugare in the village-school,
they had been so used to scenes of violence and severe chastisement, that
such things made but little interruption in the tenor of their way.
Now, while the intervening hour is passing, we will clear up the mystery
of the bag, and of young Barker being under the garden fence on the
preceding night. The boy's mother was a widow, and they both had to live in
the very narrowest limits. His father had died when he was six years old,
and little Tim was left a sickly emaciated infant whom no one expected to
live many months. To the surprise of all, however, the poor child kept alive,
and seem'd to recover his health, as he certainly did his size and good looks.
This was owing to the kind offices of an eminent physician who had a
country-seat in the neighborhood, and who had been interested in the
widow's little family. Tim, the physician said, might possibly outgrow his
disease; but everything was uncertain. It was a mysterious and baffling
malady; and it would not be wonderful if he should in some moment of
apparent health be suddenly taken away. The poor widow was at first in a
continual state of uneasiness; but several years had now pass'd, and none of
the impending evils had fallen upon the boy's head. His mother seem'd to
feel confident that he would live, and be a help and an honor to her old age;
and the two struggled on together, mutually happy in each other, and
enduring much of poverty and discomfort without repining, each for the
other's sake.
Tim's pleasant disposition had made him many friends in the village, and
among the rest a young fanner named Jones, who, with his elder brother,
work'd a large farm in the neighborhood on shares. Jones very frequently
made Tim a present of a bag of potatoes or corn, or some garden vegetables,
which he took from his own stock; but as his partner was a parsimonious,
high-tempered man, and had often said that Tim was an idle fellow, and
ought not to be help'd because he did not work, Jones generally made his
gifts in such a manner that no one knew anything about them, except
himself and the grateful objects of his kindness. It might be, too, that the
widow was both to have it understood by the neighbors that she received
food from anyone; for there is often an excusable pride in people of her
condition which makes them shrink from being consider'd as objects of
"charity" as they would from the severest pains. On the night in question,
Tim had been told that Jones would send them a bag of potatoes, and the

Page 409

place at which they were to be waiting for him was fixed at Mr. Nichols's
garden-fence. It was this bag that Tim had been seen staggering under, and
which caused the unlucky boy to be accused and convicted by his teacher as
a thief. That teacher was one little fitted for his important and responsible
office. Hasty to decide, and inflexibly severe, he was the terror of the little
world he ruled so despotically. Punishment he seemed to delight in.
Knowing little of those sweet fountains which in children's breasts ever
open quickly at the call of gentleness and kind words, he was fear'd by all
for his sternness, and loved by none. I would that he were an isolated
instance in his profession.
The hour of grace had drawn to its close, and the time approach'd at
which it was usual for Lugare to give his school a joyfully-receiv'd
dismission. Now and then one of the scholars would direct a furtive glance
at Tim, sometimes in pity, sometimes in indifference or inquiry. They knew
that he would have no mercy shown him, and though most of them loved
him, whipping was too common there to exact much sympathy. Every
inquiring glance, however, remain'd unsatisfied, for at the end of the hour,
Tim remain'd with his face completely hidden, and his head bow'd in his
arms, precisely as he had lean'd himself when he first went to his seat.
Lugare look'd at the boy occasionally with a scowl which seem'd to bode
vengeance for his sullenness. At length the last class had been heard, and
the last lesson recited, and Lugare seated himself behind his desk on the
platform, with his longest and stoutest ratan before him.
"Now, Barker," he said, "we'll settle that little business of yours. Just step
up here."
Tim did not move. The school-room was as still as the grave. Not a sound
was to be heard, except occasionally a long-drawn breath.
"Mind me, sir, or it will be the worse for you. Step up here, and take off
your jacket!"
The boy did not stir any more than if he had been of wood. Lugare shook
with passion. He sat still a minute, as if considering the best way to wreak
his vengeance. That minute, passed in death-like silence, was a fearful one
to some of the children, for their faces whiten'd with fright. It seem'd, as it
slowly dropp'd away, like the minute which precedes the climax of an
exquisitely-performed tragedy, when some mighty master of the histrionic
art is treading the stage, and you and the multitude around you are waiting,

Page 410

with stretch'd nerves and suspended breath, in expectation of the terrible
catastrophe.
"Tim is asleep, sir," at length said one of the boys who sat near him.
Lugare, at this intelligence, allow'd his features to relax from their
expression of savage anger into a smile, but that smile look'd more
malignant if possible, than his former scowls. It might be that he felt
amused at the horror depicted on the faces of those about him; or it might
be that he was gloating in pleasure on the way in which he intended to wake
the slumberer.
"Asleep! are you, my young gentleman!" said he; "let us see if we can't
find something to tickle your eyes open. There's nothing like making the
best of a bad case, boys. Tim, here, is determin'd not to be worried in his
mind about a little flogging, for the thought of it can't even keep the little
scoundrel awake."
Lugare smiled again as he made the last observation. He grasp'd his ratan
firmly, and descended from his seat. With light and stealthy steps he cross'd
the room and stood by the unlucky sleeper. The boy was still as unconscious
of his impending punishment as ever. He might be dreaming some golden
dream of youth and pleasure; perhaps he was far away in the world of
fancy, seeing scenes, and feeling delights, which cold reality never can
bestow. Lugare lifted his ratan high over his head, and with the true and
expert aim which he had acquired by long practice, brought it down on
Tim's back with a force and whacking sound which seem'd sufficient to
wake a freezing man in his last lethargy. Quick and fast, blow foliow'd
blow. Without waiting to see the effect of the first cut, the brutal wretch
plied his instrument of torture first on one side of the boy's back, and then
on the other, and only stopped at the end of two or three minutes from very
weariness. But still Tim show'd no signs of motion; and as Lugare,
provoked at his torpidity, jerk'd away one of the child's arms, on which he
had been leaning over the desk, his head dropp'd down on the board with a
dull sound, and his face lay turn'd up and exposed to view. When Lugare
saw it, he stood like one transfix'd by a basilisk. His countenance turn'd to a
leaden whiteness; the ratan dropp'd from his grasp; and his eyes, stretch'd
wide open, glared as at some monstrous spectacle of horror and death. The
sweat started in great globules seemingly from every pore in his face; his
skinny lips contracted, and show'd his teeth; and when he at length stretch'd

Page 411

forth his arm, and with the end of one of his fingers touch'd the child's
cheek, each limb quiver'd like the tongue of a snake; and his strength
seemed as though it would momentarily fail him. The boy was dead. He had
probably been so for some time, for his eyes were turn'd up, and his body
was quite cold. Death was in the school-room, and Lugare had been
flogging A CORPSE.
-Democratic Review, August, 1841.

ONE WICKED IMPULSE

That section of Nassau street which runs into the great mart of New York
brokers and stock-jobbers, has for a long time been much occupied by
practitioners of the law. Tolerably well-known amid this class some years
since, was Adam Covert, a middle-aged man of rather limited means, who,
to tell the truth, gained more by trickery than he did in the legitimate and
honorable exercise of his profession. He was a tall, bilious-faced widower;
the father of two children; and had lately been seeking to better his fortunes
by a rich marriage. But somehow or other his wooing did not seem to thrive
well, and, with perhaps one exception, the lawyer's prospects in the
matrimonial way were hopelessly gloomy.
Among the early clients of Mr. Covert had been a distant relative named
Marsh, who, dying somewhat suddenly, left his son and daughter, and some
little property, to the care of Covert, under a will drawn out by that
gentleman himself. At no time caught without his eyes open, the cunning
lawyer, aided by much sad confusion in the emergency which had caused
his services to be called for, and disguising his object under a cloud of
technicalities, inserted provisions in the will, giving himself an almost
arbitrary control over the property and over those for whom it was
designed. This control was even made to extend beyond the time when the
children would arrive at mature age. The son, Philip, a spirited and high-
temper'd fellow, had some time since pass'd that age. Esther, the girl, a
plain, and somewhat devotional young woman, was in her nineteenth year.
Having such power over his wards, Covert did not scruple openly to use
his advantage, in pressing his claims as a suitor for Esther's hand. Since the
death of Marsh, the property he left, which had been in real estate, and was
to be divided equally between the brother and sister, had risen to very

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considerable value; and Esther's share was to a man in Covert's situation a
prize very well worth seeking. All this time, while really owning a
respectable income, the young orphans often felt the want of the smallest
sum of money—and Esther, on Philip's account, was more than once driven
to various contrivances—the pawn-shop, sales of her own little luxuries,
and the like, to furnish him with means.
Though she had frequently shown her guardian unequivocal evidence of
her aversion, Esther continued to suffer from his persecutions, until one day
he proceeded farther and was more pressing than usual. She possess'd some
of her brother's mettlesome temper, and gave him an abrupt and most
decided refusal. With dignity, she exposed the baseness of his conduct, and
forbade him ever again mentioning marriage to her. He retorted bitterly,
vaunted his hold on her and Philip, and swore an oath that unless she
became his wife, they should both thenceforward become penniless. Losing
his habitual self-control in his exasperation, he even added insults such as
woman never receives from any one deserving the name of man, and at his
own convenience left the house. That day, Philip return'd to New York, after
an absence of several weeks on the business of a mercantile house in whose
employment he had lately engaged.
Toward the latter part of the same afternoon, Mr. Covert was sitting in his
office, in Nassau street, busily at work, when a knock at the door announc'd
a visitor, and directly afterward young Marsh enter'd the room. His face
exhibited a peculiar pallid appearance that did not strike Covert at all
agreeably, and he call'd his clerk from an adjoining room, and gave him
something to do at a desk near by.
"I wish to see you alone, Mr. Covert, if convenient," said the newcomer.
"We can talk quite well enough where we are," answer'd the lawyer;
"indeed, I don't know that I have any leisure to talk at all, for just now I am
very much press'd with business."
"But I must speak to you," rejoined Philip sternly, "at least I must say one
thing, and that is, Mr. Covert, that you are a villain!"
"Insolent!" exclaimed the lawyer, rising behind the table, and pointing to
the door. "Do you see that, sir? Let one minute longer find you the other
side, or your feet may reach the landing by quicker method. Begone, sir!"
Such a threat was the more harsh to Philip, for he had rather high-strung
feelings of honor. He grew almost livid with suppress'd agitation.

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"I will see you again very soon," said he, in a low but distinct manner, his
lips trembling as he spoke; and left the office.
The incidents of the rest of that pleasant summer day left little impression
on the young man's mind. He roam'd to and fro without any object or
destination. Along South street and by Whitehall, he watch'd with curious
eyes the movements of the shipping, and the loading and unloading of
cargoes; and listen'd to the merry heave-yo of the sailors and stevedores.
There are some minds upon which great excitement produces the singular
effect of uniting two utterly inconsistent faculties—a sort of cold apathy,
and a sharp sensitiveness to all that is going on at the same time. Philip's
was one of this sort; he noticed the various differences in the apparel of a
gang of wharf-laborers—turn'd over in his brain whether they receiv'd
wages enough to keep them comfortable, and their families also—and if
they had families or not, which he tried to tell by their looks. In such petty
reflections the daylight passed away. And all the while the master wish of
Philip's thoughts was a desire to see the lawyer Covert. For what purpose he
himself was by no means clear.
Nightfall came at last. Still, however, the young man did not direct his
steps homeward. He felt more calm, however, and entering an eating house,
order'd something for his supper, which, when it was brought to him, he
merely tasted, and stroll'd forth again. There was a kind of gnawing
sensation of thirst within him yet, and as he pass'd a hotel, he bethought him
that one little glass of spirits would perhaps be just the thing. He drank, and
hour after hour wore away unconsciously; he drank not one glass, but three
or four, and strong glasses they were to him, for he was habitually
abstemious.
It had been a hot day and evening, and when Philip, at an advanced
period of the night, emerged from the bar-room into the street, he found that
a thunderstorm had just commenced. He resolutely walk'd on, however,
although at every step it grew more and more blustering.
The rain now pour'd down a cataract; the shops were all shut; few of the
street lamps were lighted; and there was little except the frequent flashes of
lightning to show him his way. When about half the length of Chatham
street, which lay in the direction he had to take, the momentary fury of the
tempest forced him to turn aside into a sort of shelter form'd by the corners
of the deep entrance to a Jew pawnbroker's shop there. He had hardly drawn

Page 414

himself in as closely as possible, when the lightning revealed to him that the
opposite corner of the nook was tenanted also.
"A sharp rain, this," said the other occupant, who simultaneously beheld
Philip.
The voice sounded to the young man's ears a note which almost made
him sober again. It was certainly the voice of Adam Covert. He made some
commonplace reply, and waited for another flash of lightning to show him
the stranger's face. It came, and he saw that his companion was indeed his
guardian.
Philip Marsh had drank deeply—(let us plead all that may be possible to
you, stern moralist.) Upon his mind came swarming, and he could not drive
them away, thoughts of all those insults his sister had told him of, and the
bitter words Covert had spoken to her; he reflected, too, on the injuries
Esther as well as himself had receiv'd, and were still likely to receive, at the
hands of that bold, bad man; how mean, selfish, and unprincipled was his
character—what base and cruel advantages he had taken of many poor
people, entangled in his power, and of how much wrong and suffering he
had been the author, and might be again through future years. The very
turmoil of the elements, the harsh roll of the thunder, the vindictive beating
of the rain, and the fierce glare of the wild fluid that seem'd to riot in the
ferocity of the storm around him, kindled a strange sympathetic fury in the
young man's mind. Heaven itself (so deranged were his imaginations)
appear'd to have provided a fitting scene and time for a deed of retribution,
which to his disorder'd passion half wore the semblance of a divine justice.
He remember'd not the ready solution to be found in Covert's pressure of
business, which had no doubt kept him later than usual; but fancied some
mysterious intent in the ordaining that he should be there, and that they two
should meet at that untimely hour. All this whirl of influence came over
Philip with startling quickness at that horrid moment. He stepp'd to the side
of his guardian.
"Ho!" said he, "have we met so soon, Mr. Covert? You traitor to my dead
father—robber of his children! I fear to think on what I think now!"
The lawyer's natural effrontery did not desert him.
"Unless you'd like to spend a night in the watch-house, young
gentleman," said he, after a short pause, "move on. Your father was a weak

Page 415

man, I remember; as for his son, his own wicked heart is his worst foe. I
have never done wrong to either—that I can say, and swear it!"
"Insolent liar!" exclaimed Philip, his eye flashing out sparks of fire in the
darkness.
Covert made no reply except a cool, contemptuous laugh, which stung
the excited young man to double fury. He sprang upon the lawyer, and
clutch'd him by the neckcloth.
"Take it, then!" he cried hoarsely, for his throat was impeded by the
fiendish rage which in that black hour possess'd him. "You are not fit to
live!"
He dragg'd his guardian to the earth and fell crushingly upon him,
choking the shriek the poor victim but just began to utter. Then, with
monstrous imprecations, he twisted a tight knot around the gasping
creature's neck, drew a clasp knife from his pocket, and touching the spring,
the long sharp blade, too eager for its bloody work, flew open.
During the lull of the storm, the last strength of the prostrate man burst
forth into one short loud cry of agony. At the same instant, the arm of the
murderer thrust the blade, once, twice, thrice, deep in his enemy's bosom!
Not a minute had passed since that fatal exasperating laugh—but the deed
was done, and the instinctive thought which came at once to the guilty one,
was a thought of fear and escape.
In the unearthly pause which follow'd, Philip's eyes gave one long
searching sweep in every direction, above and around him. Above! God of
the all-seeing eye! What, and who was that figure there?
"Forbear! In Jehovah's name forbear;" cried a shrill, but clear and
melodious voice.
It was as if some accusing spirit had come down to bear witness against
the deed of blood. Leaning far out of an open window, appear' d a white
draperied shape, its face possess'd of a wonderful youthful beauty. Long
vivid glows of lightning gave Philip a full opportunity to see as clearly as
though the sun had been shining at noonday. One hand of the figure was
raised upward in a deprecating attitude, and his large bright black eyes bent
down upon the scene below with an expression of horror and shrinking
pain. Such heavenly looks, and the peculiar circumstance of the time, fill'd
Philip's heart with awe.

Page 416

"Oh, if it is not yet too late," spoke the youth again, "spare him. In God's
voice, I command, 'Thou shalt do no murder!'"
The words rang like a knell in the ear of the terror-stricken and already
remorseful Philip. Springing from the body, he gave a second glance up and
down the walk, which was totally lonesome and deserted; then crossing into
Reade street, he made his fearful way in a half state of stupor, half-
bewilderment, by the nearest avenues to his home.
When the corpse of the murder'd lawyer was found in the morning, and
the officers of justice commenced their inquiry, suspicion immediately fell
upon Philip, and he was arrested. The most rigorous search, however,
brought to light nothing at all implicating the young man, except his visit to
Covert's office the evening before, and his angry language there. That was
by no means enough to fix so heavy a charge upon him.
The second day afterward, the whole business came before the ordinary
judicial tribunal, in order that Philip might be either committed for the
crime, or discharged. The testimony of Mr. Covert's clerk stood alone. One
of his employers, who, believing in his innocence, had deserted him not in
this crisis, had provided him with the ablest criminal counsel in New York.
The proof was declared entirely insufficient, and Philip was discharged.
The crowded court-room made way for him as he came out; hundreds of
curious looks fixed upon his features, and many a jibe pass'd upon him. But
of all that arena of human faces, he saw only one—a sad, pale, black-eyed
one, cowering in the centre of the rest. He had seen that face twice before—
the first time as a warning spectre—the second time in prison, immediately
after his arrest—now for the last time. This young stranger—the son of a
scorn'd race—coming to the court-room to perform an unhappy duty, with
the intention of testifying to what he had seen, melted at the sight of Philip's
bloodless cheek, and of his sister's convulsive sobs, and forbore witnessing
against the murderer. Shall we applaud or condemn him? Let every reader
answer the question for himself.
That afternoon Philip left New York. His friendly employer own'd a
small farm some miles up the Hudson, and until the excitement of the affair
was over, he advised the young man to go thither. Philip thankfully
accepted the proposal, made a few preparations, took a hurried leave of
Esther, and by nightfall was settled in his new abode.

Page 417

And how, think you, rested Philip Marsh that night? Rested indeed! O, if
those who clamor so much for the halter and the scaffold to punish crime,
could have seen that sight, they might have learn'd a lesson then! Four days
had elapsed since he that lay tossing upon the bed there had slumber'd. Not
the slightest intermission had come to his awaken'd and tensely strung
sense, during those frightful days. Disturb'd waking dreams came to him, as
he thought what he might do to gain his lost peace. Far, far away would he
go! The cold roll of the murder'd man's eye, as it turn'd up its last glance
into his face—the shrill exclamation of pain—all the unearthly vividness of
the posture, motions, and looks of the dead—the warning voice from above
—pursued him like tormenting furies, and were never absent from his mind,
asleep or awake, that long weary night. Anything, any place, to escape such
horrid companionship! He would travel inland—hire himself to do hard
drudgery upon some farm—work incessantly through the wide summer
days, and thus force nature to bestow oblivion upon his senses, at least a
little while now and then. He would fly on, on, on, until amid different
scenes and a new life, the old memories were rubb'd entirely out. He would
fight bravely in himself for peace of mind. For peace he would labor and
struggle—for peace he would pray!
At length after a feverish slumber of some thirty or forty minutes, the
unhappy youth, waking with a nervous start, rais'd himself in bed, and saw
the blessed daylight beginning to dawn. He felt the sweat trickling down his
naked breast; the sheet where he had lain was quite wet with it. Dragging
himself wearily, he open'd the window. Ah! that good morning air—how it
refresh'd him—how he lean'd out, and drank in the fragrance of the
blossoms below, and almost for the first time in his life felt how beautifully
indeed God had made the earth, and that there was wonderful sweetness in
mere existence. And amidst the thousand mute mouths and eloquent eyes,
which appear'd as it were to look up and speak in every direction, he
fancied so many invitations to come among them.
Not without effort, for he was very weak, he dress'd himself, and issued
forth into the open air.
Clouds of pale gold and transparent crimson draperied the eastern sky,
but the sun, whose face gladden'd them into all that glory, was not yet above
the horizon. It was a time and place of such rare, such Eden-like beauty!
Philip paused at the summit of an upward slope, and gazed around him.

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Some few miles off he could see a gleam of the Hudson river, and above it a
spur of those rugged cliffs scatter'd along its western shores. Nearer by were
cultivated fields. The clover grew richly there, the young grain bent to the
early breeze, and the air was filled with an intoxicating perfume. At his side
was the large well-kept garden of his host, in which were many pretty
flowers, grass plots, and a wide avenue of noble trees. As Philip gazed, the
holy calming power of Nature—the invisible spirit of so much beauty and
so much innocence, melted into his soul. The disturb'd passions and the
feverish conflict subsided. He even felt something like envied peace of
mind—a sort of joy even in the presence of all the unmarr'd goodness. It
was as fair to him, guilty though he had been, as to the purest of the pure.
No accusing frowns show'd in the face of the flowers, or in the green
shrubs, or the branches of the trees. They, more forgiving than mankind,
and distinguishing not between the children of darkness and the children of
light—they at least treated him with gentleness. Was he, then, a being so
accurs'd? Involuntarily, he bent over a branch of red roses, and took them
softly between his hands—those murderous, bloody hands! But the red
roses neither wither'd nor smell'd less fragiant. And as the young man kiss'd
them, and dropp'd a tear upon them, it seem'd to him that he had found pity
and sympathy from Heaven itself.
Though against all the rules of story-writing, we continue our narrative of
these mainly true incidents (for such they are,) no further. Only to say that
the murderer soon departed for a new field of action—that he is still living
—and that this is but one of thousands of cases of unravel'd, unpunish'd
crime—left, not to the tribunals of man, but to a wider power and judgment.

THE LAST LOYALIST

{"She came to me last night, The floor gave back no tread."} The story I
am going to tell is a traditional reminiscence of a country place, in my
rambles about which I have often passed the house, now unoccupied, and
mostly in ruins, that was the scene of the transaction. I cannot, of course,
convey to others that particular kind of influence which is derived from my
being so familiar with the locality, and with the very people whose
grandfathers or fathers were contemporaries of the actors in the drama I
shall transcribe. I must hardly expect, therefore, that to those who hear it

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thro' the medium of my pen, the narration will possess as life-like and
interesting a character as it does to myself.
On a large and fertile neck of land that juts out in the Sound, stretching to
the east of New York city, there stood, in the latter part of the last century,
an old-fashion'd country-residence. It had been built by one of the first
settlers of this section of the New World; and its occupant was originally
owner of the extensive tract lying adjacent to his house, and pushing into
the bosom of the salt waters. It was during the troubled times which mark'd
our American Revolution that the incidents occurr'd which are the
foundation of my story. Some time before the commencement of the war,
the owner, whom I shall call Vanhome, was taken sick and died. For some
time before his death he had lived a widower; and his only child, a lad of
ten years old, was thus left an orphan. By his father's will this child was
placed implicitly under the guardianship of an uncle, a middle-aged man,
who had been of late a resident in the family. His care and interest,
however, were needed but a little while—not two years claps'd after the
parents were laid away to their last repose before another grave had to be
prepared for the son—the child who had been so haplessly deprived of their
fostering care.
The period now arrived when the great national convulsion burst forth.
Sounds of strife and the clash of arms, and the angry voices of disputants,
were borne along by the air, and week after week grew to still louder
clamor. Families were divided; adherents to the crown, and ardent
upholders of the rebellion, were often found in the bosom of the same
domestic circle. Vanhome, the uncle spoken of as guardian to the young
heir, was a man who lean'd to the stern, the high-handed and the severe. He
soon became known among the most energetic of the loyalists. So decided
were his sentiments that, leaving the estate which he had inherited from his
brother and nephew, he join'd the forces of the British king. Thenceforward,
whenever his old neighbors heard of him, it was as being engaged in the
cruelest outrages, the boldest inroads, or the most determin'd attacks upon
the army of his countrymen or their peaceful settlements. Eight years
brought the rebel States and their leaders to that glorious epoch when the
last remnant of a monarch's rule was to leave their shores—when the last
waving of the royal standard was to flutter as it should be haul'd down from
the staff, and its place fill'd by the proud testimonial of our warriors'
success.

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Pleasantly over the autumn fields shone the November sun, when a
horseman, of somewhat military look, plodded slowly along the road that
led to the old Vanhome farmhouse. There was nothing peculiar in his attire,
unless it might be a red scarf which he wore tied round his waist. He was a
dark-featured, sullen-eyed man; and as his glance was thrown restlessly to
the right and left, his whole manner appear'd to be that of a person moving
amid familiar and accustom'd scenes. Occasionally he stopp'd, and looking
long and steadily at some object that attracted his attention, mutter'd to
himself, like one in whose breast busy thoughts were moving. His course
was evidently to the homestead itself, at which in due time he arrived. He
dismounted, led his horse to the stables, and then, without knocking, though
there were evident signs of occupancy around the building, the traveler
made his entrance as composedly and boldly as though he were master of
the whole establishment.
Now the house being in a measure deserted for many years, and the
successful termination of the strife rendering it probable that the Vanhome
estate would be confiscated to the new government, an aged, poverty-
stricken couple had been encouraged by the neighbors to take possession as
tenants of the place. Their name was Gills; and these people the traveler
found upon his entrance were likely to be his host and hostess. Holding
their right as they did by so slight a tenure, they ventur'd to offer no
opposition when the stranger signified his intention of passing several hours
there.
The day wore on, and the sun went down in the west; still the interloper,
gloomy and taciturn, made no signs of departing. But as the evening
advanced (whether the darkness was congenial to his sombre thoughts, or
whether it merely chanced so) he seem'd to grow more affable and
communicative, and informed Gills that he should pass the night there,
tendering him at the same time ample remuneration, which the latter
accepted with many thanks.
"Tell me," said he to his aged host, when they were all sitting around the
ample hearth, at the conclusion of their evening meal, "tell me something to
while away the hours."
"Ah! sir," answered Gills, "this is no place for new or interesting events.
We live here from year to year, and at the end of one we find ourselves at
about the same place which we filled in the beginning."

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"Can you relate nothing, then?" rejoin'd the guest, and a singular smile
pass'd over his features; "can you say nothing about your own place?—this
house or its former inhabitants, or former history?"
The old man glanced across to his wife, and a look expressive of
sympathetic feeling started in the face of each.
"It is an unfortunate story, sir," said Gills, "and may cast a chill upon you,
instead of the pleasant feeling which it would be best to foster when in
strange walls."
"Strange walls!" echoed he of the red scarf, and for the first time since
his arrival he half laughed, but it was not the laugh which comes from a
man's heart.
"You must know, sir," continued Gills, "I am myself a sort of intruder
here. The Vanhomes—that was the name of the former residents and owners
—I have never seen; for when I came to these parts the last occupant had
left to join the red-coat soldiery. I am told that he is to sail with them for
foreign lands, now that the war is ended, and his property almost certain to
pass into other hands."
As the old man went on, the stranger cast down his eyes, and listen'd with
an appearance of great interest, though a transient smile or a brightening of
the eye would occasionally disturb the serenity of his deportment.
"The old owners of this place," continued the white-haired narrator,
"were well off in the world, and bore a good name among their neighbors.
The brother of Sergeant Vanhome, now the only one of the name, died ten
or twelve years since, leaving a son—a child so small that the father's
willmade provision for his being brought up by his uncle, whom I
mention'd but now as of the British army. He was a strange man, this uncle;
disliked by all who knew him; passionate, vindictive, and, it was said, very
avaricious, even from his childhood.
"Well, not long after the death of the parents, dark stories began to be
circulated about cruelty and punishment and whippings and starvation
inflicted by the new master upon his nephew. People who had business at
the homestead would frequently, when they came away, relate the most
fearful things of its manager, and how he misused his brother's child. It was
half hinted that he strove to get the youngster out of the way in order that
the whole estate might fall into his own hands. As I told you before,

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however, nobody liked the man; and perhaps they judged him too
uncharitably.
"After things had gone on in this way for some time, a countryman, a
laborer, who was hired to do farm-work upon the place, one evening
observed that the little orphan Vanhome was more faint and pale even than
usual, for he was always delicate, and that is one reason why I think it
possible that his death, of which I am now going to tell you, was but the
result of his own weak constitution, and nothing else. The laborer slept that
night at the farmhouse. Just before the time at which they usually retired to
bed, this person, feeling sleepy with his day's toil, left the kitchen hearth
and wended his way to rest. In going to his place of repose he had to pass a
chamber—the very chamber where you, sir, are to sleep to-night—and there
he heard the voice of the orphan child uttering half-suppress'd exclamations
as if in pitiful entreaty. Upon stopping, he heard also the tones of the elder
Vanhome, but they were harsh and bitter. The sound of blows followed. As
each one fell it was accompanied by a groan or shriek, and so they
continued for some time. Shock'd and indignant, the countryman would
have burst open the door and interfered to prevent this brutal proceeding,
but he bethought him that he might get himself into trouble, and perhaps
find that he could do no good after all, and so he passed on to his room.
"Well, sir, the following day the child did not come out among the work-
people as usual. He was taken very ill. No physician was sent for until the
next afternoon; and though one arrived in the course of the night, it was too
late—the poor boy died before morning.
"People talk'd threateningly upon the subject, but nothing could be
proved against Vanhome. At one period there were efforts made to have the
whole affair investigated. Perhaps that would have taken place, had not
every one's attention been swallow'd up by the rumors of difficulty and war,
which were then beginning to disturb the country.
"Vanhome joined the army of the king. His enemies said that he feared to
be on the side of the rebels, because if they were routed his property would
be taken from him. But events have shown that, if this was indeed what he
dreaded, it has happen'd to him from the very means which he took to
prevent it."
The old man paused. He had quite wearied himself with so long talking.
For some minutes there was unbroken silence. Presently the stranger

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signified his intention of retiring for the night. He rose, and his host took a
light for the purpose of ushering him to his apartment.
When Gills return'd to his accustom'd situation in the large arm-chair by
the chimney-hearth, his ancient helpmate had retired to rest. With the
simplicity of their times, the bed stood in the same room where the three
had been seated during the last few hours; and now the remaining two talk'd
together about the singular events of the evening. As the time wore on, Gills
show'd no disposition to leave his cosy chair; but sat toasting his feet, and
bending over the coals. Gradually the insidious heat and the lateness of the
hour began to exercise their influence over the old man. The drowsy
indolent feeling which every one has experienced in getting thoroughly
heated through by close contact with a glowing fire, spread in each vein and
sinew, and relax'd its tone. He lean'd back in his chair and slept.
For a long time his repose went on quietly and soundly. He could not tell
how many hours elapsed; but, a while after midnight, the torpid senses of
the slumberer were awaken'd by a startling shock. It was a cry as of a strong
man in his agony—a shrill, not very loud cry, but fearful, and creeping into
the blood like cold, polish'd steel. The old man raised himself in his seat
and listen'd, at once fully awake. For a minute, all was the solemn stillness
of midnight. Then rose that horrid tone again, wailing and wild, and making
the hearer's hair to stand on end. One moment more, and the trampling of
hasty feet sounded in the passage outside. The door was thrown open, and
the form of the stranger, more like a corpse than living man, rushed into the
room.
"All white!" yell'd the conscience-stricken creature—"all white, and with
the grave-clothes around him. One shoulder was bare, and I saw," he
whisper'd, "I saw blue streaks upon it. It was horrible, and I cried aloud. He
stepp'd toward me! He came to my very bedside; his small hand almost
touch'd my face. I could not bear it, and fled."
The miserable man bent his head down upon his bosom; convulsive
rattlings shook his throat; and his whole frame waver'd to and fro like a tree
in a storm. Bewilder'd and shock'd, Gills look'd at his apparently deranged
guest, and knew not what answer to make, or what course of conduct to
pursue.
Thrusting out his arms and his extended fingers, and bending down his
eyes, as men do when shading them from a glare of lightning, the stranger

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stagger'd from the door, and, in a moment further, dash'd madly through the
passage which led through the kitchen into the outer road. The old man
heard the noise of his falling footsteps, sounding fainter and fainter in the
distance, and then, retreating, dropp'd his own exhausted limbs into the
chair from which he had been arous'd so terribly. It was many minutes
before his energies recover'd their accustomed tone again. Strangely
enough, his wife, unawaken'd by the stranger's ravings, still slumber'd on as
profoundly as ever.
Pass we on to a far different scene—the embarkation of the British troops
for the distant land whose monarch was never more to wield the sceptre
over a kingdom lost by his imprudence and tyranny. With frowning brow
and sullen pace the martial ranks moved on. Boat after boat was filled, and,
as each discharged its complement in the ships that lay heaving their
anchors in the stream, it return'd, and was soon filled with another load.
And at length it became time for the last soldier to lift his eye and take a last
glance at the broad banner of England's pride, which flapp'd its folds from
the top of the highest staff on the Battery.
As the warning sound of a trumpet called together all who were laggards
—those taking leave of friends, and those who were arranging their own
private affairs, left until the last moment—a single horseman was seen
furiously dashing down the street. A red scarf tightly encircled his waist. He
made directly for the shore, and the crowd there gather'd started back in
wonderment as they beheld his dishevel'd appearance and ghastly face.
Throwing himself violently from his saddle, he flung the bridle over the
animal's neck, and gave him a sharp cut with a small riding whip. He made
for the boat; one minute later, and he had been left. They were pushing the
keel from the landing—the stranger sprang—a space of two or three feet
already intervened—he struck on the gunwale—and the Last Soldier of
King George had left the American shores.

WILD FRANK'S RETURN

As the sun, one August day some fifty years ago, had just pass'd the
meridian of a country town in the eastern section of Long Island, a single
traveler came up to the quaint low-roof'd village tavern, open'd its half-
door, and enter'd the common room. Dust cover'd the clothes of the
wayfarer, and his brow was moist with sweat. He trod in a lagging, weary

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way; though his form and features told of an age not more than nineteen or
twenty years. Over one shoulder was slung a sailor's jacket, and in his hand
he carried a little bundle. Sitting down on a rude bench, he told a female
who made her appearance behind the bar, that he would have a glass of
brandy and sugar. He took off the liquor at a draught: after which he lit and
began to smoke a cigar, with which he supplied himself from his pocket—
stretching out one leg, and leaning his elbow down on the bench, in the
attitude of a man who takes an indolent lounge.
"Do you know one Richard Hall that lives somewhere here among you?"
said he.
"Mr. Hall's is down the lane that turns off by that big locust tree,"
answer'd the woman, pointing to the direction through the open door; "it's
about half a mile from here to his house."
The youth, for a minute or two, puff'd the smoke from his mouth very
leisurely in silence. His manner had an air of vacant self-sufficiency, rather
strange in one of so few years.
"I wish to see Mr. Hall," he said at length—"Here's a silver six-pence, for
any one who will carry a message to him."
"The folks are all away. It's but a short walk, and your limbs are young,"
replied the female, who was not altogether pleased with the easy way of
making himself at home which mark'd her shabby-looking customer. That
individual, however, seem'd to give small attention to the hint, but lean'd
and puff'd his cigar-smoke as leisurely as before.
"Unless," continued the woman, catching a second glance at the
sixpence; "unless old Joe is at the stable, as he's very likely to be. I'll go and
find out for you." And she push'd open a door at her back, stepp'd through
an adjoining room into a yard, whence her voice was the next moment
heard calling the person she had mention'd, in accents by no means
remarkable for their melody or softness.
Her search was successful. She soon return'd with him who was to act as
messenger—a little, wither'd, ragged old man—a hanger-on there, whose
unshaven face told plainly enough the story of his intemperate habits—
those deeply seated habits, now too late to be uprooted, that would ere long
lay him in a drunkard's grave. The youth inform'd him what the required
service was, and promised him the reward as soon as he should return,

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"Tell Richard Hall that I am going to his father's house this afternoon. If
he asks who it is that wishes him here, say the person sent no name,"
continued the stranger, sitting up from his indolent posture, as the feet of
old Joe were about leaving the door-stone, and his blear'd eyes turned to
eaten the last sentence of the mandate.
"And yet, perhaps you may as well," added he, communing a moment
with himself: "you may tell him his brother Frank, Wild Frank, it is, who
wishes him to come."
The old man departed on his errand, and he who call'd himself Wild
Frank, toss'd his nearly smoked cigar out of the window, and folded his
arms in thought.
No better place than this, probably, will occur to give a brief account of
some former events in the life of the young stranger, resting and waiting at
the village inn. Fifteen miles east of that inn lived a farmer named Hall, a
man of good repute, well-off in the world, and head of a large family. He
was fond of gain—required all his boys to labor in proportion to their age;
and his right hand man, if he might not be called favorite, was his eldest son
Richard. This eldest son, an industrious, sober-faced young fellow, was
invested by his father with the powers of second in command; and as strict
and swift obedience was a prime tenet in the farmer's domestic government,
the children all tacitly submitted to their brother's sway—all but one, and
that was Frank. The farmer's wife was a quiet woman, in rather tender
health; and though for all her offspring she had a mother's love, Frank's kiss
ever seem'd sweetest to her lips. She favor'd him more than the rest—
perhaps, as in a hundred similar instances, for his being so often at fault,
and so often blamed. In truth, however, he seldom receiv'd more blame than
he deserv'd, for he was a capricious, high-temper'd lad, and up to all kinds
of mischief. From these traits he was known in the neighborhood by the
name of Wild Frank.
Among the farmer's stock there was a fine young blood mare—a
beautiful creature, large and graceful, with eyes like dark-hued jewels, and
her color that of the deep night. It being the custom of the farmer to let his
boys have something about the farm that they could call their own, and take
care of as such, Black Nell, as the mare was called, had somehow or other
fallen to Frank's share. He was very proud of her, and thought as much of
her comfort as his own. The elder brother, however, saw fit to claim for

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himself, and several times to exercise, a privilege of managing and using
Black Nell, notwithstanding what Frank consider'd his prerogative. On one
of these occasions a hot dispute arose, and, after much angry blood, it was
referr'd to the farmer for settlement. He decided in favor of Richard, and
added a harsh lecture to his other son. The farmer was really unjust; and
Wild Frank's face paled with rage and mortification. That furious temper
which he had never been taught to curb, now swell'd like an overflowing
torrent. With difficulty restraining the exhibition of his passions, as soon as
he got by himself he swore that not another sun should roll by and find him
under that roof. Late at night he silently arose, and turning his back on what
he thought an inhospitable home, in mood in which the child should never
leave the parental roof, bent his steps toward the city.
It may well be imagined that alarm and grief pervaded the whole of the
family, on discovering Frank's departure. And as week after week melted
away and brought no tidings of him, his poor mother's heart grew wearier
and wearier. She spoke not much, but was evidently sick in spirit. Nearly
two years had claps'd when about a week before the incidents at the
commencement of this story, the farmer's family were joyfully surprised by
receiving a letter from the long absent son. He had been to sea, and was
then in New York, at which port his vessel had just arrived. He wrote in a
gay strain; appear'd to have lost the angry feeling which caused his flight
from home; and said he heard in the city that Richard had married, and
settled several miles distant, where he wished him all good luck and
happiness. Wild Frank wound up his letter by promising, as soon as he
could get through the imperative business of his ship, to pay a visit to his
parents and native place. On Tuesday of the succeeding week, he said he
would be with them.
Within half an hour after the departure of old Joe, the form of that ancient
personage was seen slowly wheeling round the locust-tree at the end of the
lane, accompanied by a stout young man in primitive homespun apparel.
The meeting between Wild Frank and his brother Richard, though hardly of
that kind which generally takes place between persons so closely related,
could not exactly be call'd distant or cool either. Richard press'd his brother
to go with him to the farmhouse, and refresh and repose himself for some
hours at least, but Frank declined.

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"They will all expect me home this afternoon," he said, "I wrote to them I
would be there to-day."
"But you must be very tired, Frank," rejoin'd the other; "won't you let
some of us harness up and carry you? Or if you like—" he stopp'd a
moment, and a trifling suffusion spread over his face; "if you like, I'll put
the saddle on Black Nell—she's here at my place now, and you can ride
home like a lord."
Frank's face color'd a little, too. He paused for a moment in thought—he
was really foot-sore, and exhausted with his journey that hot day—so he
accepted his brother's offer.
"You know the speed of Nell, as well as I," said Richard; "I'll warrant
when I bring her here you'll say she's in good order as ever." So telling him
to amuse himself for a few minutes as well as he could, Richard left the
tavern.
Could it be that Black Nell knew her early master? She neigh'd and
rubb'd her nose on his shoulder; and as he put his foot in the stirrup and rose
on her back, it was evident that they were both highly pleased with their
meeting. Bidding his brother farewell, and not forgetting old Joe, the young
man set forth on his journey to his father's house. As he left the village
behind, and came upon the long monotonous road before him, he thought
on the circumstances of his leaving home—and he thought, too, on his
course of life, how it was being frittered away and lost. Very gentle
influences, doubtless, came over Wild Frank's mind then, and he yearn'd to
show his parents that he was sorry for the trouble he had cost them. He
blamed himself for his former follies, and even felt remorse that he had not
acted more kindly to Richard, and gone to his house. Oh, it had been a sad
mistake of the farmer that he did not teach his children to love one another.
It was a foolish thing that he prided himself on governing his little flock
well, when sweet affection, gentle forbearance, and brotherly faith, were
almost unknown among them.
The day was now advanced, though the heat pour'd down with a strength
little less oppressive than at noon. Frank had accomplish'd the greater part
of his journey; he was within two miles of his home. The road here led over
a high, tiresome hill, and he determined to stop on the top of it and rest
himself, as well as give the animal he rode a few minutes' breath. How well
he knew the place! And that mighty oak, standing just outside the fence on

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the very summit of the hill, often had he reposed under its shade. It would
be pleasant for a few minutes to stretch his limbs there again as of old, he
thought to himself; and he dismounted from the saddle and led Black Nell
under the tree. Mindful of the comfort of his favorite, he took from his little
bundle, which he had strapped behind him on the mare's back, a piece of
strong cord, four or five yards in length, which he tied to the bridle, and
wound and tied the other end, for security, over his own wrist; then
throwing himself at full length upon the ground, Black Nell was at liberty to
graze around him, without danger of straying away.
It was a calm scene, and a pleasant. There was no rude sound—hardly
even a chirping insect—to break the sleepy silence of the place. The
atmosphere had a dim, hazy cast, and was impregnated with overpowering
heat. The young man lay there minute after minute, as time glided away
unnoticed; for he was very tired, and his repose was sweet to him.
Occasionally he raised himself and cast a listless look at the distant
landscape, veil'd as it was by the slight mist. At length his repose was
without such interruptions. His eyes closed, and though at first they open'd
languidly again at intervals, after a while they shut altogether. Could it be
that he slept? It was so indeed. Yielding to the drowsy influences about him,
and to his prolong'd weariness of travel, he had fallen into a deep, sound
slumber. Thus he lay; and Black Nell, the original cause of his departure
from his home—by a singular chance, the companion of his return—quietly
cropp'd the grass at his side.
An hour nearly pass'd away, and yet the young man slept on. The light
and heat were not glaring now; a change had come over earth and heaven.
There were signs of one of those thunderstorms that in our climate spring
up and pass over so quickly and so terribly. Masses of vapor loom' d up in
the horizon, and a dark shadow settled on the woods and fields. The leaves
of the great oak rustled together over the youth's head. Clouds flitted swiftly
in the sky, like bodies of armed men coming up to battle at the call of their
leader's trumpet. A thick rain-drop fell now and then, while occasionally
hoarse mutterings of thunder sounded in the distance; yet the slumberer was
not arous'd. It was strange that Wild Frank did not awake. Perhaps his ocean
life had taught him to rest undisturbed amid the jarring of elements. Though
the storm was now coming on in its fury, he slept like a babe in its cradle.

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Black Nell had ceased grazing, and stood by her sleeping master with
ears erect, and her long mane and tail waving in the wind. It seem'd quite
dark, so heavy were the clouds. The blast blew sweepingly, the lightning
flash'd, and the rain fell in torrents. Crash after crash of thunder seem'd to
shake the solid earth. And Black Nell, she stood now, an image of beautiful
terror, with her fore feet thrust out, her neck arch'd, and her eyes glaring
balls of fear. At length, after a dazzling and lurid glare, there came a peal—
a deafening crash—as if the great axle was rent. God of Spirits! the startled
mare sprang off like a ship in an ocean-storm! Her eyes were blinded with
light; she dashed madly down the hill, and plunge after plunge—far, far
away—swift as an arrow—dragging the hapless body of the youth behind
her!
In the low, old-fashion'd dwelling of the farmer there was a large family
group. The men and boys had gather'd under shelter at the approach of the
storm; and the subject of their talk was the return of the long absent son.
The mother spoke of him, too, and her eyes brighten'd with pleasure as she
spoke. She made all the little domestic preparations—cook'd his favorite
dishes—and arranged for him his own bed, in its own old place. As the
tempest mounted to its fury they discuss'd the probability of his getting
soak'd by it; and the provident dame had already selected some dry
garments for a change. But the rain was soon over, and nature smiled again
in her invigorated beauty. The sun shone out as it was dipping in the west.
Drops sparkled on the leaf-tips—coolness and clearness were in the air.
The clattering of a horse's hoofs came to the ears of those who were
gather'd there. It was on the other side of the house that the wagon road
lead; and they open'd the door and rush'd in a tumult of glad anticipations,
through the adjoining room to the porch. What a sight it was that met them
there! Black Nell stood a few feet from the door, with her neck crouch'd
down; she drew her breath long and deep, and vapor rose from every part of
her reeking body. And with eyes starting from their sockets, and mouths
agape with stupefying terror, they beheld on the ground near her a mangled,
hideous mass—the rough semblance of a human form—all batter'd, and cut,
and bloody. Attach'd to it was the fatal cord, dabbled over with gore. And as
the mother gazed—for she could not withdraw her eyes—and the appalling
truth came upon her mind, she sank down without shriek or utterance, into a
deep, deathly swoon.

Page 431

THE BOY LOVER

Listen, and the old will speak a chronicle for the young. Ah, youth! thou
art one day coming to be old, too. And let me tell thee how thou mayest get
a useful lesson. For an hour, dream thyself old. Realize, in thy thoughts and
consciousness, that vigor and strength are subdued in thy sinews—that the
color of the shroud is liken'd in thy very hairs—that all those leaping
desires, luxurious hopes, beautiful aspirations, and proud confidences, of
thy younger life, have long been buried (a funeral for the better part of thee)
in that grave which must soon close over thy tottering limbs. Look back,
then, through the long track of the past years. How has it been with thee?
Are there bright beacons of happiness enjoy'd, and of good done by the
way? Glimmer gentle rays of what was scatter'd from a holy heart? Have
benevolence, and love, and undeviating honesty left tokens on which thy
eyes can rest sweetly? Is it well with thee, thus? Answerest thou, it is? Or
answerest thou, I see nothing but gloom and shatter'd hours, and the wreck
of good resolves, and a broken heart, filled with sickness, and troubled
among its ruined chambers with the phantoms of many follies?
O, youth! youth! this dream will one day be a reality—a reality, either of
heavenly peace or agonizing sorrow.
And yet not for all is it decreed to attain the neighborhood of the three-
score and ten years—the span of life. I am to speak of one who died young.
Very awkward was his childhood—but most fragile and sensitive! So
delicate a nature may exist in a rough, unnoticed plant! Let the boy rest;—
he was not beautiful, and dropp'd away betimes. But for the cause—it is a
singular story, to which let crusted worldlings pay the tribute of a light
laugh—light and empty as their own hollow hearts.
Love! which with its cankerseed of decay within, has sent young men
and maidens to a long'd-for, but too premature burial. Love! the child-
monarch that Death itself cannot conquer; that has its tokens on slabs at the
head of grass-cover'd tombs—tokens more visible to the eye of the stranger,
yet not so deeply graven as the face and the remembrances cut upon the
heart of the living. Love! the sweet, the pure, the innocent; yet the causer of
fierce hate, of wishes for deadly revenge, of bloody deeds, and madness,
and the horrors of hell. Love! that wanders over battlefields, turning up
mangled human trunks, and parting back the hair from gory faces, and

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daring the points of swords and the thunder of artillery, without a fear or a
thought of danger.
Words! words! I begin to see I am, indeed, an old man, and garrulous!
Let me go back—yes, I see it must be many years!
It was at the close of the last century. I was at that time studying law, the
profession my father follow'd. One of his clients was an elderly widow, a
foreigner, who kept a little ale-house, on the banks of the North River, at
about two miles from what is now the centre of the city. Then the spot was
quite out of town and surrounded by fields and green trees. The widow
often invited me to come and pay her a visit, when I had a leisure afternoon
—including also in the invitation my brother and two other students who
were in my father's office. Matthew, the brother I mention, was a boy of
sixteen; he was troubled with an inward illness—though it had no power
over his temper, which ever retain' d the most admirable placidity and
gentleness.
He was cheerful, but never boisterous, and everybody loved him; his
mind seem'd more develop'd than is usual for his age, though his personal
appearance was exceedingly plain. Wheaton and Brown, the names of the
other students, were spirited, clever young fellows, with most of the traits
that those in their position of life generally possess. The first was as
generous and brave as any man I ever knew. He was very passionate, too,
but the whirlwind soon blew over, and left everything quiet again. Frank
Brown was slim, graceful, and handsome. He profess'd to be fond of
sentiment, and used to fall regularly in love once a month.
The half of every Wednesday we four youths had to ourselves, and were
in the habit of taking a sail, a ride, or a walk together. One of these
afternoons, of a pleasant day in April, the sun shining, and the air clear, I
bethought myself of the widow and her beer—about which latter article I
had made inquiries, and heard it spoken of in terms of high commendation.
I mention'd the matter to Matthew and to my fellow-students, and we
agreed to fill up our holiday by a jaunt to the ale-house. Accordingly, we set
forth, and, after a fine walk, arrived in glorious spirits at our destination.
Ah! how shall I describe the quiet beauties of the spot, with its long, low
piazza looking out upon the river, and its clean homely tables, and the
tankards of real silver in which the ale was given us, and the flavor of that
excellent liquor itself. There was the widow; and there was a sober, stately

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old woman, half companion, half servant, Margery by name; and there was
(good God! my fingers quiver yet as I write the word!) young Ninon, the
daughter of the widow.
O, through the years that live no more, my memory strays back, and that
whole scene comes up before me once again-and the brightest part of the
picture is the strange ethereal beauty of that young girl! She was apparently
about the age of my brother Matthew, and the most fascinating, artless
creature I had ever beheld. She had blue eyes and light hair, and an
expression of childish simplicity which was charming indeed. I have no
doubt that ere half an hour had elapsed from the time we enter'd the tavern
and saw Ninon, every one of the four of us loved the girl to the very depth
of passion.
We neither spent so much money, nor drank as much beer, as we had
intended before starting from home. The widow was very civil, being
pleased to see us, and Margery served our wants with a deal of politeness—
but it was to Ninon that the afternoon's pleasure was attributable; for though
we were strangers, we became acquainted at once—the manners of the girl,
merry as she was, putting entirely out of view the most distant imputation
of indecorum—and the presence of the widow and Margery, (for we were
all in the common room together, there being no other company,) serving to
make us all disembarrass'd, and at ease.
It was not until quite a while after sunset that we started on our return to
the city. We made several attempts to revive the mirth and lively talk that
usually signalized our rambles, but they seem'd forced and discordant, like
laughter in a sick-room. My brother was the only one who preserved his
usual tenor of temper and conduct.
I need hardly say that thenceforward every Wednesday afternoon was
spent at the widow's tavern. Strangely, neither Matthew or my two friends,
or myself, spoke to each other of the sentiment that filled us in reference to
Ninon. Yet we all knew the thoughts and feelings of the others; and each,
perhaps, felt confident that his love alone was unsuspected by his
companions.
The story of the widow was a touching yet simple one. She was by birth
a Swiss. In one of the cantons of her native land, she had grown up, and
married, and lived for a time in happy comfort. A son was born to her, and a
daughter, the beautiful Ninon. By some reverse of fortune, the father and

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head of the family had the greater portion of his possessions swept from
him. He struggled for a time against the evil influence, but it press'd upon
him harder and harder. He had heard of a people in the western world—a
new and swarming land—where the stranger was welcom'd, and peace and
the protection of the strong arm thrown around him. He had not heart to
stay and struggle amid the scenes of his former prosperity, and he
determin'd to go and make his home in that distant republic of the west. So
with his wife and children, and the proceeds of what little property was left,
he took passage for New York. He was never to reach his journey's end.
Either the cares that weigh' d upon his mind, or some other cause, consign'd
him to a sick hammock, from which he only found relief through the Great
Dismisser. He was buried in the sea, and in due time his family arrived at
the American emporium. But there, the son too sicken'd—died, ere long,
and was buried likewise. They would not bury him in the city, but away—
by the solitary banks of the Hudson; on which the widow soon afterwards
took up her abode.
Ninon was too young to feel much grief at these sad occurrences; and the
mother, whatever she might have suffer'd inwardly, had a good deal of
phlegm and patience, and set about making herself and her remaining child
as comfortable as might be. They had still a respectable sum in cash, and
after due deliberation, the widow purchas'd the little quiet tavern, not far
from the grave of her boy; and of Sundays and holidays she took in
considerable money—enough to make a decent support for them in their
humble way of living. French and Germans visited the house frequently,
and quite a number of young Americans too. Probably the greatest
attraction to the latter was the sweet face of Ninon.
Spring passed, and summer crept in and wasted away, and autumn had
arrived. Every New Yorker knows what delicious weather we have, in these
regions, of the early October days; how calm, clear, and divested of
sultriness, is the air, and how decently nature seems preparing for her winter
sleep.
Thus it was the last Wednesday we started on our accustomed excursion.
Six months had elapsed since our first visit, and, as then, we were full of the
exuberance of young and joyful hearts. Frequent and hearty were our jokes,
by no means particular about the theme or the method, and long and loud
the peals of laughter that rang over the fields or along the shore.

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We took our seats round the same clean, white table, and received our
favorite beverage in the same bright tankards. They were set before us by
the sober Margery, no one else being visible. As frequently happen'd, we
were the only company. Walking and breathing the keen, fine air had made
us dry, and we soon drain'd the foaming vessels, and call'd for more. I
remember well an animated chat we had about some poems that had just
made their appearance from a great British author, and were creating quite a
public stir. There was one, a tale of passion and despair, which Wheaton had
read, and of which he gave us a transcript. Wild, startling, and dreamy,
perhaps it threw over our minds its peculiar cast. An hour moved off, and
we began to think it strange that neither Ninon or the widow came into the
room. One of us gave a hint to that effect to Margery; but she made no
answer, and went on in her usual way as before.
"The grim old thing," said Wheaton, "if she were in Spain, they'd make
her a premier duenna!"
I ask'd the woman about Ninon and the widow. She seemed disturb'd, I
thought; but, making no reply to the first part of my question, said that her
mistress was in another part of the house, and did not wish to be with
company.
"Then be kind enough, Mrs. Vinegar," resumed Wheaton, good-naturedly,
"be kind enough to go and ask the widow if we can see Ninon."
Our attendant's face turn'd as pale as ashes, and she precipitately left the
apartment. We laugh'd at her agitation, which Frank Brown assigned to our
merry ridicule.
Quite a quarter of an hour elaps'd before Margery's return. When she
appear'd she told us briefly that the widow had bidden her obey our behest,
and now, if we desired, she would conduct us to the daughter's presence.
There was a singular expression in the woman's eyes, and the whole affair
began to strike us as somewhat odd; but we arose, and taking our caps,
follow'd her as she stepp'd through the door. Back of the house were some
fields, and a path leading into clumps of trees. At some thirty rods distant
from the tavern, nigh one of those clumps, the larger tree whereof was a
willow, Margery stopp'd, and pausing a minute, while we came up, spoke in
tones calm and low:
"Ninon is there!"

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She pointed downward with her finger. Great God! There was a grave,
new made, and with the sods loosely join'd, and a rough brown stone at
each extremity! Some earth yet lay upon the grass near by. If we had look'd,
we might have seen the resting-place of the widow's son, Ninon's brother—
for it was close at hand. But amid the whole scene our eyes took in nothing
except that horrible covering of death—the oven-shaped mound. My sight
seemed to waver, my head felt dizzy, and a feeling of deadly sickness came
over me. I heard a stifled exclamation, and looking round, saw Frank
Brown leaning against the nearest tree, great sweat upon his forehead, and
his cheeks bloodless as chalk. Wheaton gave way to his agony more fully
than ever I had known a man before; he had fallen—sobbing like a child,
and wringing his hands. It is impossible to describe the suddenness and
fearfulness of the sickening truth that came upon us like a stroke of thunder.
Of all of us, my brother Matthew neither shed tears, or turned pale, or
fainted, or exposed any other evidence of inward depth of pain. His quiet,
pleasant voice was indeed a tone lower, but it was that which recall'd us,
after the lapse of many long minutes, to ourselves.
So the girl had died and been buried. We were told of an illness that had
seized her the very day after our last preceding visit; but we inquired not
into the particulars.
And now come I to the conclusion of my story, and to the most singular
part of it. The evening of the third day afterward, Wheaton, who had wept
scalding tears, and Brown, whose cheeks had recovered their color, and
myself, that for an hour thought my heart would never rebound again from
the fearful shock—that evening, I say, we three were seated around a table
in another tavern, drinking other beer, and laughing but a little less
cheerfully, and as though we had never known the widow or her daughter—
neither of whom, I venture to affirm, came into our minds once the whole
night, or but to be dismiss'd again, carelessly, like the remembrance of faces
seen in a crowd.
Strange are the contradictions of the things of life! The seventh day after
that dreadful visit saw my brother Matthew—the delicate one, who, while
bold men writhed in torture, had kept the same placid face, and the same
untrembling fingers—him that seventh day saw a clay-cold corpse, carried
to the repose of the churchyard. The shaft, rankling far down and within,
wrought a poison too great for show, and the youth died.

Page 437

THE CHILD AND THE PROFLIGATE

Just after sunset, one evening in summer—that pleasant hour when the
air is balmy, the light loses its glare, and all around is imbued with soothing
quiet—on the door-step of a house there sat an elderly woman waiting the
arrival of her son. The house was in a straggling village some fifty miles
from New York city. She who sat on the door-step was a widow; her white
cap cover'd locks of gray, and her dress, though clean, was exceedingly
homely. Her house—for the tenement she occupied was her own—was very
little and very old. Trees clustered around it so thickly as almost to hide its
color—that blackish gray color which belongs to old wooden houses that
have never been painted; and to get in it you had to enter a little rickety gate
and walk through a short path, border'd by carrot beds and beets and other
vegetables. The son whom she was expecting was her only child. About a
year before he had been bound apprentice to a rich farmer in the place, and
after finishing his daily task he was in the habit of spending half an hour at
his mother's. On the present occasion the shadows of night had settled
heavily before the youth made his appearance. When he did, his walk was
slow and dragging, and all his motions were languid, as if from great
weariness. He open'd the gate, came through the path, and sat down by his
mother in silence.
"You are sullen to-night, Charley," said the widow, after a moment's
pause, when she found that he return' d no answer to her greeting.
As she spoke she put her hand fondly on his head; it seem'd moist as if it
had been dipp'd in the water. His shirt, too, was soak'd; and as she pass'd her
fingers down his shoulder she left a sharp twinge in her heart, for she knew
that moisture to be the hard wrung sweat of severe toil, exacted from her
young child (he was but thirteen years old) by an unyielding taskmaster.
"You have work'd hard to-day, my son."
"I've been mowing."
The widow's heart felt another pang.
"Not all day, Charley?" she said, in a low voice; and there was a slight
quiver in it.
"Yes, mother, all day," replied the boy; "Mr. Ellis said he couldn't afford
to hire men, for wages are so high. I've swung the scythe ever since an hour

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before sunrise. Feel of my hands."
There were blisters on them like great lumps. Tears started in the widow's
eyes. She dared not trust herself with a reply, though her heart was bursting
with the thought that she could not better his condition. There was no
earthly means of support on which she had dependence enough to
encourage her child in the wish she knew he was forming—the wish not
utter'd for the first time—to be freed from his bondage. "Mother," at length
said the boy, "I can stand it no longer. I cannot and will not stay at Mr.
Ellis's. Ever since the day I first went into his house I've been a slave; and if
I have to work so much longer I know I shall run off and go to sea or
somewhere else. I'd as leave be in my grave as there." And the child burst
into a passionate fit of weeping.
His mother was silent, for she was in deep grief herself. After some
minutes had flown, however, she gather'd sufficient self-possession to speak
to her son in a soothing tone, endeavoring to win him from his sorrows and
cheer up his heart. She told him that time was swift—that in the course of a
few years he would be his own master.—that all people have their troubles
—with many other ready arguments which, though they had little effect in
calming her own distress, she hoped would act as a solace to the disturb'd
temper of the boy. And as the half hour to which he was limited had now
elaps'd, she took him by the hand and led him to the gate, to set forth on his
return. The youth seemed pacified, though occasionally one of those
convulsive sighs that remain after a fit of weeping, would break from his
throat. At the gate he threw his arms about his mother's neck; each press'd a
long kiss on the lips of the other, and the youngster bent his steps towards
his master's house.
As her child pass'd out of sight the widow return'd, shut the gate and
enter'd her lonely room. There was no light in the old cottage that night—
the heart of its occupant was dark and cheerless. Love, agony, and grief, and
tears and convulsive wrestlings were there. The thought of a beloved son
condemned to labor—labor that would break down a man—struggling from
day to day under the hard rule of a soulless gold-worshipper; the knowledge
that years must pass thus; the sickening idea of her own poverty, and of
living mainly on the grudged charity of neighbors—thoughts, too, of former
happy days—these rack'd the widow's heart, and made her bed a sleepless
one without repose.

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The boy bent his steps to his employer's, as has been said. In his way
down the village street he had to pass a public house, the only one the place
contain'd; and when he came off against it he heard the sound of a fiddle—
drown'd, however, at intervals, by much laughter and talking. The windows
were up, and, the house standing close to the road, Charles thought it no
harm to take a look and see what was going on within. Half a dozen
footsteps brought him to the low casement, on which he lean'd his elbow,
and where he had a full view of the room and its occupants. In one corner
was an old man, known in the village as Black Dave—he it was whose
musical performances had a moment before drawn Charles's attention to the
tavern; and he it was who now exerted himself in a violent manner to give,
with divers flourishes and extra twangs, a tune very popular among that
thick-lipp'd race whose fondness for melody is so well known. In the
middle of the room were five or six sailors, some of them quite drunk, and
others in the earlier stages of that process, while on benches around were
more sailors, and here and there a person dress'd in landsman's attire. The
men in the middle of the room were dancing; that is, they were going
through certain contortions and shufflings, varied occasionally by
exceeding hearty stamps upon the sanded floor. In short the whole party
were engaged in a drunken frolic, which was in no respect different from a
thousand other drunken frolics, except, perhaps, that there was less than the
ordinary amount of anger and quarreling. Indeed everyone seem' d in
remarkably good humor.
But what excited the boy's attention more than any other object was an
individual, seated on one of the benches opposite, who, though evidently
enjoying the spree as much as if he were an old hand at such business,
seem' d in every other particular to be far out of his element. His appearance
was youthful. He might have been twenty-one or two years old. His
countenance was intelligent, and had the air of city life and society. He was
dress'd not gaudily, but in every respect fashionably; his coat being of the
finest broadcloth, his linen delicate and spotless as snow, and his whole
aspect that of one whose counterpart may now and then be seen upon the
pave in Broadway of a fine afternoon. He laugh'd and talk'd with the rest,
and it must be confess'd his jokes—like the most of those that pass'd current
there—were by no means distinguish'd for their refinement or purity. Near
the door was a small table, cover'd with decanters and glasses, some of

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which had been used, but were used again indiscriminately, and a box of
very thick and very long cigars.
One of the sailors—and it was he who made the largest share of the
hubbub—had but one eye. His chin and cheeks were cover'd with huge,
bushy whiskers, and altogether he had quite a brutal appearance. "Come,
boys," said this gentleman, "come, let us take a drink. I know you're all a
getting dry;" and he clench'd his invitation with an appalling oath. This
politeness was responded to by a general moving of the company toward
the table holding the before-mention'd decanters and glasses. Clustering
there around, each one help'd himself to a very handsome portion of that
particular liquor which suited his fancy; and steadiness and accuracy being
at that moment by no means distinguishing traits of the arms and legs of the
party, a goodly amount of the fluid was spill'd upon the floor. This piece of
extravagance excited the ire of the personage who gave the "treat;" and that
ire was still further increas'd when he discover'd two or three loiterers who
seem'd disposed to slight his request to drink. Charles, as we have before
mention'd, was looking in at the window.
"Walk up, boys! walk up! If there be any skulker among us, blast my
eyes if he shan't go down on his marrow bones and taste the liquor we have
spilt! Hallo!" he exclaim'd as he spied Charles; "hallo, you chap in the
window, come here and take a sup."
As he spoke he stepp'd to the open casement, put his brawny hands under
the boy's arms, and lifted him into the room bodily.
"There, my lads," said he, turning to his companions, "there's a new
recruit for you. Not so coarse a one, either," he added as he took a fair view
of the boy, who, though not what is called pretty, was fresh and manly
looking, and large for his age.
"Come, youngster, take a glass," he continued. And he pour'd one nearly
full of strong brandy.
Now Charles was not exactly frighten'd, for he was a lively fellow, and
had often been at the country merry-makings, and at the parties of the place;
but he was certainly rather abash'd at his abrupt introduction to the midst of
strangers. So, putting the glass aside, he look'd up with a pleasant smile in
his new acquaintance's face.
"I've no need for anything now," he said, "but I'm just as much obliged to
you as if I was."

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"Poh! man, drink it down," rejoin'd the sailor, "drink it down—it won't
hurt you."
And, by way of showing its excellence, the one-eyed worthy drain'd it
himself to the last drop. Then filling it again, he renew'd his efforts to make
the lad go through the same operation.
"I've no occasion. Besides, my mother has often pray'd me not to drink,
and I promised to obey her."
A little irritated by his continued refusal, the sailor, with a loud oath,
declared that Charles should swallow the brandy, whether he would or no.
Placing one of his tremendous paws on the back of the boy's head, with the
other he thrust the edge of the glass to his lips, swearing at the same time,
that if he shook it so as to spill its contents the consequences would be of a
nature by no means agreeable to his back and shoulders. Disliking the
liquor, and angry at the attempt to overbear him, the undaunted child lifted
his hand and struck the arm of the sailor with a blow so sudden that the
glass fell and was smash'd to pieces on the floor; while the brandy was
about equally divided between the face of Charles, the clothes of the sailor,
and the sand. By this time the whole of the company had their attention
drawn to the scene. Some of them laugh'd when they saw Charles's
undisguised antipathy to the drink; but they laugh'd still more heartily when
he discomfited the sailor. All of them, however, were content to let the
matter go as chance would have it—all but the young man of the black coat,
who has been spoken of.
What was there in the words which Charles had spoken that carried the
mind of the young man back to former times—to a period when he was
more pure and innocent than now? "My mother has often pray'd me not to
drink!" Ah, how the mist of months roll'd aside, and presented to his soul's
eye the picture of his mother, and a prayer of exactly similar purport! Why
was it, too, that the young man's heart moved with a feeling of kindness
toward the harshly treated child?
Charles stood, his cheek flush'd and his heart throbbing, wiping the
trickling drops from his face with a handkerchief. At first the sailor,
between his drunkenness and his surprise, was much in the condition of one
suddenly awaken'd out of a deep sleep, who cannot call his consciousness
about him. When he saw the state of things, however, and heard the jeering
laugh of his companions, his dull eye lighting up with anger, fell upon the

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boy who had withstood him. He seized Charles with a grip of iron, and with
the side of his heavy boot gave him a sharp and solid kick. He was about
repeating the performance—for the child hung like a rag in his grasp—but
all of a sudden his ears rang, as if pistols were snapp'd close to them; lights
of various hues flicker'd in his eye, (he had but one, it will be remember'd,)
and a strong propelling power caused him to move from his position, and
keep moving until he was brought up by the wall. A blow, a cuff given in
such a scientific manner that the hand from which it proceeded was
evidently no stranger to the pugilistic art, had been suddenly planted in the
ear of the sailor. It was planted by the young man of the black coat. He had
watch'd with interest the proceeding of the sailor and the boy—two or three
times he was on the point of interfering; but when the kick was given, his
rage was uncontrollable. He sprang from his seat in the attitude of a boxer
—struck the sailor in a manner to cause those unpleasant sensations which
have been described—and would probably have follow'd up the attack, had
not Charles, now thoroughly terrified, clung around his legs and prevented
his advancing.
The scene was a strange one, and for the time quite a silent one. The
company had started from their seats, and for a moment held breathless but
strain'd positions. In the middle of the room stood the young man, in his not
at all ungraceful attitude—every nerve out, and his eyes flashing brilliantly.
He seem'd rooted like a rock; and clasping him, with an appearance of
confidence in his protection, clung the boy.
"You scoundrel!" cried the young man, his voice thick with passion,
"dare to touch the boy again, and I'll thrash you till no sense is left in your
body."
The sailor, now partially recover'd, made some gestures of a belligerent
nature.
"Come on, drunken brute!" continued the angry youth; "I wish you
would! You've not had half what you deserve!"
Upon sobriety and sense more fully taking their power in the brains of
the one-eyed mariner, however, that worthy determined in his own mind
that it would be most prudent to let the matter drop. Expressing therefore
his conviction to that effect, adding certain remarks to the purport that he
"meant no harm to the lad," that he was surprised at such a gentleman being
angry at "a little piece of fun," and so forth—he proposed that the company

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should go on with their jollity just as if nothing had happen'd. In truth, he of
the single eye was not a bad fellow at heart, after all; the fiery enemy whose
advances he had so often courted that night, had stolen away his good
feelings, and set busy devils at work within him, that might have made his
hands do some dreadful deed, had not the stranger interposed.
In a few minutes the frolic of the party was upon its former footing. The
young man sat down upon one of the benches, with the boy by his side, and
while the rest were loudly laughing and talking, they two convers'd
together. The stranger learn'd from Charles all the particulars of his simple
story—how his father had died years since—how his mother work' d hard
for a bare living—and how he himself, for many dreary months, had been
the servant of a hard-hearted, avaricious master. More and more interested,
drawing the child close to his side, the young man listen'd to his plainly told
history—and thus an hour pass'd away.
It was now past midnight. The young man told Charles that on the
morrow he would take steps to relieve him from his servitude—that for the
present night the landlord would probably give him a lodging at the inn—
and little persuading did the host need for that.
As he retired to sleep, very pleasant thoughts filled the mind of the young
man—thoughts of a worthy action perform'd—thoughts, too, newly
awakened ones, of walking in a steadier and wiser path than formerly.
That roof, then, sheltered two beings that night—one of them innocent
and sinless of all wrong—the other—oh, to that other what evil had not
been present, either in action or to his desires!
Who was the stranger? To those that, from ties of relationship or
otherwise, felt an interest in him, the answer to that question was not
pleasant to dwell upon. His name was Langton—parentless—a dissipated
young man—a brawler—one whose too frequent companions were rowdies,
blacklegs, and swindlers. The New York police offices were not strangers to
his countenance. He had been bred to the profession of medicine; besides,
he had a very respectable income, and his house was in a pleasant street on
the west side of the city. Little of his time, however, did Mr. John Langton
spend at his domestic hearth; and the elderly lady who officiated as his
housekeeper was by no means surprised to have him gone for a week or a
month at a time, and she knowing nothing of his whereabouts.

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Living as he did, the young man was an unhappy being. It was not so
much that his associates were below his own capacity—for Langton, though
sensible and well bred, was not highly talented or refined—but that he lived
without any steady purpose, that he had no one to attract him to his home,
that he too easily allow'd himself to be tempted—which caused his life to
be, of late, one continued scene of dissatisfaction. This dissatisfaction he
sought to drive away by the brandy bottle, and mixing in all kinds of parties
where the object was pleasure. On the present occasion he had left the city a
few days before, and passing his time at a place near the village where
Charles and his mother lived. He fell in, during the day, with those who
were his companions of the tavern spree; and thus it happen'd that they were
all together. Langton hesitated not to make himself at home with any
associate that suited his fancy.
The next morning the poor widow rose from her sleepless cot; and from
that lucky trait in our nature which makes one extreme follow another, she
set about her toil with a lighten'd heart. Ellis, the farmer, rose, too, short as
the nights were, an hour before day; for his god was gain, and a prime
article of his creed was to get as much work as possible from every one
around him. In the course of the day Ellis was called upon by young
Langton, and never perhaps in his life was the farmer puzzled more than at
the young man's proposal—his desire to provide for the widow's family, a
family that could do him no pecuniary good, and his willingness to disburse
money for that purpose. The widow, too, was called upon, not only on that
day, but the next and the next.
It needs not that I should particularize the subsequent events of Langton's
and the boy's history—how the reformation of the profligate might be dated
to begin from that time—how he gradually sever'd the guilty ties that had so
long gall'd him—how he enjoy'd his own home again—how the friendship
of Charles and himself grew not slack with time—and how, when in the
course of seasons he became head of a family of his own, he would shudder
at the remembrance of his early dangers and his escapes.

LINGAVE'S TEMPTATION

"Another day," utter'd the poet Lingave, as he awoke in the morning, and
turn'd him drowsily on his hard pallet, "another day comes out, burthen'd
with its weight of woes. Of what use is existence to me? Crush'd down

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beneath the merciless heel of poverty, and no promise of hope to cheer me
on, what have I in prospect but a life neglected and a death of misery?"
The youth paused; but receiving no answer to his questions, thought
proper to continue the peevish soliloquy. "I am a genius, they say," and the
speaker smiled bitterly, "but genius is not apparel and food. Why should I
exist in the world, unknown, unloved, press'd with cares, while so many
around me have all their souls can desire? I behold the splendid equipages
roll by—I see the respectful bow at the presence of pride—and I curse the
contrast between my own lot, and the fortune of the rich. The lofty air—the
show of dress—the aristocratic demeanor—the glitter of jewels—dazzle my
eyes; and sharp-tooth' d envy works within me. I hate these haughty and
favor'd ones. Why should my path be so much rougher than theirs? Pitiable,
unfortunate man that I am! to be placed beneath those whom in my heart I
despise—and to be constantly tantalized with the presence of that wealth I
cannot enjoy!" And the poet cover'd his eyes with his hands, and wept from
very passion and fretfulness.
O, Lingave! be more of a man! Have you not the treasures of health and
untainted propensities, which many of those you envy never enjoy? Are you
not their superior in mental power, in liberal views of mankind, and in
comprehensive intellect? And even allowing you the choice, how would
you shudder at changing, in total, conditions with them! Besides, were you
willing to devote all your time and energies, you could gain property too:
squeeze, and toil, and worry, and twist everything into a matter of profit,
and you can become a great man, as far as money goes to make greatness.
Retreat, then, man of the polish'd soul, from those irritable complaints
against your lot-those longings for wealth and puerile distinction, not
worthy your class. Do justice, philosopher, to your own powers. While the
world runs after its shadows and its bubbles, (thus commune in your own
mind,) we will fold ourselves in our circle of understanding, and look with
an eye of apathy on those things it considers so mighty and so enviable. Let
the proud man pass with his pompous glance—let the gay flutter in finery—
let the foolish enjoy his folly, and the beautiful move on in his perishing
glory; we will gaze without desire on all their possessions, and all their
pleasures. Our destiny is different from theirs. Not for such as we, the lowly
flights of their crippled wings. We acknowledge no fellow-ship with them
in ambition. We composedly look down on the paths where they walk, and

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pursue our own, without uttering a wish to descend, and be as they. What is
it to us that the mass pay us not that deference which wealth commands?
We desire no applause, save the applause of the good and discriminating—
the choice spirits among men. Our intellect would be sullied, were the
vulgar to approximate to it, by professing to readily enter in, and praising it.
Our pride is a towering, and thrice refined pride.
When Lingave had given way to his temper some half hour, or
thereabout, he grew more calm, and bethought himself that he was acting a
very silly part. He listen'd a moment to the clatter of the carts, and the tramp
of early passengers on the pave below, as they wended along to commence
their daily toil. It was just sunrise, and the season was summer. A little
canary bird, the only pet poor Lingave could afford to keep, chirp'd merrily
in its cage on the wall. How slight a circumstance will sometimes change
the whole current of our thoughts! The music of that bird abstracting the
mind of the poet but a moment from his sorrows, gave a chance for his
natural buoyancy to act again.
Lingave sprang lightly from his bed, and perform'd his ablutions and his
simple toilet—then hanging the cage on a nail outside the window, and
speaking an endearment to the songster, which brought a perfect flood of
melody in return—he slowly passed through his door, descended the long
narrow turnings of the stairs, and stood in the open street. Undetermin'd as
to any particular destination, he folded his hands behind him, cast his
glance upon the ground, and moved listlessly onward.
Hour after hour the poet walk'd along—up this street and down that—he
reck'd not how or where. And as crowded thoroughfares are hardly the most
fit places for a man to let his fancy soar in the clouds—many a push and
shove and curse did the dreamer get bestow'd upon him.
The booming of the city clock sounded forth the hour twelve—high
noon.
"Ho! Lingave!" cried a voice from an open basement window as the poet
pass'd.
He stopp'd, and then unwittingly would have walked on still, not fully
awaken'd from his reverie.
"Lingave, I say!" cried the voice again, and the person to whom the voice
belong'd stretch'd his head quite out into the area in front, "Stop man. Have
you forgotten your appointment?"

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"Oh! ah!" said the poet, and he smiled unmeaningly, and descending the
steps, went into the office of Ridman, whose call it was that had startled
him in his walk.
Who was Ridman? While the poet is waiting the convenience of that
personage, it may be as well to describe him.
Ridman was a money-maker. He had much penetration, considerable
knowledge of the world, and a disposition to be constantly in the midst of
enterprise, excitement, and stir. His schemes for gaining wealth were
various; he had dipp'd into almost every branch and channel of business. A
slight acquaintance of several years' standing subsisted between him and the
poet. The day previous a boy had call'd with a note from Ridman to
Lingave, desiring the presence of the latter at the money-maker's room. The
poet return'd for answer that he would be there. This was the engagement
which he came near breaking.
Ridman had a smooth tongue. All his ingenuity was needed in the
explanation to his companion of why and wherefore the latter had been sent
for.
It is not requisite to state specifically the offer made by the man of wealth
to the poet. Ridman, in one of his enterprises, found it necessary to procure
the aid of such a person as Lingave—a writer of power, a master of elegant
diction, of fine taste, in style passionate yet pure, and of the delicate
imagery that belongs to the children of song. The youth was absolutely
startled at the magnificent and permanent remuneration which was held out
to him for a moderate exercise of his talents.
But the nature of the service required! All the sophistry and art of
Ridman could not veil its repulsiveness. The poet was to labor for the
advancement of what he felt to be unholy—he was to inculcate what would
lower the perfection of man. He promised to give an answer to the proposal
the succeeding day, and left the place.
Now during the many hours there was a war going on in the heart of the
poor poet. He was indeed poor; often he had no certainty whether he should
be able to procure the next day's meals. And the poet knew the beauty of
truth, and adored, not in the abstract merely, but in practice, the excellence
of upright principles.
Night came. Lingave, wearied, lay upon his pallet again and slept. The
misty veil thrown over him, the spirit of poesy came to his visions, and

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stood beside him, and look'd down pleasantly with her large eyes, which
were bright and liquid like the reflection of stars in a lake.
Virtue, (such imagining, then, seem'd conscious to the soul of the
dreamer,) is ever the sinew of true genius. Together, the two in one, they are
endow'd with immortal strength, and approach loftily to Him from whom
both spring. Yet there are those that having great powers, bend them to the
slavery of wrong. God forgive them! for they surely do it ignorantly or
heedlessly. Oh, could he who lightly tosses around him the seeds of evil in
his writings, or his enduring thoughts, or his chance words—could he see
how, haply, they are to spring up in distant time and poison the air, and
putrefy, and cause to sicken—would he not shrink back in horror? A bad
principle, jestingly spoken—a falsehood, but of a word—may taint a whole
nation! Let the man to whom the great Master has given the might of mind,
beware how he uses that might. If for the furtherance of bad ends, what can
be expected but that, as the hour of the closing scene draws nigh, thoughts
of harm done, and capacities distorted from their proper aim, and strength
so laid out that men must be worse instead of better, through the exertion of
that strength—will come and swarm like spectres around him?
"Be and continue poor, young man," so taught one whose counsels
should be graven on the heart of every youth, "while others around you
grow rich by fraud and disloyalty. Be without place and power, while others
beg their way upward. Bear the pain of disappointed hopes, while others
gain the accomplishment of their flattery. Forego the gracious pressure of a
hand, for which others cringe and crawl. Wrap yourself in your own virtue,
and seek a friend and your daily bread. If you have, in such a course, grown
gray with unblench'd honor, bless God and die."
When Lingave awoke the next morning, he despatch'd his answer to his
wealthy friend, and then plodded on as in the days before.

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LITTLE JANE

"Lift up!" was ejaculated as a signal! and click! went the glasses in the
hands of a party of tipsy men, drinking one night at the bar of one of the
middling order of taverns. And many a wild gibe was utter'd, and many a
terrible blasphemy, and many an impure phrase sounded out the pollution of
the hearts of these half-crazed creatures, as they toss'd down their liquor,
and made the walls echo with their uproar. The first and foremost in
recklessness was a girlish-faced, fair-hair'd fellow of twenty-two or three
years. They called him Mike. He seem'd to be look'd upon by the others as a
sort of prompter, from whom they were to take cue. And if the brazen
wickedness evinced by him in a hundred freaks and remarks to his
companions, during their stay in that place, were any test of his capacity—
there might hardly be one more fit to go forward as a guide on the road of
destruction. From the conversation of the party, it appear'd that they had
been spending the early part of the evening in a gambling house.
A second, third and fourth time were the glasses fill'd; and the effect
thereof began to be perceiv'd in a still higher degree of noise and loquacity
among the revellers. One of the serving-men came in at this moment, and
whisper'd the barkeeper, who went out, and in a moment return'd again. "A
person," he said, "wish'd to speak with Mr. Michael. He waited on the walk
in front."
The individual whose name was mention'd, made his excuses to the
others, telling them he would be back in a moment, and left the room. As he
shut the door behind him, and stepp'd into the open air, he saw one of his
brothers—his elder by eight or ten years—pacing to and fro with rapid and
uneven steps. As the man turn'd in his walk, and the glare of the street lamp
fell upon his face, the youth, half-benumb'd as his senses were, was
somewhat startled at its paleness and evident perturbation. "Come with
me!" said the elder brother, hurriedly, "the illness of our little Jane is worse,
and I have been sent for you."
"Poh!" answered the young drunkard, very composedly, "is that all? I
shall be home by-and-by," and he turn'd back again.
"But, brother, she is worse than ever before. Perhaps when you arrive she
may be dead."

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The tipsy one paus'd in his retreat, perhaps alarm'd at the utterance of that
dread word, which seldom fails to shoot a chill to the hearts of mortals. But
he soon calm'd himself, and waving his hand to the other: "Why, see," said
he, "a score of times at least, have I been call'd away to the last sickness of
our good little sister; and each time it proves to be nothing worse than some
whim of the nurse or physician. Three years has the girl been able to live
very heartily under her disease; and I'll be bound she'll stay on earth three
years longer."
And as he concluded this wicked and most brutal reply, the speaker
open'd the door and went into the bar-room. But in his intoxication, during
the hour that follow'd, Mike was far from being at ease. At the end of that
hour, the words, "perhaps when you arrive she may be dead?" were not
effaced from his hearing yet, and he started for home. The elder brother had
wended his way back in sorrow.
Let me go before the younger one, awhile, to a room in that home. A little
girl lay there dying. She had been ill a long time; so it was no sudden thing
for her parents, and her brethren and sisters, to be called for the witness of
the death agony. The girl was not what might be called beautiful. And yet,
there is a solemn kind of loveliness that always surrounds a sick child. The
sympathy for the weak and helpless sufferer, perhaps, increases it in our
own ideas. The ashiness and the moisture on the brow, and the film over the
eyeballs—what man can look upon the sight, and not feel his heart awed
within him? Children, I have sometimes fancied too, increase in beauty as
their illness deepens.
Besides the nearest relatives of little Jane, standing round her bedside,
was the family doctor. He had just laid her wrist down upon the coverlet,
and the look he gave the mother, was a look in which there was no hope.
"My child!" she cried, in uncontrollable agony, "O! my child!" And the
father, and the sons and daughters, were bowed down in grief, and thick
tears rippled between the fingers held before their eyes.
Then there was silence awhile. During the hour just by-gone, Jane had, in
her childish way, bestow'd a little gift upon each of her kindred, as a
remembrancer when she should be dead and buried in the grave. And there
was one of these simple tokens which had not reach'd its destination. She
held it in her hand now. It was a very small much-thumbed book—a

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religious story for infants, given her by her mother when she had first
learn'd to read.
While they were all keeping this solemn stillness-broken only by the
suppress'd sobs of those who stood and watch'd for the passing away of the
girl's soul—a confusion of some one entering rudely, and speaking in a
turbulent voice, was heard in an adjoining apartment. Again the voice
roughly sounded out; it was the voice of the drunkard Mike, and the father
bade one of his sons go and quiet the intruder "If nought else will do," said
he sternly, "put him forth by strength. We want no tipsy brawlers here, to
disturb such a scene as this." For what moved the sick girl uneasily on her
pillow, and raised her neck, and motion'd to her mother? She would that
Mike should be brought to her side. And it was enjoin'd on him whom the
father had bade to eject the noisy one, that he should tell Mike his sister's
request, and beg him to come to her.
He came. The inebriate—his mind sober'd by the deep solemnity of the
scene—stood there, and leaned over to catch the last accounts of one who
soon was to be with the spirits of heaven. All was the silence of the deepest
night. The dying child held the young man's hand in one of hers; with the
other she slowly lifted the trifling memorial she had assigned especially for
him, aloft in the air. Her arm shook—her eyes, now becoming glassy with
the death-damps, were cast toward her brother's face. She smiled pleasantly,
and as an indistinct gurgle came from her throat, the uplifted hand fell
suddenly into the open palm of her brother's, depositing the tiny volume
there. Little Jane was dead.
From that night, the young man stepped no more in his wild courses, but
was reform'd.

DUMB KATE

Not many years since—and yet long enough to have been before the
abundance of railroads, and similar speedy modes of conveyance—the
travelers from Amboy village to the metropolis of our republic were
permitted to refresh themselves, and the horses of the stage had a breathing
spell, at a certain old-fashion'd tavern, about half way between the two
places. It was a quaint, comfortable, ancient house, that tavern. Huge
buttonwood trees embower'd it round about, and there was a long porch in

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front, the trellis'd work whereof, though old and moulder'd, had been, and
promised still to be for years, held together by the tangled folds of a grape
vine wreath'd about it like a tremendous serpent.
How clean and fragrant everything was there! How bright the pewter
tankards wherefrom cider or ale went into the parch'd throat of the thirsty
man! How pleasing to look into the expressive eyes of Kate, the land-lord's
lovely daughter, who kept everything so clean and bright!
Now the reason why Kate's eyes had become so expressive was, that,
besides their proper and natural office, they stood to the poor girl in the
place of tongue and ears also. Kate had been dumb from her birth.
Everybody loved the helpless creature when she was a child. Gentle, timid,
and affectionate was she, and beautiful as the lilies of which she loved to
cultivate so many every summer in her garden. Her light hair, and the like-
color'd lashes, so long and silky, that droop'd over her blue eyes of such
uncommon size and softness—her rounded shape, well set off by a little
modest art of dress—her smile—the graceful ease of her motions, always
attracted the admiration of the strangers who stopped there, and were quite
a pride to her parents and friends.
How could it happen that so beautiful and inoffensive a being should
taste, even to its dregs, the bitterest unhappiness? Oh, there must indeed be
a mysterious, unfathomable meaning in the decrees of Providence which is
beyond the comprehension of man; for no one on earth less deserved or
needed "the uses of adversity" than Dumb Kate. Love, the mighty and
lawless passion, came into the sanctuary of the maid's pure breast, and the
dove of peace fled away forever.
One of the persons who had occasion to stop most frequently at the
tavern kept by Dumb Kate's parents was a young man, the son of a wealthy
farmer, who own'd an estate in the neighborhood. He saw Kate, and was
struck with her natural elegance. Though not of thoroughly wicked
propensities, the fascination of so fine a prize made this youth determine to
gain her love, and, if possible, to win her to himself. At first he hardly
dared, even amid the depths of his own soul, to entertain thoughts of
vileness against one so confiding and childlike. But in a short time such
feelings wore away, and he made up his mind to become the betrayer of
poor Kate. He was a good-looking fellow, and made but too sure of his
victim. Kate was lost!

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The villain came to New York soon after, and engaged in a business
which prosper'd well, and which has no doubt by this time made him what
is call'd a man of fortune.
Not long did sickness of the heart wear into the life and happiness of
Dumb Kate. One pleasant spring day, the neighbors having been called by a
notice the previous morning, the old churchyard was thrown open, and a
coffin was borne over the early grass that seem'd so delicate with its light
green hue. There was a new made grave, and by its side the bier was rested
—while they paused a moment until holy words had been said. An idle boy,
call'd there by curiosity, saw something lying on the fresh earth thrown out
from the grave, which attracted his attention. A little blossom, the only one
to be seen around, had grown exactly on the spot where the sexton chose to
dig poor Kate's last resting-place. It was a weak but lovely flower, and now
lay where it had been carelessly toss'd amid the coarse gravel. The boy
twirl'd it a moment in his fingers—the bruis'd fragments gave out a
momentary perfume, and then fell to the edge of the pit, over which the
child at that moment lean'd and gazed in his inquisitiveness. As they
dropp'd, they were wafted to the bottom of the grave. The last look was
bestow'd on the dead girl's face by those who loved her so well in life, and
then she was softly laid away to her sleep beneath that green grass covering.
Yet in the churchyard on the hill is Kate's grave. There stands a little
white stone at the head, and verdure grows richly there; and gossips, some-
times of a Sabbath afternoon, rambling over that gathering-place of the
gone from earth, stop a while, and con over the dumb girl's hapless story.

TALK TO AN ART-UNION

A Brooklyn fragment
It is a beautiful truth that all men contain something of the artist in them.
And perhaps it is the case that the greatest artists live and die, the world and
themselves alike ignorant what they possess. Who would not mourn that an
ample palace, of surpassingly graceful architecture, fill'd with luxuries, and
embellish'd with fine pictures and sculpture, should stand cold and still and
vacant, and never be known or enjoy'd by its owner? Would such a fact as
this cause your sadness? Then be sad. For there is a palace, to which the
courts of the most sumptuous kings are but a frivolous patch, and, though it

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is always waiting for them, not one of its owners ever enters there with any
genuine sense of its grandeur and glory.
I think of few heroic actions, which cannot be traced to the artistical
impulse. He who does great deeds, does them from his innate sensitiveness
to moral beauty. Such men are not merely artists, they are also artistic
material. Washington in some great crisis, Lawrence on the bloody deck of
the Chesapeake, Mary Stuart at the block, Kossuth in captivity, and Mazzini
in exile—all great rebels and innovators, exhibit the highest phases of the
artist spirit. The painter, the sculptor, the poet, express heroic beauty better
in description; but the others are heroic beauty, the best belov'd of art.
Talk not so much, then, young artist, of the great old masters, who but
painted and chisell'd. Study not only their productions. There is a still
higher school for him who would kindle his fire with coal from the altar of
the loftiest and purest art. It is the school of all grand actions and grand
virtues, of heroism, of the death of patriots and martyrs—of all the mighty
deeds written in the pages of history—deeds of daring, and enthusiasm,
devotion, and fortitude.

BLOOD-MONEY

"Guilty of the body and the blood of Christ."

I.

Of olden time, when it came to pass
That the beautiful god, Jesus, should finish his work on earth,
Then went Judas, and sold the divine youth,
And took pay for his body.

Curs'd was the deed, even before the sweat of the clutching hand
grew dry;
And darkness frown'd upon the seller of the like of God,
Where, as though earth lifted her breast to throw him from her,
and heaven refused him,
He hung in the air, self-slaughter'd.

The cycles, with their long shadows, have stalk'd silently forward,
Since those ancient days—many a pouch enwrapping meanwhile
Its fee, like that paid for the son of Mary.

And still goes one, saying,
"What will ye give me, and I will deliver this man unto you?"
And they make the covenant, and pay the pieces of silver.

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II

Look forth, deliverer,
Look forth, first-born of the dead,
Over the tree-tops of Paradise;
See thyself in yet continued bonds,
Toilsome and poor, thou bear'st man's form again,
Thou art reviled, scourged, put into prison,
Hunted from the arrogant equality of the rest;
With staves and swords throng the willing servants of authority,
Again they surround thee, mad with devilish spite;
Toward thee stretch the hands of a multitude, like vultures' talons,
The meanest spit in thy face, they smite thee with their palms;
Bruised, bloody, and pinion'd is thy body,
More sorrowful than death is thy soul.

Witness of anguish, brother of slaves,
Not with thy price closed the price of thine image:
And still Iscariot plies his trade.

April, 1843.

PAUMANOK.

WOUNDED IN THE HOUSE OF FRIENDS

"And one shall say unto him. What are these wounds in thy hands? Then
he shall answer Those with which I was wounded in the house of my
friends."—Zechariah, xiii. 6.

If thou art balk'd, O Freedom,
The victory is not to thy manlier foes;
From the house of friends comes the death stab.

Virginia, mother of greatness,
Blush not for being also mother of slaves;
You might have borne deeper slaves—
Doughfaces, crawlers, lice of humanity—
Terrific screamers of freedom,
Who roar and bawl, and get hot i' the face,
But were they not incapable of august crime,
Would quench the hopes of ages for a drink—
Muck-worms, creeping flat to the ground,
A dollar dearer to them than Christ's blessing;
All loves, all hopes, less than the thought of gain,
In life walking in that as in a shroud;
Men whom the throes of heroes,
Great deeds at which the gods might stand appal'd,
The shriek of the drown'd, the appeal of women,
The exulting laugh of untied empires,
Would touch them never in the heart,
But only in the pocket.

Hot-headed Carolina,

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Well may you curl your lip;
With all your bondsmen, bless the destiny
Which brings you no such breed as this.

Arise, young North!
Our elder blood flows in the veins of cowards:
The gray-hair'd sneak, the blanch'd poltroon,
The feign'd or real shiverer at tongues,
That nursing babes need hardly cry the less for—
Are they to be our tokens always?

SAILING THE MISSISSIPPI AT MIDNIGHT

Vast and starless, the pall of heaven
Laps on the trailing pall below;
And forward, forward, in solemn darkness,
As if to the sea of the lost we go.

Now drawn nigh the edge of the river,
Weird-like creatures suddenly rise;
Shapes that fade, dissolving outlines
Baffle the gazer's straining eyes.

Towering upward and bending forward,
Wild and wide their arms are thrown,
Ready to pierce with forked fingers
Him who touches their realm upon.

Tide of youth, thus thickly planted,
While in the eddies onward you swim,
Thus on the shore stands a phantom army,
Lining forever the channel's rim.

Steady, helmsman! you guide the immortal;
Many a wreck is beneath you piled,
Many a brave yet unwary sailor
Over these waters has been beguiled.

Nor is it the storm or the scowling midnight,
Cold, or sickness, or fire's dismay—
Nor is it the reef, or treacherous quicksand,
Will peril you most on your twisted way.

But when there comes a voluptuous languor,
Soft the sunshine, silent the air,
Bewitching your craft with safety and sweetness,
Then, young pilot of life, beware.

Page 457

NOVEMBER BOUGHS

Page 458

OUR EMINENT VISITORS
Past, Present and Future

Welcome to them each and all! They do good—the deepest, widest, most
needed good—though quite certainly not in the ways attempted—which
have, at times, something irresistibly comic. What can be more farcical, for
instance, than the sight of a worthy gentleman coming three or four
thousand miles through wet and wind to speak complacently and at great
length on matters of which he both entirely mistakes or knows nothing—
before crowds of auditors equally complacent, and equally at fault?
Yet welcome and thanks, we say, to those visitors we have, and have had,
from abroad among us—and may the procession continue! We have had
Dickens and Thackeray, Froude, Herbert Spencer, Oscar Wilde, Lord
Coleridge—soldiers, savants, poets—and now Matthew Arnold and Irving
the actor. Some have come to make money—some for a "good time"—
some to help us along and give us advice—and some undoubtedly to
investigate, bona fide, this great problem, democratic America, looming
upon the world with such cumulative power through a hundred years, now
with the evident intention (since the secession war) to stay, and take a
leading hand, for many a century to come, in civilization's and humanity's
eternal game. But alas! that very investigation—the method of that
investigation—is where the deficit most surely and helplessly comes in. Let
not Lord Coleridge and Mr. Arnold (to say nothing of the illustrious actor)
imagine that when they have met and survey'd the etiquettical gatherings of
our wealthy, distinguish'd and sure-to-be-put-forward-on-such-occasions
citizens (New York, Boston, Philadelphia, &c., have certain stereotyped
strings of them, continually lined and paraded like the lists of dishes at hotel
tables—you are sure to get the same over and over again—it is very
amusing)—and the bowing and introducing, the receptions at the swell
clubs, the eating and drinking and praising and praising back—and the next
"day riding about Central Park, or doing the" Public Institutions "—and so
passing through, one after another, the full-dress coteries of the Atlantic
cities, all grammatical and cultured and correct, with the toned-down

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manners of the gentlemen, and the kid-gloves, and luncheons and finger-
glasses—Let not our eminent visitors, we say, suppose that, by means of
these experiences, they have "seen America," or captur'd any distinctive
clew or purport thereof. Not a bit of it. Of the pulse-beats that lie within and
vitalize this Commonweal to-day—of the hard-pan purports and
idiosyncrasies pursued faithfully and triumphantly by its bulk of men North
and South, generation after generation, superficially unconscious of their
own aims, yet none the less pressing onward with deathless intuition—those
coteries do not furnish the faintest scintilla. In the Old World the best flavor
and significance of a race may possibly need to be look'd for in its "upper
classes," its gentries, its court, its état major. In the United States the rule is
revers'd. Besides (and a point, this, perhaps deepest of all,) the special
marks of our grouping and design are not going to be understood in a hurry.
The lesson and scanning right on the ground are difficult; I was going to say
they are impossible to foreigners—but I have occasionally found the
clearest appreciation of all, coming from far-off quarters. Surely nothing
could be more apt, not only for our eminent visitors present and to come,
but for home study, than the following editorial criticism of the London
Times on Mr. Froude's visits and lectures here a few years ago, and the
culminating dinner given at Delmonico's, with its brilliant array of guests:
"We read the list," says the Times, "of those who assembled to do honor
to Mr. Froude: there were Mr. Emerson, Mr. Beecher, Mr. Curtis, Mr.
Bryant; we add the names of those who sent letters of regret that they could
not attend in person—Mr. Longfellow, Mr. Whittier. They are names which
are well known—almost as well known and as much honor'd in England as
in America; and yet what must we say in the end? The American people
outside this assemblage of writers is something vaster and greater than they,
singly or together, can comprehend. It cannot be said of any or all of them
that they can speak for their nation. We who look on at this distance are able
perhaps on that account to see the more clearly that there are qualities of the
American people which find no representation, no voice, among these their
spokesmen. And what is true of them is true of the English class of whom
Mr. Froude may be said to be the ambassador. Mr. Froude is master of a
charming style. He has the gift of grace and the gift of sympathy. Taking
any single character as the subject of his study, he may succeed after a very
short time in so comprehending its workings as to be able to present a living
figure to the intelligence and memory of his readers. But the movements of

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a nation, the, voiceless purpose of a people which cannot put its own
thoughts into words, yet acts upon them in each successive generation—
these things do not lie within his grasp.... The functions of literature such as
he represents are limited in their action; the influence he can wield is
artificial and restricted, and, while he and his hearers please and are pleas'd
with pleasant periods, his great mass of national life will flow around them
unmov'd in its tides by action as powerless as that of the dwellers by the
shore to direct the currents of the ocean."
A thought, here, that needs to be echoed, expanded, permanently treasur'd
by our literary classes and educators. (The gestation, the youth, the knitting
preparations, are now over, and it is full time for definite purpose, result.)
How few think of it, though it is the impetus and background of our whole
Nationality and popular life. In the present brief memorandum I very likely
for the first time awake "the intelligent reader" to the idea and inquiry
whether there isn't such a thing as the distinctive genius of our democratic
New World, universal, immanent, bringing to a head the best experience of
the past—not specially literary or intellectual—not merely "good," (in the
Sunday School and Temperance Society sense,)-some invisible spine and
great sympathetic to these States, resident only in the average people, in
their practical life, in their physiology, in their emotions, in their nebulous
yet fiery patriotism, in the armies (both sides) through the whole secession
war—an identity and character which indeed so far "finds no voice among
their spokesmen."
To my mind America, vast and fruitful as it appears to-day, is even yet,
for its most important results, entirely in the tentative state; its very
formation-stir and whirling trials and essays more splendid and picturesque,
to my thinking, than the accomplish'd growths and shows of other lands,
through European history, or Greece, or all the past. Surely a New World
literature, worthy the name, is not to be, if it ever comes, some fiction, or
fancy, or bit of sentimentalism or polish'd work merely by itself, or in
abstraction. So long as such literature is no born branch and offshoot of the
Nationality, rooted and grown from its roots, and fibred with its fibre, it can
never answer any deep call or perennial need. Perhaps the untaught
Republic is wiser than its teachers. The best literature is always a result of
something far greater than itself—not the hero, but the portrait of the hero.
Before there can be recorded history or poem there must be the transaction.
Beyond the old masterpieces, the Iliad, the interminable Hindu epics, the

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Greek tragedies, even the Bible itself, range the immense facts of what must
have preceded them, their sine qua non—the veritable poems and
masterpieces, of which, grand as they are, the word-statements are but
shreds and cartoons.
For to-day and the States, I think the vividest, rapidest, most stupendous
processes ever known, ever perform'd by man or nation, on the largest
scales and in countless varieties, are now and here presented. Not as our
poets and preachers are always conventionally putting it—but quite
different. Some colossal foundry, the flaming of the fire, the melted metal,
the pounding trip-hammers, the surging crowds of workmen shifting from
point to point, the murky shadows, the rolling haze, the discord, the
crudeness, the deafening din, the disorder, the dross and clouds of dust, the
waste and extravagance of material, the shafts of darted sunshine through
the vast open roof-scuttles aloft-the mighty castings, many of them not yet
fitted, perhaps delay'd long, yet each in its due time, with definite place and
use and meaning—Such, more like, is a symbol of America.
After all of which, returning to our starting-point, we reiterate, and in the
whole Land's name, a welcome to our eminent guests. Visits like theirs, and
hospitalities, and hand-shaking, and face meeting face, and the distant
brought near—what divine solvents they are! Travel, reciprocity,
"interviewing," intercommunion of lands—what are they but Democracy's
and the highest Law's best aids? O that our own country—that every land in
the world—could annually, continually, receive the poets, thinkers,
scientists, even the official magnates, of other lands, as honor'd guests. O
that the United States, especially the West, could have had a good long visit
and explorative jaunt, from the noble and melancholy Tourguéneff, before
he died—or from Victor Hugo—or Thomas Carlyle. Castelar, Tennyson,
any of the two or three great Parisian essayists—were they and we to come
face to face, how is it possible but that the right understanding would
ensue?

Page 462

THE BIBLE AS POETRY
I suppose one cannot at this day say anything new, from a literary point
of view, about those autochthonic bequests of Asia—the Hebrew Bible, the
mighty Hindu epics, and a hundred lesser but typical works; (not now
definitely including the Iliad—though that work was certainly of Asiatic
genesis, as Homer himself was—considerations which seem curiously
ignored.) But will there ever be a time or place—ever a student, however
modern, of the grand art, to whom those compositions will not afford
profounder lessons than all else of their kind in the garnerage of the past?
Could there be any more opportune suggestion, to the current popular writer
and reader of verse, what the office of poet was in primeval times—and is
yet capable of being, anew, adjusted entirely to the modern?
All the poems of Orientalism, with the Old and New Testaments at the
centre, tend to deep and wide, (I don't know but the deepest and widest,)
psychological development—with little, or nothing at all, of the mere
esthetic, the principal verse-requirement of our day. Very late, but
unerringly, comes to every capable student the perception that it is not in
beauty, it is not in art, it is not even in science, that the profoundest laws of
the case have their eternal sway and outcropping.
In his discourse on "Hebrew Poets" De Sola Mendes said: "The
fundamental feature of Judaism, of the Hebrew nationality, was religion; its
poetry was naturally religious. Its subjects, God and Providence, the
covenants with Israel, God in Nature, and as reveal'd, God the Creator and
Governor, Nature in her majesty and beauty, inspired hymns and odes to
Nature's God. And then the checker'd history of the nation furnish'd
allusions, illustrations, and subjects for epic display—the glory of the
sanctuary, the offerings, the splendid ritual, the Holy City, and lov'd
Palestine with its pleasant valleys and wild tracts." Dr. Mendes said "that
rhyming was not a characteristic of Hebrew poetry at all. Metre was not a
necessary mark of poetry. Great poets discarded it; the early Jewish poets
knew it not." Compared with the famed epics of Greece, and lesser ones
since, the spinal supports of the Bible are simple and meagre. All its history,
biography, narratives, &c., are as beads, strung on and indicating the eternal

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thread of the Deific purpose and power. Yet with only deepest faith for
impetus, and such Deific purpose for palpable or impalpable theme, it often
transcends the masterpieces of Hellas, and all masterpieces.
The metaphors daring beyond account, the lawless soul, extravagant by
our standards, the glow of love and friendship, the fervent kiss—nothing in
argument or logic, but unsurpass'd in proverbs, in religious ecstasy, in
suggestions of common mortality and death, man's great equalizers—the
spirit everything, the ceremonies and forms of the churches nothing, faith
limitless, its immense sensuousness immensely spiritual—an incredible, all-
inclusive non-worldliness and dew-scented illiteracy (the antipodes of our
Nineteenth Century business absorption and morbid refinement)—no hair-
splitting doubts, no sickly sulking and sniffling, no "Hamlet," no "Adonais,"
no "Thanatopsis," no "In Memoriam."
The culminated proof of the poetry of a country is the quality of its
personnel, which, in any race, can never be really superior without superior
poems. The finest blending of individuality with universality (in my opinion
nothing out of the galaxies of the "Iliad," or Shakspere's heroes, or from the
Tennysonian "Idylls," so lofty, devoted and starlike,) typified in the songs of
those old Asiatic lands. Men and women as great columnar trees. Nowhere
else the abnegation of self towering in such quaint sublimity; nowhere else
the simplest human emotions conquering the gods of heaven, and fate itself.
(The episode, for instance, toward the close of the "Mahabharata"—the
journey of the wife Savitri with the god of death, Yama,

"One terrible to see—blood-red his garb,
His body huge and dark, bloodshot his eyes,
Which flamed like suns beneath his turban cloth,
Arm'd was he with a noose,"

who carries off the soul of the dead husband, the wife tenaciously
following, and—by the resistless charm of perfect poetic recitation!—
eventually redeeming her captive mate.)
I remember how enthusiastically William H. Seward, in his last days,
once expatiated on these themes, from his travels in Turkey, Egypt, and
Asia Minor, finding the oldest Biblical narratives exactly illustrated there
to-day with apparently no break or change along three thousand years—the
veil'd women, the costumes, the gravity and simplicity, all the manners just
the same. The veteran Trelawney said he found the only real nobleman of

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the world in a good average specimen of the mid-aged or elderly Oriental.
In the East the grand figure, always leading, is the old man, majestic, with
flowing beard, paternal, &c. In Europe and America, it is, as we know, the
young fellow—in novels, a handsome and interesting hero, more or less
juvenile—in operas, a tenor with blooming cheeks, black mustache,
superficial animation, and perhaps good lungs, but no more depth than
skim-milk. But reading folks probably get their information of those Bible
areas and current peoples, as depicted in print by English and French cads,
the most shallow, impudent, supercilious brood on earth.
I have said nothing yet of the cumulus of associations (perfectly
legitimate parts of its influence, and finally in many respects the dominant
parts,) of the Bible as a poetic entity, and of every portion of it. Not the old
edifice only—the congeries also of events and struggles and surroundings,
of which it has been the scene and motive—even the horrors, dreads,
deaths. How many ages and generations have brooded and wept and
agonized over this book! What untellable joys and ecstasies—what support
to martyrs at the stake—from it. (No really great song can ever attain full
purport till long after the death of its singer—till it has accrued and
incorporated the many passions, many joys and sorrows, it has itself
arous'd.) To what myriads has it been the shore and rock of safety—the
refuge from driving tempest and wreck! Translated in all languages, how it
has united this diverse world! Of civilized lands to-day, whose of our
retrospects has it not interwoven and link'd and permeated? Not only does it
bring us what is clasp'd within its covers; nay, that is the least of what it
brings. Of its thousands, there is not a verse, not a word, but is thick-
studded with human emotions, successions of fathers and sons, mothers and
daughters, of our own antecedents, inseparable from that background of us,
on which, phantasmal as it is, all that we are to-day inevitably depends—
our ancestry, our past.
Strange, but true, that the principal factor in cohering the nations, eras
and paradoxes of the globe, by giving them a common platform of two or
three great ideas, a commonalty of origin, and projecting kosmic
brotherhood, the dream of all hope, all time—that the long trains gestations,
attempts and failures, resulting in the New World, and in modern solidarity
and politics—are to be identified and resolv'd back into a collection of old
poetic lore, which, more than any one thing else, has been the axis of
civilization and history through thousands of years—and except for which

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this America of ours, with its polity and essentials, could not now be
existing.
No true bard will ever contravene the Bible. If the time ever comes when
iconoclasm does its extremest in one direction against the Books of the
Bible in its present form, the collection must still survive in another, and
dominate just as much as hitherto, or more than hitherto, through its divine
and primal poetic structure. To me, that is the living and definite element-
principle of the work, evolving everything else. Then the continuity; the
oldest and newest Asiatic utterance and character, and all between, holding
together, like the apparition of the sky, and coming to us the same. Even to
our Nineteenth Century here are the fountain heads of song.

Page 466

FATHER TAYLOR (AND ORATORY)
I have never heard but one essentially perfect orator—one who satisfied
those depths of the emotional nature that in most cases go through life quite
untouch'd, unfed—who held every hearer by spells which no
conventionalist, high or low—nor any pride or composure, nor resistance of
intellect—could stand against for ten minutes.
And by the way, is it not strange, of this first-class genius in the rarest
and most profound of humanity's arts, that it will be necessary, (so nearly
forgotten and rubb'd out is his name by the rushing whirl of the last twenty-
five years,) to first inform current readers that he was an orthodox minister,
of no particular celebrity, who during a long life preach'd especially to
Yankee sailors in an old fourth-class church down by the wharves in Boston
—had practically been a seafaring man through his earlier years—and died
April 6, 1871, "just as the tide turn'd, going out with the ebb as an old salt
should"? His name is now comparatively unknown, outside of Boston—and
even there, (though Dickens, Mr. Jameson, Dr. Bartol and Bishop Haven
have commemorated him,) is mostly but a reminiscence.
During my visits to "the Hub," in 1859 and '60 I several times saw and
heard Father Taylor. In the spring or autumn, quiet Sunday forenoons, I
liked to go down early to the quaint ship-cabin-looking church where the
old man minister'd—to enter and leisurely scan the building, the low
ceiling, everything strongly timber'd (polish'd and rubb'd apparently,) the
dark rich colors, the gallery, all in half-light—and smell the aroma of old
wood—to watch the auditors, sailors, mates, "matlows," officers, singly or
in groups, as they came in—their physiognomies, forms, dress, gait, as they
walk'd along the aisles—their postures, seating themselves in the rude,
roomy, undoor'd, uncushion'd pews—and the evident effect upon them of
the place, occasion, and atmosphere.
The pulpit, rising ten or twelve feet high, against the rear wall, was back'
d by a significant mural painting, in oil—showing out its bold lines and
strong hues through the subdued light of the building—of a stormy sea, the
waves high-rolling, and amid them an old-style ship, all bent over, driving
through the gale, and in great peril—a vivid and effectual piece of limning,

Page 467

not meant for the criticism of artists (though I think it had merit even from
that standpoint,) but for its effect upon the congregation, and what it would
convey to them.
Father Taylor was a moderate-sized man, indeed almost small, (reminded
me of old Booth, the great actor, and my favorite of those and preceding
days,) well advanced in years, but alert, with mild blue or gray eyes, and
good presence and voice. Soon as he open'd his mouth I ceas'd to pay any
attention to church or audience, or pictures or lights and shades; a far more
potent charm entirely sway'd me. In the course of the sermon, (there was no
sign of any MS., or reading from notes,) some of the parts would be in the
highest degree majestic and picturesque. Colloquial in a severe sense, it
often lean'd to Biblical and Oriental forms. Especially were all allusions to
ships and the ocean and sailors' lives, of unrival'd power and life-likeness.
Sometimes there were passages of fine language and composition, even
from the purist's point of view. A few arguments, and of the best, but always
brief and simple. One realized what grip there might have been in such
words-of-mouth talk as that of Socrates and Epictetus. In the main, I should
say, of any of these discourses, that the old Demosthenean rule and
requirement of "action, action, action," first in its inward and then (very
moderate and restrain'd) its outward sense, was the quality that had leading
fulfilment.
I remember I felt the deepest impression from the old man's prayers,
which invariably affected me to tears. Never, on similar or any other
occasions, have I heard such impassion'd pleading—such human-harassing
reproach (like Hamlet to his mother, in the closet)—such probing to the
very depths of that latent conscience and remorse which probably lie
somewhere in the background of every life, every soul. For when Father
Taylor preach'd or pray'd, the rhetoric and art, the mere words, (which
usually play such a big part) seem'd altogether to disappear, and the live
feeling advanced upon you and seiz'd you with a power before unknown.
Everybody felt this marvellous and awful influence. One young sailor, a
Rhode Islander, (who came every Sunday, and I got acquainted with, and
talk'd to once or twice as we went away,) told me, "that must be the Holy
Ghost we read of in the Testament."
I should be at a loss to make any comparison with other preachers or
public speakers. When a child I had heard Elias Hicks—and Father Taylor

Page 468

(though so different in personal appearance, for Elias was of tall and most
shapely form, with black eyes that blazed at times like meteors,) always
reminded me of him. Both had the same inner, apparently inexhaustible,
fund of latent volcanic passion—the same tenderness, blended with a
curious remorseless firmness, as of some surgeon operating on a belov'd
patient. Hearing such men sends to the winds all the books, and formulas,
and polish'd speaking, and rules of oratory.
Talking of oratory, why is it that the unsophisticated practices often strike
deeper than the train'd ones? Why do our experiences perhaps of some local
country exhorter—or often in the West or South at political meetings—
bring the most definite results? In my time I have heard Webster, Clay,
Edward Everett, Phillips, and such célébrès yet I recall the minor but life-
eloquence of men like John P. Hale, Cassius Clay, and one or two of the old
abolition "fanatics" ahead of all those stereotyped fames. Is not—I
sometimes question—the first, last, and most important quality of all, in
training for a "finish'd speaker," generally unsought, unreck'd of, both by
teacher and pupil? Though may-be it cannot be taught, anyhow. At any rate,
we need to clearly understand the distinction between oratory and elocution.
Under the latter art, including some of high order, there is indeed no
scarcity in the United States, preachers, lawyers, actors, lecturers, &c. With
all, there seem to be few real orators—almost none.
I repeat, and would dwell upon it (more as suggestion than mere fact)—
among all the brilliant lights of bar or stage I have heard in my time (for
years in New York and other cities I haunted the courts to witness notable
trials, and have heard all the famous actors and actresses that have been in
America the past fifty years) though I recall marvellous effects from one or
other of them, I never had anything in the way of vocal utterance to shake
me through and through, and become fix'd, with its accompaniments, in my
memory, like those prayers and sermons—like Father Taylor's personal
electricity and the whole scene there—the prone ship in the gale, and
dashing wave and foam for background—in the little old sea-church in
Boston, those summer Sundays just before the secession war broke out.

Page 469

Page 470

THE SPANISH ELEMENT IN OUR
NATIONALITY
{Our friends at Santa Fe, New Mexico, have just finish'd their long-
drawn-out anniversary of the 333d year of the settlement of their city by the
Spanish. The good, gray Walt Whitman was asked to write them a poem in
commemoration. Instead he wrote them a letter as follows:—Philadelphia
Press, August 5, 1883.}
CAMDEN, NEW JERSEY, July 20, 1883.
To Messrs. Griffin, Martinez, Prince, and other Gentlemen at Santa Fé:
DEAR SIRS:—Your kind invitation to visit you and deliver a poem for
the 333d Anniversary of founding Santa Fé has reach'd me so late that I
have to decline, with sincere regret. But I will say a few words offhand.
We Americans have yet to really learn our own antecedents, and sort
them, to unify them. They will be found ampler than has been supposed,
and in widely different sources. Thus far, impress'd by New England writers
and schoolmasters, we tacitly abandon ourselves to the notion that our
United States have been fashion'd from the British Islands only, and
essentially form a second England only—which is a very great mistake.
Many leading traits for our future national personality, and some of the best
ones, will certainly prove to have originated from other than British stock.
As it is, the British and German, valuable as they are in the concrete,
already threaten excess. Or rather, I should say, they have certainly reach'd
that excess. To-day, something outside of them, and to counterbalance them,
is seriously needed.
The seething materialistic and business vortices of the United States, in
their present devouring relations, controlling and belittling everything else,
are, in my opinion, but a vast and indispensable stage in the new world's
development, and are certainly to be follow'd by something entirely
different—at least by immense modifications. Character, literature, a
society worthy the name, are yet to be establish'd, through a nationality of
noblest spiritual, heroic and democratic attributes—not one of which at

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present definitely exists—entirely different from the past, though unerringly
founded on it, and to justify it.
To that composite American identity of the future, Spanish character will
supply some of the most needed parts. No stock shows a grander historic
retrospect—grander in religiousness and loyalty, or for patriotism, courage,
decorum, gravity and honor. (It is time to dismiss utterly the illusion-
compound, half raw-head-and-bloody-bones and half Mysteries-of-
Udolpho, inherited from the English writers of the past 200 years. It is time
to realize—for it is certainly true—that there will not be found any more
cruelty, tyranny, superstition, &c., in the résumé of past Spanish history
than in the corresponding résumé of Anglo-Norman history. Nay, I think
there will not be found so much.)
Then another point, relating to American ethnology, past and to come, I
will here touch upon at a venture. As to our aboriginal or Indian population
—the Aztec in the South, and many a tribe in the North and West—I know
it seems to be agreed that they must gradually dwindle as time rolls on, and
in a few generations more leave only a reminiscence, a blank. But I am not
at all clear about that. As America, from its many far-back sources and
current supplies, develops, adapts, entwines, faithfully identifies its own—
are we to see it cheerfully accepting and using all the contributions of
foreign lands from the whole outside globe—and then rejecting the only
ones distinctively its own—the autochthonic ones?
As to the Spanish stock of our Southwest, it is certain to me that we do
not begin to appreciate the splendor and sterling value of its race element.
Who knows but that element, like the course of some subterranean river,
dipping invisibly for a hundred or two years, is now to emerge in broadest
flow and permanent action?
If I might assume to do so, I would like to send you the most cordial,
heartfelt congratulations of your American fellow-countrymen here. You
have more friends in the Northern and Atlantic regions than you suppose,
and they are deeply interested in the development of the great Southwestern
interior, and in what your festival would arouse to public attention.
Very respectfully, &c.,

WALT WHITMAN.

Page 472

Page 473

WHAT LURKS BEHIND SHAKSPERE'S
HISTORICAL PLAYS
We all know how much mythus there is in the Shakspere question as it
stands to-day. Beneath a few foundations of proved facts are certainly
engulf d far more dim and elusive ones, of deepest importance—tantalizing
and half suspected—suggesting explanations that one dare not put in plain
statement. But coming at once to the point, the English historical plays are
to me not only the most eminent as dramatic performances (my maturest
judgment confirming the impressions of my early years, that the
distinctiveness and glory of the Poet reside not in his vaunted dramas of the
passions, but those founded on the contests of English dynasties, and the
French wars,) but form, as we get it all, the chief in a complexity of puzzles.
Conceiv'd out of the fullest heat and pulse of European feudalism—
personifying in unparallel'd ways the mediaeval aristocracy, its towering
spirit of ruthless and gigantic caste, with its own peculiar air and arrogance
(no mere imitation)—only one of the "wolfish earls" so plenteous in the
plays themselves, or some born descendant and knower, might seem to be
the true author of those amazing works—works in some respects greater
than anything else in recorded literature.
The start and germ-stock of the pieces on which the present speculation
is founded are undoubtedly (with, at the outset, no small amount of
bungling work) in "Henry VI." It is plain to me that as profound and
forecasting a brain and pen as ever appear'd in literature, after floundering
somewhat in the first part of that trilogy—or perhaps draughting it more or
less experimentally or by accident—afterward developed and defined his
plan in the Second and Third Parts, and from time to time, thenceforward,
systematically enlarged it to majestic and mature proportions in "Richard
II," "Richard III," "King John," "Henry IV," "Henry V," and even in
"Macbeth," "Coriolanus" and "Lear." For it is impossible to grasp the whole
cluster of those plays, however wide the intervals and different
circumstances of their composition, without thinking of them as, in a free
sense, the result of an essentially controling plan. 'What was that plan? Or,
rather, what was veil'd behind it?—for to me there was certainly something

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so veil'd. Even the episodes of Cade, Joan of Arc, and the like (which
sometimes seem to me like interpolations allow'd,) may be meant to foil the
possible sleuth, and throw any too 'cute pursuer off the scent. In the whole
matter I should specially dwell on, and make much of, that inexplicable
element of every highest poetic nature which causes it to cover up and
involve its real purpose and meanings in folded removes and far recesses.
Of this trait—hiding the nest where common seekers may never find it—the
Shaksperean works afford the most numerous and mark'd illustrations
known to me. I would even call that trait the leading one through the whole
of those works.
All the foregoing to premise a brief statement of how and where I get my
new light on Shakspere. Speaking of the special English plays, my friend
William O'Connor says:

They seem simply and rudely historical in their motive, as aiming
to give in the rough a tableau of warring dynasties,—and carry to
me a lurking sense of being in aid of some ulterior design, probably
well enough understood in that age, which perhaps time and criticism
will reveal.... Their atmosphere is one of barbarous and tumultuous
gloom,—they do not make us love the times they limn,... and it is
impossible to believe that the greatest of the Elizabethan men could
have sought to indoctrinate the age with the love of feudalism which
his own drama in its entirety, if the view taken of it herein be true,
certainly and subtly saps and mines.

Reading the just-specified play in the light of Mr. O'Connor's suggestion,
I defy any one to escape such new and deep utterance-meanings, like magic
ink, warm' d by the fire, and previously invisible. Will it not indeed be
strange if the author of "Othello" and "Hamlet" is destin'd to live in
America, in a generation or two, less as the cunning draughtsman of the
passions, and more as putting on record the first full exposé—and by far the
most vivid one, immeasurably ahead of doctrinaires and economists—of the
political theory and results, or the reason-why and necessity for them which
America has come on earth to abnegate and replace?
The summary of my suggestion would be, therefore, that while the more
the rich and tangled jungle of the Shaksperean area is travers'd and studied,
and the more baffled and mix'd, as so far appears, becomes the exploring
student (who at last surmises everything, and remains certain of nothing,) it
is possible a future age of criticism, diving deeper, mapping the land and
lines freer, completer than hitherto, may discover in the plays named the
scientific (Baconian?) inauguration of modern democracy—furnishing

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realistic and first-class artistic portraitures of the mediaeval world, the
feudal personalities, institutes, in their morbid accumulations, deposits,
upon politics and sociology,—may penetrate to that hard-pan, far down and
back of the ostent of to-day, on which (and on which only) the progressism
of the last two centuries has built this Democracy which now hold's secure
lodgment over the whole civilized world.
Whether such was the unconscious, or (as I think likely) the more or less
conscious, purpose of him who fashion'd those marvellous architectonics, is
a secondary question.

Page 476

A THOUGHT ON SHAKSPERE
The most distinctive poems—the most permanently rooted and with
heartiest reason for being—the copious cycle of Arthurian legends, or the
almost equally copious Charlemagne cycle, or the poems of the Cid, or
Scandinavian Eddas, or Nibelungen, or Chaucer, or Spenser, or bona fide
Ossian, or Inferno—probably had their rise in the great historic
perturbations, which they came in to sum up and confirm, indirectly
embodying results to date. Then however precious to "culture," the grandest
of those poems, it may be said, preserve and typify results offensive to the
modern spirit, and long past away. To state it briefly, and taking the
strongest examples, in Homer lives the ruthless military prowess of Greece,
and of its special god-descended dynastic houses; in Shakspere the dragon-
rancors and stormy feudal Splendor of mediaeval caste.
Poetry, largely consider'd, is an evolution, sending out improved and-
ever-expanded types—in one sense, the past, even the best of it, necessarily
giving place, and dying out. For our existing world, the bases on which all
the grand old poems were built have become vacuums—and even those of
many comparatively modern ones are broken and half-gone. For us to-day,
not their own intrinsic value, vast as that is, backs and maintains those
poems—but a mountain-high growth of associations, the layers of
successive ages. Everywhere—their own lands included—(is there not
something terrible in the tenacity with which the one book out of millions
holds its grip?)—the Homeric and Virgilian works, the interminable ballad-
romances of the middle ages, the utterances of Dante, Spenser, and others,
are upheld by their cumulus-entrenchment in scholarship, and as precious,
always welcome, unspeakably valuable reminiscences.
Even the one who at present reigns unquestion'd—of Shakspere—for all
he stands for so much in modern literature, he stands entirely for the mighty
esthetic sceptres of the past, not for the spiritual and democratic, the
sceptres of the future. The inward and outward characteristics of Shakspere
are his vast and rich variety of persons and themes, with his wondrous
delineation of each and all,—not only limitless funds of verbal and pictorial
resource, but great excess, superfoetation—mannerism, like a fine,

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aristocratic perfume, holding a touch of musk (Euphues, his mark)—with
boundless sumptuousness and adornment, real velvet and gems, not shoddy
nor paste—but a good deal of bombast and fustian—(certainly some terrific
mouthing in Shakspere!)
Superb and inimitable as all is, it is mostly an objective and physiological
kind of power and beauty the soul finds in Shakspere—a style supremely
grand of the sort, but in my opinion stopping short of the grandest sort, at
any rate for fulfilling and satisfying modern and scientific and democratic
American purposes. Think, not of growths as forests primeval, or
Yellowstone geysers, or Colorado ravines, but of costly marble palaces, and
palace rooms, and the noblest fixings and furniture, and noble owners and
occupants to correspond—think of carefully built gardens from the
beautiful but sophisticated gardening art at its best, with walks and bowers
and artificial lakes, and appropriate statue-groups and the finest cultivated
roses and lilies and japonicas in plenty—and you have the tally of
Shakspere. The low characters, mechanics, even the loyal henchmen—all in
themselves nothing—serve as capital foils to the aristocracy. The comedies
(exquisite as they certainly are) bringing in admirably portray'd common
characters, have the unmistakable hue of plays, portraits, made for the
divertisement only of the élite of the castle, and from its point of view. The
comedies are altogether non-acceptable to America and Democracy.
But to the deepest soul, it seems a shame to pick and choose from the
riches Shakspere has left us—to criticise his infinitely royal, multiform
quality—to gauge, with optic glasses, the dazzle of his sun-like beams.
The best poetic utterance, after all, can merely hint, or remind, often very
indirectly, or at distant removes. Aught of real perfection, or the solution of
any deep problem, or any completed statement of the moral, the true, the
beautiful, eludes the greatest, deftest poet—flies away like an always
uncaught bird.

Page 478

ROBERT BURNS AS POET AND PERSON
What the future will decide about Robert Burns and his works—what
place will be assign'd them on that great roster of geniuses and genius
which can only be finish'd by the slow but sure balancing of the centuries
with their ample average—I of course cannot tell. But as we know him,
from his recorded utterances, and after nearly one century, and its diligence
of collections, songs, letters, anecdotes, presenting the figure of the canny
Scotchman in a fullness and detail wonderfully complete, and the lines
mainly by his own hand, he forms to-day, in some respects, the most
interesting personality among singers. Then there are many things in
Burns's poems and character that specially endear him to America. He was
essentially a Republican—would have been at home in the Western United
States, and probably become eminent there. He was an average sample of
the good-natured, warm-blooded, proud-spirited, amative, alimentive,
convivial, young and early-middle-aged man of the decent-born middle
classes everywhere and any how. Without the race of which he is a distinct
specimen, (and perhaps his poems) America and her powerful Democracy
could not exist to-day—could not project with unparallel'd historic sway
into the future.
Perhaps the peculiar coloring of the era of Burns needs always first to be
consider'd. It included the times of the '76-'83 Revolution in America, of the
French Revolution, and an unparallel'd chaos development in Europe and
elsewhere. In every department, shining and strange names, like stars, some
rising, some in meridian, some declining—Voltaire, Franklin, Washington,
Kant, Goethe, Fulton, Napoleon, mark the era. And while so much, and of
grandest moment, fit for the trumpet of the world's fame, was being
transacted—that little tragi-comedy of R. B,'s life and death was going on in
a country by-place in Scotland!
Burns's correspondence, generally collected and publish'd since his death,
gives wonderful glints into both the amiable and weak (and worse than
weak) parts of his portraiture, habits, good and bad luck, ambition and
associations. His letters to Mrs. Dunlop, Mrs. McLehose, (Clarinda,) Mr.
Thompson, Dr. Moore, Robert Muir, Mr. Cunningham, Miss Margaret

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Chalmers, Peter Hill, Richard Brown, Mrs. Riddel, Robert Ainslie, and
Robert Graham, afford valuable lights and shades to the outline, and with
numerous others, help to a touch here, and fill-in there, of poet and poems.
There are suspicions, it is true, of "the Genteel Letter-Writer," with scraps
and words from "the Manual of French Quotations," and, in the love-letters,
some hollow mouthings. Yet we wouldn't on any account lack the letters. A
full and true portrait is always what is wanted; veracity at every hazard.
Besides, do we not all see by this time that the story of Burns, even for its
own sake, requires the record of the whole and several, with nothing left
out? Completely and every point minutely told out its fullest, explains and
justifies itself—(as perhaps almost any life does.) He is very close to the
earth. He pick'd up his best words and tunes directly from the Scotch home-
singers, but tells Thompson they would not please his, T.'s, "learn'd lugs,"
adding, "I call them simple—you would pronounce them silly." Yes, indeed;
the idiom was undoubtedly his happiest hit. Yet Dr. Moore, in 1789, writes
to Burns, "If I were to offer an opinion, it would be that in your future
productions you should abandon the Scotch stanza and dialect, and adopt
the measure and language of modern English poetry"!
As the 128th birth-anniversary of the poet draws on, (January, 1887,)
with its increasing club-suppers, vehement celebrations, letters, speeches,
and so on—(mostly, as William O'Connor says, from people who would not
have noticed R. B. at all during his actual life, nor kept his company, or read
his verses, on any account)—it may be opportune to print some leisurely-
jotted notes I find in my budget. I take my observation of the Scottish bard
by considering him as an individual amid the crowded clusters, galaxies, of
the old world—and fairly inquiring and suggesting what out of these
myriads he too may be to the Western Republic. In the first place no poet on
record so fully bequeaths his own personal magnetism,{39} nor illustrates
more pointedly how one's verses, by time and reading, can so curiously fuse
with the versifier's own life and death, and give final light and shade to all.
I would say a large part of the fascination of Burns's homely, simple
dialect-melodies is due, for all current and future readers, to the poet's
personal "errors," the general bleakness of his lot, his ingrain'd pensiveness,
his brief dash into dazzling, tantalizing, evanescent sunshine—finally
culminating in those last years of his life, his being taboo'd and in debt, sick
and sore, yaw'd as by contending gales, deeply dissatisfied with everything,
most of all with himself—high-spirited too—(no man ever really higher-

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spirited than Robert Burns.) I think it a perfectly legitimate part too. At any
rate it has come to be an impalpable aroma through which only both the
songs and their singer must henceforth be read and absorb'd. Through that
view-medium of misfortune—of a noble spirit in low environments, and of
a squalid and premature death—we view the undoubted facts, (giving, as
we read them now, a sad kind of pungency,) that Burns's were, before all
else, the lyrics of illicit loves and carousing intoxication. Perhaps even it is
this strange, impalpable post-mortem comment and influence referr'd to,
that gives them their contrast, attraction, making the zest of their author's
after fame. If he had lived steady, fat, moral, comfortable, well-to-do years,
on his own grade, (let alone, what of course was out of the question, the
ease and velvet and rosewood and copious royalties of Tennyson or Victor
Hugo or Longfellow,) and died well-ripen'd and respectable, where could
have come in that burst of passionate sobbing and remorse which well'd
forth instantly and generally in Scotland, and soon follow'd everywhere
among English-speaking races, on the announcement of his death? and
which, with no sign of stopping, only regulated and vein'd with fitting
appreciation, flows deeply, widely yet?
Dear Rob! manly, witty, fond, friendly, full of weak spots as well as
strong ones-essential type of so many thousands—perhaps the average, as
just said, of the decent-born young men and the early mid-aged, not only of
the British Isles, but America, too, North and South, just the same. I think,
indeed, one best part of Burns is the unquestionable proof he presents of the
perennial existence among the laboring classes, especially farmers, of the
finest latent poetic elements in their blood. (How clear it is to me that the
common soil has always been, and is now, thickly strewn with just such
gems.) He is well-called the Ploughman. "Holding the plough," said his
brother Gilbert, "was the favorite situation with Robert for poetic
compositions; and some of his best verses were produced while he was at
that exercise." "I must return to my humble station, and woo my rustic muse
in my wonted way, at the plough-tail." 1787, to the Earl of Buchan. He has
no high ideal of the poet or the poet's office; indeed quite a low and
contracted notion of both:

"Fortune! if thou'll but gie me still
Hale breeks, a scone, and whiskey gill,
An' rowth o' rhyme to rave at will,
Tak' a' the rest."

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See also his rhym'd letters to Robert Graham invoking patronage; "one
stronghold," Lord Glencairn, being dead, now these appeals to "Fintra, my
other stay," (with in one letter a copious shower of vituperation generally.)
In his collected poems there is no particular unity, nothing that can be called
a leading theory, no unmistakable spine or skeleton. Perhaps, indeed, their
very desultoriness is the charm of his songs: "I take up one or another," he
says in a letter to Thompson, "just as the bee of the moment buzzes in my
bonnet-lug."
Consonantly with the customs of the time—yet markedly inconsistent in
spirit with Burns's own case, (and not a little painful as it remains on record,
as depicting some features of the bard himself,) the relation called
patronage existed between the nobility and gentry on one side, and literary
people on the other, and gives one of the strongest side-lights to the general
coloring of poems and poets. It crops out a good deal in Burns's Letters, and
even necessitated a certain flunkeyism on occasions, through life. It
probably, with its requirements, (while it help'd in money and countenance)
did as much as any one cause in making that life a chafed and unhappy one,
ended by a premature and miserable death.
Yes, there is something about Burns peculiarly acceptable to the concrete,
human points of view. He poetizes work-a-day agricultural labor and life,
(whose spirit and sympathies, as well as practicalities, are much the same
everywhere,) and treats fresh, often coarse, natural occurrences, loves,
persons, not like many new and some old poets in a genteel style of gilt and
china, or at second or third removes, but in their own born atmosphere,
laughter, sweat, unction. Perhaps no one ever sang "lads and lasses"—that
universal race, mainly the same, too, all ages, all lands—down on their own
plane, as he has. He exhibits no philosophy worth mentioning; his morality
is hardly more than parrot-talk—not bad or deficient, but cheap, shopworn,
the platitudes of old aunts and uncles to the youngsters (be good boys and
keep your noses clean.) Only when he gets at Poosie Nansie's, celebrating
the "barley bree," or among tramps, or democratic bouts and drinking
generally,

("Freedom and whiskey gang the gither.")

we have, in his own unmistakable color and warmth, those interiors of
rake-helly life and tavern fun—the cantabile of jolly beggars in highest

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jinks—lights and groupings of rank glee and brawny amorousness,
outvying the best painted pictures of the Dutch school, or any school.
By America and her democracy such a poet, I cannot too often repeat,
must be kept in loving remembrance; but it is best that discriminations be
made. His admirers (as at those anniversary suppers, over the "hot Scotch")
will not accept for their favorite anything less than the highest rank,
alongside of Homer, Shakspere, etc. Such, in candor, are not the true friends
of the Ayrshire bard, who really needs a different place quite by himself.
The Iliad and the Odyssey express courage, craft, full-grown heroism in
situations of danger, the sense of command and leadership, emulation, the
last and fullest evolution of self-poise as in kings, and god-like even while
animal appetites. The Shaksperean compositions, on vertebers and frame-
work of the primary passions, portray (essentially the same as Homer's,) the
spirit and letter of the feudal world, the Norman lord, ambitious and
arrogant, taller and nobler than common men—with much underplay and
gusts of heat and cold, volcanoes and stormy seas. Burns (and some will say
to his credit) attempts none of these themes. He poetizes the humor, riotous
blood, sulks, amorous torments, fondness for the tavern and for cheap
objective nature, with disgust at the grim and narrow ecclesiasticism of his
time and land, of a young farmer on a bleak and hired farm in Scotland,
through the years and under the circumstances of the British politics of that
time, and of his short personal career as author, from 1783 to 1796. He is
intuitive and affectionate, and just emerged or emerging from the shackles
of the kirk, from poverty, ignorance, and from his own rank appetites—(out
of which latter, however, he never extricated himself.) It is to be said that
amid not a little smoke and gas in his poems, there is in almost every piece
a spark of fire, and now and then the real afflatus. He has been applauded as
democratic, and with some warrant; while Shakspere, and with the greatest
warrant, has been called monarchical or aristocratic (which he certainly is.)
But the splendid personalizations of Shakspere, formulated on the largest,
freest, most heroic, most artistic mould, are to me far dearer as lessons, and
more precious even as models for Democracy, than the humdrum samples
Burns presents. The motives of some of his effusions are certainly
discreditable personally—one or two of them markedly so. He has,
moreover, little or no spirituality. This last is his mortal flaw and defect,
tried by highest standards. The ideal he never reach'd (and yet I think he
leads the way to it.) He gives melodies, and now and then the simplest and

Page 483

sweetest ones; but harmonies, complications, oratorios in words, never. (I
do not speak this in any deprecatory sense. Blessed be the memory of the
warm-hearted Scotchman for what he has left us, just as it is!) He likewise
did not know himself, in more ways than one. Though so really fret and
independent, he prided himself in his songs on being a reactionist and a
Jacobite—on persistent sentimental adherency to the cause of the Stuarts—
the weakest, thinnest, most faithless, brainless dynasty that ever held a
throne.
Thus, while Burns is not at all great for New World study, in the sense
that Isaiah and Eschylus and the book of Job are unquestionably great—is
not to be mention'd with Shakspere—hardly even with current Tennyson or
our Emerson—he has a nestling niche of his own, all fragrant, fond, and
quaint and homely—a lodge built near but outside the mighty temple of the
gods of song and art—those universal strivers, through their works of
harmony and melody and power, to ever show or intimate man's crowning,
last, victorious fusion in himself of Real and Ideal. Precious, too—fit and
precious beyond all singers, high or low—will Burns ever be to the native
Scotch, especially to the working-classes of North Britain; so intensely one
of them, and so racy of the soil, sights, and local customs. He often
apostrophizes Scotland, and is, or would be, enthusiastically patriotic. His
country has lately commemorated him in a statue.{40} His aim is
declaredly to be 'a Rustic Bard.' His poems were all written in youth or
young manhood, (he was little more than a young man when he died.) His
collected works in giving everything, are nearly one half first drafts. His
brightest hit is his use of the Scotch patois, so full of terms flavor'd like
wild fruits or berries. Then I should make an allowance to Burns which
cannot be made for any other poet. Curiously even the frequent crudeness,
haste, deficiencies, (flatness and puerilities by no means absent) prove upon
the whole not out of keeping in any comprehensive collection of his works,
heroically printed, "following copy," every piece, every line according to
originals. Other poets might tremble for such boldness, such rawness. In
"this odd-kind chiel" such points hardly mar the rest. Not only are they in
consonance with the underlying spirit of the pieces, but complete the full
abandon and veracity of the farm-fields and the home-brew'd flavor of the
Scotch vernacular. (Is there not often something in the very neglect,
unfinish, careless nudity, slovenly hiatus, coming from intrinsic genius, and
not "put on," that secretly pleases the soul more than the wrought and re-

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wrought polish of the most perfect verse?) Mark the native spice and
untranslatable twang in the very names of his songs-"O for ane and twenty,
Tam," "John Barleycorn," "Last May a braw Wooer," "Rattlin roarin
Willie," "O wert thou in the cauld, cauld blast," "Gude e'en to you,
Kimmer," "Merry hae I been teething a Heckle," "O lay thy loof in mine,
lass," and others.
The longer and more elaborated poems of Burns are just such as would
please a natural but homely taste, and cute but average intellect, and are
inimitable in their way. The "Twa Dogs," (one of the best) with the
conversation between Cesar and Luath, the "Brigs of Ayr," "the Cotter's
Saturday Night," "Tam O'Shanter"—all will be long read and re-read and
admired, and ever deserve to be. With nothing profound in any of them,
what there is of moral and plot has an inimitably fresh and racy flavor. If it
came to question, Literature could well afford to send adrift many a
pretensive poem, and even book of poems, before it could spare these
compositions.
Never indeed was there truer utterance in a certain range of idiosyncrasy
than by this poet. Hardly a piece of his, large or small, but has "snap" and
raciness. He puts in cantering rhyme (often doggerel) much cutting irony
and idiomatic ear-cuffing of the kirk-deacons—drilygood-natured addresses
to his cronies, (he certainly would not stop us if he were here this moment,
from classing that "to the De'il" among them)—"to Mailie and her Lambs,"
"to auld Mare Maggie," "to a Mouse,"

"Wee, sleekit, cowrin, tim'rous beastie:"

"to a Mountain Daisy," "to a Haggis," "to a Louse," "to the Toothache,"
&c.—and occasionally to his brother bards and lady or gentleman patrons,
often with strokes of tenderest sensibility, idiopathic humor, and genuine
poetic imagination—still oftener with shrewd, original, sheeny, steel-flashes
of wit, home-spun sense, or lance-blade puncturing. Then, strangely, the
basis of Burns's character, with all its fun and manliness, was hypochondria,
the blues, palpable enough in "Despondency," "Man was made to Mourn,"
"Address to Ruin," a "Bard's Epitaph," &c. From such deep-down elements
sprout up, in very contrast and paradox, those riant utterances of which a
superficial reading will not detect the hidden foundation. Yet nothing is
clearer to me than the black and desperate background behind those pieces

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—as I shall now specify them. I find his most characteristic, Nature's
masterly touch and luxuriant life-blood, color and heat, not in "Tam
O'Shanter," "the Cotter's Saturday Night," "Scots wha hae," "Highland
Mary," "the Twa Dogs," and the like, but in "the Jolly Beggars," "Rigs of
Barley," "Scotch Drink," "the Epistle to John Rankine," "Holy Willie's
Prayer," and in "Halloween," (to say nothing of a certain cluster, known still
to a small inner circle in Scotland, but, for good reasons, not published
anywhere.) In these compositions, especially the first, there is much
indelicacy (some editions flatly leave it out,) but the composer reigns alone,
with handling free and broad and true, and is an artist. You may see and feel
the man indirectly in his other verses, all of them, with more or less life-
likeness—but these I have named last call out pronouncedly in his own
voice,

"I, Rob, am here."

Finally, in any summing-up of Burns, though so much is to be said in the
way of fault-finding, drawing black marks, and doubtless severe literary
criticism—(in the present outpouring I have "kept myself in," rather than
allow'd any free flow)—after full retrospect of his works and life, the
aforesaid "odd-kind chiel" remains to my heart and brain as almost the
tenderest, manliest, and (even if contradictory) dearest flesh-and-blood
figure in all the streams and clusters of by-gone poets.
Endnotes:
{39} Probably no man that ever lived—a friend has made the statement
—was so fondly loved, both by men and women, as Robert Burns. The
reason is not hard to find: he had a real heart of flesh and blood beating in
his bosom; you could almost hear it throb. "Some one said, that if you had
shaken hands with him his hand would have burnt yours. The gods, indeed,
made him poetical, but Nature had a hand in him first. His heart was in the
right place; he did not pile up cantos of poetic diction; he pluck'd the
mountain daisy under his feet; he wrote of field-mouse hurrying from its
ruin'd dwelling. He held the plough or the pen with the same firm, manly
grasp. And he was loved. The simple roll of the women who gave him their
affection and their sympathy would make a long manuscript; and most of
these were of such noble worth that, as Robert Chambers says, 'their
character may stand as a testimony in favor of that of Burns.'" {As I

Page 486

understand, the foregoing is from an extremely rare book publish'd by
M'Kie, in Kilmarnock. I find the whole beautiful paragraph in a capital
paper on Burns, by Amelia Barr.}
{40} The Dumfries statue of Robert Burns was successfully unveil'd
April 1881 by Lord Rosebery, the occasion having been made national in its
character. Before the ceremony, a large procession paraded the streets of the
town, all the trades and societies of that part of Scotland being represented,
at the head of which went dairymen and ploughmen, the former driving
their carts and being accompanied by their maids. The statue is of Sicilian
marble. It rests on a pedestal of gray stone five feet high. The poet is
represented as sitting easily on an old tree root, holding in his left hand a
cluster of daisies. His face is turn'd toward the right shoulder, and the eyes
gaze into the distance. Near by lie a collie dog, a broad bonnet half covering
a well-thumb'd song-book, and a rustic flageolet. The costume is taken from
the Nasmyth portrait, which has been follow'd for the features of the face.

Page 487

A WORD ABOUT TENNYSON
Beautiful as the song was, the original "Locksley Hall" of half a century
ago was essentially morbid, heart-broken, finding fault with everything,
especially the fact of money's being made (as it ever must be, and perhaps
should be) the paramount matter in worldly affairs;

Every door is barr'd with gold, and opens but to golden keys.

First, a father, having fallen in battle, his child (the singer)

Was left a trampled orphan, and a selfish uncle's ward.

Of course love ensues. The woman in the chant or monologue proves a
false one; and as far as appears the ideal of woman, in the poet's reflections,
is a false one—at any rate for America. Woman is not "the lesser man."
(The heart is not the brain.) The best of the piece of fifty years since is its
concluding line:

For the mighty wind arises roaring seaward and I go.

Then for this current 1886-7, a just-out sequel, which (as an apparently
authentic summary says) "reviews the life of mankind during the past sixty
years, and comes to the conclusion that its boasted progress is of doubtful
credit to the world in general and to England in particular. A cynical vein of
denunciation of democratic opinions and aspirations runs throughout the
poem in mark'd contrast with the spirit of the poet's youth." Among the
most striking lines of this sequel are the following:

Envy wears the mask of love, and, laughing sober fact to scorn,
Cries to weakest as to strongest, 'Ye are equals, equal born,'
Equal-born! Oh yes, if yonder hill be level with the flat.
Charm us, orator, till the lion look no larger than the cat:
Till the cat, through that mirage of overheated language, loom
Larger than the lion Demo—end in working its own doom.
Tumble Nature heel o'er head, and, yelling with the yelling street,
Set the feet above the brain, and swear the brain is in the feet,
Bring the old dark ages back, without the faith, without the hope.
Beneath the State, the Church, the Throne, and roll their ruins down
the slope.

Page 488

I should say that all this is a legitimate consequence of the tone and
convictions of the earlier standards and points of view. Then some
reflections, down to the hard-pan of this sort of thing.
The course of progressive politics (democracy) is so certain and
resistless, not only in America but in Europe, that we can well afford the
warning calls, threats, checks, neutralizings, in imaginative literature, or
any department, of such deep-sounding, and high-soaring voices as
Carlyle's and Tennyson's. Nay, the blindness, excesses, of the prevalent
tendency—the dangers of the urgent trends of our times—in my opinion,
need such voices almost more than any. I should, too, call it a signal
instance of democratic humanity's luck that it has such enemies to contend
with—so candid, so fervid, so heroic. But why do I say enemies? Upon the
whole is not Tennyson—and was not Carlyle (like an honest and stern
physician)—the true friend of our age?
Let me assume to pass verdict, or perhaps momentary judgment, for the
United States on this poet—a remov'd and distant position giving some
advantages over a nigh one. What is Tennyson's service to his race, times,
and especially to America? First, I should say—or at least not forget—his
personal character. He is not to be mention'das a rugged, evolutionary,
aboriginal force—but (and a great lesson is in it) he has been consistent
throughout with the native, healthy, patriotic spinal element and promptings
of himself. His moral line is local and conventional, but it is vital and
genuine. He reflects the uppercrust of his time, its pale cast of thought—
even its ennui. Then the simile of my friend John Burroughs is entirely true,
"his glove is a glove of silk, but the hand is a hand of iron." He shows how
one can be a royal laureate, quite elegant and "aristocratic," and a little
queer and affected, and at the same time perfectly manly and natural. As to
his non-democracy, it fits him well, and I like him the better for it. I guess
we all like to have (I am sure I do) some one who presents those sides of a
thought, or possibility, different from our own—different and yet with a sort
of home-likeness—a tartness and contradiction offsetting the theory as we
view it, and construed from tastes and proclivities not at all his own.
To me, Tennyson shows more than any poet I know (perhaps has been a
warning to me) how much there is in finest verbalism. There is such a latent
charm in mere words, cunning collocutions, and in the voice ringing them,
which he has caught and brought out, beyond all others—as in the line,

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And hollow, hollow, hollow, all delight,

in "The Passing of Arthur," and evidenced in "The Lady of Shalott," "The
Deserted House," and many other pieces. Among the best (I often linger
over them again and again) are "Lucretius," "The Lotos Eaters," and "The
Northern Farmer." His mannerism is great, but it is a noble and welcome
mannerism. His very best work, to me, is contain'd in the books of "The
Idylls of the King," and all that has grown out of them. Though indeed we
could spare nothing of Tennyson, however small or however peculiar—not
"Break, Break," nor "Flower in the Crannied Wall," nor the old, eternally-
told passion of "Edward Gray:"

Love may come and love may go,
And fly like a bird from tree to tree.
But I will love no more, no more
Till Ellen Adair come back to me.

Yes, Alfred Tennyson's is a superb character, and will help give
illustriousness, through the long roll of time, to our Nineteenth Century. In
its bunch of orbic names, shining like a constellation of stars, his will be
one of the brightest. His very faults, doubts, swervings, doublings upon
himself, have been typical of our age. We are like the voyagers of a ship,
casting off for new seas, distant shores. We would still dwell in the old
suffocating and dead haunts, remembering and magnifying their pleasant
experiences only, and more than once impell'd to jump ashore before it is
too late, and stay where our fathers stay'd, and live as they lived.
May-be I am non-literary and non-decorous (let me at least be human,
and pay part of my debt) in this word about Tennyson. I want him to realize
that here is a great and ardent Nation that absorbs his songs, and has a
respect and affection for him personally, as almost for no other foreigner. I
want this word to go to the old man at Farringford as conveying no more
than the simple truth; and that truth (a little Christmas gift) no slight one
either. I have written impromptu, and shall let it all go at that. The readers
of more than fifty millions of people in the New World not only owe to him
some of their most agreeable and harmless and healthy hours, but he has
enter'd into the formative influences of character here, not only in the
Atlantic cities, but inland and far West, out in Missouri, in Kansas, and
away in Oregon, in farmer's house and miner's cabin.

Page 490

Best thanks, anyhow, to Alfred Tennyson—thanks and appreciation in
America's name.

Page 491

SLANG IN AMERICA
View'd freely, the English language is the accretion and growth of every
dialect, race, and range of time, and is both the free and compacted
composition of all. From this point of view, it stands for Language in the
largest sense, and is really the greatest of studies. It involves so much; is
indeed a sort of universal absorber, combiner, and conqueror. The scope of
its etymologies is the scope not only of man and civilization, but the history
of Nature in all departments, and of the organic Universe, brought up to
date; for all are comprehended in words, and their backgrounds. This is
when words become vitaliz'd, and stand for things, as they unerringly and
soon come to do, in the mind that enters on their study with fitting spirit,
grasp, and appreciation.
Slang, profoundly consider'd, is the lawless germinal element, below all
words and sentences, and behind all poetry, and proves a certain perennial
rankness and protestantism in speech. As the United States inherit by far
their most precious possession—the language they talk and write—from the
Old World, under and out of its feudal institutes, I will allow myself to
borrow a simile even of those forms farthest removed from American
Democracy. Considering Language then as some mighty potentate, into the
majestic audience-hall of the monarch ever enters a personage like one of
Shakspere's clowns, and takes position there, and plays a part even in the
stateliest ceremonies. Such is Slang, or indirection, an attempt of common
humanity to escape from bald literalism, and express itself illimitably,
which in highest walks produces poets and poems, and doubtless in pre-
historic times gave the start to, and perfected, the whole immense tangle of
the old mythologies. For, curious as it may appear, it is strictly the same
impulse-source, the same thing. Slang, too, is the wholesome fermentation
or eructation of those processes eternally active in language, by which froth
and specks are thrown up, mostly to pass away; though occasionally to
settle and permanently crystallize.
To make it plainer, it is certain that many of the oldest and solidest words
we use, were originally generated from the daring and license of slang. In
the processes of word-formation, myriads die, but here and there the

Page 492

attempt attracts superior meanings, becomes valuable and indispensable,
and lives forever. Thus the term right means literally only straight. Wrong
primarily meant twisted, distorted. Integrity meant oneness. Spirit meant
breath, or flame. A supercilious person was one who rais'd his eyebrows. To
insult was to leap against. If you influenced a man, you but flow'd into him.
The Hebrew word which is translated prophesy meant to bubble up and
pour forth as a fountain. The enthusiast bubbles up with the Spirit of God
within him, and it pours forth from him like a fountain. The word prophecy
is misunderstood. Many suppose that it is limited to mere prediction; that is
but the lesser portion of prophecy. The greater work is to reveal God. Every
true religious enthusiast is a prophet.
Language, be it remember'd, is not an abstract construction of the learn'd,
or of dictionary-makers, but is something arising out of the work, needs,
ties, joys, affections, tastes, of long generations of humanity, and has its
bases broad and low, close to the ground. Its final decisions are made by the
masses, people nearest the concrete, having most to do with actual land and
sea. It impermeates all, the Past as well as the Present, and is the grandest
triumph of the human intellect. "Those mighty works of art," says
Addington Symonds, "which we call languages, in the construction of
which whole peoples unconsciously co-operated, the forms of which were
determin'd not by individual genius, but by the instincts of successive
generations, acting to one end, inherent in the nature of the race—Those
poems of pure thought and fancy, cadenced not in words, but in living
imagery, fountain-heads of inspiration, mirrors of the mind of nascent
nations, which we call Mythologies—these surely are more marvellous in
their infantine spontaneity than any more mature production of the races
which evolv'd them. Yet we are utterly ignorant of their embryology; the
true science of Origins is yet in its cradle."
Daring as it is to say so, in the growth of Language it is certain that the
retrospect of slang from the start would be the recalling from their nebulous
conditions of all that is poetical in the stores of human utterance. Moreover,
the honest delving, as of late years, by the German and British workers in
comparative philology, has pierc'd and dispers'd many of the falsest bubbles
of centuries; and will disperse many more. It was long recorded that in
Scandinavian mythology the heroes in the Norse Paradise drank out of the
skulls of their slain enemies. Later investigation proves the word taken for
skulls to mean horns of beasts slain in the hunt. And what reader had not

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been exercis'd over the traces of that feudal custom, by which seigneurs
warm'd their feet in the bowels of serfs, the abdomen being open'd for the
purpose? It now is made to appear that the serf was only required to submit
his unharm'd abdomen as a foot cushion while his lord supp' d, and was
required to chafe the legs of the seigneur with his hands.
It is curiously in embryons and childhood, and among the illiterate, we
always find the groundwork and start, of this great science, and its noblest
products. What a relief most people have in speaking of a man not by his
true and formal name, with a "Mister" to it, but by some odd or homely
appellative. The propensity to approach a meaning not directly and
squarely, but by circuitous styles of expression, seems indeed a born quality
of the common people everywhere, evidenced by nick-names, and the
inveterate determination of the masses to bestow sub-titles, sometimes
ridiculous, sometimes very apt. Always among the soldiers during the
secession war, one heard of "Little Mac" (Gen. McClellan), or of "Uncle
Billy" (Gen. Sherman.) "The old man" was, of course, very common.
Among the rank and file, both armies, it was very general to speak of the
different States they came from by their slang names. Those from Maine
were call'd Foxes; New Hampshire, Granite Boys; Massachusetts, Bay
Staters; Vermont, Green Mountain Boys; Rhode Island, Gun Flints;
Connecticut, Wooden Nutmegs; New York, Knickerbockers; New Jersey,
Clam Catchers; Pennsylvania, Logher Heads; Delaware, Muskrats;
Maryland, Claw Thumpers; Virginia, Beagles; North Carolina, Tar Boilers;
South Carolina, Weasels; Georgia, Buzzards; Louisiana, Creoles; Alabama,
Lizards; Kentucky, Corn Crackers; Ohio, Buckeyes; Michigan, Wolverines;
Indiana, Hoosiers; Illinois, Suckers; Missouri, Pukes; Mississippi, Tadpoles;
Florida, Fly up the Creeks; Wisconsin, Badgers; Iowa, Hawkeyes; Oregon,
Hard Cases. Indeed I am not sure but slang names have more than once
made Presidents. "Old Hickory," (Gen. Jackson) is one case in point.
"Tippecanoe, and Tyler too," another.
I find the same rule in the people's conversations everywhere. I heard this
among the men of the city horse-cars, where the conductor is often call'd a
"snatcher" (i. e. because his characteristic duty is to constantly pull or
snatch the bell-strap, to stop or go on.) Two young fellows are having a
friendly talk, amid which, says 1st conductor, "What did you do before you
was a snatcher?" Answer of 2d conductor, "Nail'd." (Translation of answer:
"I work'd as carpenter.") What is a "boom"? says one editor to another.

Page 494

"Esteem'd contemporary," says the other, "a boom is a bulge." "Barefoot
whiskey" is the Tennessee name for the undiluted stimulant. In the slang of
the New York common restaurant waiters a plate of ham and beans is
known as "stars and stripes," codfish balls as "sleeve-buttons," and hash as
"mystery."
The Western States of the Union are, however, as may be supposed, the
special areas of slang, not only in conversation, but in names of localities,
towns, rivers, etc. A late Oregon traveller says:
"On your way to Olympia by rail, you cross a river called the Shookum-
Chuck; your train stops at places named Newaukum, Tumwater, and Toutle;
and if you seek further you will hear of whole counties labell' d
Wahkiakum, or Snohomish, or Kitsar, or Klikatat; and Cowlitz, Hookium,
and Nenolelops greet and offend you. They complain in Olympia that
Washington Territory gets but little immigration; but what wonder? What
man, having the whole American continent to choose from, would willingly
date his letters from the county of Snohomish or bring up his children in the
city of Nenolelops? The village of Tumwater is, as I am ready to bear
witness, very pretty indeed; but surely an emigrant would think twice
before he establish' d himself either there or at Toutle. Seattle is sufficiently
barbarous; Stelicoom is no better; and I suspect that the Northern Pacific
Railroad terminus has been fixed at Tacoma because it is one of the few
places on Puget Sound whose name does not inspire horror."
Then a Nevada paper chronicles the departure of a mining party from
Reno: "The toughest set of roosters that ever shook the dust off any town
left Reno yesterday for the new mining district of Cornucopia. They came
here from Virginia. Among the crowd were four New York cock-fighters,
two Chicago murderers, three Baltimore bruisers, one Philadelphia prize-
fighter, four San Francisco hoodlums, three Virginia beats, two Union
Pacific roughs, and two check guerrillas." Among the far-west newspapers,
have been, or are, The Fairplay (Colorado) Flume, The Solid Muldoon, of
Ouray, The Tombstone Epitaph, of Nevada, The Jimplecute, of Texas, and
The Bazoo, of Missouri. Shirttail Bend, Whiskey Flat, Puppytown, Wild
Yankee Ranch, Squaw Flat, Rawhide Ranch, Loafer's Ravine, Squitch
Gulch, Toenail Lake, are a few of the names of places in Butte county, Cal.
Perhaps indeed no place or term gives more luxuriant illustrations of the
fermentation processes I have mention'd, and their froth and specks, than

Page 495

those Mississippi and Pacific coast regions, at the present day. Hasty and
grotesque as are some of the names, others are of an appropriateness and
originality unsurpassable. This applies to the Indian words, which are often
perfect. Oklahoma is proposed in Congress for the name of one of our new
Territories. Hog-eye, Lick-skillet, Rake-pocket and Steal-easy are the
names of some Texan towns. Miss Bremer found among the aborigines the
following names: Men's, Horn-point; Round-Wind; Stand-and-look-out;
The-Cloud-that-goes-aside; Iron-toe; Seek-the-sun; Iron-flash; Red-bottle;
White-spindle; Black-dog; Two-feathers-of-honor; Gray-grass; Bushy-tail;
Thunder-face; Go-on-the-burning-sod; Spirits-of-the-dead. Women's, Keep-
the-fire; Spiritual-woman; Second-daughter-of-the-house; Blue-bird.
Certainly philologists have not given enough attention to this element
and its results, which, I repeat, can probably be found working every where
to-day, amid modern conditions, with as much life and activity as in far-
back Greece or India, under prehistoric ones. Then the wit—the rich flashes
of humor and genius and poetry—darting out often from a gang of laborers,
railroad-men, miners, drivers or boatmen! How often have I hover'd at the
edge of a crowd of them, to hear their repartees and impromptus! You get
more real fun from half an hour with them than from the books of all "the
American humorists."
The science of language has large and close analogies in geological
science, with its ceaseless evolution, its fossils, and its numberless
submerged layers and hidden strata, the infinite go-before of the present.
Or, perhaps Language is more like some vast living body, or perennial body
of bodies. And slang not only brings the first feeders of it, but is afterward
the start of fancy, imagination and humor, breathing into its nostrils the
breath of life.

Page 496

AN INDIAN BUREAU REMINISCENCE
After the close of the secession war in 1865, I work'd several months
(until Mr. Harlan turn'd me out for having written "Leaves of Grass") in the
Interior Department at Washington, in the Indian Bureau. Along this time
there came to see their Great Father an unusual number of aboriginal
visitors, delegations for treaties, settlement of lands, &c.—some young or
middle-aged, but mainly old men, from the West, North, and occasionally
from the South—parties of from five to twenty each—the most wonderful
proofs of what Nature can produce, (the survival of the fittest, no doubt—
all the frailer samples dropt, sorted out by death)—as if to show how the
earth and woods, the attrition of storms and elements, and the exigencies of
life at first hand, can train and fashion men, indeed chiefs, in heroic
massiveness, imperturbability, muscle, and that last and highest beauty
consisting of strength—the full exploitation and fruitage of a human
identity, not from the culmination-points of "culture" and artificial
civilization, but tallying our race, as it were, with giant, vital, gnarl'd,
enduring trees, or monoliths of separate hardiest rocks, and humanity
holding its own with the best of the said trees or rocks, and outdoing them.
There were Omahas, Poncas, Winnebagoes, Cheyennes, Navahos,
Apaches, and many others. Let me give a running account of what I see and
hear through one of these conference collections at the Indian Bureau,
going back to the present tense. Every head and face is impressive, even
artistic; Nature redeems herself out of her crudest recesses. Most have red
paint on their cheeks, however, or some other paint. ("Little Hill" makes the
opening speech, which the interpreter translates by scraps.) Many wear
head tires of gaudy-color'd braid, wound around thickly—some with
circlets of eagles' feathers. Necklaces of bears' claws are plenty around their
necks. Most of the chiefs are wrapt in large blankets of the brightest scarlet.
Two or three have blue, and I see one black. (A wise man call'd "the
Flesh" now makes a short speech, apparently asking something. Indian
Commissioner Dole answers him, and the interpreter translates in scraps
again.) All the principal chiefs have tomahawks or hatchets, some of them
very richly ornamented and costly. Plaid shirts are to be observ'd—none too

Page 497

clean. Now a tall fellow, "Hole-in-the-Day," is speaking. He has a copious
head-dress composed of feathers and narrow ribbon, under which appears a
countenance painted all over a bilious yellow. Let us note this young chief.
For all his paint, "Hole-in-the-Day" is a handsome Indian, mild and calm,
dress'd in drab buckskin leggings, dark gray surtout, and a soft black hat.
His costume will bear full observation, and even fashion would accept him.
His apparel is worn loose and scant enough to show his superb physique,
especially in neck, chest, and legs. ("The Apollo Belvidere!" was the
involuntary exclamation of a famous European artist when he first saw a
full-grown young Choctaw.)
One of the red visitors—a wild, lean-looking Indian, the one in the black
woolen wrapper—has an empty buffalo head, with the horns on, for his
personal surmounting. I see a markedly Bourbonish countenance among the
chiefs—(it is not very uncommon among them, I am told.) Most of them
avoided resting on chairs during the hour of their "talk" in the
Commissioner's office; they would sit around on the floor, leaning against
something, or stand up by the walls, partially wrapt in their blankets.
Though some of the young fellows were, as I have said, magnificent and
beautiful animals, I think the palm of unique picturesqueness, in body, limb,
physiognomy, &c., was borne by the old or elderly chiefs, and the wise
men.
My here-alluded-to experience in the Indian Bureau produced one very
definite conviction, as follows: There is something about these aboriginal
Americans, in their highest characteristic representations, essential traits,
and the ensemble of their physique and physiognomy—something very
remote, very lofty, arousing comparisons with our own civilized ideals—
something that our literature, portrait painting, &c., have never caught, and
that will almost certainly never be transmitted to the future, even as a
reminiscence. No biographer, no historian, no artist, has grasp'd it—perhaps
could not grasp it. It is so different, so far outside our standards of eminent
humanity. Their feathers, paint—even the empty buffalo skull—did not, to
say the least, seem any more ludicrous to me than many of the fashions I
have seen in civilized society. I should not apply the word savage (at any
rate, in the usual sense) as a leading word in the description of those great
aboriginal specimens, of whom I certainly saw many of the best. There
were moments, as I look'd at them or studied them, when our own
exemplification of personality, dignity, heroic presentation anyhow (as in

Page 498

the conventions of society, or even in the accepted poems and plays,)
seem'd sickly, puny, inferior.
The interpreters, agents of the Indian Department, or other whites
accompanying the bands, in positions of responsibility, were always
interesting to me; I had many talks with them. Occasionally I would go to
the hotels where the bands were quarter'd, and spend an hour or two
informally. Of course we could not have much conversation—though
(through the interpreters) more of this than might be supposed—sometimes
quite animated and significant. I had the good luck to be invariably receiv'd
and treated by all of them in their most cordial manner.
{Letter to W. W. from an artist, B. H., who has been much among the
American Indians:}
"I have just receiv'd your little paper on the Indian delegations. In the
fourth paragraph you say that there is something about the essential traits of
our aborigines which 'will almost certainly never be transmitted to the
future.' If I am so fortunate as to regain my health I hope to weaken the
force of that statement, at least in so far as my talent and training will
permit. I intend to spend some years among them, and shall endeavor to
perpetuate on canvas some of the finer types, both men and women, and
some of the characteristic features of their life. It will certainly be well
worth the while. My artistic enthusiasm was never so thoroughly stirr'd up
as by the Indians. They certainly have more of beauty, dignity and nobility
mingled with their own wild individuality, than any of the other indigenous
types of man. Neither black nor Afghan, Arab nor Malay (and I know them
all pretty well) can hold a candle to the Indian. All of the other aboriginal
types seem to be more or less distorted from the model of perfect human
form—as we know it—the blacks, thin-hipped, with bulbous limbs, not well
mark'd; the Arabs large-jointed, &c. But I have seen many a young Indian
as perfect in form and feature as a Greek statue—very different from a
Greek statue, of course, but as satisfying to the artistic perceptions and
demand.
"And the worst, or perhaps the best of it all is that it will require an artist
—and a good one—to record the real facts and impressions. Ten thousand
photographs would not have the value of one really finely felt painting.
Color is all-important. No one but an artist knows how much. An Indian is

Page 499

only half an Indian without the blue-black hair and the brilliant eyes shining
out of the wonderful dusky ochre and rose complexion."

Page 500

SOME DIARY NOTES AT RANDOM
NEGRO SLAVES IN NEW YORK

I can myself almost remember negro slaves in New York State, as my
grandfather and great-grandfather (at West Hills, Suffolk county, New York)
own'd a number. The hard labor of the farm was mostly done by them, and
on the floor of the big kitchen, toward sundown, would be squatting a circle
of twelve or fourteen "pickaninnies," eating their supper of pudding (Indian
corn mush) and milk. A friend of my grandfather, named Wortman, of
Oyster Bay, died in 1810, leaving ten slaves. Jeanette Treadwell, the last of
them, died suddenly in Flushing last summer (1884,) at the age of ninety-
four years. I remember "old Mose," one of the liberated West Hills slaves,
well. He was very genial, correct, manly, and cute, and a great friend of my
childhood.
CANADA NIGHTS—Late in August—
Three wondrous nights. Effects of moon, clouds, stars, and night-sheen,
never surpass'd. I am out every night, enjoying all. The sunset begins it. (I
have said already how long evening lingers here.) The moon, an hour high
just after eight, is past her half, and looks somehow more like a human face
up there than ever before. As it grows later, we have such gorgeous and
broad cloud-effects, with Luna's tawny halos, silver edgings—great fleeces,
depths of blue-black in patches, and occasionally long, low bars hanging
silently a while, and then gray bulging masses rolling along stately,
sometimes in long procession. The moon travels in Scorpion to-night, and
dims all the stars of that constellation except fiery Antares, who keeps on
shining just to the big one's side.

COUNTRY DAYS AND NIGHTS—

Sept. 30, '82, 4.30 A.M.—I am down in Camden county, New Jersey, at
the farmhouse of the Staffords—have been looking a long while at the
comet—have in my time seen longer-tail'd ones, but never one so
pronounc'd in cometary character, and so spectral-fierce—so like some

Page 501

great, pale, living monster of the air or sea. The atmosphere and sky, an
hour or so before sunrise, so cool, still, translucent, give the whole
apparition to great advantage. It is low in the east. The head shows about as
big as an ordinary good-sized saucer—is a perfectly round and defined disk
—the tail some sixty or seventy feet—not a stripe, but quite broad, and
gradually expanding. Impress'd with the silent, inexplicably emotional
sight, I linger and look till all begins to weaken in the break of day.
October 2.—The third day of mellow, delicious, sunshiny weather. I am
writing this in the recesses of the old woods, my seat on a big pine log, my
back against a tree. Am down here a few days for a change, to bask in the
Autumn sun, to idle lusciously and simply, and to eat hearty meals,
especially my breakfast. Warm mid-days—the other hours of the twenty-
four delightfully fresh and mild—cool evenings, and early mornings
perfect. The scent of the woods, and the peculiar aroma of a great yet
unreap'd maize-field near by—the white butterflies in every direction by
day—the golden-rod, the wild asters, and sunflowers—the song of the
katydid all night.
Every day in Cooper's Woods, enjoying simple existence and the passing
hours—taking short walks—exercising arms and chest with the saplings, or
my voice with army songs or recitations. A perfect week for weather; seven
continuous days bright and dry and cool and sunny. The nights splendid,
with full moon—about 10 the grandest of star-shows up in the east and
south, Jupiter, Saturn, Capella, Aldebaran, and great Orion. Am feeling
pretty well—am outdoors most of the time, absorbing the days and nights
all I can.

CENTRAL PARK NOTES

American Society from a Park Policeman's Point of View
Am in New York city, upper part—visit Central Park almost every day
(and have for the last three weeks) off and on, taking observations or short
rambles, and sometimes riding around. I talk quite a good deal with one of
the Park policemen, C.C., up toward the Ninetieth street entrance. One day
in particular I got him a-going, and it proved deeply interesting to me. Our
talk floated into sociology and politics. I was curious to find how these
things appear'd on their surfaces to my friend, for he plainly possess'd sharp

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wits and good nature, and had been seeing, for years, broad streaks of
humanity somewhat out of my latitude. I found that as he took such
appearances the inward caste-spirit of European "aristocracy" pervaded rich
America, with cynicism and artificiality at the fore. Of the bulk of official
persons, Executives, Congressmen, Legislators, Aldermen, Department
heads, &c., &c., or the candidates for those positions, nineteen in twenty, in
the policeman's judgment, were just players in a game. Liberty, Equality,
Union, and all the grand words of the Republic, were, in their mouths, but
lures, decoys, chisel'd likenesses of dead wood, to catch the masses. Of fine
afternoons, along the broad tracks of the Park, for many years, had swept by
my friend, as he stood on guard, the carriages, &c., of American Gentility,
not by dozens and scores, but by hundreds and thousands. Lucky brokers,
capitalists, contractors, grocery-men, successful political strikers, rich
butchers, dry goods' folk, &c. And on a large proportion of these vehicles,
on panels or horse-trappings, were conspicuously borne heraldic family
crests. (Can this really be true?) In wish and willingness (and if that were
so, what matter about the reality?) titles of nobility, with a court and spheres
fit for the capitalists, the highly educated, and the carriage-riding classes—
to fence them off from "the common people"—were the heart's desire of the
"good society" of our great cities—aye, of North and South.
So much for my police friend's speculations—which rather took me
aback—and which I have thought I would just print as he gave them (as a
doctor records symptoms.)

PLATE GLASS NOTES

St. Louis, Missouri, November, '79.—What do you think I find
manufactur'd out here—and of a kind the clearest and largest, best, and the
most finish'd and luxurious in the world—and with ample demand for it
too? Plate glass! One would suppose that was the last dainty outcome of an
old, almost effete-growing civilization; and yet here it is, a few miles from
St. Louis, on a charming little river, in the wilds of the West, near the
Mississippi. I went down that way to-day by the Iron Mountain Railroad—
was switch'd off on a side-track four miles through woods and ravines, to
Swash Creek, so-call'd, and there found Crystal city, and immense Glass
Works, built (and evidently built to stay) right in the pleasant rolling forest.
Spent most of the day, and examin'd the inexhaustible and peculiar sand the

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glass is made of—the original whity-gray stuff in the banks—saw the
melting in the pots (a wondrous process, a real poem)—saw the delicate
preparation the clay material undergoes for these great pots (it has to be
kneaded finally by human feet, no machinery answering, and I watch'd the
picturesque bare-legged Africans treading it)—saw the molten stuff (a great
mass of a glowing pale yellow color) taken out of the furnaces (I shall never
forget that Pot, shape, color, concomitants, more beautiful than any antique
statue,) pass'd into the adjoining casting-room, lifted by powerful
machinery, pour'd out on its bed (all glowing, a newer, vaster study for
colorists, indescribable, a pale red-tinged yellow, of tarry consistence, all
lambent,) roll'd by a heavy roller into rough plate glass, I should say ten feet
by fourteen, then rapidly shov'd into the annealing oven, which stood ready
for it. The polishing and grinding rooms afterward—the great glass slabs,
hundreds of them, on their flat beds, and the see-saw music of the steam
machinery constantly at work polishing them—the myriads of human
figures (the works employ'd 400 men) moving about, with swart arms and
necks, and no superfluous clothing—the vast, rude halls, with immense play
of shifting shade, and slow-moving currents of smoke and steam, and shafts
of light, sometimes sun, striking in from above with effects that would have
fill'd Michel Angelo with rapture.
Coming back to St. Louis this evening, at sundown, and for over an hour
afterward, we follow'd the Mississippi, close by its western bank, giving me
an ampler view of the river, and with effects a little different from any yet.
In the eastern sky hung the planet Mars, just up, and of a very clear and
vivid yellow. It was a soothing and pensive hour—the spread of the river off
there in the half-light—the glints of the down-bound steamboats plodding
along—and that yellow orb (apparently twice as large and significant as
usual) above the Illinois shore. (All along, these nights, nothing can exceed
the calm, fierce, golden, glistening domination of Mars over all the stars in
the sky.)
As we came nearer St. Louis, the night having well set in, I saw some (to
me) novel effects in the zinc smelting establishments, the tall chimneys
belching flames at the top, while inside through the openings at the façades
of the great tanks burst forth (in regular position) hundreds of fierce tufts of
a peculiar blue (or green) flame, of a purity and intensity, like electric lights
—illuminating not only the great buildings themselves, but far and near
outside, like hues of the aurora borealis, only more vivid. (So that—

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remembering the Pot from the crystal furnace—my jaunt seem'd to give me
new revelations in the color line.)

Page 505

SOME WAR MEMORANDA
Jotted Down at the Time

I find this incident in my notes (I suppose from "chinning" in hospital
with some sick or wounded soldier who knew of it):
When Kilpatrick and his forces were cut off at Brandy station (last of
September, '63, or thereabouts,) and the bands struck up "Yankee Doodle,"
there were not cannon enough in the Southern Confederacy to keep him and
them "in." It was when Meade fell back. K. had his large cavalry division
(perhaps 5,000 men,) but the rebs, in superior force, had surrounded them.
Things look'd exceedingly desperate. K. had two fine bands, and order'd
them up immediately; they join'd and play'd "Yankee Doodle" with a will! It
went through the men like lightning—but to inspire, not to unnerve. Every
man seem'd a giant. They charged like a cyclone, and cut their way out.
Their loss was but 20. It was about two in the afternoon.

WASHINGTON STREET SCENES

Walking Down Pennsylvania Avenue
April 7, 1864.—Warmish forenoon, after the storm of the past few days. I
see, passing up, in the broad space between the curbs, a big squad of a
couple of hundred conscripts, surrounded by a strong cordon of arm'd
guards, and others interspers'd between the ranks. The government has
learn'd caution from its experiences; there are many hundreds of "bounty
jumpers," and already, as I am told, eighty thousand deserters! Next (also
passing up the Avenue,) a cavalry company, young, but evidently well
drill'd and service-harden'd men. Mark the upright posture in their saddles,
the bronz'd and bearded young faces, the easy swaying to the motions of the
horses, and the carbines by their right knees; handsome and reckless, some
eighty of them, riding with rapid gait, clattering along. Then the tinkling
bells of passing cars, the many shops (some with large show-windows,
some with swords, straps for the shoulders of different ranks, hat-cords with
acorns, or other insignia,) the military patrol marching along, with the

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orderly or second-lieutenant stopping different ones to examine passes—the
forms, the faces, all sorts crowded together, the worn and pale, the pleas'd,
some on their way to the railroad depot going home, the cripples, the
darkeys, the long trains of government wagons, or the sad strings of
ambulances conveying wounded—the many officers' horses tied in front of
the drinking or oyster saloons, or held by black men or boys, or orderlies.

THE 195TH PENNSYLVANIA

Tuesday, Aug. 1, 1865.—About 3 o'clock this afternoon (sun broiling hot)
in Fifteenth street, by the Treasury building, a large and handsome
regiment, 195th Pennsylvania, were marching by—as it happen'd, receiv'd
orders just here to halt and break ranks, so that they might rest themselves
awhile. I thought I never saw a finer set of men—so hardy, candid, bright
American looks, all weather-beaten, and with warm clothes. Every man was
home-born. My heart was much drawn toward them. They seem'd very
tired, red, and streaming with sweat. It is a one-year regiment, mostly from
Lancaster county, Pa.; have been in Shenandoah valley. On halting, the men
unhitch'd their knapsacks, and sat down to rest themselves. Some lay flat on
the pavement or under trees. The fine physical appearance of the whole
body was remarkable. Great, very great, must be the State where such
young farmers and mechanics are the practical average. I went around for
half an hour and talk'd with several of them, sometimes squatting down
with the groups.

LEFT-HAND WRITING BY SOLDIERS

April 30, 1866.—Here is a single significant fact, from which one may
judge of the character of the American soldiers in this just concluded war: A
gentleman in New York city, a while since, took it into his head to collect
specimens of writing from soldiers who had lost their right hands in battle,
and afterwards learn'd to use the left. He gave public notice of his desire,
and offer'd prizes for the best of these specimens. Pretty soon they began to
come in, and by the time specified for awarding the prizes three hundred
samples of such left-hand writing by maim'd soldiers had arrived.
I have just been looking over some of this writing. A great many of the
specimens are written in a beautiful manner. All are good. The writing in

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nearly all cases slants backward instead of forward. One piece of writing,
from a soldier who had lost both arms, was made by holding the pen in his
mouth.

CENTRAL VIRGINIA IN '64

Culpepper, where I am stopping, looks like a place of two or three
thousand inhabitants. Must be one of the pleasantest towns in Virginia.
Even now, dilapidated fences, all broken down, windows out, it has the
remains of much beauty. I am standing on an eminence overlooking the
town, though within its limits. To the west the long Blue Mountain range is
very plain, looks quite near, though from 30 to 50 miles distant, with some
gray splashes of snow yet visible. The show is varied and fascinating. I see
a great eagle up there in the air sailing with pois'd wings, quite low. Squads
of red-legged soldiers are drilling; I suppose some of the new men of the
Brooklyn 14th; they march off presently with muskets on their shoulders. In
another place, just below me, are some soldiers squaring off logs to build a
shanty—chopping away, and the noise of the axes sounding sharp. I hear
the bellowing, unmusical screech of the mule. I mark the thin blue smoke
rising from camp fires. Just below me is a collection of hospital tents, with
a yellow flag elevated on a stick, and moving languidly in the breeze. Two
discharged men (I know them both) are just leaving. One is so weak he can
hardly walk; the other is stronger, and carries his comrade's musket. They
move slowly along the muddy road toward the depot. The scenery is full of
breadth, and spread on the most generous scale (everywhere in Virginia this
thought fill'd me.) The sights, the scenes, the groups, have been varied and
picturesque here beyond description, and remain so.
I heard the men return in force the other night—heard the shouting, and
got up and went out to hear what was the matter. That night scene of so
many hundred tramping steadily by, through the mud (some big flaring
torches of pine knots,) I shall never forget. I like to go to the paymaster's
tent, and watch the men getting paid off. Some have furloughs, and start at
once for home, sometimes amid great chaffing and blarneying. There is
every day the sound of the wood-chopping axe, and the plentiful sight of
negroes, crows, and mud. I note large droves and pens of cattle. The
teamsters have camps of their own, and I go often among them. The officers
occasionally invite me to dinner or supper at headquarters. The fare is plain,

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but you get something good to drink, and plenty of it. Gen. Meade is absent;
Sedgwick is in command.

PAYING THE 1ST U. S. C. T.

One of my war time reminiscences comprises the quiet side scene of a
visit I made to the First Regiment U. S. Color'd Troops, at their
encampment, and on the occasion of their first paying off, July 11, 1863.
Though there is now no difference of opinion worth mentioning, there was
a powerful opposition to enlisting blacks during the earlier years of the
secession war. Even then, however, they had their champions. "That the
color'd race," said a good authority, "is capable of military training and
efficiency, is demonstrated by the testimony of numberless witnesses, and
by the eagerness display'd in the raising, organizing, and drilling of African
troops. Few white regiments make a better appearance on parade than the
First and Second Louisiana Native Guards. The same remark is true of other
color'd regiments. At Milliken's Bend, at Vicksburg, at Port Hudson, on
Morris Island, and wherever tested, they have exhibited determin'd bravery,
and compell'd the plaudits alike of the thoughtful and thoughtless soldiery.
During the siege of Port Hudson the question was often ask'd those who
beheld their resolute charges, how the 'niggers' behav'd under fire; and
without exception the answer was complimentary to them. 'O, tip-top!'
'first-rate!' 'bully!' were the usual replies. But I did not start out to argue the
case—only to give my reminiscence literally, as jotted on the spot at the
time."
I write this on Mason's (otherwise Analostan) island, under the fine shade
trees of an old white stucco house, with big rooms; the white stucco house,
originally a fine country seat (tradition says the famous Virginia Mason,
author of the Fugitive Slave Law, was born here.) I reach'd the spot from
my Washington quarters by ambulance up Pennsylvania avenue, through
Georgetown, across the Aqueduct bridge, and around through a cut and
winding road, with rocks and many bad gullies not lacking. After reaching
the island, we get presently in the midst of the camp of the 1st Regiment U.
S. C. T. The tents look clean and good; indeed, altogether, in locality
especially, the pleasantest camp I have yet seen. The spot is umbrageous,
high and dry, with distant sounds of the city, and the puffing steamers of the
Potomac, up to Georgetown and back again. Birds are singing in the trees,

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the warmth is endurable here in this moist shade, with the fragrance and
freshness. A hundred rods across is Georgetown. The river between is
swell'd and muddy from the late rains up country. So quiet here, yet full of
vitality, all around in the far distance glimpses, as I sweep my eye, of hills,
verdure-clad, and with plenteous trees; right where I sit, locust, sassafras,
spice, and many other trees, a few with huge parasitic vines; just at hand the
banks sloping to the river, wild with beautiful, free vegetation, superb
weeds, better, in their natural growth and forms, than the best garden. Lots
of luxuriant grape vines and trumpet flowers; the river flowing far down in
the distance.
Now the paying is to begin. The Major (paymaster) with his clerk seat
themselves at a table—the rolls are before them—the money box is open'd
—there are packages of five, ten, twenty-five cent pieces. Here comes the
first Company (B), some 82 men, all blacks. Certes, we cannot find fault
with the appearance of this crowd—negroes though they be. They are
manly enough, bright enough, look as if they had the soldier-stuff in them,
look hardy, patient, many of them real handsome young fellows. The
paying, I say, has begun. The men are march'd up in close proximity. The
clerk calls off name after name, and each walks up, receives his money, and
passes along out of the way. It is a real study, both to see them come close,
and to see them pass away, stand counting their cash—(nearly all of this
company get ten dollars and three cents each.) The clerk calls George
Washington. That distinguish'd personage steps from the ranks, in the shape
of a very black man, good sized and shaped, and aged about 30, with a
military mustache; he takes his "ten three," and goes off evidently well
pleas'd. (There are about a dozen Washingtons in the company. Let us hope
they will do honor to the name.) At the table, how quickly the Major
handles the bills, counts without trouble, everything going on smoothly and
quickly. The regiment numbers to-day about 1,000 men (including 20
officers, the only whites.)
Now another company. These get $5.36 each. The men look well. They,
too, have great names; besides the Washingtons aforesaid, John Quincy
Adams, Daniel Webster, Calhoun, James Madison, Alfred Tennyson, John
Brown, Benj. G. Tucker, Horace Greeley, &c. The men step off aside, count
their money with a pleas'd, half-puzzled look. Occasionally, but not often,
there are some thoroughly African physiognomies, very black in color,

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large, protruding lips, low forehead, &c. But I have to say that I do not see
one utterly revolting face.
Then another company, each man of this getting $10.03 also. The pay
proceeds very rapidly (the calculation, roll-signing, &c., having been
arranged beforehand.) Then some trouble. One company, by the rigid rules
of official computation, gets only 23 cents each man. The company (K) is
indignant, and after two or three are paid, the refusal to take the paltry sum
is universal, and the company marches off to quarters unpaid.
Another company (I) gets only 70 cents. The sullen, lowering,
disappointed look is general. Half refuse it in this case. Company G, in full
dress, with brass scales on shoulders, look'd, perhaps, as well as any of the
companies—the men had an unusually alert look. These, then, are the black
troops,—or the beginning of them. Well, no one can see them, even under
these circumstances—their military career in its novitiate—without feeling
well pleas'd with them.
As we enter'd the island, we saw scores at a little distance, bathing,
washing their clothes, &c. The officers, as far as looks go, have a fine
appearance, have good faces, and the air military. Altogether it is a
significant show, and brings up some "abolition" thoughts. The scene, the
porch of an Old Virginia slave-owner's house, the Potomac rippling near,
the Capitol just down three or four miles there, seen through the pleasant
blue haze of this July day.
After a couple of hours I get tired, and go off for a ramble. I write these
concluding lines on a rock, under the shade of a tree on the banks of the
island. It is solitary here, the birds singing, the sluggish muddy-yellow
waters pouring down from the late rains of the upper Potomac; the green
heights on the south side of the river before me. The single cannon from a
neighboring fort has just been fired, to signal high noon. I have walk'd all
around Analostan, enjoying its luxuriant wildness, and stopt in this solitary
spot. A water snake wriggles down the bank, disturb'd, into the water. The
bank near by is fringed with a dense growth of shrubbery, vines, &c.

Page 511

Page 512

FIVE THOUSAND POEMS
There have been collected in a cluster nearly five thousand big and little
American poems—all that diligent and long-continued research could lay
hands on! The author of 'Old Grimes is Dead' commenced it, more than
fifty years ago; then the cluster was pass'd on and accumulated by C. F.
Harris; then further pass'd on and added to by the late Senator Anthony,
from whom the whole collection has been bequeath'd to Brown University.
A catalogue (such as it is) has been made and publish'd of these five
thousand poems—and is probably the most curious and suggestive part of
the whole affair. At any rate it has led me to some abstract reflection like the
following.
I should like, for myself, to put on record my devout acknowledgment
not only of the great masterpieces of the past, but of the benefit of all poets,
past and present, and of all poetic utterance—in its entirety the dominant
moral factor of humanity's progress. In view of that progress, and of
evolution, the religious and esthetic elements, the distinctive and most
important of any, seem to me more indebted to poetry than to all other
means and influences combined. In a very profound sense religion is the
poetry of humanity. Then the points of union and rapport among all the
poems and poets of the world, however wide their separations of time and
place and theme, are much more numerous and weighty than the points of
contrast. Without relation as they may seem at first sight, the whole earth's
poets and poetry—en masse—the Oriental, the Greek, and what there is of
Roman—the oldest myths—the interminable ballad-romances of the Middle
Ages—the hymns and psalms of worship—the epics, plays, swarms of
lyrics of the British Islands, or the Teutonic old or new—or modern French
—or what there is in America, Bryant's, for instance, or Whittier's or
Longfellow's—the verse of all tongues and ages, all forms, all subjects,
from primitive times to our own day inclusive—really combine in one
aggregate and electric globe or universe, with all its numberless parts and
radiations held together by a common centre or verteber. To repeat it, all
poetry thus has (to the point of view comprehensive enough) more features
of resemblance than difference, and becomes essentially, like the planetary

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globe itself, compact and orbic and whole. Nature seems to sow countless
seeds—makes incessant crude attempts—thankful to get now and then,
even at rare and long intervals, something approximately good.

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THE OLD BOWERY
A Reminiscence of New York Plays and Acting Fifty Years Ago
In an article not long since, "Mrs. Siddons as Lady Macbeth," in "The
Nineteenth Century," after describing the bitter regretfulness to mankind
from the loss of those first-class poems, temples, pictures, gone and
vanish'd from any record of men, the writer (Fleeming Jenkin) continues:

If this be our feeling as to the more durable works of art, what
shall we say of those triumphs which, by their very nature, la
no longer than the action which creates them—the triumphs of the
orator, the singer, or the actor? There is an anodyne in the words,
"must be so," "inevitable," and there is even some absurdity in
longing for the impossible. This anodyne and our sense of humor
temper the unhappiness we feel when, after hearing some great
performance, we leave the theatre and think, "Well, this great thing
has been, and all that is now left of it is the feeble print up
my brain, the little thrill which memory will send along my nerves,
mine and my neighbors; as we live longer the print and thrill must
be feebler, and when we pass away the impress of the great artist
will vanish from the world." The regret that a great art should in
its nature be transitory, explains the lively interest which many
feel in reading anecdotes or descriptions of a great actor.

All this is emphatically my own feeling and reminiscence about the best
dramatic and lyric artists I have seen in bygone days—for instance,
Marietta Alboni, the elder Booth, Forrest, the tenor Bettini, the baritone
Badiali, "old man Clarke"—(I could write a whole paper on the latter's
peerless rendering of the Ghost in "Hamlet" at the Park, when I was a
young fellow)—an actor named Ranger, who appear'd in America forty
years ago in genre characters; Henry Placide, and many others. But I will
make a few memoranda at least of the best one I knew.
For the elderly New Yorker of to-day, perhaps, nothing were more likely
to start up memories of his early manhood than the mention of the Bowery
and the elder Booth, At the date given, the more stylish and select theatre
(prices, 50 cents pit, $1 boxes) was "The Park," a large and well-appointed
house on Park Row, opposite the present Post-office. English opera and the
old comedies were often given in capital style; the principal foreign stars
appear'd here, with Italian opera at wide intervals. The Park held a large
part in my boyhood's and young manhood's life. Here I heard the English

Page 515

actor, Anderson, in "Charles de Moor," and in the fine part of "Gisippus."
Here I heard Fanny Kemble, Charlotte Cushman, the Seguins, Daddy Rice,
Hackett as Falstaff, Nimrod Wildfire, Rip Van Winkle, and in his Yankee
characters. (See pages 19, 20, "Specimen Days.") It was here (some years
later than the date in the headline) I also heard Mario many times, and at his
best. In such parts as Gennaro, in "Lucrezia Borgia," he was inimitable—
the sweetest of voices, a pure tenor, of considerable compass and
respectable power. His wife, Grisi, was with him, no longer first-class or
young—a fine Norma, though, to the last.
Perhaps my dearest amusement reminiscences are those musical ones. I
doubt if ever the senses and emotions of the future will be thrill'd as were
the auditors of a generation ago by the deep passion of Alboni's contralto (at
the Broadway Theatre, south side, near Pearl street)—or by the trumpet
notes of Badiali's baritone, or Bettini's pensive and incomparable tenor in
Fernando in "Favorita," or Marini's bass in "Faliero," among the Havana
troupe, Castle Garden.
But getting back more specifically to the date and theme I started from—
the heavy tragedy business prevail'd more decidedly at the Bowery Theatre,
where Booth and Forrest were frequently to be heard. Though Booth pere,
then in his prime, ranging in age from 40 to 44 years (he was born in 1796,)
was the loyal child and continuer of the traditions of orthodox English play-
acting, he stood out "himself alone" in many respects beyond any of his
kind on record, and with effects and ways that broke through all rules and
all traditions. He has been well describ'd as an actor "whose instant and
tremendous concentration of passion in his delineations overwhelm'd his
audience, and wrought into it such enthusiasm that it partook of the fever of
inspiration surging through his own veins." He seems to have been of
beautiful private character, very honorable, affectionate, good-natured, no
arrogance, glad to give the other actors the best chances. He knew all stage
points thoroughly, and curiously ignored the mere dignities. I once talk'd
with a man who had seen him do the Second Actor in the mock play to
Charles Kean's Hamlet in Baltimore. He was a marvellous linguist. He
play'd Shylock once in London, giving the dialogue in Hebrew, and in New
Orleans Oreste (Racine's "Andromaque") in French. One trait of his habits,
I have heard, was strict vegetarianism. He was exceptionally kind to the
brute creation. Every once in a while he would make a break for solitude or
wild freedom, sometimes for a few hours, sometimes for days. (He

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illustrated Plato's rule that to the forming an artist of the very highest rank a
dash of insanity or what the world calls insanity is indispensable.) He was a
small-sized man—yet sharp observers noticed that however crowded the
stage might be in certain scenes, Booth never seem'd overtopt or hidden. He
was singularly spontaneous and fluctuating; in the same part each rendering
differ'd from any and all others. He had no stereotyped positions and made
no arbitrary requirements on his fellow-performers.
As is well known to old play-goers, Booth's most effective part was
Richard III. Either that, or lago, or Shylock, or Pescara in "The Apostate,"
was sure to draw a crowded house. (Remember heavy pieces were much
more in demand those days than now.) He was also unapproachably grand
in Sir Giles Overreach, in "A New Way to Pay Old Debts," and the principal
character in "The Iron Chest."
In any portraiture of Booth, those years, the Bowery Theatre, with its
leading lights, and the lessee and manager, Thomas Hamblin, cannot be left
out. It was at the Bowery I first saw Edwin Forrest (the play was John
Howard Payne's "Brutus, or the Fall of Tarquin," and it affected me for
weeks; or rather I might say permanently filter'd into my whole nature,)
then in the zenith of his fame and ability. Sometimes (perhaps a veteran's
benefit night,) the Bowery would group together five or six of the first-class
actors of those days—Booth, Forrest, Cooper, Hamblin, and John R. Scott,
for instance. At that time and here George Jones ("Count Joannes") was a
young, handsome actor, and quite a favorite. I remember seeing him in the
title role in "Julius Caesar," and a capital performance it was.
To return specially to the manager. Thomas Hamblin made a first-rate foil
to Booth, and was frequently cast with him. He had a large, shapely,
imposing presence, and dark and flashing eyes. I remember well his
rendering of the main role in Maturin's "Bertram, or the Castle of St.
Aldobrand." But I thought Tom Hamblin's best acting was in the
comparatively minor part of Faulconbridge in "King John"—he himself
evidently revell'd in the part, and took away the house's applause from
young Kean (the King) and Ellen Tree (Constance,) and everybody else on
the stage—some time afterward at the Park. Some of the Bowery actresses
were remarkably good. I remember Mrs. Pritchard in "Tour de Nesle," and
Mrs. McClure in "Fatal Curiosity," and as Millwood in "George Barnwell."
(I wonder what old fellow reading these lines will recall the fine comedietta

Page 517

of "The Youth That Never Saw a Woman," and the jolly acting in it of Mrs.
Herring and old Gates.)
The Bowery, now and then, was the place, too, for spectacular pieces,
such as "The Last Days of Pompeii," "The Lion-Doom'd" and the yet
undying "Mazeppa." At one time "Jonathan Bradford, or the Murder at the
Roadside Inn, "had a long and crowded run; John Sefton and his brother
William acted in it. I remember well the Frenchwoman Celeste, a splendid
pantomimist, and her emotional "Wept of the Wishton-Wish." But certainly
the main "reason for being" of the Bowery Theatre those years was to
furnish the public with Forrest's and Booth's performances—the latter
having a popularity and circles of enthusiastic admirers and critics fully
equal to the former—though people were divided as always. For some
reason or other, neither Forrest nor Booth would accept engagements at the
more fashionable theatre, the Park. And it is a curious reminiscence, but a
true one, that both these great actors and their performances were taboo'd by
"polite society" in New York and Boston at the time—probably as being too
robustuous. But no such scruples affected the Bowery.
Recalling from that period the occasion of either Forrest or Booth, any
good night at the old Bowery, pack'd from ceiling to pit with its audience
mainly of alert, well-dress'd, full-blooded young and middle-aged men, the
best average of American-born mechanics—the emotional nature of the
whole mass arous'd by the power and magnetism of as mighty mimes as
ever trod the stage—the whole crowded auditorium, and what seeth'd in it,
and flush'd from its faces and eyes, to me as much a part of the show as any
—bursting forth in one of those long-kept-up tempests of hand-clapping
peculiar to the Bowery—no dainty kid-glove business, but electric force
and muscle from perhaps 2,000 full-sinew'd men—(the inimitable and
chromatic tempest of one of those ovations to Edwin Forrest, welcoming
him back after an absence, comes up to me this moment)—Such sounds and
scenes as here resumed will surely afford to many old New Yorkers some
fruitful recollections.
I can yet remember (for I always scann'd an audience as rigidly as a play)
the faces of the leading authors, poets, editors, of those times—Fenimore
Cooper, Bryant, Paulding, Irving, Charles King, Watson Webb, N. P. Willis,
Hoffman, Halleck, Mumford, Morris, Leggett, L. G. Clarke, R. A. Locke
and others, occasionally peering from the first tier boxes; and even the great

Page 518

National Eminences, Presidents Adams, Jackson, Van Buren and Tyler, all
made short visits there on their Eastern tours.
Awhile after 1840 the character of the Bowery as hitherto described
completely changed. Cheap prices and vulgar programmes came in. People
who of after years saw the pandemonium of the pit and the doings on the
boards must not gauge by them the times and characters I am describing.
Not but what there was more or less rankness in the crowd even then. For
types of sectional New York those days—the streets East of the Bowery,
that intersect Division, Grand, and up to Third avenue—types that never
found their Dickens, or Hogarth, or Balzac, and have pass'd away
unportraitured—the young ship-builders, cartmen, butchers, firemen (the
old-time "soap-lock" or exaggerated "Mose" or "Sikesey," of Chanfrau's
plays,) they, too, were always to be seen in these audiences, racy of the East
river and the Dry Dock. Slang, wit, occasional shirt sleeves, and a
picturesque freedom of looks and manners, with a rude good-nature and
restless movement, were generally noticeable. Yet there never were
audiences that paid a good actor or an interesting play the compliment of
more sustain'd attention or quicker rapport. Then at times came the
exceptionally decorous and intellectual congregations I have hinted it; for
the Bowery really furnish'd plays and players you could get nowhere else.
Notably, Booth always drew the best hearers; and to a specimen of his
acting I will now attend in some detail.
I happen'd to see what has been reckon'd by experts one of the most
marvellous pieces of histrionism ever known. It must have been about 1834
or '35. A favorite comedian and actress at the Bowery, Thomas Flynn and
his wife, were to have a joint benefit, and, securing Booth for Richard,
advertised the fact many days beforehand. The house fill'd early from top to
bottom. There was some uneasiness behind the scenes, for the afternoon
arrived, and Booth had not come from down in Maryland, where he lived.
However, a few minutes before ringing-up time he made his appearance in
lively condition.
After a one-act farce over, as contrast and prelude, the curtain rising for
the tragedy, I can, from my good seat in the pit, pretty well front, see again
Booth's quiet entrance from the side, as, with head bent, he slowly and in
silence, (amid the tempest of boisterous hand-clapping,) walks down the
stage to the footlights with that peculiar and abstracted gesture, musingly

Page 519

kicking his sword, which he holds off from him by its sash. Though fifty
years have pass'd since then, I can hear the clank, and feel the perfect
following hush of perhaps three thousand people waiting. (I never saw an
actor who could make more of the said hush or wait, and hold the audience
in an indescribable, half-delicious, half-irritating suspense.) And so
throughout the entire play, all parts, voice, atmosphere, magnetism, from

"Now is the winter of our discontent,"

to the closing death fight with Richmond, were of the finest and grandest.
The latter character was play'd by a stalwart young fellow named Ingersoll.
Indeed, all the renderings were wonderfully good. But the great spell cast
upon the mass of hearers came from Booth. Especially was the dream scene
very impressive. A shudder went through every nervous system in the
audience; it certainly did through mine.
Without question Booth was royal heir and legitimate representative of
the Garrick-Kemble-Siddons dramatic traditions; but he vitalized and gave
an unnamable race to those traditions with his own electric personal
idiosyncrasy. (As in all art-utterance it was the subtle and powerful
something special to the individual that really conquer'd.)
To me, too, Booth stands for much else besides theatricals. I consider that
my seeing the man those years glimps'd for me, beyond all else, that inner
spirit and form—the unquestionable charm and vivacity, but intrinsic
sophistication and artificiality—crystallizing rapidly upon the English stage
and literature at and after Shakspere's time, and coming on accumulatively
through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to the beginning, fifty or
forty years ago, of those disintegrating, decomposing processes now
authoritatively going on. Yes; although Booth must be class'd in that
antique, almost extinct school, inflated, stagy, rendering Shakspere (perhaps
inevitably, appropriately) from the growth of arbitrary and often cockney
conventions, his genius was to me one of the grandest revelations of my
life, a lesson of artistic expression. The words fire, energy, abandon, found
in him unprecedented meanings. I never heard a speaker or actor who could
give such a sting to hauteur or the taunt. I never heard from any other the
charm of unswervingly perfect vocalization without trenching at all on mere
melody, the province of music.

Page 520

So much for a Thespian temple of New York fifty years since, where
"sceptred tragedy went trailing by" under the gaze of the Dry Dock youth,
and both players and auditors were of a character and like we shall never
see again. And so much for the grandest histrion of modern times, as near as
I can deliberately judge (and the phrenologists put my "caution" at 7)—
grander, I believe, than Kean in the expression of electric passion, the prime
eligibility of the tragic artist. For though those brilliant years had many fine
and even magnificent actors, undoubtedly at Booth's death (in 1852) went
the last and by far the noblest Roman of them all.

Page 521

NOTES TO LATE ENGLISH BOOKS

Page 522

PREFACE TO THE READER IN THE BRITISH
ISLANDS—"Specimen Days in
America"
London Edition, June 1887 If you will only take the following pages, as
you do some long and gossippy letter written for you by a relative or friend
travelling through distant scenes and incidents and jotting them down lazily
and informally, but ever veraciously (with occasional diversion of critical
thought about sombody or something,) it might remove all formal or
literary impediments at once, and bring you and me closer together in the
spirt in which the jottings were collated to be read. You have had, and have,
plenty of public events and facts and general statistics of America;—in the
following book is a common individual New World private life, its birth
and growth, its struggles for a living, its goings and comings and
observations (or representative portions of them) amid the United States of
America the last thirty or forty years, with their varied war and peace, their
local coloring, the unavoidable egotism, and the lights and shades and
sights and joys and pains and sympathies common to humanity. Further
introductory light may be found in the paragraph, "A Happy Hour's
Command," and the bottom note belonging to it at the beginning of the
book. I have said in the text that if I were required to give good reason-for-
being of "Specimen Days," I should be unable to do so. Let me fondly hope
that it has at least the reason and excuse of such off-hand gossippy letter as
just alluded to, portraying American life-sights and incidents as they
actually occurred—their presentation, making additions as far as it goes, to
the simple experience and association of your soul, from a comrade soul;—
and that also, in the volume, as below any page of mine, anywhere, ever
remains, for seen or unseen basis-phrase, GOOD-WILL BETWEEN THE
COMMON PEOPLE OF ALL NATIONS.

ADDITIONAL NOTE, 1887

To English Edition "Specimen Days"

Page 523

As I write these lines I still continue living in Camden, New Jersey,
America. Coming this way from Washington city, on my road to the sea-
shore (and a temporary rest, as I supposed) in the early summer of 1873, I
broke down disabled, and have dwelt here, as my central residence, all the
time since—almost 14 years. In the preceding pages I have described how,
during those years, I partially recuperated (in 1876) from my worst
paralysis by going down to Timber creek, living close to Nature, and
domiciling with my dear friends George and Susan Stafford. From 1877 or
'8 to '83 or '4 I was well enough to travel around, considerably—journey'd
westward to Kansas, leisurely exploring the Prairies, and on to Denver and
the Rocky Mountains; another time north to Canada, where I spent most of
the summer with my friend Dr. Bucke, and jaunted along the great lakes,
and the St. Lawrence and Saguenay rivers; another time to Boston, to
properly print the final edition of my poems (I was there over two months,
and had a "good time.") I have so brought out the completed "Leaves of
Grass" during this period; also "Specimen Days," of which the foregoing is
a transcript; collected and re-edited the "Democratic Vistas" cluster (see
companion volume to the present)—commemorated Abraham Lincoln's
death, on the successive anniversaries of its occurrence, by delivering my
lecture on it ten or twelve times; and "put in," through many a month and
season, the aimless and resultless ways of most human lives.
Thus the last 14 years have pass'd. At present (end-days of March, 1887
—I am nigh entering my 69th year) I find myself continuing on here, quite
dilapidated and even wreck'd bodily from the paralysis, &c.—but in good
heart (to use a Long Island country phrase,) and with about the same
mentality as ever. The worst of it is, I have been growing feebler quite
rapidly for a year, and now can't walk around—hardly from one room to the
next. I am forced to stay in-doors and in my big chair nearly all the time.
We have had a sharp, dreary winter too, and it has pinch'd me. I am alone
most of the time; every week, indeed almost every day, write some—
reminiscences, essays, sketches, for the magazines; and read, or rather I
should say dawdle over books and papers a good deal—spend half the day
at that.
Nor can I finish this note without putting on record—wafting over sea
from hence—my deepest thanks to certain friends and helpers (I would
specify them all and each by name, but imperative reasons, outside of my
own wishes, forbid,) in the British Islands, as well as in America. Dear,

Page 524

even in the abstract, is such flattering unction always no doubt to the soul!
Nigher still, if possible, I myself have been, and am to-day indebted to such
help for my very sustenance, clothing, shelter, and continuity. And I would
not go to the grave without briefly, but plainly, as I here do, acknowledging
—may I not say even glorying in it?

Page 525

PREFACE TO "DEMOCRATIC VISTAS" WITH
OTHER PAPERS—English Edition
Mainly I think I should base the request to weigh the following pages on
the assumption that they present, however indirectly, some views of the
West and Modern, or of a distinctly western and modern (American)
tendency, about certain matters. Then, too, the pages include (by attempting
to illustrate it,) a theory herein immediately mentioned. For another and
different point of the issue, the Enlightenment, Democracy and Fair-show
of the bulk, the common people of America (from sources representing not
only the British Islands, but all the world,) means, at least, eligibility to
Enlightenment, Democracy and Fair-show for the bulk, the common people
of all civilized nations.
That positively "the dry land has appeared," at any rate, is an important
fact.
America is really the great test or trial case for all the problems and
promises and speculations of humanity, and of the past and present.
I say, too, we{41} are not to look so much to changes, ameliorations, and
adaptations in Politics as to those of Literature and (thence) domestic
Sociology. I have accordingly in the following melange introduced many
themes besides political ones.
Several of the pieces are ostensibly in explanation of my own writings;
but in that very process they best include and set forth their side of
principles and generalities pressing vehemently for consideration our age.
Upon the whole, it is on the atmosphere they are born in, and, (I hope)
give out, more than any specific piece or trait, I would care to rest.
I think Literature—a new, superb, democratic literature—is to be the
medicine and lever, and (with Art) the chief influence in modern
civilization. I have myself not so much made a dead set at this theory, or
attempted to present it directly, as admitted it to color and sometimes
dominate what I had to say. In both Europe and America we have serried
phalanxes who promulge and defend the political claims: I go for an equal
force to uphold the other.

Page 526

WALT WHITMAN,

CAMDEN, NEW JERSEY, April, 1888.
Endnotes:
{41} We who, in many departments, ways, make the building up of the
masses, by building up grand individuals, our shibboleth: and in brief that
is the marrow of this book.

Page 527

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Glad am I to give—were anything better lacking—even the most brief
and shorn testimony of Abraham Lincoln. Everything I heard about him
authentically, and every time I saw him (and it was my fortune through
1862 to '65 to see, or pass a word with, or watch him, personally, perhaps
twenty or thirty times,) added to and anneal'd my respect and love at the
moment. And as I dwell on what I myself heard or saw of the mighty
Westerner, and blend it with the history and literature of my age, and of
what I can get of all ages, and conclude it with his death, it seems like some
tragic play, superior to all else I know—vaster and fierier and more
convulsionary, for this America of ours, than Eschylus or Shakspere ever
drew for Athens or for England. And then the Moral permeating, underlying
all! the Lesson that none so remote—none so illiterate—no age, no class—
but may directly or indirectly read!
Abraham Lincoln's was really one of those characters, the best of which
is the result of long trains of cause and effect—needing a certain
spaciousness of time, and perhaps even remoteness, to properly enclose
them—having unequal'd influence on the shaping of this Republic (and
therefore the world) as to-day, and then far more important in the future.
Thus the time has by no means yet come for a thorough measurement of
him. Nevertheless, we who live in his era—who have seen him, and heard
him, face to face, and are in the midst of, or just parting from, the strong
and strange events which he and we have had to do with—can in some
respects bear valuable, perhaps indispensable testimony concerning him.
I should first like to give a very fair and characteristic likeness of
Lincoln, as I saw him and watch'd him one afternoon in Washington, for
nearly half an hour, not long before his death. It was as he stood on the
balcony of the National Hotel, Pennsylvania avenue, making a short speech
to the crowd in front, on the occasion either of a set of new colors presented
to a famous Illinois regiment, or of the daring capture, by the Western men,
of some flags from "the enemy," (which latter phrase, by the by, was not
used by him at all in his remarks.) How the picture happen'd to be made I
do not know, but I bought it a few days afterward in Washington, and it was

Page 528

endors'd by every one to whom I show'd it. Though hundreds of portraits
have been made, by painters and photographers, (many to pass on, by
copies, to future times,) I have never seen one yet that in my opinion
deserv'd to be called a perfectly good likeness; nor do I believe there is
really such a one in existence. May I not say too, that, as there is no entirely
competent and emblematic likeness of Abraham Lincoln in picture or
statue, there is not—perhaps cannot be—any fully appropriate literary
statement or summing-up of him yet in existence?
The best way to estimate the value of Lincoln is to think what the
condition of America would be to-day, if he had never lived—never been
President. His nomination and first election were mainly accidents,
experiments. Severely view'd, one cannot think very much of American
Political Parties, from the beginning, after the Revolutionary War, down to
the present time. Doubtless, while they have had their uses—have been and
are "the grass on which the cow feeds"—and indispensable economies of
growth—it is undeniable that under flippant names they have merely
identified temporary passions, or freaks, or sometimes prejudice, ignorance,
or hatred. The only thing like a great and worthy idea vitalizing a party, and
making it heroic, was the enthusiasm in '64 for re-electing Abraham
Lincoln, and the reason behind that enthusiasm.
How does this man compare with the acknowledg'd "Father of his
country"? Washington was model'd on the best Saxon, and Franklin—of the
age of the Stuarts (rooted in the Elizabethan period)—was essentially a
noble Englishman, and just the kind needed for the occasions and the times
of 1776-'83. Lincoln, underneath his practicality, was far less European,
was quite thoroughly Western, original, essentially non-conventional, and
had a certain sort of out-door or prairie stamp. One of the best of the late
commentators on Shakspere, (Professor Dowden,) makes the height and
aggregate of his quality as a poet to be, that he thoroughly blended the ideal
with the practical or realistic. If this be so, I should say that what Shakspere
did in poetic expression, Abraham Lincoln essentially did in his personal
and official life. I should say the invisible foundations and vertebra of his
character, more than any man's in history, were mystical, abstract, moral
and spiritual—while upon all of them was built, and out of all of them
radiated, under the control of the average of circumstances, what the vulgar
call horse-sense, and a life often bent by temporary but most urgent
materialistic and political reasons.

Page 529

He seems to have been a man of indomitable firmness (even obstinacy)
on rare occasions, involving great points; but he was generally very easy,
flexible, tolerant, almost slouchy, respecting minor matters. I note that even
those reports and anecdotes intended to level him down, all leave the tinge
of a favorable impression of him. As to his religious nature, it seems to me
to have certainly been of the amplest, deepest-rooted, loftiest kind.
Already a new generation begins to tread the stage, since the persons and
events of the secession war. I have more than once fancied to myself the
time when the present century has closed, and a new one open'd, and the
men and deeds of that contest have become somewhat vague and mythical-
fancied perhaps in some great Western city, or group collected together, or
public festival, where the days of old, of 1863, and '4 and '5 are discuss'd—
some ancient soldier sitting in the background as the talk goes on, and
betraying himself by his emotion and moist eyes—like the journeying
Ithacan at the banquet of King Alcinoiis, when the bard sings the
contending warriors and their battles on the plains of Troy:

"So from the sluices of Ulysses' eyes
Fast fell the tears, and sighs succeeded sighs."

I have fancied, I say, some such venerable relic of this time of ours,
preserv'd to the next or still the next generation of America. I have fancied,
on such occasion, the young men gathering around; the awe, the eager
questions: "What! have you seen Abraham Lincoln—and heard him speak
—and touch'd his hand? Have you, with your own eyes, look'd on Grant,
and Lee, and Sherman?"
Dear to Democracy, to the very last! And among the paradoxes generated
by America, not the least curious was that spectacle of all the kings and
queens and emperors of the earth, many from remote distances, sending
tributes of condolence and sorrow in memory of one rais'd through the
commonest average of life—a rail-splitter and flat-boatman!
Consider'd from contemporary points of view—who knows what the
future may decide?—and from the points of view of current Democracy and
The Union, (the only thing like passion or infatuation in the man was the
passion for the Union of These States,) Abraham Lincoln seems to me the
grandest figure yet, on all the crowded canvas of the Nineteenth Century.

Page 530

Page 531

NEW ORLEANS IN 1848
Walt Whitman gossips of his sojourn here years ago as a newspaper
writer. Notes of his trip up the Mississippi and to New York.
Among the letters brought this morning (Camden, New Jersey, Jan. 15,
1887,) by my faithful post-office carrier, J.G., is one as follows:
"NEW ORLEANS, Jan. 11, '87.—We have been informed that when you
were younger and less famous than now, you were in New Orleans and
perhaps have helped on the Picayune. If you have any remembrance of the
Picayune's young days, or of journalism in New Orleans of that era, and
would put it in writing (verse or prose) for the Picayune's fiftieth year
edition, Jan. 25, we shall be pleased," etc.
In response to which: I went down to New Orleans early in 1848 to work
on a daily newspaper, but it was not the Picayune, though I saw quite a
good deal of the editors of that paper, and knew its personnel and ways. But
let me indulge my pen in some gossipy recollections of that time and place,
with extracts from my journal up the Mississippi and across the great lakes
to the Hudson.
Probably the influence most deeply pervading everything at that time
through the United States, both in physical facts and in sentiment, was the
Mexican War, then just ended. Following a brilliant campaign (in which our
troops had march'd to the capital city, Mexico, and taken full possession,)
we were returning after our victory. From the situation of the country, the
city of New Orleans had been our channel and entrepot for everything,
going and returning. It had the best news and war correspondents; it had the
most to say, through its leading papers, the Picayune and Delta especially,
and its voice was readiest listen'd to; from it "Chapparal" had gone out, and
his army and battle letters were copied everywhere, not only in the United
States, but in Europe. Then the social cast and results; no one who has never
seen the society of a city under similar circumstances can understand what a
strange vivacity and rattle were given throughout by such a situation. I
remember the crowds of soldiers, the gay young officers, going or coming,

Page 532

the receipt of important news, the many discussions, the returning wounded,
and so on.
I remember very well seeing Gen. Taylor with his staff and other officers
at the St. Charles Theatre one evening (after talking with them during the
day.) There was a short play on the stage, but the principal performance was
of Dr. Colyer's troupe of "Model Artists," then in the full tide of their
popularity. They gave many fine groups and solo shows. The house was
crowded with uniforms and shoulder-straps. Gen. T. himself, if I remember
right, was almost the only officer in civilian clothes; he was a jovial, old,
rather stout, plain man, with a wrinkled and dark-yellow face, and, in ways
and manners, show'd the least of conventional ceremony or etiquette I ever
saw; he laugh'd unrestrainedly at everything comical. (He had a great
personal resemblance to Fenimore Cooper, the novelist, of New York.) I
remember Gen. Pillow and quite a cluster of other militaires also present.
One of my choice amusements during my stay in New Orleans was going
down to the old French Market, especially of a Sunday morning. The show
was a varied and curious one; among the rest, the Indian and negro
hucksters with their wares. For there were always fine specimens of
Indians, both men and women, young and old. I remember I nearly always
on these occasions got a large cup of delicious coffee with a biscuit, for my
breakfast, from the immense shining copper kettle of a great Creole mulatto
woman (I believe she weigh'd 230 pounds.) I never have had such coffee
since. About nice drinks, anyhow, my recollection of the "cobblers" (with
strawberries and snow on top of the large tumblers,) and also the exquisite
wines, and the perfect and mild French brandy, help the regretful
reminiscence of my New Orleans experiences of those days. And what
splendid and roomy and leisurely bar-rooms! particularly the grand ones of
the St. Charles and St. Louis. Bargains, auctions, appointments, business
conferences, &c., were generally held in the spaces or recesses of these bar-
rooms.
I used to wander a midday hour or two now and then for amusement on
the crowded and bustling levees, on the banks of the river. The diagonally
wedg'd-in boats, the stevedores, the piles of cotton and other merchandise,
the carts, mules, negroes, etc., afforded never-ending studies and sights to
me. I made acquaintances among the captains, boatmen, or other characters,
and often had long talks with them—sometimes finding a real rough

Page 533

diamond among my chance encounters. Sundays I sometimes went
forenoons to the old Catholic Cathedral in the French quarter. I used to walk
a good deal in this arrondissement; and I have deeply regretted since that I
did not cultivate, while I had such a good opportunity, the chance of better
knowledge of French and Spanish Creole New Orleans people. (I have an
idea that there is much and of importance about the Latin race contributions
to American nationality in the South and Southwest that will never be put
with sympathetic understanding and tact on record.)
Let me say, for better detail, that through several months (1848) I work'd
on a new daily paper, The Crescent; my situation rather a pleasant one. My
young brother, Jeff, was with me; and he not only grew very homesick, but
the climate of the place, and especially the water, seriously disagreed with
him. From this and other reasons (although I was quite happily fix'd) I made
no very long stay in the South. In due time we took passage northward for
St. Louis in the "Pride of the West" steamer, which left her wharf just at
dusk. My brother was unwell, and lay in his berth from the moment we left
till the next morning; he seem'd to me to be in a fever, and I felt alarm'd.
However, the next morning he was all right again, much to my relief.
Our voyage up the Mississippi was after the same sort as the voyage,
some months before, down it. The shores of this great river are very
monotonous and dull—one continuous and rank flat, with the exception of a
meagre stretch of bluff, about the neighborhood of Natchez, Memphis, &c.
Fortunately we had good weather, and not a great crowd of passengers,
though the berths were all full. The "Pride" jogg'd along pretty well, and put
us into St. Louis about noon Saturday. After looking around a little I
secured passage on the steamer "Prairie Bird," (to leave late in the
afternoon,) bound up the Illinois river to La Salle, where we were to take
canal for Chicago. During the day I rambled with my brother over a large
portion of the town, search'd after a refectory, and, after much trouble,
succeeded in getting some dinner.
Our "Prairie Bird" started out at dark, and a couple of hours after there
was quite a rain and blow, which made them haul in along shore and tie
fast. We made but thirty miles the whole night. The boat was excessively
crowded with passengers, and had withal so much freight that we could
hardly turn around. I slept on the floor, and the night was uncomfortable
enough. The Illinois river is spotted with little villages with big names,

Page 534

Marseilles, Naples, etc.; its banks are low, and the vegetation excessively
rank. Peoria, some distance up, is a pleasant town; I went over the place; the
country back is all rich land, for sale cheap. Three or four miles from P.,
land of the first quality can be bought for $3 or $4 an acre. (I am
transcribing from my notes written at the time.)
Arriving at La Salle Tuesday morning, we went on board a canal-boat,
had a detention by sticking on a mud bar, and then jogg'd along at a slow
trot, some seventy of us, on a moderate-sized boat. (If the weather hadn't
been rather cool, particularly at night, it would have been insufferable.)
Illinois is the most splendid agricultural country I ever saw; the land is of
surpassing richness; the place par excellence for farmers. We stopt at
various points along the canal, some of them pretty villages.
It was 10 o'clock A.M. when we got in Chicago, too late for the steamer;
so we went to an excellent public house, the "American Temperance," and I
spent the time that day and till next morning, looking around Chicago.
At 9 the next forenoon we started on the "Griffith" (on board of which I
am now inditing these memoranda,) up the blue waters of Lake Michigan. I
was delighted with the appearance of the towns along Wisconsin. At
Milwaukee I went on shore, and walk'd around the place. They say the
country back is beautiful and rich. (It seems to me that if we should ever
remove from Long Island, Wisconsin would be the proper place to come
to.) The towns have a remarkable appearance of good living, without any
penury or want. The country is so good naturally, and labor is in such
demand.
About 5 o'clock one afternoon I heard the cry of "a woman over-board."
It proved to be a crazy lady, who had become so from the loss of her son a
couple of weeks before. The small boat put off, and succeeded in picking
her up, though she had been in the water 15 minutes. She was dead. Her
husband was on board. They went off at the next stopping place. While she
lay in the water she probably recover'd her reason, as she toss'd up her arms
and lifted her face toward the boat.
Sunday Morning, June 11.—We pass'd down Lake Huron yesterday and
last night, and between 4 and 5 o'clock this morning we ran on the "flats,"
and have been vainly trying, with the aid of a steam tug and a lumbering
lighter, to get clear again. The day is beautiful and the water clear and calm.
Night before last we stopt at Mackinaw, (the island and town,) and I went

Page 535

up on the old fort, one of the oldest stations in the Northwest. We expect to
get to Buffalo by to-morrow. The tug has fasten'd lines to us, but some have
been snapt and the others have no effect. We seem to be firmly imbedded in
the sand. (With the exception of a larger boat and better accommodations, it
amounts to about the same thing as a becalmment I underwent on the
Montauk voyage, East Long Island, last summer.) Later.—We are off again
—expect to reach Detroit before dinner.
We did not stop at Detroit. We are now on Lake Erie, jogging along at a
good round pace. A couple of hours since we were on the river above.
Detroit seem'd to me a pretty place and thrifty. I especially liked the looks
of the Canadian shore opposite and of the little village of Windsor, and,
indeed, all along the banks of the river. From the shrubbery and the neat
appearance of some of the cottages, I think it must have been settled by the
French. While I now write we can see a little distance ahead the scene of the
battle between Perry's fleet and the British during the last war with England.
The lake looks to me a fine sheet of water. We are having a beautiful day.
June 12.—We stopt last evening at Cleveland, and though it was dark, I
took the opportunity of rambling about the place; went up in the heart of the
city and back to what appear'd to be the courthouse. The streets are
unusually wide, and the buildings appear to be substantial and comfortable.
We went down through Main street and found, some distance along, several
squares of ground very prettily planted with trees and looking attractive
enough. Return'd to the boat by way of the lighthouse on the hill.
This morning we are making for Buffalo, being, I imagine, a little more
than half across Lake Erie. The water is rougher than on Michigan or
Huron. (On St. Clair it was smooth as glass.) The day is bright and dry, with
a stiff head wind.
We arriv'd in Buffalo on Monday evening; spent that night and a portion
of next day going round the city exploring. Then got in the cars and went to
Niagara; went under the falls—saw the whirlpool and all the other sights.
Tuesday night started for Albany; travel'd all night. From the time
daylight afforded us a view of the country all seem'd very rich and well
cultivated. Every few miles were large towns or villages.
Wednesday late we arriv'd at Albany. Spent the evening in exploring.
There was a political meeting (Hunker) at the capitol, but I pass'd it by.

Page 536

Next morning I started down the Hudson in the "Alida;" arriv'd safely in
New York that evening.
From the New Orleans Picayune, Jan. 25, 1887.

Page 537

SMALL MEMORANDA
Thousands lost—here one or two preserv'd

ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE, Washington, Aug. 22, 1865.—As I
write this, about noon, the suite of rooms here is fill'd with Southerners,
standing in squads, or streaming in and out, some talking with the Pardon
Clerk, some waiting to see the Attorney General, others discussing in low
tones among themselves. All are mainly anxious about their pardons. The
famous 13th exception of the President's Amnesty Proclamation of ——,
makes it necessary that every secessionist, whose property is worth $20,000
or over, shall get a special pardon, before he can transact any legal
purchase, sale, &c. So hundreds and thousands of such property owners
have either sent up here, for the last two months, or have been, or are now
coming personally here, to get their pardons. They are from Virginia,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and every
Southern State. Some of their written petitions are very abject. Secession
officers of the rank of Brigadier General, or higher, also need these special
pardons. They also come here. I see streams of the $20,000 men, (and some
women,) every day. I talk now and then with them, and learn much that is
interesting and significant. All the southern women that come (some
splendid specimens, mothers, &c.) are dress'd in deep black.
Immense numbers (several thousands) of these pardons have been pass'd
upon favorably; the Pardon Warrants (like great deeds) have been issued
from the State Department, on the requisition of this office. But for some
reason or other, they nearly all yet lie awaiting the President's signature. He
seems to be in no hurry about it, but lets them wait.
The crowds that come here make a curious study for me. I get along, very
sociably, with any of them—as I let them do all the talking; only now and
then I have a long confab, or ask a suggestive question or two.
If the thing continues as at present, the property and wealth of the
Southern States is going to legally rest, for the future, on these pardons.
Every single one is made out with the condition that the grantee shall
respect the abolition of slavery, and never make an attempt to restore it.

Page 538

Washington, Sept. 8, 9, &c., 1865.—The arrivals, swarms, &c., of the
$20,000 men seeking pardons, still continue with increas'd numbers and
pertinacity. I yesterday (I am a clerk in the U. S. Attorney General's office
here) made out a long list from Alabama, nearly 200, recommended for
pardon by the Provisional Governor. This list, in the shape of a requisition
from the Attorney General, goes to the State Department. There the Pardon
Warrants are made out, brought back here, and then sent to the President,
where they await his signature. He is signing them very freely of late.
The President, indeed, as at present appears, has fix'd his mind on a very
generous and forgiving course toward the return'd secessionists. He will not
countenance at all the demand of the extreme Philo-African element of the
North, to make the right of negro voting at elections a condition and sine
qua non of the reconstruction of the United States south, and of their
resumption of co-equality in the Union.
A GLINT INSIDE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S CABINET
APPOINTMENTS. ONE ITEM OF MANY.
While it was hanging in suspense who should be appointed Secretary of
the Interior, (to take the place of Caleb Smith,) the choice was very close
between Mr. Harlan and Col. Jesse K. Dubois, of Illinois. The latter had
many friends. He was competent, he was honest, and he was a man. Mr.
Harlan, in the race, finally gain'd the Methodist interest, and got himself to
be consider'd as identified with it; and his appointment was apparently ask'd
for by that powerful body. Bishop Simpson, of Philadephia, came on and
spoke for the selection. The President was much perplex'd. The reasons for
appointing Col. Dubois were very strong, almost insuperable—yet the
argument for Mr. Harlan, under the adroit position he had plac'd himself,
was heavy. Those who press'd him adduc'd the magnitude of the Methodists
as a body, their loyalty, more general and genuine than any other sect—that
they represented the West, and had a right to be heard—that all or nearly all
the other great denominations had their representatives in the heads of the
government—that they as a body and the great sectarian power of the West,
formally ask'd Mr. Harlan's appointment—that he was of them, having been
a Methodist minister—that it would not do to offend them, but was highly
necessary to propitiate them.
Mr. Lincoln thought deeply over the whole matter. He was in more than
usual tribulation on the subject. Let it be enough to say that though Mr.

Page 539

Harlan finally receiv'd the Secretaryship, Col. Dubois came as near being
appointed as a man could, and not be. The decision was finally made one
night about 10 o'clock. Bishop Simpson and other clergymen and leading
persons in Mr. Harlan's behalf, had been talking long and vehemently with
the President. A member of Congress who was pressing Col. Dubois's
claims, was in waiting. The President had told the Bishop that he would
make a decision that evening, and that he thought it unnecessary to be
press'd any more on the subject. That night he call'd in the M.C. above
alluded to, and said to him: "Tell Uncle Jesse that I want to give him this
appointment, and yet I cannot. I will do almost anything else in the world
for him I am able. I have thought the matter all over, and under the
circumstances think the Methodists too good and too great a body to be
slighted. They have stood by the government, and help'd us their very best.
I have had no better friends; and as the case stands, I have decided to
appoint Mr. Harlan."

NOTE TO A FRIEND

{Written on the fly-leaf of a copy of Specimen Days, sent to Peter Doyle,
at Washington, June, 1883}
Pete, do you remember—(of course you do—I do well)—those great
long jovial walks we had at times for years, (1866-'72) out of Washington
city—often moonlight nights—'way to "Good Hope";—or, Sundays, up and
down the Potomac shores, one side or the other, sometimes ten miles at a
stretch? Or when you work'd on the horse-cars, and I waited for you,
coming home late together—or resting and chatting at the Market, corner
7th street and the Avenue, and eating those nice musk or watermelons? Or
during my tedious sickness and first paralysis ('73) how you used to come
to my solitary garret-room and make up my bed, and enliven me, and chat
for an hour or so—or perhaps go out and get the medicines Dr. Drinkard
had order'd for me—before you went on duty?... Give my love to dear Mrs.
and Mr. Nash, and tell them I have not forgotten them, and never will.

W.W.

WRITTEN IMPROMPTU IN AN ALBUM

Page 540

Germantown, Phila., Dec. 26, '83. In memory of these merry Christmas
days and nights—to my friends Mr. and Mrs. Williams, Churchie, May,
Gurney, and little Aubrey.... A heavy snow-storm blocking up everything,
and keeping us in. But souls, hearts, thoughts, unloos'd. And so—one and
all, little and big—hav'n't we had a good time?

W.W.

THE PLACE GRATITUDE FILLS IN A FINE CHARACTER

From the Philadelphia Press, Nov. 27, 1884, (Thanksgiving number)
Scene.—A large family supper party, a night or two ago, with voices and
laughter of the young, mellow faces of the old, and a by-and-by pause in the
general joviality. "Now, Mr. Whitman," spoke up one of the girls, "what
have you to say about Thanksgiving? Won't you give us a sermon in
advance, to sober us down?" The sage nodded smilingly, look'd a moment
at the blaze of the great wood fire, ran his forefinger right and left through
the heavy white mustache that might have otherwise impeded his voice, and
began: "Thanksgiving goes probably far deeper than you folks suppose. I
am not sure but it is the source of the highest poetry—as in parts of the
Bible. Ruskin, indeed, makes the central source of all great art to be praise
(gratitude) to the Almighty for life, and the universe with its objects and
play of action.
"We Americans devote an official day to it every year; yet I sometimes
fear the real article is almost dead or dying in our self-sufficient,
independent Republic. Gratitude, anyhow, has never been made half enough
of by the moralists; it is indispensable to a complete character, man's or
woman's—the disposition to be appreciative, thankful. That is the main
matter, the element, inclination—what geologists call the trend. Of my own
life and writings I estimate the giving thanks part, with what it infers, as
essentially the best item. I should say the quality of gratitude rounds the
whole emotional nature; I should say love and faith would quite lack
vitality without it. There are people—shall I call them even religious
people, as things go?—who have no such trend to their disposition."

Page 541

Page 542

LAST OF THE WAR CASES
Memorandized at the time, Washington, 1865-'66

{Of reminiscences of the secession war, after the rest is said, I have
thought it remains to give a few special words—in some respects at the time
the typical words of all, and most definite-of the samples of the kill'd and
wounded in action, and of soldiers who linger'd afterward, from these
wounds, or were laid up by obstinate disease or prostration. The general
statistics have been printed already, but can bear to be briefly stated again.
There were over 3,000,000 men (for all periods of enlistment, large and
small) furnish'd to the Union army during the war, New York State
furnishing over 500,000, which was the greatest number of any one State.
The losses by disease, wounds, kill'd in action, accidents, &c., were
altogether about 600,000, or approximating to that number. Over 4,000,000
cases were treated in the main and adjudicatory army hospitals. The number
sounds strange, but it is true. More than two-thirds of the deaths were from
prostration or disease. To-day there lie buried over 300,000 soldiers in the
various National army Cemeteries, more than half of them (and that is
really the most significant and eloquent bequest of the war) mark'd
"unknown." In full mortuary statistics of the war, the greatest deficiency
arises from our not having the rolls, even as far as they were kept, of most
of the Southern military prisons—a gap which probably both adds to, and
helps conceal, the indescribable horrors of those places; it is, however,
(restricting one vivid point only) certain that over 30,000 Union soldiers
died, largely of actual starvation, in them. And now, leaving all figures and
their "sum totals," I feel sure a few genuine memoranda of such things—
some cases jotted down '64, '65, and '66—made at the time and on the spot,
with all the associations of those scenes and places brought back, will not
only go directest to the right spot, but give a clearer and more actual sight
of that period, than anything else. Before I give the last cases I begin with
verbatim extracts from letters home to my mother in Brooklyn, the second
year of the war.—W.W.}

Page 543

Washington, Oct. 13, 1863.—There has been a new lot of wounded and
sick arriving for the last three days. The first and second days, long strings
of ambulances with the sick. Yesterday the worst, many with bad and
bloody wounds, inevitably long neglected. I thought I was cooler and more
used to it, but the sight of some cases brought tears into my eyes. I had the
luck yesterday, however, to do lots of good. Had provided many nourishing
articles for the men for another quarter, but, fortunately, had my stores
where I could use them at once for these new-comers, as they arrived, faint,
hungry, fagg'd out from their journey, with soil'd clothes, and all bloody. I
distributed these articles, gave partly to the nurses I knew, or to those in
charge. As many as possible I fed myself. Then I found a lot of oyster soup
handy, and bought it all at once.
It is the most pitiful sight, this, when the men are first brought in, from
some camp hospital broke up, or a part of the army moving. These who
arrived yesterday are cavalry men. Our troops had fought like devils, but
got the worst of it. They were Kilpatrick's cavalry; were in the rear, part of
Meade's retreat, and the reb cavalry, knowing the ground and taking a
favorable opportunity, dash'd in between, cut them off, and shell'd them
terribly. But Kilpatrick turn'd and brought them out mostly. It was last
Sunday. (One of the most terrible sights and tasks is of such receptions.)
Oct. 27, 1863.—If any of the soldiers I know (or their parents or folks)
should call upon you—as they are often anxious to have my address in
Brooklyn—you just use them as you know how, and if you happen to have
pot-luck, and feel to ask them to take a bite, don't be afraid to do so. I have
a friend, Thomas Neat, 2d N.Y. Cavalry, wounded in leg, now home in
Jamaica, on furlough; he will probably call. Then possibly a Mr. Haskell, or
some of his folks, from western New York: he had a son died here, and I
was with the boy a good deal. The old man and his wife have written me
and ask'd me my Brooklyn address; he said he had children in New York,
and was occasionally down there. (When I come home I will show you
some of the letters I get from mothers, sisters, fathers, &c. They will make
you cry.)
How the time passes away! To think it is over a year since I left home
suddenly—and have mostly been down in front since. The year has vanish'd
swiftly, and oh, what scenes I have witness'd during that time! And the war
is not settled yet; and one does not see anything certain, or even promising,

Page 544

of a settlement. But I do not lose the solid feeling, in myself, that the Union
triumph is assured, whether it be sooner or whether it be later, or whatever
roundabout way we may be led there; and I find I don't change that
conviction from any reverses we meet, nor delays, nor blunders. One
realizes here in Washington the great labors, even the negative ones, of
Lincoln; that it is a big thing to have just kept the United States from being
thrown down and having its throat cut. I have not waver'd or had any doubt
of the issue, since Gettysburg.
8th September, '63.—Here, now, is a specimen army hospital case:
Lorenzo Strong, Co. A, 9th United States Cavalry, shot by a shell last
Sunday; right leg amputated on the field. Sent up here Monday night, 14th.
Seem'd to be doing pretty well till Wednesday noon, 16th, when he took a
turn for the worse, and a strangely rapid and fatal termination ensued.
Though I had much to do, I staid and saw all. It was a death-picture
characteristic of these soldiers' hospitals—the perfect specimen of physique,
one of the most magnificent I ever saw—the convulsive spasms and
working of muscles, mouth, and throat. There are two good women nurses,
one on each side. The doctor comes in and gives him a little chloroform.
One of the nurses constantly fans him, for it is fearfully hot. He asks to be
rais'd up, and they put him in a half-sitting posture. He call'd for "Mark"
repeatedly, half-deliriously, all day. Life ebbs, runs now with the speed of a
mill race; his splendid neck, as it lays all open, works still, slightly; his eyes
turn back. A religious person coming in offers a prayer, in subdued tones,
bent at the foot of the bed; and in the space of the aisle, a crowd, including
two or three doctors, several students, and many soldiers, has silently
gather'd. It is very still and warm, as the struggle goes on, and dwindles, a
little more, and a little more—and then welcome oblivion, painlessness,
death. A pause, the crowd drops away, a white bandage is bound around and
under the jaw, the propping pillows are removed, the limpsy head falls
down, the arms are softly placed by the side, all composed, all still,—and
the broad white sheet is thrown over everything.
April 10, 1864.—Unusual agitation all around concentrated here.
Exciting times in Congress. The Copperheads are getting furious, and want
to recognize the Southern Confederacy. "This is a pretty time to talk of
recognizing such—," said a Pennsylvania officer in hospital to me to-day,
"after what has transpired the last three years." After first Fredericksburg I
felt discouraged myself, and doubted whether our rulers could carry on the

Page 545

war. But that has pass'd away. The war must be carried on. I would willingly
go in the ranks myself if I thought it would profit more than as at present,
and I don't know sometimes but I shall, as it is. Then there is certainly a
strange, deep, fervid feeling form'd or arous'd in the land, hard to describe
or name; it is not a majority feeling, but it will make itself felt. M., you
don't know what a nature a fellow gets, not only after being a soldier a
while, but after living in the sights and influences of the camps, the
wounded, &c.—a nature he never experienced before. The stars and stripes,
the tune of Yankee Doodle, and similar things, produce such an effect on a
fellow as never before. I have seen them bring tears on some men's cheeks,
and others turn pale with emotion. I have a little flag (it belong'd to one of
our cavalry regiments,) presented to me by one of the wounded; it was
taken by the secesh in a fight, and rescued by our men in a bloody skirmish
following. It cost three men's lives to get back that four-by-three flag—to
tear it from the breast of a dead rebel—for the name of getting their little
"rag" back again. The man that secured it was very badly wounded, and
they let him keep it. I was with him a good deal; he wanted to give me some
keepsake, he said,—he didn't expect to live,—so he gave me that flag. The
best of it all is, dear M., there isn't a regiment, cavalry or infantry, that
wouldn't do the like, on the like occasion.
April 12.—I will finish my letter this morning; it is a beautiful day. I was
up in Congress very late last night. The House had a very excited night
session about expelling the men that proposed recognizing the Southern
Confederacy. You ought to hear (as I do) the soldiers talk; they are excited
to madness. We shall probably have hot times here, not in the military fields
alone. The body of the army is true and firm as the North Star.
May 6, '64.—M., the poor soldier with diarrhoea, is still living, but, oh,
what a looking object! Death would be a relief to him—he cannot last many
hours. Cunningham, the Ohio soldier, with leg amputated at thigh, has
pick'd up beyond expectation; now looks indeed like getting well. (He died
a few weeks afterwards.) The hospitals are very full. I am very well indeed.
Hot here to-day.
May 23, '64.—Sometimes I think that should it come when it must, to fall
in battle, one's anguish over a son or brother kill'd might be temper'd with
much to take the edge off. Lingering and extreme suffering from wounds or
sickness seem to me far worse than death in battle. I can honestly say the

Page 546

latter has no terrors for me, as far as I myself am concern'd. Then I should
say, too, about death in war, that our feelings and imaginations make a
thousand times too much of the whole matter. Of the many I have seen die,
or known of, the past year, I have not seen or known one who met death
with terror. In most cases I should say it was a welcome relief and release.
Yesterday I spent a good part of the afternoon with a young soldier of
seventeen, Charles Cutter, of Lawrence city, Massachusetts, 1st
Massachusetts Heavy Artillery, Battery M. He was brought to one of the
hospitals mortally wounded in abdomen. Well, I thought to myself, as I sat
looking at him, it ought to be a relief to his folks if they could see how little
he really suffer'd. He lay very placid, in a half lethargy, with his eyes
closed. As it was extremely hot, and I sat a good while silently fanning him,
and wiping the sweat, at length he open'd his eyes quite wide and clear, and
look'd inquiringly around. I said, "What is it, my boy? Do you want
anything?" He answer'd quietly, with a good-natured smile, "Oh, nothing; I
was only looking around to see who was with me." His mind was somewhat
wandering, yet he lay in an evident peacefulness that sanity and health
might have envied. I had to leave for other engagements. He died, I heard
afterward, without any special agitation, in the course of the night.
Washington, May 26, '63.—M., I think something of commencing a
series of lectures, readings, talks, &c., through the cities of the North, to
supply myself with funds for hospital ministrations. I do not like to be so
beholden to others; I need a pretty free supply of money, and the work
grows upon me, and fascinates me. It is the most magnetic as well as
terrible sight: the lots of poor wounded and helpless men depending so
much, in one ward or another, upon my soothing or talking to them, or
rousing them up a little, or perhaps petting, or feeding them their dinner or
supper (here is a patient, for instance, wounded in both arms,) or giving
some trifle for a novelty or change—anything, however trivial, to break the
monotony of those hospital hours.
It is curious: when I am present at the most appalling scenes, deaths,
operations, sickening wounds (perhaps full of maggots,) I keep cool and do
not give out or budge, although my sympathies are very much excited; but
often, hours afterward, perhaps when I am home, or out walking alone, I
feel sick, and actually tremble, when I recall the case again before me.

Page 547

Sunday afternoon, opening of 1865.—Pass'd this afternoon among a
collection of unusually bad cases, wounded and sick secession soldiers, left
upon our hands. I spent the previous Sunday afternoon there also. At that
time two were dying. Two others have died during the week. Several of
them are partly deranged. I went around among them elaborately. Poor
boys, they all needed to be cheer'd up. As I sat down by any particular one,
the eyes of all the rest in the neighboring cots would fix upon me, and
remain steadily riveted as long as I sat within their sight. Nobody seem'd to
wish anything special to eat or drink. The main thing ask'd for was postage
stamps, and paper for writing. I distributed all the stamps I had. Tobacco
was wanted by some.
One call'd me over to him and ask'd me in a low tone what denomination
I belong'd to. He said he was a Catholic—wish'd to find some one of the
same faith—wanted some good reading. I gave him something to read, and
sat down by him a few minutes. Moved around with a word for each. They
were hardly any of them personally attractive cases, and no visitors come
here. Of course they were all destitute of money. I gave small sums to two
or three, apparently the most needy. The men are from quite all the
Southern States, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, &c.
Wrote several letters. One for a young fellow named Thomas J. Byrd,
with a bad wound and diarrhoea. Was from Russell county, Alabama; been
out four years. Wrote to his mother; had neither heard from her nor written
to her in nine months. Was taken prisoner last Christmas, in Tennessee; sent
to Nashville, then to Camp Chase, Ohio, and kept there a long time; all the
while not money enough to get paper and postage stamps. Was paroled, but
on his way home the wound took gangrene; had diarrhoea also; had
evidently been very low. Demeanor cool, and patient. A dark-skinn'd, quaint
young fellow, with strong Southern idiom; no education.
Another letter for John W. Morgan, aged 18, from Shellot, Brunswick
county, North Carolina; been out nine months; gunshot wound in right leg,
above knee; also diarrhoea; wound getting along well; quite a gentle,
affectionate boy; wish'd me to put in the letter for his mother to kiss his
little brother and sister for him. {I put strong envelopes on these, and two or
three other letters, directed them plainly and fully, and dropt them in the
Washington post-office the next morning myself.}

Page 548

The large ward I am in is used for secession soldiers exclusively. One
man, about forty years of age, emaciated with diarrhoea, I was attracted to,
as he lay with his eyes turn'd up, looking like death. His weakness was so
extreme that it took a minute or so, every time, for him to talk with anything
like consecutive meaning; yet he was evidently a man of good intelligence
and education. As I said anything, he would lie a moment perfectly still,
then, with closed eyes, answer in a low, very slow voice, quite correct and
sensible, but in a way and tone that wrung my heart. He had a mother, wife,
and child living (or probably living) in his home in Mississippi. It was long,
long since he had seen them. Had he caus'd a letter to be sent them since he
got here in Washington? No answer. I repeated the question, very slowly
and soothingly. He could not tell whether he had or not—things of late
seem'd to him like a dream. After waiting a moment, I said: "Well, I am
going to walk down the ward a moment, and when I come back you can tell
me. If you have not written, I will sit down and write." A few minutes after
I return'd; he said he remember'd now that some one had written for him
two or three days before. The presence of this man impress'd me
profoundly. The flesh was all sunken on face and arms; the eyes low in their
sockets and glassy, and with purple rings around them. Two or three great
tears silently flow'd out from the eyes, and roll'd down his temples (he was
doubtless unused to be spoken to as I was speaking to him.)Sickness,
imprisonment, exhaustion, &c., had conquer'd the body, yet the mind held
mastery still, and call'd even wandering remembrance back.
There are some fifty Southern soldiers here; all sad, sad cases. There is a
good deal of scurvy. I distributed some paper, envelopes, and postage
stamps, and wrote addresses full and plain on many of the envelopes.
I return'd again Tuesday, August 1, and moved around in the same
manner a couple of hours.
September 22, '65.—Afternoon and evening at Douglas hospital to see a
friend belonging to 2d New York Artillery (Hiram W. Frazee, Serg't,) down
with an obstinate compound fracture of left leg receiv'd in one of the last
battles near Petersburg. After sitting a while with him, went through several
neighboring wards. In one of them found an old acquaintance transferr'd
here lately, a rebel prisoner, in a dying condition. Poor fellow, the look was
already on his face. He gazed long at me. I ask'd him if he knew me. After a
moment he utter'd something, but inarticulately. I have seen him off and on

Page 549

for the last five months. He has suffer'd very much; a bad wound in left leg,
severely fractured, several operations, cuttings, extractions of bone,
splinters, &c. I remember he seem'd to me, as I used to talk with him, a fair
specimen of the main strata of the Southerners, those without property or
education, but still with the stamp which comes from freedom and equality.
I liked him; Jonathan Wallace, of Hurd co., Georgia, age 30 (wife, Susan F.
Wallace, Houston, Hurd co., Georgia.) {If any good soul of that county
should see this, I hope he will send her this word.} Had a family; had not
heard from them since taken prisoner, now six months. I had written for
him, and done trifles for him, before he came here. He made no outward
show, was mild in his talk and behavior, but I knew he worried much
inwardly. But now all would be over very soon. I half sat upon the little
stand near the head of the bed. Wallace was somewhat restless. I placed my
hand lightly on his forehead and face, just sliding it over the surface. In a
moment or so he fell into a calm, regular-breathing lethargy or sleep, and
remain'd so while I sat there. It was dark, and the lights were lit. I hardly
know why (death seem'd hovering near,) but I stay'd nearly an hour. A Sister
of Charity, dress'd in black, with a broad white linen bandage around her
head and under her chin, and a black crape over all and flowing down from
her head in long wide pieces, came to him, and moved around the bed. She
bow'd low and solemn to me. For some time she moved around there
noiseless as a ghost, doing little things for the dying man.
December, '65.—The only remaining hospital is now "Harewood," out in
the woods, northwest of the city. I have been visiting there regularly every
Sunday during these two months.
January 24, '66.—Went out to Harewood early to-day, and remain'd all
day.
Sunday, February 4, 1866.—Harewood Hospital again. Walk'd out this
afternoon (bright, dry, ground frozen hard) through the woods. Ward 6 is
fill'd with blacks, some with wounds, some ill, two or three with limbs
frozen. The boys made quite a picture sitting round the stove. Hardly any
can read or write. I write for three or four, direct envelopes, give some
tobacco, &c.
Joseph Winder, a likely boy, aged twenty-three, belongs to 10th Color'd
Infantry (now in Texas;) is from Eastville, Virginia. Was a slave; belong'd to
Lafayette Homeston. The master was quite willing he should leave. Join'd

Page 550

the army two years ago; has been in one or two battles. Was sent to hospital
with rheumatism. Has since been employ'd as cook. His parents at Eastville;
he gets letters from them, and has letters written to them by a friend. Many
black boys left that part of Virginia and join'd the army; the 10th, in fact,
was made up of Virginia blacks from thereabouts. As soon as discharged is
going back to Eastville to his parents and home, and intends to stay there.
Thomas King, formerly 2d District Color'd Regiment, discharged soldier,
Company E, lay in a dying condition; his disease was consumption. A
Catholic priest was administering extreme unction to him. (I have seen this
kind of sight several times in the hospitals; it is very impressive.)
Harewood, April 29, 1866. Sunday afternoon.—Poor Joseph Swiers,
Company H, 155th Pennsylvania, a mere lad (only eighteen years of age;)
his folks living in Reedsburgh, Pennsylvania. I have known him for nearly a
year, transferr'd from hospital to hospital. He was badly wounded in the
thigh at Hatcher's Run, February 6, '65.
James E. Ragan, Atlanta, Georgia; 2d United States Infantry. Union folks.
Brother impress'd, deserted, died; now no folks, left alone in the world, is in
a singularly nervous state; came in hospital with intermittent fever.
Walk slowly around the ward, observing, and to see if I can do anything.
Two or three are lying very low with consumption, cannot recover; some
with old wounds; one with both feet frozen off, so that on one only the heel
remains. The supper is being given out: the liquid call'd tea, a thick slice of
bread, and some stew'd apples.
That was about the last I saw of the regular army hospitals.
{ILLUSTRATION Here is a portrait of E.H. from life, by Henry Inman,
in New York, about 1827 or '28. The painting was finely copper-plated in
1830, and the present is a fac simile. Looks as I saw him in the following
narrative.}
The time was signalized by the separation of the society of Friends, so
greatly talked of—and continuing yet—but so little really explain'd. (All I
give of this separation is in a Note following.)

Page 551

Page 552

Endnotes (such as they are) founded on
ELIAS HICKS

Prefatory Note—As myself a little boy hearing so much of E.H., at that
time, long ago, in Suffolk and Queens and Kings counties—and more than
once personally seeing the old man—and my dear, dear father and mother
faithful listeners to him at the meetings—I remember how I dream'd to
write perhaps a piece about E.H. and his look and discourses, however long
afterward—for my parents' sake—and the dear Friends too! And the
following is what has at last but all come out of it—the feeling and
intention never forgotten yet!
There is a sort of nature of persons I have compared to little rills of water,
fresh, from perennial springs—(and the comparison is indeed an
appropriate one)—persons not so very plenty, yet some few certainly of
them running over the surface and area of humanity, all times, all lands. It is
a specimen of this class I would now present. I would sum up in E.H., and
make his case stand for the class, the sort, in all ages, all lands, sparse, not
numerous, yet enough to irrigate the soil—enough to prove the inherent
moral stock and irrepressible devotional aspirations growing indigenously
of themselves, always advancing, and never utterly gone under or lost.
Always E.H. gives the service of pointing to the fountain of all naked
theology, all religion, all worship, all the truth to which you are possibly
eligible—namely in yourself and your inherent relations. Others talk of
Bibles, saints, churches, exhortations, vicarious atonements—the canons
outside of yourself and apart from man—E.H. to the religion inside of
man's very own nature. This he incessantly labors to kindle, nourish,
educate, bring forward and strengthen. He is the most democratic of the
religionists—the prophets.
I have no doubt that both the curious fate and death of his four sons, and
the facts (and dwelling on them) of George Fox's strange early life, and
permanent "conversion," had much to do with the peculiar and sombre
ministry and style of E.H. from the first, and confirmed him all through.
One must not be dominated by the man's almost absurd saturation in cut

Page 553

and dried biblical phraseology, and in ways, talk, and standard, regardful
mainly of the one need he dwelt on, above all the rest. This main need he
drove home to the soul; the canting and sermonizing soon exhale away to
any auditor that realizes what E.H. is for and after. The present paper, (a
broken memorandum of his formation, his earlier life,) is the cross-notch
that rude wanderers make in the woods, to remind them afterward of some
matter of first-rate importance and full investigation. (Remember too, that
E.H. was a thorough believer in the Hebrew Scriptures, in his way.)
The following are really but disjointed fragments recall'd to serve and eke
out here the lank printed pages of what I commenc'd unwittingly two
months ago. Now, as I am well in for it, comes an old attack, the sixth or
seventh recurrence, of my war-paralysis, dulling me from putting the notes
in shape, and threatening any further action, head or body. W.W., Camden,
N.J., July, 1888.
To begin with, my theme is comparatively featureless. The great historian
has pass'd by the life of Elias Hicks quite without glance or touch. Yet a
man might commence and overhaul it as furnishing one of the amplest
historic and biography's backgrounds. While the foremost actors and events
from 1750 to 1830 both in Europe and America were crowding each other
on the world's stage—While so many kings, queens, soldiers, philosophs,
musicians, voyagers, littérateurs, enter one side, cross the boards, and
disappear—amid loudest reverberating names—Frederick the Great,
Swedenborg, Junius, Voltaire, Rousseau, Linnaeus, Herschel—curiously
contemporary with the long life of Goethe—through the occupancy of the
British throne by George the Third—amid stupendous visible political and
social revolutions, and far more stupendous invisible moral ones—while the
many quarto volumes of the Encyclopaedia Française are being published at
fits and intervals, by Diderot, in Paris—while Haydn and Beethoven and
Mozart and Weber are working out their harmonic compositions—while
Mrs. Siddons and Talma and Kean are acting—while Mungo Park explores
Africa, and Capt. Cook circumnavigates the globe—through all the fortunes
of the American Revolution, the beginning, continuation and end, the battle
of Brooklyn, the surrender at Saratoga, the final peace of '83—through the
lurid tempest of the French Revolution, the execution of the king and
queen, and the Reign of Terror—through the whole of the meteor-career of
Napoleon—through all Washington's, Adams's, Jefferson's, Madison's, and
Monroe's Presidentiads—amid so many flashing lists of names, (indeed

Page 554

there seems hardly, in any department, any end to them, Old World or New,)
Franklin, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Mirabeau, Fox, Nelson, Paul Jones, Kant,
Fichte, and Hegel, Fulton, Walter Scott, Byron, Mesmer, Champollion—
Amid pictures that dart upon me even as I speak, and glow and mix and
coruscate and fade like aurora boreales—Louis the 16th threaten'd by the
mob, the trial of Warren Hastings, the death-bed of Robert Burns,
Wellington at Waterloo, Decatur capturing the Macedonian, or the sea-fight
between the Chesapeake and the Shannon—During all these whiles,
I say, and though on a far different grade, running parallel and
contemporary with all—a curious, quiet yet busy life centred in a little
country village on Long Island, and within sound on still nights of the
mystic surf-beat of the sea. About this life, this Personality—neither soldier,
nor scientist, nor littérateur—I propose to occupy a few minutes in
fragmentary talk, to give some few melanges, disconnected impressions,
statistics, resultant groups, pictures, thoughts' of him, or radiating from him.
Elias Hicks was born March 19, 1748, in Hempstead township, Queens
county, Long Island, New York State, near a village bearing the old
Scripture name of Jericho, (a mile or so north and east of the present
Hicksville, on the L.I. Railroad.) His father and mother were Friends, of
that class working with their own hands, and mark'd by neither riches nor
actual poverty. Elias as a child and youth had small education from letters,
but largely learn'd from Nature's schooling. He grew up even in his ladhood
a thorough gunner and fisherman. The farm of his parents lay on the south
or sea-shore side of Long Island, (they had early removed from Jericho,)
one of the best regions in the world for wild fowl and for fishing. Elias
became a good horseman, too, and knew the animal well, riding races; also
a singer fond of "vain songs," as he afterwards calls them; a dancer, too, at
the country balls. When a boy of 13 he had gone to live with an elder
brother; and when about 17 he changed again and went as apprentice to the
carpenter's trade. The time of all this was before the Revolutionary War, and
the locality 30 to 40 miles from New York city. My great-grandfather,
Whitman, was often with Elias at these periods, and at merry-makings and
sleigh-rides in winter over "the plains."
How well I remember the region—the flat plains of the middle of Long
Island, as then, with their prairie-like vistas and grassy patches in every
direction, and the 'kill-calf' and herds of cattle and sheep. Then the South

Page 555

Bay and shores and the salt meadows, and the sedgy smell, and numberless
little bayous and hummock-islands in the waters, the habitat of every sort of
fish and aquatic fowl of North America. And the bay men—a strong, wild,
peculiar race—now extinct, or rather entirely changed. And the beach
outside the sandy bars, sometimes many miles at a stretch, with their old
history of wrecks and storms—the weird, white-gray beach—not without its
tales of pathos—tales, too, of grandest heroes and heroisms. In such scenes
and elements and influences—in the midst of Nature and along the shores
of the sea—Elias Hicks was fashion'd through boyhood and early manhood,
to maturity. But a moral and mental and emotional change was imminent.
Along at this time he says:

My apprenticeship being now expir'd, I gradually withdrew from
the company of my former associates, became more acquainted with
Friends, and was more frequent in my attendance of meetings; and
although this was in some degree profitable to me, yet I made but
slow progress in my religious improvement. The occupation of part of
my time in fishing and fowling had frequently tended to preser
me from falling into hurtful associations; but through the rising
intimations and reproofs of divine grace in my heart, I now began to
feel that the manner in which I sometimes amus'd myself with my gun
was not without sin; for although I mostly preferr'd going alone,
and while waiting in stillness for the coming of the fowl,
mind was at times so taken up in divine meditations, that the
opportunities were seasons of instruction and comfort to me; yet, on
other occasions, when accompanied by some of my acquaintances, and
when no fowls appear'd which would be useful to us after being
obtain'd, we sometimes, from wantonness or for mere diversion, would
destroy the small birds which could be of no service to us. This
cruel procedure affects my heart while penning these lines.

In his 23d year Elias was married, by the Friends' ceremony, to Jemima
Seaman. His wife was an only child; the parents were well off for common
people, and at their request the son-in-law mov'd home with them and
carried on the farm—which at their decease became his own, and he liv'd
there all his remaining life. Of this matrimonial part of his career, (it
continued, and with unusual happiness, for 58 years,) he says, giving the
account of his marriage:

On this important occasion, we felt the clear and consoling evidence
of divine truth, and it remain'd with us as a seal upon our spirits,
strengthening us mutually to bear, with becoming fortitude, the
vicissitudes and trials which fell to our lot, and of which we h
a large share in passing through this probationary state. My wife,
although not of a very strong constitution, liv'd to be the mother
of eleven children, four sons and seven daughters. Our second
daughter, a very lovely, promising child, died when young, with the
small-pox, and the youngest was not living at its birth. The rest

Page 556

all arriv'd to years of discretion, and afforded us considerable
comfort, as they prov'd to be in a good degree dutiful children. All
our sons, however, were of weak constitutions, and were not able to
take care of themselves, being so enfeebl'd as not to be able to
walk after the ninth or tenth year of their age. The two eldest died
in the fifteenth year of their age, the third in his seventeenth
year, and the youngest was nearly nineteen when he died. But,
although thus helpless, the innocency of their lives, and the
resign'd cheerfulness of their dispositions to their allotments,
made the labor and toil of taking care of them agreeable and
pleasant; and I trust we were preserv'd from murmuring or repining,
believing the dispensation to be in wisdom, and according to the
will and gracious disposing of an all-wise providence, for purposes
best known to himself. And when I have observ'd the great anxiety
and affliction which many parents have with undutiful children who
are favor'd with health, especially their sons, I could perceive
very few whose troubles and exercises, on that account, did not far
exceed ours. The weakness and bodily infirmity of our sons tended to
keep them much out of the way of the troubles and temptations
the world; and we believ'd that in their death they were happy, and
admitted into the realms of peace and joy: a reflection, the most
comfortable and joyous that parents can have in regard to their
tender offspring.

Of a serious and reflective turn, by nature, and from his reading and
surroundings, Elias had more than once markedly devotional inward
intimations. These feelings increas'd in frequency and strength, until soon
the following:

About the twenty-sixth year of my age I was again brought, by the
operative influence of divine grace, under deep concern of mind; and
was led, through adorable mercy, to see, that although I had ceas'd
from many sins and vanities of my youth, yet there were many
remaining that I was still guilty of, which were not yet aton'd for,
and for which I now felt the judgments of God to rest upon m
This caus'd me to cry earnestly to the Most High for pardon and
redemption, and he graciously condescended to hear my cry, and to
open a way before me, wherein I must walk, in order to experience
reconciliation with him; and as I abode in watchfulness and deep
humiliation before him, light broke forth out of obscurity, and my
darkness became as the noon-day. I began to have openings leading to
the ministry, which brought me under close exercise and deep travail
of spirit; for although I had for some time spoken on subjects of
business in monthly and preparative meetings, yet the prospe
of opening my mouth in public meetings was a close trial; but I
endeavor'd to keep my mind quiet and resign' d to the heavenly call,
if it should be made clear to me to be my duty. Nevertheless,
I was, soon after, sitting in a meeting, in much weightiness of
spirit, a secret, though clear, intimation accompanied me to spe
a few words, which were then given to me to utter, yet fear so
prevail'd, that I did not yield to the intimation. For this
omission, I felt close rebuke, and judgment seem'd, for some time,
to cover my mind; but as I humbl'd myself under the Lord's mighty
hand, he again lifted up the light of his countenance upon me, and
enabl'd me to renew covenant with him, that if he would pass by this
my offence, I would, in future, be faithful, if he should again
require such a service of me.

Page 557

The Revolutionary War following, tried the sect of Friends more than
any. The difficulty was to steer between their convictions as patriots, and
their pledges of non-warring peace. Here is the way they solv'd the
problem:

A war, with all its cruel and destructive effects, having raged for
several years between the British Colonies in North America and the
mother country, Friends, as well as others, were expos' d to many
severe trials and sufferings; yet, in the colony of New York,
Friends, who stood faithful to their principles, and did not meddle
in the controversy, had, after a short period at first, considerable
favor allow'd them. The yearly meeting was held steadily, duri
the war, on Long Island, where the king's party had the rule; yet
Friends from the Main, where the American army ruled, had free
passage through both armies to attend it, and any other meetings
they were desirous of attending, except in a few instances. This was
a favor which the parties would not grant to their best friends, who
were of a war-like disposition; which shows what great advantages
would redound to mankind, were they all of this pacific spirit. I
pass'd myself through the lines of both armies six times during the
war, without molestation, both parties generally receiving me with
openness and civility; and although I had to pass over a tract of
country, between the two armies, sometimes more than thirty miles in
extent, and which was much frequented by robbers, a set, in general,
of cruel, unprincipled banditti, issuing out from both partie
yet, excepting once, I met with no interruption even from the
But although Friends in general experienc'd many favors and
deliverances, yet those scenes of war and confusion occasion
many trials and provings in various ways to the faithful. One
circumstance I am willing to mention, as it caus'd me considerable
exercise and concern. There was a large cellar under the new
meeting-house belonging to Friends in New York, which was generally
let as a store. When the king's troops enter'd the city, they took
possession of it for the purpose of depositing their warlike stores;
and ascertaining what Friends had the care of letting it, their
commissary came forward and offer'd to pay the rent; and those
Friends, for want of due consideration, accepted it. This caus'd
great uneasiness to the concern'd part of the Society, who
apprehended it not consistent with our peaceable principles to
receive payment for the depositing of military stores in our houses.
The subject was brought before the yearly meeting in 1779, and
engag'd its careful attention; but those Friends, who had been
active in the reception of the money, and some few others, were not
willing to acknowledge their proceedings to be inconsistent, nor to
return the money to those from whom it was receiv'd; and in order to
justify themselves therein, they referr'd to the conduct of Friends
in Philadelphia in similar cases. Matters thus appearing very
difficult and embarrassing, it was unitedly concluded to refer the
final determination thereof to the yearly meeting of Pennsylvania;
and several Friends were appointed to attend that meeting in
relation thereto, among whom I was one of the number. We accordingly
set out on the 9th day of the 9th month, 1779, and I was accompanied
from home by my beloved friend John Willis, who was likewise on the
appointment. We took a solemn leave of our families, they feeling
much anxiety at parting with us, on account of the dangers we were
expos'd to, having to pass not only the lines of the two armies, but
the deserted and almost uninhabited country that lay between them,
in many places the grass being grown up in the streets, and many

Page 558

houses desolate and empty. Believing it, however, my duty to proceed
in the service, my mind was so settled and trust-fix'd in the divine
arm of power, that faith seem'd to banish all fear, and cheerfulness
and quiet resignation were, I believe, my constant companions during
the journey. We got permission, with but little difficulty, to pass
the outguards of the king's army at Kingsbridge, and proceeded to
Westchester. We afterwards attended meetings at Harrison's Purchase,
and Oblong, having the concurrence of our monthly meeting to take
some meetings in our way, a concern leading thereto having for some
time previously attended my mind. We pass'd from thence to Nine
Partners, and attended their monthly meeting, and then turn'd our
faces towards Philadelphia, being join'd by several others of the
Committee. We attended New Marlborough, Hardwick, and Kingswood
meetings on our journey, and arriv'd at Philadelphia on the 7th day
of the week, and 25th of 9th month, on which day we attended the
yearly meeting of Ministers and Elders, which began at the eleventh
hour. I also attended all the sittings of the yearly meeting until
the 4th day of the next week, and was then so indispos'd with a
fever, which had been increasing on me for several days, that I was
not able to attend after that time. I was therefore not present when
the subject was discuss' d, which came from our yearly meeting but I
was inform'd by my companion, that it was a very solemn opportunity,
and the matter was resulted in advising that the money should be
return'd into the office from whence it was receiv'd, accompanied
with our reasons for so doing: and this was accordingly done by the
direction of our yearly meeting the next year.

Then, season after season, when peace and Independence reign'd, year
following year, this remains to be (1791) a specimen of his personal labors:

I was from home on this journey four months and eleven days; rode
about one thousand five hundred miles, and attended forty-nine
particular meetings among Friends, three quarterly meetings, six
monthly meetings, and forty meetings among other people.

And again another experience:

In the forepart of this meeting, my mind was reduc'd into such a
state of great weakness and depression, that my faith was almost
ready to fail, which produc'd great searchings of heart, so that I
was led to call in question all that I had ever before experienc'd.
In this state of doubting, I was ready to wish myself at home, from
an apprehension that I should only expose myself to reproach, and
wound the cause I was embark'd in; for the heavens seem'd like
brass, and the earth as iron; such coldness and hardness, I thought,
could scarcely have ever been experienc'd before by any creature, so
great was the depth of my baptism at this time; nevertheless, as I
endeavor'd to quiet my mind, in this conflicting dispensation, and
be resign'd to my allotment, however distressing, towards the latter
part of the meeting a ray of light broke through the surrounding
darkness, in which the Shepherd of Israel was pleas'd to arise, and
by the light of his glorious countenance, to scatter those clouds of
opposition. Then ability was receiv'd, and utterance given, to speak
of his marvellous works in the redemption of souls, and to op
the way of life and salvation, and the mysteries of his glorious
kingdom, which are hid from the wise and prudent of this world, and
reveal'd only unto those who are reduc'd into the state of little
children and babes in Christ.

Page 559

And concluding another jaunt in 1794:

I was from home in this journey about five months, and travell
by land and water about two thousand two hundred and eighty-three
miles; having visited all the meetings of Friends in the New England
states, and many meetings amongst those of other professions; and
also visited many meetings, among Friends and others, in the upper
part of our own yearly meeting; and found real peace in my labors.

Another 'tramp' in 1798:

I was absent from home in this journey about five months and two
weeks, and rode about sixteen hundred miles, and attended about one
hundred and forty-three meetings.

Here are some memoranda of 1813, near home:

First day. Our meeting this day pass'd in silent labor. The cloud
rested on the tabernacle; and, although it was a day of much rain
outwardly, yet very little of the dew of Hermon appear'd to distil
among us. Nevertheless, a comfortable calm was witness'd towards the
close, which we must render to the account of unmerited mercy and
love.

Second day. Most of this day was occupied in a visit to a sick
friend, who appeared comforted therewith. Spent part of the evening
in reading part of Paul's Epistle to the Romans.

Third day. I was busied most of this day in my common vocations.
Spent the evening principally in reading Paul. Found considerable
satisfaction in his first epistle to the Corinthians; in which he
shows the danger of some in setting too high a value on those who
were instrumental in bringing them to the knowledge of the truth,
without looking through and beyond the instrument, to the great
first cause and Author of every blessing, to whom all the praise and
honor are due.

Fifth day, 1st of 4th month. At our meeting to-day found it, as
usual, a very close steady exercise to keep the mind center'
where it ought to be. What a multitude of intruding thoughts
imperceptibly, as it were, steal into the mind, and turn it from its
proper object, whenever it relaxes its vigilance in watching against
them. Felt a little strength, just at the close, to remind Friends
of the necessity of a steady perseverance, by a recapitulation of
the parable of the unjust judge, showing how men ought always to
pray, and not to faint.

Sixth day. Nothing material occurr'd, but a fear lest the cares of
the world should engross too much of my time.

Seventh day. Had an agreeable visit from two ancient friends, which
I have long lov'd. The rest of the day I employ'd in manual labor,
mostly in gardening.

But we find if we attend to records and details, we shall lay out an
endless task. We can briefly say, summarily, that his whole life was a long

Page 560

religious missionary life of method, practicality, sincerity, earnestness, and
pure piety—as near to his time here, as one in Judea, far back—or in any
life, any age. The reader who feels interested must get—with all its dryness
and mere dates, absence of emotionality or literary quality, and whatever
abstract attraction (with even a suspicion of cant, sniffling,) the "Journal of
the Life and Religious Labours of Elias Hicks, written by himself," at some
Quaker book-store. (It is from this headquarters I have extracted the
preceding quotations.) During E. H.'s matured life, continued from fifty to
sixty years—while working steadily, earning his living and paying his way
without intermission—he makes, as previously memorandized, several
hundred preaching visits, not only through Long Island, but some of them
away into the Middle or Southern States, or north into Canada, or the then
far West—extending to thousands of miles, or filling several weeks and
sometimes months. These religious journeys—scrupulously accepting in
payment only his transportation from place to place, with his own food and
shelter, and never receiving a dollar of money for "salary" or preaching—
Elias, through good bodily health and strength, continues till quite the age
of eighty. It was thus at one of his latest jaunts in Brooklyn city I saw and
heard him. This sight and hearing shall now be described.
Elias Hicks was at this period in the latter part (November or December)
of 1829. It was the last tour of the many missions of the old man's life. He
was in the 81st year of his age, and a few months before he had lost by
death a beloved wife with whom he had lived in unalloyed affection and
esteem for 58 years. (But a few months after this meeting Elias was
paralyzed and died.) Though it is sixty years ago since—and I a little boy at
the time in Brooklyn, New York—I can remember my father coming home
toward sunset from his day's work as carpenter, and saying briefly, as he
throws down his armful of kindling-blocks with a bounce on the kitchen
floor, "Come, mother, Elias preaches to-night." Then my mother, hastening
the supper and the table-cleaning afterward, gets a neighboring young
woman, a friend of the family, to step in and keep house for an hour or so—
puts the two little ones to bed—and as I had been behaving well that day, as
a special reward I was allow'd to go also.
We start for the meeting. Though, as I said, the stretch of more than half a
century has pass'd over me since then, with its war and peace, and all its
joys and sins and deaths (and what a half century! how it comes up
sometimes for an instant, like the lightning flash in a storm at night!) I can

Page 561

recall that meeting yet. It is a strange place for religious devotions. Elias
preaches anywhere—no respect to buildings—private or public houses,
school-rooms, barns, even theatres—anything that will accommodate. This
time it is in a handsome ball-room, on Brooklyn Heights, overlooking New
York, and in full sight of that great city, and its North and East rivers fill'd
with ships—is (to specify more particularly) the second story of "Morrison's
Hotel," used for the most genteel concerts, balls, and assemblies—a large,
cheerful, gay-color'd room, with glass chandeliers bearing myriads of
sparkling pendants, plenty of settees and chairs, and a sort of velvet divan
running all round the side-walls. Before long the divan and all the settees
and chairs are fill'd; many fashionables out of curiosity; all the principal
dignitaries of the town, Gen. Jeremiah Johnson, Judge Furman, George
Hall, Mr. Willoughby, Mr. Pierrepont, N.B. Morse, Cyrus P. Smith, and F.C.
Tucker. Many young folks too; some richly dress'd women; I remember I
noticed with one party of ladies a group of uniform'd officers, either from
the U.S. Navy Yard, or some ship in the stream, or some adjacent fort. On a
slightly elevated platform at the head of the room, facing the audience, sit a
dozen or more Friends, most of them elderly, grim, and with their broad-
brimm'd hats on their heads. Three or four women, too, in their
characteristic Quaker costumes and bonnets. All still as the grave.
At length after a pause and stillness becoming almost painful, Elias rises
and stands for a moment or two without a word. A tall, straight figure,
neither stout nor very thin, dress'd in drab cloth, clean-shaved face,
forehead of great expanse, and large and clear black eyes,{42} long or
middling-long white hair; he was at this time between 80 and 81 years of
age, his head still wearing the broad-brim. A moment looking around the
audience with those piercing eyes, amid the perfect stillness. (I can almost
see him and the whole scene now.) Then the words come from his lips, very
emphatically and slowly pronounc'd, in a resonant, grave, melodious voice,
What is the chief end of man? I was told in my early youth, it was to glorify
God, and seek and enjoy him forever.
I cannot follow the discourse. It presently becomes very fervid, and in the
midst of its fervor he takes the broad-brim hat from his head, and almost
dashing it down with violence on the seat behind, continues with
uninterrupted earnestness. But, I say, I cannot repeat, hardly suggest his
sermon. Though the differences and disputes of the formal division of the
Society of Friends were even then under way, he did not allude to them at

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all. A pleading, tender, nearly agonizing conviction, and magnetic stream of
natural eloquence, before which all minds and natures, all emotions, high or
low, gentle or simple, yielded entirely without exception, was its cause,
method, and effect. Many, very many were in tears. Years afterward in
Boston, I heard Father Taylor, the sailor's preacher, and found in his
passionate unstudied oratory the resemblance to Elias Hicks's—not
argumentative or intellectual, but so penetrating—so different from
anything in the books—(different as the fresh air of a May morning or sea-
shore breeze from the atmosphere of a perfumer's shop.)
While he goes on he falls into the nasality and sing-song tone sometimes
heard in such meetings; but in a moment or two more as if recollecting
himself, he breaks off, stops, and resumes in a natural tone. This occurs
three or four times during the talk of the evening, till all concludes.
Now and then, at the many scores and hundreds—even thousands—of his
discourses—as at this one—he was very mystical and radical,{43} and had
much to say of "the light within." Very likely this same inner light, (so
dwelt upon by newer men, as by Fox and Barclay at the beginning, and all
Friends and deep thinkers since and now,) is perhaps only another name for
the religious conscience. In my opinion they have all diagnos'd, like
superior doctors, the real in-most disease of our times, probably any times.
Amid the huge inflammation call'd society, and that other inflammation
call'd politics, what is there to-day of moral power and ethic sanity as
antiseptic to them and all? Though I think the essential elements of the
moral nature exist latent in the good average people of the United States of
to-day, and sometimes break out strongly, it is certain that any mark'd or
dominating National Morality (if I may use the phrase) has not only not yet
been develop'd, but that—at any rate when the point of view is turn'd on
business, politics, competition, practical life, and in character and manners
in our New World—there seems to be a hideous depletion, almost absence,
of such moral nature. Elias taught throughout, as George Fox began it, or
rather reiterated and verified it, the Platonic doctrine that the ideals of
character, of justice, of religious action, whenever the highest is at stake, are
to be conform'd to no outside doctrine of creeds, Bibles, legislative
enactments, conventionalities, or even decorums, but are to follow the
inward Deity-planted law of the emotional soul. In this only the true
Quaker, or Friend, has faith; and it is from rigidly, perhaps strainingly

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carrying it out, that both the Old and New England records of Quakerdom
show some unseemly and insane acts.
In one of the lives of Ralph Waldo Emerson is a list of lessons or
instructions, ("seal'd orders" the biographer calls them,) prepar'd by the sage
himself for his own guidance. Here is one:

Go forth with thy message among thy fellow-creatures; teach them that
they must trust themselves as guided by that inner light which dwells
with the pure in heart, to whom it was promis'd of old that they shall
see God.

How thoroughly it fits the life and theory of Elias Hicks. Then in Omar
Khayyam:

I sent my soul through the Invisible,
Some letter of that after-life to spell,
And by-and-by my soul return'd to me,
And answer'd, "I myself am Heaven and Hell."

Indeed, of this important element of the theory and practice of
Quakerism, the difficult-to-describe "Light within" or "Inward Law, by
which all must be either justified or condemn'd," I will not undertake where
so many have fail'd—the task of making the statement of it for the average
comprehension. We will give, partly for the matter and partly as specimen
of his speaking and writing style, what Elias Hicks himself says in allusion
to it—one or two of very many passages. Most of his discourses, like those
of Epictetus and the ancient peripatetics, have left no record remaining—
they were extempore, and those were not the times of reporters. Of one,
however, deliver'd in Chester, Pa., toward the latter part of his career, there
is a careful transcript; and from it (even if presenting you a sheaf of hidden
wheat that may need to be pick'd and thrash'd out several times before you
get the grain,) we give the following extract:

I don't want to express a great many words; but I want you to be
call'd home to the substance. For the Scriptures, and all the
books in the world, can do no more; Jesus could do no more than to
recommend to this Comforter, which was the light in him. "God is
light, and in him is no darkness at all; and if we walk in the
light, as he is in the light, we have fellowship one with another."
Because the light is one in all, and therefore it binds us together
in the bonds of love; for it is not only light, but love—that love
which casts out all fear. So that they who dwell in God dwell in
love, and they are constrain'd to walk in it; and if they "walk in
it, they have fellowship one with another, and the blood of Jesus
Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin."

Page 564

But what blood, my friends? Did Jesus Christ, the Saviour, ever have
any material blood? Not a drop of it, my friends—not a drop of it.
That blood which cleanseth from the life of all sin, was the life of
the soul of Jesus. The soul of man has no material blood; but as the
outward material blood, created from the dust of the earth, is the
life of these bodies of flesh, so with respect to the soul, the
immortal and invisible spirit, its blood is that life which God
breath'd into it.

As we read, in the beginning, that "God form'd man of the dust of
the ground, and breath'd into him the breath of life, and man became
a living soul." He breath'd into that soul, and it became alive to
God.

Then, from one of his many letters, for he seems to have delighted in
correspondence:

Some may query, What is the cross of Christ? To these I answer, It
is the perfect law of God, written on the tablet of the hear
and in the heart of every rational creature, in such indelible
characters that all the power of mortals cannot erase nor obliterate
it. Neither is there any power or means given or dispens'd to the
children of men, but this inward law and light, by which the true
and saving knowledge of God can be obtain' d. And by this inward law
and light, all will be either justified or condemn'd, and all made
to know God for themselves, and be left without excuse, agreeably to
the prophecy of Jeremiah, and the corroborating testimony of Jesus
in his last counsel and command to his disciples, not to depart from
Jerusalem till they should receive power from on high; assuring them
that they should receive power, when they had receiv'd the pouring
forth of the spirit upon them, which would qualify them to bear
witness of him in Judea, Jerusalem, Samaria, and to the uttermost
parts of the earth; which was verified in a marvellous manner on the
day of Pentecost, when thousands were converted to the Christian
faith in one day.

By which it is evident that nothing but this inward light and law,
as it is heeded and obey'd, ever did, or ever can, make a true
and real Christian and child of God. And until the professors
of Christianity agree to lay aside all their non-essentials in
religion, and rally to this unchangeable foundation and standard of
truth, wars and fightings, confusion and error, will prevail, and
the angelic song cannot be heard in our land—that of "glory to God
in the highest, and on earth peace and good will to men."

But when all nations are made willing to make this inward law and
light the rule and standard of all their faith and works, then we
shall be brought to know and believe alike, that there is but one
Lord, one faith, and but one baptism; one God and Father, that is
above all, through all, and in all.

And then will all those glorious and consoling prophecies recorded
in the scriptures of truth be fulfill'd—"He," the Lord, "shall
judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people; and they
shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into
pruning-hooks; nation shall not lift up the sword against nation,
neither shall they learn war any more. The wolf also shall dwell
with the lamb; and the cow and the bear shall feed; and the lion
shall eat straw like the ox; and the sucking child shall play

Page 565

the hole of the asp, and the wean'd child put his hand on the
cockatrice's den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy
mountain; for the earth," that is our earthly tabernacle, "shall be
full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea."

The exposition in the last sentence, that the terms of the texts are not to
be taken in their literal meaning, but in their spiritual one, and allude to a
certain wondrous exaltation of the body, through religious influences, is
significant, and is but one of a great number of instances of much that is
obscure, to "the world's people," in the preachings of this remarkable man.
Then a word about his physical oratory, connected with the preceding. If
there is, as doubtless there is, an unnameable something behind oratory, a
fund within or atmosphere without, deeper than art, deeper even than proof,
that unnameable constitutional something Elias Hicks emanated from his
very heart to the hearts of his audience, or carried with him, or probed into,
and shook and arous'd in them—a sympathetic germ, probably rapport,
lurking in every human eligibility, which no book, no rule, no statement has
given or can give inherent knowledge, intuition—not even the best speech,
or best put forth, but launch'd out only by powerful human magnetism:

Unheard by sharpest ear—unformed in clearest eye, or cunningest
mind,
Nor lore, nor fame, nor happiness, nor wealth,
And yet the pulse of every heart and life throughout the world,
incessantly,
Which you and I, and all, pursuing ever, ever miss;
Open, but still a secret—the real of the real—an illusion;
Costless, vouchsafed to each, yet never man the owner;
Which poets vainly seek to put in rhyme——historians in prose;
Which sculptor never chisel'd yet, nor painter painted;
Which vocalist never sung, nor orator nor actor ever utter' d.

That remorse, too, for a mere worldly life—that aspiration towards the
ideal, which, however overlaid, lies folded latent, hidden, in perhaps every
character. More definitely, as near as I remember (aided by my dear mother
long afterward,) Elias Hicks's discourse there in the Brooklyn ball-room,
was one of his old never-remitted appeals to that moral mystical portion of
human nature, the inner light. But it is mainly for the scene itself, and
Elias's personnel, that I recall the incident.
Soon afterward the old man died:

On first day morning, the 14th of 2d month (February, 1830,) he was
engaged in his room, writing to a friend, until a little after ten
o'clock, when he return'd to that occupied by the family, apparently
just attack'd by a paralytic affection, which nearly deprived h

Page 566

of the use of his right side, and of the power of speech. Being
assisted to a chair near the fire, he manifested by signs, that the
letter which he had just finish'd, and which had been dropp'd
the way, should be taken care of; and on its being brought to him,
appear'd satisfied, and manifested a desire that all should sit down
and be still, seemingly sensible that his labours were brought to a
close, and only desirous of quietly waiting the final change. The
solemn composure at this time manifest in his countenance, w
very impressive, indicating that he was sensible the time of his
departure was at hand, and that the prospect of death brought no
terrors with it. During his last illness, his mental faculti
were occasionally obscured, yet he was at times enabled to give
satisfactory evidence to those around him, that all was well, and
that he felt nothing in his way.

His funeral took place on fourth day, the 3rd of 3rd month. It was
attended by a large concourse of Friends and others, and a solid
meeting was held on the occasion; after which, his remains were
interr'd in Friends' burial-ground at this place (Jericho, Queens
county, New York.)

I have thought (even presented so incompletely, with such fearful
hiatuses, and in my own feebleness and waning life) one might well
memorize this life of Elias Hicks. Though not eminent in literature or
politics or inventions or business, it is a token of not a few, and is
significant. Such men do not cope with statesmen or soldiers—but I have
thought they deserve to be recorded and kept up as a sample—that this one
specially does. I have already compared it to a little flowing liquid rill of
Nature's life, maintaining freshness. As if, indeed, under the smoke of
battles, the blare of trumpets, and the madness of contending hosts—the
screams of passion, the groans of the suffering, the parching of struggles of
money and politics, and all hell's heat and noise and competition above and
around—should come melting down from the mountains from sources of
unpolluted snows, far up there in God's hidden, untrodden recesses, and so
rippling along among us low in the ground, at men's very feet, a curious
little brook of clear and cool, and ever-healthy, ever-living water.
Note.—The Separation.—The division vulgarly call'd between Orthodox
and Hicksites in the Society of Friends took place in 1827, '8 and '9.
Probably it had been preparing some time. One who was present has since
described to me the climax, at a meeting of Friends in Philadelphia crowded
by a great attendance of both sexes, with Elias as principal speaker. In the
course of his utterance or argument he made use of these words: "The blood
of Christ—the blood of Christ—why, my friends, the actual blood of Christ
in itself was no more effectual than the blood of bulls and goats—not a bit
more—not a bit." At these words, after a momentary hush, commenced a

Page 567

great tumult. Hundreds rose to their feet.... Canes were thump'd upon the
floor. From all parts of the house angry mutterings. Some left the place, but
more remain'd, with exclamations, flush'd faces and eyes. This was the
definite utterance, the overt act, which led to the separation. Families
diverg'd—even husbands and wives, parents and children, were separated.
Of course what Elias promulg'd spread a great commotion among the
Friends. Sometimes when he presented himself to speak in the meeting,
there would be opposition—this led to angry words, gestures, unseemly
noises, recriminations. Elias, at such times, was deeply affected—the tears
roll'd in streams down his cheeks—he silently waited the close of the
dispute. "Let the Friend speak; let the Friend speak!" he would say when his
supporters in the meeting tried to bluff off some violent orthodox person
objecting to the new doctrinaire. But he never recanted.
A reviewer of the old dispute and separation made the following
comments on them in a paper ten years ago: "It was in America, where
there had been no persecution worth mentioning since Mary Dyer was
hang'd on Boston Common, that about fifty years ago differences arose,
singularly enough upon doctrinal points of the divinity of Christ and the
nature of the atonement. Whoever would know how bitter was the
controversy, and how much of human infirmity was found to be still lurking
under broad-brim hats and drab coats, must seek for the information in the
Lives of Elias Hicks and of Thomas Shillitoe, the latter an English Friend,
who visited us at this unfortunate time, and who exercised his gifts as a
peace-maker with but little success. The meetings, according to his
testimony, were sometimes turn'd into mobs. The disruption was wide, and
seems to have been final. Six of the ten yearly meetings were divided; and
since that time various sub-divisions have come, four or five in number.
There has never, however, been anything like a repetition of the excitement
of the Hicksite controversy; and Friends of all kinds at present appear to
have settled down into a solid, steady, comfortable state, and to be working
in their own way without troubling other Friends whose ways are different."
Note.—Old persons, who heard this man in his day, and who glean'd
impressions from what they saw of him, (judg'd from their own points of
views,) have, in their conversation with me, dwelt on another point. They
think Elias Hicks had a large element of personal ambition, the pride of
leadership, of establishing perhaps a sect that should reflect his own name,

Page 568

and to which he should give especial form and character. Very likely. Such
indeed seems the means, all through progress and civilization, by which
strong men and strong convictions achieve anything definite. But the basic
foundation of Elias was undoubtedly genuine religious fervor. He was like
an old Hebrew prophet. He had the spirit of one, and in his later years
look'd like one. What Carlyle says of John Knox will apply to him:

He is an instance to us how a man, by sincerity itself, becomes
heroic; it is the grand gift he has. We find in him a good, honest,
intellectual talent, no transcendent one;—a narrow, inconsiderable
man, as compared with Luther; but in heartfelt instinctive adherence
to truth, in sincerity as we say, he has no superior; nay, one
might ask, What equal he has? The heart of him is of the true
Prophet cast. "He lies there," said the Earl of Morton at Knox's
grave, "who never fear'd the face of man." He resembles, more than
any of the moderns, an old Hebrew Prophet. The same inflexibility,
intolerance, rigid, narrow-looking adherence to God's truth.

A Note yet. The United States to-day.—While under all previous
conditions (even convictions) of society, Oriental, Feudal, Ecclesiastical,
and in all past (or present) Despotisms, through the entire past, there
existed, and exists yet, in ally and fusion with them, and frequently forming
the main part of them, certain churches, institutes, priesthoods, fervid
beliefs, &c., practically promoting religious and moral action to the fullest
degrees of which humanity there under circumstances was capable, and
often conserving all there was of justice, art, literature, and good manners—
it is clear I say, that, under the Democratic Institutes of the United States,
now and henceforth, there are no equally genuine fountains of fervid
beliefs, adapted to produce similar moral and religious results, according to
our circumstances. I consider that the churches, sects, pulpits, of the present
day, in the United States, exist not by any solid convictions, but by a sort of
tacit, supercilious, scornful suffrance. Few speak openly—none officially—
against them. But the ostent continuously imposing, who is not aware that
any such living fountains of belief in them are now utterly ceas'd and
departed from the minds of men?
A Lingering Note.—In the making of a full man, all the other
consciences, (the emotional, courageous, intellectual, esthetic, &c.,) are to
be crown'd and effused by the religious conscience. In the higher structure
of a human self, or of community, the Moral, the Religious, the Spiritual, is
strictly analogous to the subtle vitalization and antiseptic play call'd Health

Page 569

in the physiologic structure. To person or State, the main verteber (or rather
the verteber) is Morality.
That is indeed the only real vitalization of character, and of all the
supersensual, even heroic and artistic portions of man or nationality. It is to
run through and knit the superior parts, and keep man or State vital and
upright, as health keeps the body straight and blooming. Of course a really
grand and strong and beautiful character is probably to be slowly grown,
and adjusted strictly with reference to itself, its own personal and social
sphere—with (paradox though it may be) the clear understanding that the
conventional theories of life, worldly ambition, wealth, office, fame, &c.,
are essentially but glittering mayas, delusions.
Doubtless the greatest scientists and theologians will sometimes find
themselves saying, It isn't only those who know most, who contribute most
to God's glory. Doubtless these very scientists at times stand with bared
heads before the humblest lives and personalities. For there is something
greater (is there not?) than all the science and poems of the world—above
all else, like the stars shining eternal—above Shakspere's plays, or Concord
philosophy, or art of Angelo or Raphael—something that shines elusive,
like beams of Hesperus at evening—high above all the vaunted wealth and
pride—prov'd by its practical outcropping in life, each case after its own
concomitants—the intuitive blending of divine love and faith in a human
emotional character—blending for all, for the unlearn'd, the common, and
the poor.
I don't know in what book I once read, (possibly the remark has been
made in books, all ages,) that no life ever lived, even the most uneventful,
but, probed to its centre, would be found in itself as subtle a drama as any
that poets have ever sung, or playwrights fabled. Often, too, in size and
weight, that life suppos'd obscure. For it isn't only the palpable stars;
astronomers say there are dark, or almost dark, unnotic'd orbs and suns,
(like the dusky companions of Sirius, seven times as large as our own sun,)
rolling through space, real and potent as any—perhaps the most real and
potent. Yet none recks of them. In the bright lexicon we give the spreading
heavens, they have not even names. Amid ceaseless sophistications all
times, the soul would seem to glance yearningly around for such contrasts
—such cool, still offsets.
Endnotes:

Page 570

{42}In Walter Scott's reminiscences he speaks of Burns as having the
most eloquent, glowing, flashing, illuminated dark-orbed eyes he ever
beheld in a human face; and I think Elias Hicks's must have been like them.
{43} The true Christian religion, (such was the teaching of Elias Hicks,)
consists neither in rites or Bibles or sermons or Sundays—but in noiseless
secret ecstasy and unremitted aspiration, in purity, in a good practical life,
in charity to the poor and toleration to all. He said, "A man may keep the
Sabbath, may belong to a church and attend all the observances, have
regular family prayer, keep a well-bound copy of the Hebrew Scriptures in a
conspicuous place in his house, and yet not be a truly religious person at
all." E. believ'd little in a church as organiz'd-even his own—with houses,
ministers, or with salaries, creeds, Sundays, saints, Bibles, holy festivals,
&c. But he believ' d always in the universal church, in the soul of man,
invisibly rapt, ever-waiting, ever-responding to universal truths.—He was
fond of pithy proverbs. He said, "It matters not where you live, but how you
live." He said once to my father, "They talk of the devil—I tell thee, Walter,
there is no worse devil than man."

GEORGE FOX (AND SHAKSPERE)

While we are about it, we must almost Inevitably go back to the origin of
the Society of which Elias Hicks has so far prov'd to be the most mark'd
individual result. We must revert to the latter part of the 16th, and all, or
nearly all of that 17th century, crowded with so many important historical
events, changes, and personages. Throughout Europe, and especially in
what we call our Mother Country, men were unusually arous'd—(some
would say demented.) It was a special age of the insanity of witch-trials and
witch-hangings. In one year 60 were hung for witchcraft in one English
county alone. It was peculiarly an age of military-religious conflict.
Protestantism and Catholicism were wrestling like giants for the mastery,
straining every nerve. Only to think of it—that age! its events, persons—
Shakspere just dead, (his folios publish'd, complete)—Charles 1st, the
shadowy spirit and the solid block! To sum up all, it was the age of
Cromwell!
As indispensable foreground, indeed, for Elias Hicks, and perhaps sine
qua non to an estimate of the kind of man, we must briefly transport
ourselves back to the England of that period. As I say, it is the time of

Page 571

tremendous moral and political agitation; ideas of conflicting forms,
governments, theologies, seethe and dash like ocean storms, and ebb and
flow like mighty tides. It was, or had been, the time of the long feud
between the Parliament and the Crown. In the midst of the sprouts, began
George Fox—born eight years after the death of Shakspere. He was the son
of a weaver, himself a shoemaker, and was "converted" before the age of
20. But O the sufferings, mental and physical, through which those years of
the strange youth pass'd! He claim'd to be sent by God to fulfill a mission.
"I come," he said, "to direct people to the spirit that gave forth the
Scriptures." The range of his thought, even then, cover'd almost every
important subject of after times, anti-slavery, women's rights, &c. Though
in a low sphere, and among the masses, he forms a mark'd feature in the
age.
And how, indeed, beyond all any, that stormy and perturb'd age! The
foundations of the old, the superstitious, the conventionally poetic, the
credulous, all breaking—the light of the new, and of science and
democracy, definitely beginning—a mad, fierce, almost crazy age! The
political struggles of the reigns of the Charleses, and of the Protectorate of
Cromwell, heated to frenzy by theological struggles. Those were the years
following the advent and practical working of the Reformation—but
Catholicism is yet strong, and yet seeks supremacy. We think our age full of
the flush of men and doings, and culminations of war and peace; and so it
is. But there could hardly be a grander and more picturesque and varied age
than that.
Born out of and in this age, when Milton, Bunyan, Dryden and John
Locke were still living—amid the memories of Queen Elizabeth and James
First, and the events of their reigns—when the radiance of that galaxy of
poets, warriors, statesmen, captains, lords, explorers, wits and gentlemen,
that crowded the courts and times of those sovereigns still fill'd the
atmosphere—when America commencing to be explor'd and settled
commenc'd also to be suspected as destin'd to overthrow the old standards
and calculations—when Feudalism, like a sunset, seem'd to gather all its
glories, reminiscences, personalisms, in one last gorgeous effort, before the
advance of a new day, a new incipient genius—amid the social and
domestic circles of that period—indifferent to reverberations that seem'd
enough to wake the dead, and in a sphere far from the pageants of the court,
the awe of any personal rank or charm of intellect, or literature, or the

Page 572

varying excitement of Parliamentarian or Royalist fortunes—this curious
young rustic goes wandering up and down England.
George Fox, born 1624, was of decent stock, in ordinary lower life—as
he grew along toward manhood, work'd at shoemaking, also at farm labors
—loved to be much by himself, half-hidden in the woods, reading the Bible
—went about from town to town, dress'd in leather clothes—walk'd much at
night, solitary, deeply troubled ("the inward divine teaching of the Lord")—
sometimes goes among the ecclesiastical gatherings of the great professors,
and though a mere youth bears bold testimony—goes to and fro disputing—
(must have had great personality)—heard the voice of the Lord speaking
articulately to him, as he walk'd in the fields—feels resistless commands
not to be explain'd, but follow'd, to abstain from taking off his hat, to say
Thee and Thou, and not bid others Good morning or Good evening-was
illiterate, could just read and write-testifies against shows, games, and
frivolous pleasures—enters the courts and warns the judges that they see to
doing justice—goes into public houses and market-places, with
denunciations of drunkenness and money-making—rises in the midst of the
church-services, and gives his own explanations of the ministers'
explanations, and of Bible passages and texts—sometimes for such things
put in prison, sometimes struck fiercely on the mouth on the spot, or
knock'd down, and lying there beaten and bloody—was of keen wit, ready
to any question with the most apropos of answers—was sometimes press'd
for a soldier, (him for a soldier!)—was indeed terribly buffeted; but goes,
goes, goes—often sleeping out-doors, under hedges, or hay stacks—forever
taken before justices—improving such, and all occasions, to bear testimony,
and give good advice—still enters the "steeple-houses," (as he calls
churches,) and though often dragg'd out and whipt till he faints away, and
lies like one dead, when he comes-to—stands up again, and offering
himself all bruis'd and bloody, cries out to his tormenters, "Strike—strike
again, here where you have not yet touch'd! my arms, my head, my
cheeks,"—Is at length arrested and sent up to London, confers with the
Protector, Cromwell,—is set at liberty, and holds great meetings in London.
Thus going on, there is something in him that fascinates one or two here,
and three or four there, until gradually there were others who went about in
the same spirit, and by degrees the Society of Friends took shape, and stood
among the thousand religious sects of the world. Women also catch the
contagion, and go round, often shamefully misused. By such contagion

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these ministerings, by scores, almost hundreds of poor travelling men and
women, keep on year after year, through ridicule, whipping, imprisonment,
&c.—some of the Friend-ministers emigrate to New England—where their
treatment makes the blackest part of the early annals of the New World.
Some were executed, others maim'd, par-burnt, and scourg'd—two hundred
die in prison—some on the gallows, or at the stake.
George Fox himself visited America, and found a refuge and hearers, and
preach'd many times on Long Island, New York State. In the village of
Oysterbay they will show you the rock on which he stood, (1672,)
addressing the multitude, in the open air—thus rigidly following the fashion
of apostolic times.—(I have heard myself many reminiscences of him.)
Flushing also contains (or contain'd—I have seen them) memorials of Fox,
and his son, in two aged white-oak trees, that shaded him while he bore his
testimony to people gather'd in the highway.—Yes, the American Quakers
were much persecuted—almost as much, by a sort of consent of all the
other sects, as the Jews were in Europe in the middle ages. In New England,
the cruelest laws were pass'd, and put in execution against them. As said,
some were whipt—women the same as men. Some had their ears cut off—
others their tongues pierc'd with hot irons—others their faces branded.
Worse still, a woman and three men had been hang'd, (1660.)—Public
opinion, and the statutes, join'd together, in an odious union, Quakers,
Baptists, Roman Catholics and Witches.—Such a fragmentary sketch of
George Fox and his time—and the advent of "the Society of Friends" in
America.
Strange as it may sound, Shakspere and George Fox, (think of them!
compare them!) were born and bred of similar stock, in much the same
surroundings and station in life—from the same England—and at a similar
period. One to radiate all of art's, all literature's splendor—a splendor so
dazzling that he himself is almost lost in it, and his contemporaries the same
—his fictitious Othello, Romeo, Hamlet, Lear, as real as any lords of
England or Europe then and there—more real to us, the mind sometimes
thinks, than the man Shakspere himself. Then the other—may we indeed
name him the same day? What is poor plain George Fox compared to
William Shakspere—to fancy's lord, imagination's heir? Yet George Fox
stands for something too—a thought—the thought that wakes in silent
hours—perhaps the deepest, most eternal thought latent in the human soul.
This is the thought of God, merged in the thoughts of moral right and the

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immortality of identity. Great, great is this thought—aye, greater than all
else. When the gorgeous pageant of Art, refulgent in the sunshine, color'd
with roses and gold—with all the richest mere poetry, old or new, (even
Shakespere's) with all that statue, play, painting, music, architecture,
oratory, can effect, ceases to satisfy and please—When the eager chase after
wealth flags, and beauty itself becomes a loathing—and when all worldly or
carnal or esthetic, or even scientific values, having done their office to the
human character, and minister'd their part to its development—then, if not
before, comes forward this over-arching thought, and brings its eligibilities,
germinations. Most neglected in life of all humanity's attributes, easily
cover'd with crust, deluded and abused, rejected, yet the only certain source
of what all are seeking, but few or none finding it I for myself clearly see
the first, the last, the deepest depths and highest heights of art, of literature,
and of the purposes of life. I say whoever labors here, makes contributions
here, or best of all sets an incarnated example here, of life or death, is
dearest to humanity—remains after the rest are gone. And here, for these
purposes, and up to the light that was in him, the man Elias Hicks—as the
man George Fox had done years before him—lived long, and died, faithful
in life, and faithful in death.

Page 575

Page 576

GOOD-BYE MY FANCY
AN OLD MAN'S REJOINDER

In the domain of Literature loftily consider'd (an accomplish'd and
veteran critic in his just out work{44} now says,) 'the kingdom of the Father
has pass'd; the kingdom of the Son is passing; the kingdom of the Spirit
begins.' Leaving the reader to chew on and extract the juice and meaning of
this, I will proceed to say in melanged form what I have had brought out by
the English author's essay (he discusses the poetic art mostly) on my own,
real, or by him supposed, views and purports. If I give any answers to him,
or explanations of what my books intend, they will be not direct but indirect
and derivative. Of course this brief jotting is personal. Something very like
querulous egotism and growling may break through the narrative (for I have
been and am rejected by all the great magazines, carry now my 72d annual
burden, and have been a paralytic for 18 years.)
No great poem or other literary or artistic work of any scope, old or new,
can be essentially consider'd without weighing first the age, politics (or
want of politics) and aim, visible forms, unseen soul, and current times, out
of the midst of which it rises and is formulated: as the Biblic canticles and
their days and spirit—as the Homeric, or Dante's utterance, or Shakspere's,
or the old Scotch or Irish ballads, or Ossian, or Omar Khayyam. So I have
conceiv'd and launch'd, and work'd for years at, my 'Leaves of Grass'—
personal emanations only at best, but with specialty of emergence and
background—the ripening of the nineteenth century, the thought and fact
and radiation of individuality, of America, the secession war, and showing
the democratic conditions supplanting everything that insults them or
impedes their aggregate way. Doubtless my poems illustrate (one of novel
thousands to come for a long period) those conditions; but "democratic art"
will have to wait long before it is satisfactorily formulated and defined—if
it ever is.
I will now for one indicative moment lock horns with what many Think
the greatest thing, the question of art, so-call'd. I have not seen without
learning something therefrom, how, with hardly an exception, the poets of

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this age devote themselves, always mainly, sometimes altogether, to fine
rhyme, spicy verbalism, the fabric and cut of the garment, jewelry, concetti,
style, art. To-day these adjuncts are certainly the effort, beyond all else, yet
the lesson of Nature undoubtedly is, to proceed with single purpose toward
the result necessitated, and for which the time has arrived, utterly regardless
of the outputs of shape, appearance or criticism, which are always left to
settle themselves. I have not only not bother'd much about style, form, art,
etc., but confess to more or less apathy (I believe I have sometimes caught
myself in decided aversion) toward them throughout, asking nothing of
them but negative advantages—that they should never impede me, and
never under any circumstances, or for their own purposes only, assume any
mastery over me.
From the beginning I have watch'd the sharp and sometimes heavy and
deep-penetrating objections and reviews against my work, and I hope
entertain'd and audited them; (for I have probably had an advantage in
constructing from a central and unitary principle since the first, but at long
intervals and stages—sometimes lapses of five or six years, or peace or
war.) Ruskin, the Englishman, charges as a fearful and serious lack that my
poems have no humor. A profound German critic complains that, compared
with the luxuriant and well-accepted songs of the world, there is about my
verse a certain coldness, severity, absence of spice, polish, or of consecutive
meaning and plot. (The book is autobiographic at bottom, and may-be I do
not exhibit and make ado about the stock passions: I am partly of Quaker
stock.) Then E.C. Stedman finds (or found) mark'd fault with me because
while celebrating the common people en masse, I do not allow enough
heroism and moral merit and good intentions to the choicer classes, the
college-bred, the état-major. It is quite probable that S. is right in the
matter. In the main I myself look, and have from the first look'd, to the
bulky democratic torso of the United States even for esthetic and moral
attributes of serious account—and refused to aim at or accept anything less.
If America is only for the rule and fashion and small typicality of other
lands (the rule of the état-major) it is not the land I take it for, and should
to-day feel that my literary aim and theory had been blanks and
misdirections. Strictly judged, most modern poems are but larger or smaller
lumps of sugar, or slices of toothsome sweet cake—even the banqueters
dwelling on those glucose flavors as a main part of the dish. Which perhaps

Page 578

leads to something: to have great heroic poetry we need great readers—a
heroic appetite and audience. Have we at present any such?
Then the thought at the centre, never too often repeated. Boundless
material wealth, free political organization, immense geographic area, and
unprecedented "business" and products—even the most active intellect and
"culture"—will not place this Commonwealth of ours on the topmost range
of history and humanity—or any eminence of "democratic art"—to say
nothing of its pinnacle. Only the production (and on the most copious scale)
of loftiest moral, spiritual and heroic personal illustrations—a great native
Literature headed with a Poetry stronger and sweeter than any yet. If there
can be any such thing as a kosmic modern and original song, America needs
it, and is worthy of it.
In my opinion to-day (bitter as it is to say so) the outputs through
civilized nations everywhere from the great words Literature, Art, Religion,
&c., with their conventional administerers, stand squarely in the way of
what the vitalities of those great words signify, more than they really
prepare the soil for them—or plant the seeds, or cultivate or garner the crop.
My own opinion has long been, that for New World service our ideas of
beauty (inherited from the Greeks, and so on to Shakspere—query—
perverted from them?) need to be radically changed, and made anew for to-
day's purposes and finer standards. But if so, it will all come in due time—
the real change will be an autochthonic, interior, constitutional, even local
one, from which our notions of beauty (lines and colors are wondrous
lovely, but character is lovelier) will branch or offshoot.
So much have I now rattled off (old age's garrulity,) that there is not
space for explaining the most important and pregnant principle of all, viz.,
that Art is one, is not partial, but includes all times and forms and sorts—is
not exclusively aristocratic or democratic, or oriental or occidental. My
favorite symbol would be a good font of type, where the impeccable long-
primer rejects nothing. Or the old Dutch flour-miller who said, "I never
bother myself what road the folks come—I only want good wheat and rye."
The font is about the same forever. Democratic art results of democratic
development, from tinge, true nationality, belief, in the one setting up from
it.
Endnotes:

Page 579

{44} Two new volumes, "Essays Speculative and Suggestive," by John
Addington Symonds. One of the Essays is on "Democratic Art," in which I
and my books are largely alluded to and cited and dissected. It is this part of
the vols. that has caused the off-hand lines above—(first thanking Mr. S. for
his invariable courtesy of personal treatment).

OLD POETS

Poetry (I am clear) is eligible of something far more ripen'd and ample,
our lands and pending days, than it has yet produced from any utterance old
or new. Modern or new poetry, too, (viewing or challenging it with severe
criticism,) is largely a-void—while the very cognizance, or even suspicion
of that void, and the need of filling it, proves a certainty of the hidden and
waiting supply. Leaving other lands and languages to speak for themselves,
we can abruptly but deeply suggest it best from our own—going first to
oversea illustrations, and standing on them. Think of Byron, Burns, Shelley,
Keats, (even first-raters, "the brothers of the radiant summit," as William
O'Connor calls them,) as having done only their precursory and 'prentice
work, and all their best and real poems being left yet unwrought, untouch'd.
Is it difficult to imagine ahead of us and them, evolv'd from them, poesy
completer far than any they themselves fulfill'd? One has in his eye and
mind some very large, very old, entirely sound and vital tree or vine, like
certain hardy, ever-fruitful specimens in California and Canada, or down in
Mexico, (and indeed in all lands) beyond the chronological records—
illustrations of growth, continuity, power, amplitude and exploitation,
almost beyond statement, but proving fact and possibility, outside of
argument.
Perhaps, indeed, the rarest and most blessed quality of transcendent noble
poetry—as of law, and of the profoundest wisdom and estheticism—is, (I
would suggest,) from sane, completed, vital, capable old age.
The final proof of song or personality is a sort of matured, accreted,
superb, evoluted, almost divine, impalpable diffuseness and atmosphere or
invisible magnetism, dissolving and embracing all—and not any special
achievement of passion, pride, metrical form, epigram, plot, thought, or
what is call'd beauty. The bud of the rose or the half-blown flower is
beautiful, of course, but only the perfected bloom or apple or finish'd
wheat-head is beyond the rest. Completed fruitage like this comes (in my

Page 580

opinion) to a grand age, in man or woman, through an essentially sound
continuated physiology and psychology (both important) and is the
culminating glorious aureole of all and several preceding. Like the tree or
vine just mention'd, it stands at last in a beauty, power and productiveness
of its own, above all others, and of a sort and style uniting all criticisms,
proofs and adherences.
Let us diversify the matter a little by portraying some of the American
poets from our own point of view.
Longfellow, reminiscent, polish'd, elegant, with the air of finest
conventional library, picture-gallery or parlor, with ladies and gentlemen in
them, and plush and rosewood, and ground-glass lamps, and mahogany and
ebony furniture, and a silver inkstand and scented satin paper to write on.
Whittier stands for morality (not in any all-accepting philosophic or
Hegelian sense, but) filter'd through a Puritanical or Quaker filter—is
incalculably valuable as a genuine utterance, (and the finest,)—with many
local and Yankee and genre bits—all hued with anti-slavery coloring—(the
genre and anti-slavery contributions all precious—all help.) Whittier's is
rather a grand figure, but pretty lean and ascetic—no Greek-not universal
and composite enough (don't try—don't wish to be) for ideal Americanism.
Ideal Americanism would take the Greek spirit and law, and democratize
and scientize and (thence) truly Christianize them for the whole, the globe,
all history, all ranks and lands, all facts, all good and bad. (Ah this bad—
this nineteen-twentieths of us all! What a stumbling-block it remains for
poets and metaphysicians—what a chance (the strange, clear-as-ever
inscription on the old dug-up tablet) it offers yet for being translated—what
can be its purpose in the God-scheme of this universe, and all?)
Then William Cullen Bryant—meditative, serious, from first to last
tending to threnodies—his genius mainly lyrical—when reading his pieces
who could expect or ask for more magnificent ones than such as "The
Battle-Field," and "A Forest Hymn"? Bryant, unrolling, prairie-like,
notwithstanding his mountains and lakes—moral enough (yet worldly and
conventional)—a naturalist, pedestrian, gardener and fruiter—well aware of
books, but mixing to the last in cities and society. I am not sure but his
name ought to lead the list of American bards. Years ago I thought Emerson
pre eminent (and as to the last polish and intellectual cuteness may-be I

Page 581

think so still)—but, for reasons, I have been gradually tending to give the
file-leading place for American native poesy to W. C. B.
Of Emerson I have to confirm my already avow'd opinion regarding his
highest bardic and personal attitude. Of the galaxy of the past—of Poe,
Halleck, Mrs. Sigourney, Allston, Willis, Dana,
John Pierpont, W. G. Simms, Robert Sands, Drake, Hillhouse, Theodore
Fay, Margaret Fuller, Epes Sargent, Boker, Paul Hayne, Lanier, and others, I
fitly in essaying such a theme as this, and reverence for their memories,
may at least give a heart-benison on the list of their names.
Time and New World humanity having the venerable resemblances more
than anything else, and being "the same subject continued," just here in
1890, one gets a curious nourishment and lift (I do) from all those grand old
veterans, Bancroft, Kossuth, von Moltke—and such typical specimen-
reminiscences as Sophocles and Goethe, genius, health, beauty of person,
riches, rank, renown and length of days, all combining and centering in one
case.
Above everything, what could humanity and literature do without the
mellow, last-justifying, averaging, bringing-up of many, many years—a
great old age amplified? Every really first-class production has likely to
pass through the crucial tests of a generation, perhaps several generations.
Lord Bacon says the first sight of any work really new and first-rate in
beauty and originality always arouses something disagreeable and
repulsive. Voltaire term'd the Shaksperean works "a huge dunghill"; Hamlet
he described (to the Academy, whose members listen'd with approbation) as
"the dream of a drunken savage, with a few flashes of beautiful thoughts."
And not the Ferney sage alone; the orthodox judges and law-givers of
France, such as La Harpe, J. L. Geoffrey, and Chateaubriand, either join'd in
Voltaire's verdict, or went further. Indeed the classicists and regulars there
still hold to it. The lesson is very significant in all departments. People
resent anything new as a personal insult. When umbrellas were first used in
England, those who carried them were hooted and pelted so furiously that
their lives were endanger'd. The same rage encounter'd the attempt in
theatricals to perform women's parts by real women, which was publicly
consider'd disgusting and outrageous. Byron thought Pope's verse
incomparably ahead of Homer and Shakspere. One of the prevalent
objections, in the days of Columbus was, the learn'd men boldly asserted

Page 582

that if a ship should reach India she would never get back again, because
the rotundity of the globe would present a kind of mountain, up which it
would be impossible to sail even with the most favorable wind.
"Modern poets," says a leading Boston journal, "enjoy longevity.
Browning lived to be seventy-seven. Wordsworth, Bryant, Emerson, and
Longfellow were old men. Whittier, Tennyson, and Walt Whitman still
live."
Started out by that item on Old Poets and Poetry for chyle to inner
American sustenance—I have thus gossipp'd about it all, and treated it from
my own point of view, taking the privilege of rambling wherever the talk
carried me. Browning is lately dead; Bryant, Emerson and Longfellow have
not long pass'd away; and yes, Whittier and Tennyson remain, over eighty
years old—the latter having sent out not long since a fresh volume, which
the English-speaking Old and New Worlds are yet reading. I have already
put on record my notions of T. and his effusions: they are very attractive
and flowery to me—but flowers, too, are at least as profound as anything;
and by common consent T. is settled as the poetic cream-skimmer of our
age's melody, ennui and polish—a verdict in which I agree, and should say
that nobody (not even Shakspere) goes deeper in those exquisitely touch'd
and half-hidden hints and indirections left like faint perfumes in the
crevices of his lines. Of Browning I don't know enough to say much; he
must be studied deeply out, too, and quite certainly repays the trouble—but
I am old and indolent, and cannot study (and never did.)
Grand as to-day's accumulative fund of poetry is, there is certainly
something unborn, not yet come forth, different from anything now
formulated in any verse, or contributed by the past in any land—something
waited for, craved, hitherto non-express'd. What it will be, and how, no one
knows. It will probably have to prove itself by itself and its readers. One
thing, it must run through entire humanity (this new word and meaning
Solidarity has arisen to us moderns) twining all lands like a divine thread,
stringing all beads, pebbles or gold, from God and the soul, and like God's
dynamics and sunshine illustrating all and having reference to all. From
anything like a cosmical point of view, the entirety of imaginative
literature's themes and results as we get them to-day seems painfully
narrow. All that has been put in statement, tremendous as it is, what is it
compared with the vast fields and values and varieties left unreap'd? Of our

Page 583

own country, the splendid races North or South, and especially of the
Western and Pacific regions, it sometimes seems to me their myriad noblest
Homeric and Biblic elements are all untouch'd, left as if ashamed of, and
only certain very minor occasional delirium tremens glints studiously
sought and put in print, in short tales, "poetry" or books.
I give these speculations, or notions, in all their audacity, for the comfort
of thousands—perhaps a majority of ardent minds, women's and young
men's—who stand in awe and despair before the immensity of suns and
stars already in the firmament. Even in the Iliad and Shakspere there is (is
there not?) a certain humiliation produced to us by the absorption of them,
unless we sound in equality, or above them, the songs due our own
democratic era and surroundings, and the full assertion of ourselves. And in
vain (such is my opinion) will America seek successfully to tune any superb
national song unless the heart-strings of the people start it from their own
breasts—to be return'd and echoed there again.

SHIP AHOY

In dreams I was a ship, and sail'd the boundless seas,
Sailing and ever sailing—all seas and into every port, or out
upon the offing,
Saluting, cheerily hailing each mate, met or pass'd, little or big,
"Ship ahoy!" thro' trumpet or by voice—if nothing more, some
friendly merry word at least,
For companionship and good will for ever to all and each.

FOR QUEEN VICTORIA'S BIRTHDAY

An American arbutus bunch to be put in a little vase on the royal
breakfast table May 24th, 1890.
Lady, accept a birth-day thought—haply an idle gift and token, Right
from the scented soil's May-utterance here, (Smelling of countless
blessings, prayers, and old-time thanks,){45} A bunch of white and pink
arbutus, silent, spicy, shy, From Hudson's, Delaware's, or Potomac's woody
banks.
Endnotes:
{45} NOTE.—Very little, as we Americans stand this day, with our sixty-
five or seventy millions of population, an immense surplus in the treasury,

Page 584

and all that actual power or reserve power (land and sea) so dear to nations
—very little I say do we realize that curious crawling national shudder
when the "Trent affair" promis'd to bring upon us a war with Great Britain
—follow'd unquestionably, as that war would have, by recognition of the
Southern Confederacy from all the leading European nations. It is now
certain that all this then inevitable train of calamity hung on arrogant and
peremptory phrases in the prepared and written missive of the British
Minister, to America, which the Queen (and Prince Albert latent) positively
and promptly cancell'd; and which her firm attitude did alone actually erase
and leave out, against all the other official prestige and Court of St. James's.
On such minor and personal incidents (so to call them,) often depend the
great growths and turns of civilization. This moment of a woman and a
queen surely swung the grandest oscillation of modern history's pendulum.
Many sayings and doings of that period, from foreign potentates and
powers, might well be dropt in oblivion by America—but never this, if I
could have my way. W. W.

Page 585

AMERICAN NATIONAL LITERATURE
Is there any such thing—or can there ever be?

So you want an essay about American National Literature, (tremendous
and fearful subject!) do you?{46} Well, if you will let me put down some
melanged cogitations regarding the matter, hap-hazard, and from my own
points of view, I will try. Horace Greeley wrote a book named "Hints
toward Reforms," and the title-line was consider'd the best part of all. In the
present case I will give a few thoughts and suggestions, of good and
ambitious intent enough anyhow—first reiterating the question right out
plainly: American National Literature—is there distinctively any such thing,
or can there ever be? First to me comes an almost indescribably august
form, the People, with varied typical shapes and attitudes-then the divine
mirror, Literature.
As things are, probably no more puzzling question ever offer'd itself than
(going back to old Nile for a trope,) What bread-seeds of printed mentality
shall we cast upon America's waters, to grow and return after many days? Is
there for the future authorship of the United States any better way than
submission to the teeming facts, events, activities, and importations already
vital through and beneath them all? I have often ponder'd it, and felt myself
disposed to let it go at that. Indeed, are not those facts and activities and
importations potent and certain to fulfil themselves all through our
Commonwealth, irrespective of any attempt from individual guidance? But
allowing all, and even at that, a good part of the matter being honest
discussion, examination, and earnest personal presentation, we may even
for sanitary exercise and contact plunge boldly into the spread of the many
waves and cross-tides, as follows. Or, to change the figure, I will present
my varied little collation (what is our Country itself but an infinitely vast
and varied collation?) in the hope that the show itself indicates a duty
getting more and more incumbent every day.
In general, civilization's totality or real representative National Literature
formates itself (like language, or "the weather") not from two or three
influences, however important, nor from any learned syllabus, or criticism,

Page 586

or what ought to be, nor from any minds or advice of toploftical quarters—
and indeed not at all from the influences and ways ostensibly supposed
(though they too are adopted, after a sort)—but slowly, slowly, curiously,
from many more and more, deeper mixings and siftings (especially in
America) and generations and years and races, and what largely appears to
be chance—but is not chance at all. First of all, for future National
Literature in America, New England (the technically moral and
schoolmaster region, as a cynical fellow I know calls it) and the three or
four great Atlantic-coast cities, highly as they to-day suppose they dominate
the whole, will have to haul in their horns. Ensemble is the tap-root of
National Literature. America is become already a huge world of peoples,
rounded and orbic climates, idiocrasies, and geographies—forty-four
Nations curiously and irresistibly blent and aggregated in ONE NATION,
with one imperial language, and one unitary set of social and legal
standards over all—and (I predict) a yet to be National Literature. (In my
mind this last, if it ever comes, is to prove grander and more important for
the Commonwealth than its politics and material wealth and trade, vast and
indispensable as those are.)
Think a moment what must, beyond peradventure, be the real permanent
sub-bases, or lack of them. Books profoundly considered show a great
nation more than anything else—more than laws or manners. (This is, of
course, probably the deep-down meaning of that well-buried but ever-vital
platitude, Let me sing the people's songs, and I don't care who makes their
laws.) Books too reflect humanity en masse, and surely show them
splendidly, or the reverse, and prove or celebrate their prevalent traits (these
last the main things.) Homer grew out of and has held the ages, and holds
to-day, by the universal admiration for personal prowess, courage, rankness,
amour propre, leadership, inherent in the whole human race. Shakspere
concentrates the brilliancy of the centuries of feudalism on the proud
personalities they produced, and paints the amorous passion. The books of
the Bible stand for the final superiority of devout emotions over the rest,
and of religious adoration, and ultimate absolute justice, more powerful
than haughtiest kings or millionaires or majorities.
What the United States are working out and establishing needs
imperatively the connivance of something subtler than ballots and
legislators. The Goethean theory and lesson (if I may briefly state it so) of
the exclusive sufficiency of artistic, scientific, literary equipment to the

Page 587

character, irrespective of any strong claims of the political ties of nation,
state, or city, could have answer'd under the conventionality and pettiness of
Weimar, or the Germany, or even Europe, of those times; but it will not do
for America to-day at all. We have not only to exploit our own theory above
any that has preceded us, but we have entirely different, and deeper-rooted,
and infinitely broader themes.
When I have had a chance to see and observe a sufficient crowd of
American boys or maturer youths or well-grown men, all the States, as in
my experiences in the secession war among the soldiers, or west, east,
north, or south, or my wanderings and loiterings through cities (especially
New York and in Washington,) I have invariably found coming to the front
three prevailing personal traits, to be named here for brevity's sake under
the heads Good-Nature, Decorum, and Intelligence. (I make Good-Nature
first, as it deserves to be—it is a splendid resultant of all the rest, like health
or fine weather.) Essentially these lead the inherent list of the high average
personal born and bred qualities of the young fellows everywhere through
the United States, as any sharp observer can find out for himself. Surely
these make the vertebral stock of superbest and noblest nations! May the
destinies show it so forthcoming. I mainly confide the whole future of our
Commonwealth to the fact of these three bases. Need I say I demand the
same in the elements and spirit and fruitage of National Literature?
Another, perhaps a born root or branch, comes under the words Noblesse
Oblige, even for a national rule or motto. My opinion is that this foregoing
phrase, and its spirit, should influence and permeate official America and its
representatives in Congress, the Executive Departments, the Presidency,
and the individual States—should be one of their chiefest mottoes, and be
carried out practically. (I got the idea from my dear friend the democratic
Englishwoman, Mrs. Anne Gilchrist, now dead. "The beautiful words
Noblesse Oblige," said she to me once, "are not best for some develop'd
gentleman or lord, but some rich and develop'd nation—and especially for
your America.")
Then another and very grave point (for this discussion is deep, deep—not
for trifles, or pretty seemings.) I am not sure but the establish'd and old (and
superb and profound, and, one may say, needed as old) conception of Deity
as mainly of moral constituency (goodness, purity, sinlessness, &c.) has
been undermined by nineteenth-century ideas and science. What does this

Page 588

immense and almost abnormal development of Philanthropy mean among
the moderns? One doubts if there ever will come a day when the moral laws
and moral standards will be supplanted as over all: while time proceeds (I
find it so myself) they will probably be intrench'd deeper and expanded
wider. Then the expanded scientific and democratic and truly philosophic
and poetic quality of modernism demands a Deific identity and scope
superior to all limitations, and essentially including just as well the so-call'd
evil and crime and criminals—all the malformations, the defective and
abortions of the universe.
Sometimes the bulk of the common people (who are far more 'cute than
the critics suppose) relish a well-hidden allusion or hint carelessly dropt,
faintly indicated, and left to be disinterr'd or not. Some of the very old
ballads have delicious morsels of this kind. Greek Aristophanes and Pindar
abounded in them. (I sometimes fancy the old Hellenic audiences must have
been as generally keen and knowing as any of their poets.) Shakspere is full
of them. Tennyson has them. It is always a capital compliment from author
to reader, and worthy the peering brains of America. The mere smartness of
the common folks, however, does not need encouraging, but qualities more
solid and opportune.
What are now deepest wanted in the States as roots for their literature are
Patriotism, Nationality, Ensemble, or the ideas of these, and the
uncompromising genesis and saturation of these. Not the mere bawling and
braggadocio of them, but the radical emotion-facts, the fervor and perennial
fructifying spirit at fountain-head. And at the risk of being misunderstood I
should dwell on and repeat that a great imaginative literatus for America
can never be merely good and moral in the conventional method.
Puritanism and what radiates from it must always be mention'd by me with
respect; then I should say, for this vast and varied Commonwealth,
geographically and artistically, the puritanical standards are constipated,
narrow, and non-philosophic.
In the main I adhere to my positions in "Democratic Vistas," and
especially to my summing-up of American literature as far as to-day is
concern'd. In Scientism, the Medical Profession, Practical Inventions, and
Journalism, the United States have press'd forward to the glorious front rank
of advanced civilized lands, as also in the popular dissemination of printed
matter (of a superficial nature perhaps, but that is an indispensable

Page 589

preparatory stage,) and have gone in common education, so-call'd, far
beyond any other land or age. Yet the high-pitch'd taunt of Margaret Fuller,
forty years ago, still sounds in the air: "It does not follow, because the
United States print and read more books, magazines, and newspapers than
all the rest of the world, that they really have therefore a literature." For
perhaps it is not alone the free schools and newspapers, nor railroads and
factories, nor all the iron, cotton, wheat, pork, and petroleum, nor the gold
and silver, nor the surplus of a hundred or several hundred millions, nor the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, nor the last national census, that can
put this Commonweal high or highest on the cosmical scale of history.
Something else is indispensable. All that record is lofty, but there is a
loftier.
The great current points are perhaps simple, after all: first, that the
highest developments of the New World and Democracy, and probably the
best society of the civilized world all over, are to be only reach'd and
spinally nourish'd (in my notion) by a new evolutionary sense and
treatment; and, secondly, that the evolution-principle, which is the greatest
law through nature, and of course in these States, has now reach'd us
markedly for and in our literature.
In other writings I have tried to show how vital to any aspiring
Nationality must ever be its autochthonic song, and how for a really great
people there can be no complete and glorious Name, short of emerging out
of and even rais'd on such born poetic expression, coming from its own soil
and soul, its area, spread, idiosyncrasies, and (like showers of rain,
originally rising impalpably, distill'd from land and sea,) duly returning
there again. Nor do I forget what we all owe to our ancestry; though
perhaps we are apt to forgive and bear too much for that alone.
One part of the national American literatus's task is (and it is not an easy
one) to treat the old hereditaments, legends, poems, theologies, and even
customs, with fitting respect and toleration, and at the same time clearly
understand and justify, and be devoted to and exploit our own day, its
diffused light, freedom, responsibilities, with all it necessitates, and that our
New-World circumstances and stages of development demand and make
proper. For American literature we want mighty authors, not even Carlyle-
and Heine-like, born and brought up in (and more or less essentially
partaking and giving out) that vast abnormal ward or hysterical sick-

Page 590

chamber which in many respects Europe, with all its glories, would seem to
be. The greatest feature in current poetry (perhaps in literature anyhow) is
the almost total lack of first-class power, and simple, natural health,
flourishing and produced at first hand, typifying our own era. Modern verse
generally lacks quite altogether the modern, and is oftener possess'd in spirit
with the past and feudal, dressed may-be in late fashions. For novels and
plays often the plots and surfaces are contemporary—but the spirit, even the
fun, is morbid and effete.
There is an essential difference between the Old and New. The poems of
Asia and Europe are rooted in the long past. They celebrate man and his
intellections and relativenesses as they have been. But America, in as high a
strain as ever, is to sing them all as they are and are to be. (I know, of
course, that the past is probably a main factor in what we are and know and
must be.) At present the States are absorb'd in business, money-making,
politics, agriculture, the development of mines, intercommunications, and
other material attents—which all shove forward and appear at their height
—as, consistently with modern civilization, they must be and should be.
Then even these are but the inevitable precedents and providers for home-
born, transcendent, democratic literature—to be shown in superior, more
heroic, more spiritual, more emotional, personalities and songs. A national
literature is, of course, in one sense, a great mirror or reflector. There must
however be something before—something to reflect. I should say now,
since the secession war, there has been, and to-day unquestionably exists,
that something.
Certainly, anyhow, the United States do not so far utter poetry, first-rate
literature, or any of the so-call'd arts, to any lofty admiration or advantage
—are not dominated or penetrated from actual inherence or plain bent to the
said poetry and arts. Other work, other needs, current inventions,
productions, have occupied and to-day mainly occupy them. They are very
'cute and imitative and proud—can't bear being left too glaringly away far
behind the other high-class nations—and so we set up some home "poets,"
"artists," painters, musicians, literati, and so forth, all our own (thus
claim'd.) The whole matter has gone on, and exists to-day, probably as it
should have been, and should be; as, for the present, it must be. To all
which we conclude, and repeat the terrible query: American National
Literature—is there distinctively any such thing, or can there ever be?

Page 591

Endnotes:
{46} The essay was for the North American Review, in answer to the
formal request of the editor. It appear'd in March, 1891.

GATHERING THE CORN

Last of October.—Now mellow, crisp, Autumn days, bright moonlight
nights, and gathering the corn—"cutting up," as the farmers call it. Now, or
of late, all over the country, a certain green and brown-drab eloquence
seeming to call out, "You that pretend to give the news, and all that's going,
why not give us a notice?" Truly, O fields, as for the notice,

"Take, we give it willingly."

Only we must do it our own way. Leaving the domestic, dietary, and
commercial parts of the question (which are enormous, in fact, hardly
second to those of any other of our great soil-products), we will just saunter
down a lane we know, on an average West Jersey farm, and let the fancy of
the hour itemize America's most typical agricultural show and specialty.
Gathering the Corn—the British call it Maize, the old Yankee farmer
Indian Corn. The great plumes, the ears well-envelop'd in their husks, the
long and pointed leaves, in summer, like green or purple ribands, with a
yellow stem line in the middle, all now turn'd dingy; the sturdy stalks, and
the rustling in the breeze—the breeze itself well tempering the sunny noon
—The varied reminiscences recall'd—the ploughing and planting in spring
—(the whole family in the field, even the little girls and boys dropping seed
in the hill)—the gorgeous sight through July and August—the walk and
observation early in the day—the cheery call of the robin, and the low whirr
of insects in the grass—the Western husking party, when ripe—the
November moonlight gathering, and the calls, songs, laughter of the young
fellows.
Not to forget, hereabouts, in the Middle States, the old worm fences, with
the gray rails and their scabs of moss and lichen—those old rails, weather
beaten, but strong yet. Why not come down from literary dignity, and
confess we are sitting on one now, under the shade of a great walnut tree?
Why not confide that these lines are pencill'd on the edge of a woody bank,
with a glistening pond and creek seen through the trees south, and the corn

Page 592

we are writing about close at hand on the north? Why not put in the
delicious scent of the "life everlasting" that yet lingers so profusely in every
direction—the chromatic song of the one persevering locust (the insect is
scarcer this fall and the past summer than for many years) beginning slowly,
rising and swelling to much emphasis, and then abruptly falling—so
appropriate to the scene, so quaint, so racy and suggestive in the warm
sunbeams, we could sit here and look and listen for an hour? Why not even
the tiny, turtle-shaped, yellow-back'd, black-spotted lady-bug that has lit on
the shirt-sleeve of the arm inditing this? Ending our list with the fall-drying
grass, the Autumn days themselves,

Sweet days; so cool, so calm, so bright,

(yet not so cool either, about noon)—the horse-mint, the wild carrot, the
mullein, and the bumble-bee.
How the half-mad vision of William Blake—how the far freer, far firmer
fantasy that wrote "Midsummer Night's Dream"—would have revell'd night
or day, and beyond stint, in one of our American corn fields! Truly, in color,
outline, material and spiritual suggestiveness, where any more inclosing
theme for idealist, poet, literary artist?
What we have written has been at noon day—but perhaps better still (for
this collation,) to steal off by yourself these fine nights, and go slowly,
musingly down the lane, when the dry and green-gray frost-touch'd leaves
seem whisper-gossipping all over the field in low tones, as if every hill had
something to say—and you sit or lean recluse near by, and inhale that rare,
rich, ripe and peculiar odor of the gather'd plant which comes out best only
to the night air. The complex impressions of the far-spread fields and woods
in the night, are blended mystically, soothingly, indefinitely, and yet
palpably to you (appealing curiously, perhaps mostly, to the sense of smell.)
All is comparative silence and clear-shadow below, and the stars are up
there with Jupiter lording it over westward; sulky Saturn in the east, and
over head the moon. A rare well-shadow'd hour! By no means the least of
the eligibilities of the gather'd corn!

Page 593

Page 594

A DEATH-BOUQUET
Pick'd Noontime, early January, 1890

Death—too great a subject to be treated so—indeed the greatest subject
—and yet I am giving you but a few random lines about it—as one writes
hurriedly the last part of a letter to catch the closing mail. Only I trust the
lines, especially the poetic bits quoted, may leave a lingering odor of
spiritual heroism afterward. For I am probably fond of viewing all really
great themes indirectly, and by side-ways and suggestions. Certain music
from wondrous voices or skilful players—then poetic glints still more—put
the soul in rapport with death, or toward it. Hear a strain from Tennyson's
late "Crossing the Bar":

Twilight and evening bell,
And after that the dark!
And may there be no sadness of farewell,
When I embark;

For tho' from out our bourne of Time and Place
The floods may bear me far,
I hope to see my Pilot face to face
When I have crost the bar.

Am I starting the sail-craft of poets in line? Here then a quatrain of
Phrynichus long ago to one of old Athens' favorites:

Thrice-happy Sophocles! in good old age,
Bless'd as a man, and as a craftsman bless'd,
He died; his many tragedies were fair,
And fair his end, nor knew he any sorrow.

Certain music, indeed, especially voluntaries by a good player, at twilight
—or idle rambles alone by the shore, or over prairie or on mountain road,
for that matter—favor the right mood. Words are difficult—even
impossible. No doubt any one will recall ballads or songs or hymns (may-be
instrumental performances) that have arous'd so curiously, yet definitely, the
thought of death, the mystic, the after-realm, as no statement or sermon
could—and brought it hovering near. A happy (to call it so) and easy death
is at least as much a physiological result as a pyschological one. The

Page 595

foundation of it really begins before birth, and is thence directly or
indirectly shaped and affected, even constituted, (the base stomachic) by
every thing from that minute till the time of its occurrence. And yet here is
something (Whittier's "Burning Driftwood") of an opposite coloring:

I know the solemn monotone
Of waters calling unto me;
I know from whence the airs have blown,
That whisper of the Eternal Sea;
As low my fires of driftwood burn,
I hear that sea's deep sounds increase,
And, fair in sunset light, discern
Its mirage-lifted Isles of Peace.

Like an invisible breeze after a long and sultry day, death sometimes sets
in at last, soothingly and refreshingly, almost vitally. In not a few cases the
termination even appears to be a sort of ecstasy. Of course there are painful
deaths, but I do not believe such is at all the general rule. Of the many
hundreds I myself saw die in the fields and hospitals during the secession
war the cases of mark' d suffering or agony in extremis were very rare. (It is
a curious suggestion of immortality that the mental and emotional powers
remain to their clearest through all, while the senses of pain and flesh
volition are blunted or even gone.)
Then to give the following, and cease before the thought gets threadbare:

Now, land and life, finale, and farewell!
Now Voyager depart! (much, much for thee is yet in store;)
Often enough hast thou adventur'd o'er the seas,
Cautiously cruising, studying the charts,
Duly again to port and hawser's tie returning.
—But now obey thy cherish'd, secret wish,
Embrace thy friends—leave all in order;
To port and hawser's tie no more returning,
Depart upon thy endless cruise, old Sailor!

Page 596

SOME LAGGARDS YET
THE PERFECT HUMAN VOICE

Stating it briefly and pointedly I should suggest that the human voice is a
cultivation or form'd growth on a fair native foundation. This foundation
probably exists in nine cases out of ten. Sometimes nature affords the vocal
organ in perfection, or rather I would say near enough to whet one's
appreciation and appetite for a voice that might be truly call'd perfection. To
me the grand voice is mainly physiological—(by which I by no means
ignore the mental help, but wish to keep the emphasis where it belongs.)
Emerson says manners form the representative apex and final charm and
captivation of humanity: but he might as well have changed the typicality to
voice.
Of course there is much taught and written about elocution, the best
reading, speaking, &c., but it finally settles down to best human
vocalization. Beyond all other power and beauty, there is something in the
quality and power of the right voice (timbre the schools call it) that touches
the soul, the abysms. It was not for nothing that the Greeks depended, at
their highest, on poetry's and wisdom's vocal utterance by tete-a-tete
lectures—(indeed all the ancients did.)
Of celebrated people possessing this wonderful vocal power, patent to
me, in former days, I should specify the contralto Alboni, Elias Hicks,
Father Taylor, the tenor Bettini, Fanny Kemble, and the old actor Booth,
and in private life many cases, often women. I sometimes wonder whether
the best philosophy and poetry, or something like the best, after all these
centuries, perhaps waits to be rous'd out yet, or suggested, by the perfect
physiological human voice.

SHAKSPERE FOR AMERICA

Let me send you a supplementary word to that "view" of Shakspere
attributed to me, publish'd in your July number,{47} and so courteously

Page 597

worded by the reviewer (thanks! dear friend.) But you have left out what,
perhaps, is the main point, as follows:
"Even the one who at present reigns unquestion'd—of Shakspere—for all
he stands for so much in modern literature, he stands entirely for the mighty
esthetic sceptres of the past, not for the spiritual and democratic, the
sceptres of the future." (See pp. 55-58 in "November Boughs," and also
some of my further notions on Shakspere.)
The Old World (Europe and Asia) is the region of the poetry of concrete
and real things,—the past, the esthetic, palaces, etiquette, the literature of
war and love, the mythological gods, and the myths anyhow. But the New
World (America) is the region of the future, and its poetry must be spiritual
and democratic. Evolution is not the rule in Nature, in Politics, and
Inventions only, but in Verse. I know our age is greatly materialistic, but it
is greatly spiritual, too, and the future will be, too. Even what we moderns
have come to mean by spirituality (while including what the Hebraic
utterers, and mainly perhaps all the Greek and other old typical poets, and
also the later ones, meant) has so expanded and color'd and vivified the
comprehension of the term, that it is quite a different one from the past.
Then science, the final critic of all, has the casting vote for future poetry.
Endnotes:
{47} This bit was in "Poet-lore" monthly for September, 1890.

"UNASSAIL'D RENOWN"

The N. Y. Critic, Nov. 24, 1889, propounded a circular to several persons,
and giving the responses, says, "Walt Whitman's views {as follow} are,
naturally, more radical than those of any other contributor to the
discussion":
Briefly to answer impromptu your request of Oct. 19—the question
whether I think any American poet not now living deserves a place among
the thirteen "English inheritors of unassail'd renown" (Chaucer, Spenser,
Shakspere, Milton, Dryden, Pope, Gray, Burns, Wordsworth, Coleridge,
Byron, Shelley and Keats,)—and which American poets would be truly
worthy, &c. Though to me the deep of the matter goes down, down beneath.
I remember the London Times at the time, in opportune, profound and
friendly articles on Bryant's and Longfellow's deaths, spoke of the

Page 598

embarrassment, warping effect, and confusion on America (her poets and
poetic students) "coming in possession of a great estate they had never
lifted a hand to form or earn"; and the further contingency of "the English
language ever having annex'd to it a lot of first-class Poetry that would be
American, not European"—proving then something precious over all, and
beyond valuation. But perhaps that is venturing outside the question. Of the
thirteen British immortals mention'd—after placing Shakspere on a sort of
pre-eminence of fame not to be invaded yet—the names of Bryant,
Emerson, Whittier and Longfellow (with even added names, sometimes
Southerners, sometimes Western or other writers of only one or two pieces,)
deserve in my opinion an equally high niche of renown as belongs to any on
the dozen of that glorious list.

INSCRIPTION FOR A LITTLE BOOK ON GIORDANO
BRUNO

As America's mental courage (the thought comes to me to-day) is so
indebted, above all current lands and peoples, to the noble army of Old-
World martyrs past, how incumbent on us that we clear those martyrs' lives
and names, and hold them up for reverent admiration, as well as beacons.
And typical of this, and standing for it and all perhaps, Giordano Bruno
may well be put, to-day and to come, in our New World's thankfulest heart
and memory.
W.W. CAMDEN, NEW JERSEY, February 24th, 1890.

SPLINTERS

While I stand in reverence before the fact of Humanity, the People, I will
confess, in writing my L. of G., the least consideration out of all that has
had to do with it has been the consideration of "the public"—at any rate as
it now exists. Strange as it may sound for a democrat to say so, I am clear
that no free and original and lofty-soaring poem, or one ambitious of those
achievements, can possibly be fulfill'd by any writer who has largely in his
thought the public—or the question, What will establish'd literature—What
will the current authorities say about it?

Page 599

As far as I have sought any, not the best laid out garden or parterre has
been my model—but Nature has been. I know that in a sense the garden is
nature too, but I had to choose—I could not give both. Besides the gardens
are well represented in poetry; while Nature (in letter and in spirit, in the
divine essence,) little if at all.
Certainly, (while I have not hit it by a long shot,) I have aim'd at the most
ambitious, the best—and sometimes feel to advance that aim (even with all
its arrogance) as the most redeeming part of my books. I have never so
much cared to feed the esthetic or intellectual palates—but if I could arouse
from its slumbers that eligibility in every soul for its own true exercise! if I
could only wield that lever!
Out from the well-tended concrete and the physical—and in them and
from them only—radiate the spiritual and heroic.
Undoubtedly many points belonging to this essay—perhaps of the
greatest necessity, fitness and importance to it—have been left out or
forgotten. But the amount of the whole matter—poems, preface and
everything—is merely to make one of those little punctures or eyelets the
actors possess in the theatre-curtains to look out upon "the house"—one
brief, honest, living glance.

HEALTH, (OLD STYLE)

In that condition the whole body is elevated to a state by others unknown
—inwardly and outwardly illuminated, purified, made solid, strong, yet
buoyant. A singular charm, more than beauty, flickers out of, and over, the
face—a curious transparency beams in the eyes, both in the iris and the
white—the temper partakes also. Nothing that happens—no event,
rencontre, weather, &c—but it is confronted—nothing but is subdued into
sustenance—such is the marvellous transformation from the old
timorousness and the old process of causes and effects. Sorrows and
disappointments cease—there is no more borrowing trouble in advance. A
man realizes the venerable myth—he is a god walking the earth, he sees
new eligibilities, powers and beauties everywhere; he himself has a new
eyesight and hearing. The play of the body in motion takes a previously
unknown grace. Merely to move is then a happiness, a pleasure—to breathe,
to see, is also. All the beforehand gratifications, drink, spirits, coffee,

Page 600

grease, stimulants, mixtures, late hours, luxuries, deeds of the night, seem
as vexatious dreams, and now the awakening;—many fall into their natural
places, whole-some, conveying diviner joys.
What I append—Health, old style—I have long treasur'd—found
originally in some scrap-book fifty years ago—a favorite of mine (but quite
a glaring contrast to my present bodily state:)

On a high rock above the vast abyss,
Whose solid base tumultuous waters lave;
Whose airy high-top balmy breezes kiss,
Fresh from the white foam of the circling wave—

There ruddy HEALTH, in rude majestic state,
His clust'ring forelock combatting the winds—
Bares to each season's change his breast elate,
And still fresh vigor from th' encounter finds;

With mighty mind to every fortune braced,
To every climate each corporeal power,
And high-proof heart, impenetrably cased,
He mocks the quick transitions of the hour.

Now could he hug bleak Zembla's bolted snow,
Now to Arabia's heated deserts turn,
Yet bids the biting blast more fiercely blow,
The scorching sun without abatement burn.

There this bold Outlaw, rising with the morn,
His sinewy functions fitted for the toil,
Pursues, with tireless steps, the rapturous horn,
And bears in triumph back the shaggy spoil.

Or, on his rugged range of towering hills,
Turns the stiff glebe behind his hardy team;
His wide-spread heaths to blithest measures tills,
And boasts the joys of life are not a dream!

Then to his airy hut, at eve, retires,
Clasps to his open breast his buxom spouse,
Basks in his faggot's blaze, his passions fires,
And strait supine to rest unbroken bows.

On his smooth forehead, Time's old annual score,
Tho' left to furrow, yet disdains to lie;
He bids weak sorrow tantalize no more,
And puts the cup of care contemptuous by.

If, from some inland height, that, skirting, bears
Its rude encroachments far into the vale,
He views where poor dishonor'd nature wears
On her soft cheek alone the lily pale;

How will he scorn alliance with the race,
Those aspen shoots that shiver at a breath;
Children of sloth, that danger dare not face,
And find in life but an extended death:

Page 601

Then from the silken reptiles will he fly,
To the bold cliff in bounding transports run,
And stretch'd o'er many a wave his ardent eye,
Embrace the enduring Sea-Boy as his son!

Yes! thine alone—from pain, from sorrow free,
The lengthen'd life with peerless joys replete;
Then let me, Lord of Mountains, share with thee
The hard, the early toil—the relaxation sweet.

GAY-HEARTEDNESS

Walking on the old Navy Yard bridge, Washington, D. C., once with a
companion, Mr. Marshall, from England, a great traveler and observer, as a
squad of laughing young black girls pass'd us—then two copper-color'd
boys, one good-looking lad 15 or 16, barefoot, running after—"What gay
creatures they all appear to be," said Mr. M. Then we fell to talking about
the general lack of buoyant animal spirits. "I think," said Mr. M., "that in all
my travels, and all my intercourse with people of every and any class,
especially the cultivated ones, (the literary and fashionable folks,) I have
never yet come across what I should call a really GAY-HEARTED MAN."
It was a terrible criticism—cut into me like a surgeon's lance. Made me
silent the whole walk home.

AS IN A SWOON.

As in a swoon, one instant,
Another sun, ineffable, full-dazzles me,
And all the orbs I knew—and brighter, unknown orbs;
One instant of the future land, Heaven's land.

L. OF G.

Thoughts, suggestions, aspirations, pictures,
Cities and farms—by day and night—book of peace and war,
Of platitudes and of the commonplace.

For out-door health, the land and sea—for good will,
For America—for all the earth, all nations, the common people,
(Not of one nation only—not America only.)

In it each claim, ideal, line, by all lines, claims, ideals,
temper'd;
Each right and wish by other wishes, rights.

Page 602

AFTER THE ARGUMENT.

A group of little children with their ways and chatter flow in,
Like welcome rippling water o'er my heated nerves and flesh.

FOR US TWO, READER DEAR.

Simple, spontaneous, curious, two souls interchanging,
With the original testimony for us continued to the last.

Page 603

MEMORANDA
{Let me indeed turn upon myself a little of the light I have been so fond
of casting on others.
Of course these few exceptional later mems are far, far short of one's
concluding history or thoughts or life-giving—only a hap-hazard pinch of
all. But the old Greek proverb put it, "Anybody who really has a good
quality" (or bad one either, I guess) "has all." There's something in the
proverb; but you mustn't carry it too far.
I will not reject any theme or subject because the treatment is too
personal.
As my stuff settles into shape, I am told (and sometimes myself discover,
uneasily, but feel all right about it in calmer moments) it is mainly
autobiographic, and even egotistic after all—which I finally accept, and am
contented so.
If this little volume betrays, as it doubtless does, a weakening hand, and
decrepitude, remember it is knit together out of accumulated sickness,
inertia, physical disablement, acute pain, and listlessness. My fear will be
that at last my pieces show indooredness, and being chain'd to a chair—as
never before. Only the resolve to keep up, and on, and to add a remnant,
and even perhaps obstinately see what failing powers and decay may
contribute too, have produced it.
And now as from some fisherman's net hauling all sorts, and disbursing
the same.}

A WORLD'S SHOW

New York, Great Exposition open'd in 1853.—I went a long time (nearly
a year)—days and nights—especially the latter—as it was finely lighted,
and had a very large and copious exhibition gallery of paintings (shown at
best at night, I tho't)—hundreds of pictures from Europe, many
masterpieces—all an exhaustless study—and, scatter'd thro' the building,
sculptures, single figures or groups—among the rest, Thorwaldsen's

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"Apostles," colossal in size—and very many fine bronzes, pieces of plate
from English silversmiths, and curios from everywhere abroad—with
woods from all lands of the earth—all sorts of fabrics and products and
handiwork from the workers of all nations.

NEW YORK—THE BAY—THE OLD NAME

Commencement of a gossipy travelling letter in a New York city paper,
May 10, 1879.—My month's visit is about up; but before I get back to
Camden let me print some jottings of the last four weeks. Have you not,
reader dear, among your intimate friends, some one, temporarily absent,
whose letters to you, avoiding all the big topics and disquisitions, give only
minor, gossipy sights and scenes—just as they come—subjects disdain'd by
solid writers, but interesting to you because they were such as happen to
everybody, and were the moving entourage to your friend—to his or her
steps, eyes, mentality? Well, with an idea something of that kind, I suppose,
I set out on the following hurrygraphs of a breezy early-summer visit to
New York city and up the North river—especially at present of some hours
along Broadway.
What I came to New York for.—To try the experiment of a lecture—to see
whether I could stand it, and whether an audience could—was my specific
object. Some friends had invited me—it was by no means clear how it
would end—I stipulated that they should get only a third-rate hall, and not
sound the advertising trumpets a bit—and so I started. I much wanted
something to do for occupation, consistent with my limping and paralyzed
state. And now, since it came off, and since neither my hearers nor I myself
really collaps'd at the aforesaid lecture, I intend to go up and down the land
(in moderation,) seeking whom I may devour, with lectures, and reading of
my own poems—short pulls, however—never exceeding an hour.
Crossing from Jersey city, 5 to 6 P.M.—The city part of the North river
with its life, breadth, peculiarities—the amplitude of sea and wharf, cargo
and commerce—one don't realize them till one has been away a long time
and, as now returning, (crossing from Jersey city to Desbrosses-st.,) gazes
on the unrivall'd panorama, and far down the thin-vapor'd vistas of the bay,
toward the Narrows—or northward up the Hudson—or on the ample spread
and infinite variety, free and floating, of the more immediate views—a
countless river series—everything moving, yet so easy, and such plenty of

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room! Little, I say, do folks here appreciate the most ample, eligible,
picturesque bay and estuary surroundings in the world! This is the third
time such a conviction has come to me after absence, returning to New
York, dwelling on its magnificent entrances—approaching the city by them
from any point.
More and more, too, the old name absorbs into me—MANNAHATTA,
"the place encircled by many swift tides and sparkling waters." How fit a
name for America's great democratic island city! The word itself, how
beautiful! how aboriginal! how it seems to rise with tall spires, glistening in
sunshine, with such New World atmosphere, vista and action!

A SICK SPELL

Christmas Day, 25th Dec., 1888.—Am somewhat easier and freer to-day
and the last three days—sit up most of the time—read and write, and
receive my visitors. Have now been in-doors sick for seven months—half
of the time bad, bad, vertigo, indigestion, bladder, gastric, head trouble,
inertia—Dr. Bucke, Dr. Osler, Drs. Wharton and Walsh—now Edward
Wilkins my help and nurse. A fine, splendid, sunny day. My "November
Boughs" is printed and out; and my "Complete Works, Poems and Prose," a
big volume, 900 pages, also. It is ab't noon, and I sit here pretty
comfortable.

TO BE PRESENT ONLY

At the Complimentary Dinner, Camden, New Jersey, May 31, 1889.—
Walt Whitman said: My friends, though announced to give an address, there
is no such intention. Following the impulse of the spirit, (for I am at least
half of Quaker stock) I have obey'd the command to come and look at you,
for a minute, and show myself, face to face; which is probably the best I can
do. But I have felt no command to make a speech; and shall not therefore
attempt any. All I have felt the imperative conviction to say I have already
printed in my books of poems or prose; to which I refer any who may be
curious. And so, hail and farewell. Deeply acknowledging this deep
compliment, with my best respects and love to you personally—to Camden
—to New-Jersey, and to all represented here—you must excuse me from
any word further.

Page 606

"INTESTINAL AGITATION"

From Pall-Mall Gazette, London, England, Feb 8, 1890 Mr. Ernest Rhys
has just receiv'd an interesting letter from Walt Whitman, dated "Camden,
January 22, 1890." The following is an extract from it:
I am still here—no very mark'd or significant change or happening—
fairly buoyant spirits, &c.—but surely, slowly ebbing. At this moment
sitting here, in my den, Mickle street, by the oakwood fire, in the same big
strong old chair with wolf-skin spread over back—bright sun, cold, dry
winter day. America continues—is generally busy enough all over her vast
demesnes (intestinal agitation I call it,) talking, plodding, making money,
every one trying to get on—perhaps to get towards the top—but no special
individual signalism—(just as well, I guess.)

"WALT WHITMAN'S LAST 'PUBLIC'"

The gay and crowded audience at the Art Rooms, Philadelphia, Tuesday
night, April 15, 1890, says a correspondent of the Boston Transcript, April
19, might not have thought that W. W. crawl'd out of a sick bed a few hours
before, crying,

Dangers retreat when boldly they're confronted,

and went over, hoarse and half blind, to deliver his memoranda and essay
on the death of Abraham Lincoln, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of that
tragedy. He led off with the following new paragraph:
"Of Abraham Lincoln, bearing testimony twenty-five years after his
death—and of that death—I am now my friends before you. Few realize the
days, the great historic and esthetic personalities, with him in the centre, we
pass'd through. Abraham Lincoln, familiar, our own, an Illinoisian, modern,
yet tallying ancient Moses, Joshua, Ulysses, or later Cromwell, and grander
in some respects than any of them; Abraham Lincoln, that makes the like of
Homer, Plutarch, Shakspere, eligible our day or any day. My subject this
evening for forty or fifty minutes' talk is the death of this man, and how that
death will really filter into America. I am not going to tell you anything
new; and it is doubtless nearly altogether because I ardently wish to
commemorate the hour and martyrdom and name I am here. Oft as the

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rolling years bring back this hour, let it again, however briefly, be dwelt
upon. For my own part I hope and intend till my own dying day, whenever
the 14th and 15th of April comes, to annually gather a few friends and hold
its tragic reminiscence. No narrow or sectional reminiscence. It belongs to
these States in their entirety—not the North only, but the South—perhaps
belongs most tenderly and devoutly to the South, of all; for there really this
man's birthstock; there and then his antecedent stamp. Why should I not say
that thence his manliest traits, his universality, his canny, easy ways and
words upon the surface—his inflexible determination at heart? Have you
ever realized it, my friends, that Lincoln, though grafted on the West, is
essentially in personnel and character a Southern contribution?"
The most of the poet's address was devoted to the actual occurrences and
details of the murder. We believe the delivery on Tuesday was Whitman's
thirteenth of it. The old poet is now physically wreck'd. But his voice and
magnetism are the same. For the last month he has been under a severe
attack of the lately prevailing influenza, the grip, in accumulation upon his
previous ailments, and, above all, that terrible paralysis, the bequest of
secession war times. He was dress'd last Tuesday night in an entire suit of
French Canadian grey wool cloth, with broad shirt collar, with no necktie;
long white hair, red face, full beard and moustache, and look'd as though he
might weigh two hundred pounds. He had to be help'd and led every step. In
five weeks more he will begin his seventy-second year. He is still writing a
little.

INGERSOLL'S SPEECH

From the Camden Post, N.J., June 2, 1890 He attends and makes a
speech at the celebration of Walt Whitman's birthday.—Walt Whitman is
now in his seventy-second year. His younger friends, literary and personal,
men and women, gave him a complimentary supper last Saturday night, to
note the close of his seventy-first year, and the late curious and
unquestionable "boom" of the old man's wide-spreading popularity, and that
of his "Leaves of Grass." There were thirty-five in the room, mostly young,
but some old, or beginning to be. The great feature was Ingersoll's
utterance. It was probably, in its way, the most admirable specimen of
modern oratory hitherto delivered in the English language, immense as such
praise may sound. It was 40 to 50 minutes long, altogether without notes, in

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a good voice, low enough and not too low, style easy, rather colloquial (over
and over again saying "you" to Whitman who sat opposite,) sometimes
markedly impassion'd, once or twice humorous—amid his whole speech,
from interior fires and volition, pulsating and swaying like a first-class
Andalusian dancer.
And such a critical dissection, and flattering summary! The Whitmanites
for the first time in their lives were fully satisfied; and that is saying a good
deal, for they have not put their claims low, by a long shot. Indeed it was a
tremendous talk! Physically and mentally Ingersoll (he had been working
all day in New York, talking in court and in his office,) is now at his best,
like mellow'd wine, or a just ripe apple; to the artist-sense, too, looks at his
best—not merely like a bequeath'd Roman bust or fine smooth marble
Cicero-head, or even Greek Plato; for he is modern and vital and vein'd and
American, and (far more than the age knows,) justifies us all.
We cannot give a full report of this most remarkable talk and supper
(which was curiously conversational and Greek-like) but must add the
following significant bit of it.
After the speaking, and just before the close, Mr. Whitman reverted to
Colonel Ingersoll's tribute to his poems, pronouncing it the capsheaf of all
commendation that he had ever receiv'd. Then, his mind still dwelling upon
the Colonel's religious doubts, he went on to say that what he himself had in
his mind when he wrote "Leaves of Grass" was not only to depict American
life, as it existed, and to show the triumphs of science, and the poetry in
common things, and the full of an individual democratic humanity, for the
aggregate, but also to show that there was behind all something which
rounded and completed it. "For what," he ask'd, "would this life be without
immortality? It would be as a locomotive, the greatest triumph of modern
science, with no train to draw after it. If the spiritual is not behind the
material, to what purpose is the material? What is this world without a
further Divine purpose in it all?"
Colonel Ingersoll repeated his former argument in reply.

FEELING FAIRLY

Friday, July 27, 1890.—Feeling fairly these days, and even jovial—sleep
and appetite good enough to be thankful for—had a dish of Maryland

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blackberries, some good rye bread and a cup of tea, for my breakfast—
relish' d all—fine weather—bright sun to-day—pleasant northwest breeze
blowing in the open window as I sit here in my big rattan chair—two great
fine roses (white and red, blooming, fragrant, sent by mail by W. S. K. and
wife, Mass.) are in a glass of water on the table before me.
Am now in my 72d year.

OLD BROOKLYN DAYS

It must have been in 1822 or '3 that I first came to live in Brooklyn.
Lived first in Front street, not far from what was then call'd "the New
Ferry," wending the river from the foot of Catharine (or Main) street to New
York city.
I was a little child (was born in 1819,) but tramp'd freely about the
neighborhood and town, even then; was often on the aforesaid New Ferry;
remember how I was petted and deadheaded by the gatekeepers and
deckhands (all such fellows are kind to little children,) and remember the
horses that seem'd to me so queer as they trudg'd around in the central
houses of the boats, making the water-power. (For it was just on the eve of
the steam-engine, which was soon after introduced on the ferries.) Edward
Copeland (afterward Mayor) had a grocery store then at the corner of Front
and Catharine streets.
Presently we Whitmans all moved up to Tillary street, near Adams, where
my father, who was a carpenter, built a house for himself and us all. It was
from here I "assisted" the personal coming of Lafayette in 1824-'5 to
Brooklyn. He came over the Old Ferry, as the now Fulton Ferry (partly
navigated quite up to that day by "horse boats," though the first steamer had
begun to be used hereabouts) was then call'd, and was receiv'd at the foot of
Fulton street. It was on that occasion that the corner-stone of the
Apprentices' Library, at the corner of Cranberry and Henry streets—since
pull'd down—was laid by Lafayette's own hands. Numerous children
arrived on the grounds, of whom I was one, and were assisted by several
gentlemen to safe spots to view the ceremony. Among others, Lafayette,
also helping the children, took me up—I was five years old, press'd me a
moment to his breast—gave me a kiss and set me down in a safe spot.

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Lafayette was at that time between sixty-five and seventy years of age, with
a manly figure and a kind face.

TWO QUESTIONS

An editor of (or in) a leading monthly magazine ("Harper's Monthly,"
July, 1890,) asks: "A hundred years from now will W.W. be popularly rated
a great poet—or will he be forgotten?" ... A mighty ticklish question—
which can only be left for a hundred years hence—perhaps more than that.
But whether W.W. has been mainly rejected by his own times is an easier
question to answer.
All along from 1860 to '91, many of the pieces in L. of G., and its
annexes, were first sent to publishers or magazine editors before being
printed in the L., and were peremptorily rejected by them, and sent back to
their author. The "Eidólons" was sent back by Dr. H., of "Scribner's
Monthly" with a lengthy, very insulting and contemptuous letter. "To the
Sun-Set Breeze," was rejected by the editor of "Harper's Monthly" as being
"an improvisation" only. "On, on ye jocund twain" was rejected by the
"Century" editor as being personal merely. Several of the pieces went the
rounds of all the monthlies, to be thus summarily rejected.
June, '90.—The——rejects and sends back my little poem, so I am now
set out in the cold by every big magazine and publisher, and may as well
understand and admit it—which is just as well, for I find I am palpably
losing my sight and ratiocination.

Page 611

PREFACE
To a volume of essays and tales by Wm. D. O'Connor, pub'd
posthumously in 1891
A hasty memorandum, not particularly for Preface to the following tales,
but to put on record my respect and affection for as sane, beautiful, cute,
tolerant, loving, candid and free and fair-intention'd a nature as ever vivified
our race.
In Boston, 1860, I first met William Douglas O'Connor.{48} As I saw
and knew him then, in his 29th year, and for twenty-five further years
along, he was a gallant, handsome, gay-hearted, fine-voiced, glowing-eyed
man; lithe-moving on his feet, of healthy and magnetic atmosphere and
presence, and the most welcome company in the world. He was a thorough-
going anti-slavery believer, speaker and writer, (doctrinaire,) and though I
took a fancy to him from the first. I remember I fear'd his ardent
abolitionism—was afraid it would probably keep us apart. (I was a decided
and out-spoken anti-slavery believer myself, then and always; but shy'd
from the extremists, the red-hot fellows of those times.) O'C. was then
correcting the proofs of Harrington, an eloquent and fiery novel he had
written, and which was printed just before the commencement of the
secession war. He was already married, the father of two fine little children,
and was personally and intellectually the most attractive man I had ever
met.
Last of '62 I found myself led towards the war-field—went to
Washington city—(to become absorb'd in the armies, and in the big
hospitals, and to get work in one of the Departments,)—and there I met and
resumed friendship, and found warm hospitality from O'C. and his noble
New England wife. They had just lost by death their little child-boy, Phillip;
and O'C. was yet feeling serious about it. The youngster had been
vaccinated against the threatening of small-pox which alarm'd the city; but
somehow it led to worse results than it was intended to ward off—or at any
rate O'C. thought that proved the cause of the boy's death. He had one child
left, a fine bright little daughter, and a great comfort to her parents. (Dear

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Jeannie! She grew up a most accomplish'd and superior young woman—
declined in health, and died about 1881.)
On through for months and years to '73 I saw and talk'd with O'C. almost
daily. I had soon got employment, first for a short time in the Indian Bureau
(in the Interior Department,) and then for a long while in the Attorney
General's Office. The secession war, with its tide of varying fortunes,
excitements—President Lincoln and the daily sight of him—the doings in
Congress and at the State Capitols—the news from the fields and
campaigns, and from foreign governments—my visits to the Army
Hospitals, daily and nightly, soon absorbing everything else,—with a
hundred matters, occurrences, personalties,—(Greeley, Wendell Phillips, the
parties, the Abolitionists, &c.)—were the subjects of our talk and
discussion. I am not sure from what I heard then, but O'C. was cut out for a
first-class public speaker or forensic advocate. No audience or jury could
have stood out against him. He had a strange charm of physiologic voice.
He had a power and sharp-cut faculty of statement and persuasiveness
beyond any man's else. I know it well, for I have felt it many a time. If not
as orator, his forte was as critic, newer, deeper than any: also, as literary
author. One of his traits was that while he knew all, and welcom'd all sorts
of great genre literature, all lands and times, from all writers and artists, and
not only tolerated each, and defended every attack'd literary person with a
skill or heart-catholicism that I never saw equal'd—invariably advocated
and excused them—he kept an idiosyncrasy and identity of his own very
mark'd, and without special tinge or undue color from any source. He
always applauded the freedom of the masters, whence and whoever. I
remember his special defences of Byron, Burns, Poe, Rabelais, Victor
Hugo, George Sand, and others. There was always a little touch of pensive
cadence in his superb voice; and I think there was something of the same
sadness in his temperament and nature. Perhaps, too, in his literary
structure. But he was a very buoyant, jovial, good-natured companion.
So much for a hasty melanged reminiscence and note of William
O'Connor, my dear, dear friend, and staunch, (probably my staunchest)
literary believer and champion from the first, and throughout without halt or
demur, for twenty-five years. No better friend—none more reliable through
this life of one's ups and downs. On the occurrence of the latter he would be
sure to make his appearance on the scene, eager, hopeful, full of fight like a
perfect knight of chivalry. For he was a born sample here in the 19th

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century of the flower and symbol of olden time first-class knighthood.
Thrice blessed be his memory! W. W.
Endnotes: {48} Born Jan. 2d, 1832. When grown, lived several years in
Boston, and edited journals and magazines there—went about 1861 to
Washington, D. C., and became a U.S. clerk, first in the Light-House
Bureau, and then in the U.S. Life-Saving Service, in which branch he was
Assistant Superintendent for many years—sicken'd in 1887—died there at
Washington, May 9th, 1889.

AN ENGINEER'S OBITUARY

From the Engineering Record, New York, Dec. 13, 1890
Thomas Jefferson Whitman was born July 18, 1833, in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
from a father of English Stock, and mother (Louisa Van Velsor) descended
from Dutch (Holland) immigration. His early years were spent on Long
Island, either in the country or Brooklyn. As a lad he show'd a tendency for
surveying and civil engineering, and about at 19 went with Chief Kirkwood,
who was then prospecting and outlining for the great city water-works. He
remain'd at that construction throughout, was a favorite and confidant of the
Chief, and was successively promoted. He continued also under Chief
Moses Lane. He married in 1859, and not long after was invited by the
Board of Public Works of St. Louis, Missouri, to come there and plan and
build a new and fitting water-works for that great city. Whitman accepted
the call, and moved and settled there, and had been a resident of St. Louis
ever since. He plann'd and built the works, which were very successful, and
remain'd as super-intendent and chief for nearly 20 years.
Of the last six years he has been largely occupied as consulting engineer
(divested of his cares and position in St. Louis,) and has engaged in public
constructions, bridges, sewers, &c., West and Southwest, and especially the
Memphis, Tenn., city water-works.
Thomas J. Whitman was a theoretical and practical mechanic of superior
order, founded in the soundest personal and professional integrity. He was a
great favorite among the young engineers and students; not a few of them
yet remaining in Kings and Queens counties, and New York city, will
remember "Jeff," with old-time good-will and affection. He was mostly
self-taught, and was a hard student.

Page 614

He had been troubled of late years from a bad throat and from gastric
affection, tending on typhoid, and had been rather seriously ill with the last
malady, but was getting over the worst of it, when he succumb'd under a
sudden and severe attack of the heart. He died at St. Louis, November 25,
1890, in his 58th year. Of his family, the wife died in 1873, and a daughter,
Mannahatta, died two years ago. Another daughter, Jessie Louisa, the only
child left, is now living in St. Louis.
{When Jeff was born I was in my 15th year, and had much care of him
for many years afterward, and he did not separate from me. He was a very
handsome, healthy, affectionate, smart child, and would sit on my lap or
hang on my neck half an hour at a time. As he grew a big boy he liked
outdoor and water sports, especially boating. We would often go down
summers to Peconic Bay, east end of Long Island, and over to Shelter
Island. I loved long rambles, and he carried his fowling-piece. O, what
happy times, weeks! Then in Brooklyn and New York city he learn'd
printing, and work'd awhile at it; but eventually (with my approval) he went
to employment at land surveying, and merged in the studies and work of
topographical engineer; this satisfied him, and he continued at it. He was of
noble nature from the first; very good-natured, very plain, very friendly. O,
how we loved each other—how many jovial good times we had! Once we
made a long trip from New York city down over the Allegheny mountains
(the National Road) and via the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, from Cairo to
New Orleans.}
God's blessing on your name and memory, dear brother Jeff!

W. W.

OLD ACTORS, SINGERS, SHOWS, &C., IN NEW YORK

Flitting mention—(with much left out)
Seems to me I ought acknowledge my debt to actors, singers, public
speakers, conventions, and the Stage in New York, my youthful days, from
1835 onward—say to '60 or '61—and to plays and operas generally. (Which
nudges a pretty big disquisition: of course it should be all elaborated and
penetrated more deeply—but I will here give only some flitting
mentionings of my youth.) Seems to me now when I look back, the Italian

Page 615

contralto Marietta Alboni (she is living yet, in Paris, 1891, in good
condition, good voice yet, considering) with the then prominent histrions
Booth, Edwin Forrest, and Fanny Kemble and the Italian singer Bettini,
have had the deepest and most lasting effect upon me. I should like well if
Madame Alboni and the old composer Verdi, (and Bettini the tenor, if he is
living) could know how much noble pleasure and happiness they gave me,
and how deeply I always remember them and thank them to this day. For
theatricals in literature and doubtless upon me personally, including opera,
have been of course serious factors. (The experts and musicians of my
present friends claim that the new Wagner and his pieces belong far more
truly to me, and I to them, likely. But I was fed and bred under the Italian
dispensation, and absorb'd it, and doubtless show it.)
As a young fellow, when possible I always studied a play or libretto quite
carefully over, by myself, (sometimes twice through) before seeing it on the
stage; read it the day or two days before. Tried both ways—not reading
some beforehand; but I found I gain'd most by getting that sort of mastery
first, if the piece had depth. (Surface effects and glitter were much less
thought of, I am sure, those times.) There were many fine old plays, neither
tragedies nor comedies—the names of them quite unknown to to-day's
current audiences. "All is not Gold that Glitters," in which Charlotte
Cushman had a superbly enacted part, was of that kind. C. C., who revel'd
in them, was great in such pieces; I think better than in the heavy popular
rôles.
We had some fine music those days. We had the English opera of
"Cinderella" (with Henry Placide as the pompous old father, an
unsurpassable bit of comedy and music.) We had Bombastes Furioso. Must
have been in 1844 (or '5) I saw Charles Kean and Mrs. Kean (Ellen Tree)—
saw them in the Park in Shakspere's "King John." He, of course, was the
chief character. She play'd Queen Constance. Tom Hamblin was
Faulconbridge, and probably the best ever on the stage. It was an immense
show-piece, too; lots of grand set scenes and fine armor-suits and all kinds
of appointments imported from London (where it had been first render'd.)
The large brass bands—the three or four hundred "supes"—the interviews
between the French and English armies—the talk with Hubert (and the hot
irons) the delicious acting of Prince Arthur (Mrs. Richardson, I think)—and
all the fine blare and court pomp—I remember to this hour. The death-scene
of the King in the orchard of Swinstead Abbey, was very effective. Kean

Page 616

rush'd in, gray-pale and yellow, and threw himself on a lounge in the open.
His pangs were horribly realistic. (He must have taken lessons in some
hospital.)
Fanny Kemble play'd to wonderful effect in such pieces as "Fazio, or the
Italian wife." The turning-point was jealousy. It was a rapid-running, yet
heavy-timber'd, tremendous wrenching, passionate play. Such old pieces
always seem'd to me built like an ancient ship of the line, solid and lock'd
from keel up—oak and metal and knots. One of the finest characters was a
great court lady, Aldabella, enacted by Mrs. Sharpe. O how it all entranced
us, and knock'd us about, as the scenes swept on like a cyclone!
Saw Hackett at the old Park many times, and remember him well. His
renderings were first-rate in everything. He inaugurated the true "Rip Van
Winkle," and look'd and acted and dialogued it to perfection (he was of
Dutch breed, and brought up among old Holland descendants in Kings and
Queens counties, Long Island.) The play and the acting of it have been
adjusted to please popular audiences since; but there was in that original
performance certainly something of a far higher order, more art, more
reality, more resemblance, a bit of fine pathos, a lofty brogue, beyond
anything afterward.
One of my big treats was the rendering at the old Park of Shakspere's
"Tempest" in musical version. There was a very fine instrumental band, not
numerous, but with a capital leader. Mrs. Austin was the Ariel, and Peter
Richings the Caliban; both excellent. The drunken song of the latter has
probably been never equal'd. The perfect actor Clarke (old Clarke) was
Prospero.
Yes; there were in New York and Brooklyn some fine non-technical
singing performances, concerts, such as the Hutchinson band, three
brothers, and the sister, the red-cheek'd New England carnation, sweet
Abby; sometimes plaintive and balladic—sometimes anti-slavery, anti-
calomel, and comic. There were concerts by Templeton, Russell, Dempster,
the old Alleghanian band, and many others. Then we had lots of "negro
minstrels," with capital character songs and voices. I often saw Rice the
original "Jim Crow" at the old Park Theatre filling up the gap in some short
bill—and the wild chants and dances were admirable—probably ahead of
anything since. Every theatre had some superior voice, and it was common
to give a favorite song between the acts. "The Sea" at the bijou Olympic,

Page 617

(Broadway near Grand,) was always welcome from a little Englishman
named Edwin, a good balladist. At the Bowery the loves of "Sweet
William,"

"When on the Downs the fleet was moor'd,"

always bro't an encore, and sometimes a treble.
I remember Jenny Lind and heard her (1850 I think) several times. She
had the most brilliant, captivating, popular musical style and expression of
any one known; (the canary, and several other sweet birds are wondrous
fine—but there is something in song that goes deeper—isn't there?)
The great "Egyptian Collection" was well up in Broadway, and I got
quite acquainted with Dr. Abbott, the proprietor—paid many visits there,
and had long talks with him, in connection with my readings of many books
and reports on Egypt—its antiquities, history, and how things and the
scenes really look, and what the old relics stand for, as near as we can now
get. (Dr. A. was an Englishman of say 54—had been settled in Cairo as
physician for 25 years, and all that time was collecting these relics, and
sparing no time or money seeking and getting them. By advice and for a
change of base for himself, he brought the collection to America. But the
whole enterprise was a fearful disappointment, in the pay and commercial
part.) As said, I went to the Egyptian Museum many many times;
sometimes had it all to myself—delved at the formidable catalogue—and
on several occasions had the invaluable personal talk, correction,
illustration and guidance of Dr. A. himself. He was very kind and helpful to
me in those studies and examinations; once, by appointment, he appear'd in
full and exact Turkish (Cairo) costume, which long usage there had made
habitual to him.
One of the choice places of New York to me then was the "Phrenological
Cabinet" of Fowler & Wells, Nassau street near Beekman. Here were all the
busts, examples, curios and books of that study obtainable. I went there
often, and once for myself had a very elaborate and leisurely examination
and "chart of bumps" written out (I have it yet,) by Nelson Fowler (or was it
Sizer?) there.
And who remembers the renown'd New York "Tabernacle" of those days
"before the war"? It was on the east side of Broadway, near Pearl street—
was a great turtle-shaped hall, and you had to walk back from the street

Page 618

entrance thro' a long wide corridor to get to it—was very strong—had an
immense gallery—altogether held three or four thousand people. Here the
huge annual conventions of the windy and cyclonic "reformatory societies"
of those times were held—especially the tumultuous Anti-Slavery ones. I
remember hearing Wendell Phillips, Emerson, Cassius Clay, John P. Hale,
Beecher, Fred Douglas, the Burleighs, Garrison, and others. Sometimes the
Hutchinsons would sing—very fine. Sometimes there were angry rows. A
chap named Isaiah Rhynders, a fierce politician of those days, with a band
of robust supporters, would attempt to contradict the speakers and break up
the meetings. But the Anti-Slavery, and Quaker, and Temperance, and
Missionary and other conventicles and speakers were tough, tough, and
always maintained their ground, and carried out their programs fully. I went
frequently to these meetings, May after May—learn'd much from them—
was sure to be on hand when J. P. Hale or Cash Clay made speeches.
There were also the smaller and handsome halls of the Historical and
Athensum Societies up on Broadway. I very well remember W.C. Bryant
lecturing on Homoeopathy in one of them, and attending two or three
addresses by R.W. Emerson in the other.
There was a series of plays and dramatic genre characters by a gentleman
bill'd as Ranger—very fine, better than merely technical, full of exquisite
shades, like the light touches of the violin in the hands of a master. There
was the actor Anderson, who brought us Gerald Griffin's "Gysippus," and
play'd it to admiration. Among the actors of those times I recall: Cooper,
Wallack, Tom Hamblin, Adams (several), Old Gates, Scott, Wm. Sefton,
John Sefton, Geo. Jones, Mitchell, Seguin, Old Clarke, Richings, Fisher, H.
Placide, T. Placide, Thorne, Ingersoll, Gale (Mazeppa) Edwin, Horncastle.
Some of the women hastily remember'd were: Mrs. Vernon, Mrs. Pritchard,
Mrs. McClure, Mary Taylor, Clara Fisher, Mrs. Richardson, Mrs. Flynn.
Then the singers, English, Italian and other: Mrs. Wood, Mrs. Seguin, Mrs.
Austin, Grisi, La Grange, Steffanone, Bosio, Truffi, Parodi, Vestvali,
Bertucca, Jenny Lind, Gazzaniga, Laborde. And the opera men: Bettini,
Badiali, Marini, Mario, Brignoli, Amodio, Beneventano, and many, many
others whose names I do not at this moment recall.
In another paper I have described the elder Booth, and the Bowery
Theatre of those times. Afterward there was the Chatham. The elder Thorne,
Mrs. Thorne, William and John Sefton, Kirby, Brougham, and sometimes

Page 619

Edwin Forrest himself play'd there. I remember them all, and many more,
and especially the fine theatre on Broadway near Pearl, in 1855 and '6.
There were very good circus performances, or horsemanship, in New
York and Brooklyn. Every winter in the first-named city, a regular place in
the Bowery, nearly opposite the old theatre; fine animals and fine riding,
which I often witness'd. (Remember seeing near here, a young, fierce,
splendid lion, presented by an African Barbary Sultan to President Andrew
Jackson. The gift comprised also a lot of jewels, a fine steel sword, and an
Arab stallion; and the lion was made over to a show-man.)
If it is worth while I might add that there was a small but well-appointed
amateur-theatre up Broadway, with the usual stage, orchestra, pit, boxes,
&c., and that I was myself a member for some time, and acted parts in it
several times—"second parts" as they were call'd. Perhaps it too was a
lesson, or help'd that way; at any rate it was full of fun and enjoyment.
And so let us turn off the gas. Out in the brilliancy of the foot-lights—
filling the attention of perhaps a crowded audience, and making many a
breath and pulse swell and rise—O so much passion and imparted life!—
over and over again, the season through—walking, gesticulating, singing,
reciting his or her part—But then sooner or later inevitably wending to the
flies or exit door—vanishing to sight and ear—and never materializing on
this earth's stage again!

SOME PERSONAL AND OLD-AGE JOTTINGS

Anything like unmitigated acceptance of my "Leaves of Grass" book, and
heart-felt response to it, in a popular however faint degree, bubbled forth as
a fresh spring from the ground in England in 1876. The time was a critical
and turning point in my personal and literary life. Let me revert to my
memorandum book, Camden, New Jersey, that year, fill'd with addresses,
receipts, purchases, &c., of the two volumes pub'd then by myself—the
"Leaves," and the "Two Rivulets"—some home customers, for them, but
mostly from the British Islands. I was seriously paralyzed from the
Secession war, poor, in debt, was expecting death, (the doctors put four
chances out of five against me,)—and I had the books printed during the
lingering interim to occupy the tediousness of glum days and nights.
Curiously, the sale abroad proved prompt, and what one might call copious:

Page 620

the names came in lists and the money with them, by foreign mail. The
price was $10 a set. Both the cash and the emotional cheer were deep
medicines; many paid double or treble price, (Tennyson and Ruskin did,)
and many sent kind and eulogistic letters; ladies, clergymen, social leaders,
persons of rank, and high officials. Those blessed gales from the British
Islands probably (certainly) saved me. Here are some of the names, for I
w'd like to preserve them: Wm. M. and D.G. Rossetti, Lord Houghton,
Edwd. Dowden, Mrs. Anne Gilchrist, Keningale Cook, Edwd. Carpenter,
Therese Simpson, Rob't Buchanan, Alfred Tennyson, John Ruskin, C.G.
Gates, E.T. Wilkinson, T.L. Warren, C.W. Reynell, W.B. Scott, A.G. Dew
Smith, E.W. Gosse, T.W. Rolleston, Geo. Wallis, Rafe Leicester, Thos.
Dixon, N. MacColl, Mrs. Matthews, R. Hannah, Geo. Saintsbury, R.S.
Watson, Godfrey and Vernon Lushington, G.H. Lewes, G.H. Boughton,
Geo. Fraser, W.T. Arnold, A. Ireland, Mrs. M. Taylor, M.D. Conway, Benj.
Eyre, E. Dannreather, Rev. T.E. Brown, C.W. Sheppard, E.J.A. Balfour, P.B.
Marston, A.C. De Burgh, J.H. McCarthy, J.H. Ingram, Rev. R.P. Graves,
Lady Mount-temple, F.S. Ellis, W. Brockie, Rev. A.B. Grosart, Lady Hardy,
Hubert Herkomer, Francis Hueffer, H.G. Dakyns, R.L. Nettleship, W.J.
Stillman, Miss Blind, Madox Brown, H.R. Ricardo, Messrs. O'Grady and
Tyrrel; and many, many more.
Severely scann'd, it was perhaps no very great or vehement success; but
the tide had palpably shifted at any rate, and the sluices were turn'd into my
own veins and pockets. That emotional, audacious, open-handed, friendly-
mouth'd just-opportune English action, I say, pluck'd me like a brand from
the burning, and gave me life again, to finish my book, since ab't
completed. I do not forget it, and shall not; and if I ever have a biographer I
charge him to put it in the narrative. I have had the noblest friends and
backers in America; Wm. O'Connor, Dr. R.M. Bucke, John Burroughs,
Geo.W. Childs, good ones in Boston, and Carnegie and R.G. Ingersoll in
New York; and yet perhaps the tenderest and gratefulest breath of my heart
has gone, and ever goes, over the sea-gales across the big pond.
About myself at present. I will soon enter upon my 73d year, if I live—
have pass'd an active life, as country school-teacher, gardener, printer,
carpenter, author and journalist, domicil'd in nearly all the United States and
principal cities, North and South—went to the front (moving about and
occupied as army nurse and missionary) during the secession war, 1861 to
'65, and in the Virginia hospitals and after the battles of that time, tending

Page 621

the Northern and Southern wounded alike—work'd down South and in
Washington city arduously three years—contracted the paralysis which I
have suffer'd ever since—and now live in a little cottage of my own, near
the Delaware in New Jersey. My chief book, unrhym'd and unmetrical (it
has taken thirty years, peace and war, "a borning") has its aim, as once said,
"to utter the same old human critter—but now in Democratic American
modern and scientific conditions." Then I have publish'd two prose works,
"Specimen Days," and a late one, "November Boughs." (A little volume,
"Good-Bye my Fancy," is soon to be out, wh' will finish the matter.) I do
not propose here to enter the much-fought field of the literary criticism of
any of those works.
But for a few portraiture or descriptive bits. To-day in the upper story of
a little wooden house of two stories near the Delaware river, east shore,
sixty miles up from the sea, is a rather large 20-by-20 low ceiling'd room
something like a big old ship's cabin. The floor, three quarters of it with an
ingrain carpet, is half cover'd by a deep litter of books, papers, magazines,
thrown-down letters and circulars, rejected manuscripts, memoranda, bits of
light or strong twine, a bundle to be "express'd," and two or three venerable
scrap books. In the room stand two large tables (one of ancient St. Domingo
mahogany with immense leaves) cover'd by a jumble of more papers, a
varied and copious array of writing materials, several glass and china
vessels or jars, some with cologne-water, others with real honey, granulated
sugar, a large bunch of beautiful fresh yellow chrysanthemums, some letters
and envelopt papers ready for the post office, many photographs, and a
hundred indescribable things besides. There are all around many books,
some quite handsome editions, some half cover'd by dust, some within
reach, evidently used, (good-sized print, no type less than long primer,)
some maps, the Bible, (the strong cheap edition of the English crown,)
Homer, Shakspere, Walter Scott, Emerson, Ticknor's "Spanish Literature,"
John Carlyle's Dante, Felton's "Greece," George Sand's "Consuelo," avery
choice little Epictetus, some novels, the latest foreign and American
monthlies, quarterlies, and so on. There being quite a strew of printer's
proofs and slips, and the daily papers, the place with its quaint old fashion'd
calmness has also a smack of something alert and of current work. There
are several trunks and depositaries back' d up at the walls; (one well-bound
and big box came by express lately from Washington city, after storage
there for nearly twenty years.) Indeed the whole room is a sort of result and

Page 622

storage collection of my own past life. I have here various editions of my
own writings, and sell them upon request; one is a big volume of complete
poems and prose, 1000 pages, autograph, essays, speeches, portraits from
life, &c. Another is a little "Leaves of Grass," latest date, six portraits,
morocco bound, in pocket-book form.
Fortunately the apartment is quite roomy. There are three windows in
front. At one side is the stove, with a cheerful fire of oak wood, near by a
good supply of fresh sticks, whose faint aroma is plain. On another side is
the bed with white coverlid and woollen blankets. Toward the windows is a
huge arm-chair, (a Christmas present from Thomas Donaldson's young
daughter and son, Philadelphia) timber'd as by some stout ship's spars,
yellow polish'd, ample, with rattan-woven seat and back, and over the latter
a great wide wolf-skin of hairy black and silver, spread to guard against
cold and draught. A time-worn look and scent of old oak attach both to the
chair and the person occupying it.
But probably (even at the charge of parrot talk) I can give no more
authentic brief sketch than "from an old remembrance copy," where I have
lately put myself on record as follows: Was born May 31, 1819, in my
father's farm-house, at West Hills, L.I., New York State. My parents' folks
mostly farmers and sailors—on my father's side, of English—on my
mother's (Van Velsor's), from Hollandic immigration. There was, first and
last, a large family of children; (I was the second.) We moved to Brooklyn
while I was still a little one in frocks—and there in B. I grew up out of
frocks—then as child and boy went to the public schools—then to work in a
printing office. When only sixteen or seventeen years old, and for three
years afterward, I went to teaching country schools down in Queens and
Suffolk counties, Long Island, and "boarded round." Then, returning to
New York, work'd as printer and writer, (with an occasional shy at
"poetry.")
1848-'9.—About this time—after ten or twelve years of experiences and
work and lots of fun in New York and Brooklyn—went off on a leisurely
journey and working expedition (my brother Jeff with me) through all the
Middle States, and down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Lived a while in
New Orleans, and work'd there. (Have lived quite a good deal in the
Southern States.) After a time, plodded back northward, up the Mississippi,
the Missouri, &c., and around to, and by way of, the great lakes, Michigan,

Page 623

Huron and Erie, to Niagara Falls and Lower Canada—finally returning
through Central New York, and down the Hudson. 1852-'54—Occupied in
house-building in Brooklyn. (For a little while of the first part of that time
in printing a daily and weekly paper.)
1855.—Lost my dear father this year by death.... Commenced putting
"Leaves of Grass" to press, for good—after many MSS. doings and
undoings—(I had great trouble in leaving out the stock "poetical" touches—
but succeeded at last.) The book has since had some eight hitches or stages
of growth, with one annex, (and another to come out in 1891, which will
complete it.)
1862.—In December of this year went down to the field of war in
Virginia. My brother George reported badly wounded in the Fredericksburg
fight. (For 1863 and '64, see "Specimen Days.") 1865 to '71—Had a place
as clerk (till well on in '73) in the Attorney.
General's Office, Washington. (New York and Brooklyn seem more like
home, as I was born near, and brought up in them, and lived, man and boy,
for 30 years. But I lived some years in Washington, and have visited, and
partially lived, in most of the Western and Eastern cities.)
1873.—This year lost, by death, my dear dear mother—and, just before,
my sister Martha—the two best and sweetest women I have ever seen or
known, or ever expect to see. Same year, February, a sudden climax and
prostration from paralysis. Had been simmering inside for several years;
broke out during those times temporarily, and then went over. But now a
serious attack, beyond cure. Dr. Drinkard, my Washington physician, (and a
first-rate one,) said it was the result of too extreme bodily and emotional
strain continued at Washington and "down in front," in 1863, '4 and '5. I
doubt if a heartier, stronger, healthier physique, more balanced upon itself,
or more unconscious, more sound, ever lived, from 1835 to '72. My greatest
call (Quaker) to go around and do what I could there in those war-scenes
where I had fallen, among the sick and wounded, was, that I seem'd to be so
strong and well. (I consider'd myself invulnerable.) But this last attack
shatter'd me completely. Quit work at Washington, and moved to Camden,
New Jersey—where I have lived since, receiving many buffets and some
precious caresses—and now write these lines. Since then, (1874-'91) a long
stretch of illness, or half-illness, with occasional lulls. During these latter,
have revised and printed over all my books—bro't out "November

Page 624

Boughs"—and at intervals leisurely and exploringly travel'd to the Prairie
States, the Rocky Mountains, Canada, to New York, to my birthplace in
Long Island, and to Boston. But physical disability and the war-paralysis
above alluded to to have settled upon me more and more the last year or so.
Am now (1891) domicil'd, and have been for some years, in this little old
cottage and lot in Mickle street, Camden, with a house-keeper and man
nurse. Bodily I am completely disabled, but still write for publication. I
keep generally buoyant spirits, write often as there comes any lull in
physical sufferings, get in the sun and down to the river whenever I can,
retain fair appetite, assimilation and digestion, sensibilities acute as ever,
the strength and volition of my right arm good, eyesight dimming, but brain
normal, and retain my heart's and soul's unmitigated faith not only in their
own original literary plans, but in the essential bulk of American humanity
east and west, north and south, city and country, through thick and thin, to
the last. Nor must I forget, in conclusion, a special, prayerful, thankful
God's blessing to my dear firm friends and personal helpers, men and
women, home and foreign, old and young.

OUT IN THE OPEN AGAIN

From the Camden Post, April 16, '91.
Walt Whitman got out in the mid-April sun and warmth of yesterday,
propelled in his wheel chair, the first time after four months of
imprisonment in his sick room. He has had the worst winter yet, mainly
from grippe and gastric troubles, and threaten'd blindness; but keeps good
spirits, and has a new little forthcoming book in the printer's hands.

AMERICA'S BULK AVERAGE

If I were ask'd persona to specify the one point of America's people on
which I mainly rely, I should say the final average or bulk quality of the
whole.
Happy indeed w'd I consider myself to give a fair reflection and
representation of even a portion of shows, questions, humanity, events,
unfoldings, thoughts, &c. &c., my age in these States.

Page 625

The great social, political, historic function of my time has been of
course the attempted secession war.
And was there not something grand, and an inside proof of perennial
grandeur, in that war! We talk of our age's and the States' materialism—and
it is too true. But how amid the whole sordidness—the entire devotion of
America, at any price, to pecuniary success, merchandise—disregarding all
but business and profit—this war for a bare idea and abstraction—a mere, at
bottom, heroic dream and reminiscence—burst forth in its great devouring
flame and conflagration quickly and fiercely spreading and raging, and
enveloping all, defining in two conflicting ideas—first the Union cause—
second the other, a strange deadly interrogation point, hard to define—Can
we not now safely confess it?—with magnificent rays, streaks of noblest
heroism, fortitude, perseverance, and even conscientiousness, through its
pervadingly malignant darkness. What an area and rounded field, upon the
whole—the spirit, arrogance, grim tenacity of the South—the long stretches
of murky gloom—the general National Will below and behind and
comprehending all—not once really wavering, not a day, not an hour—
What could be, or even can be, grander?
As in that war, its four years—as through the whole history and
development of the New World—these States through all trials, processes,
eruptions, deepest dilemmas, (often straining, tugging at society's heart-
strings, as if some divine curiosity would find out how much this
democracy could stand,) have so far finally and for more than a century best
justified themselves by the average impalpable quality and personality of
the bulk, the People en masse.... I am not sure but my main and chief
however indefinite claim for any page of mine w'd be its derivation, or
seeking to derive itself, f'm that average quality of the American bulk, the
people, and getting back to it again.

LAST SAVED ITEMS

I'm a vast batch left to oblivion.
In its highest aspect, and striking its grandest average, essential Poetry
expresses and goes along with essential Religion—has been and is more the
adjunct, and more serviceable to that true religion (for of course there is a
false one and plenty of it) than all the priests and creeds and churches that

Page 626

now exist or have ever existed—even while the temporary prevalent theory
and practice of poetry is merely one-side and ornamental and dainty—a
love-sigh, a bit of jewelry, a feudal conceit, an ingenious tale or intellectual
finesse, adjusted to the low taste and calibre that will always sufficiently
generally prevail—(ranges of stairs necessary to ascend the higher.)
The sectarian, church and doctrinal, follies, crimes, fanaticisms,
aggregate and individual, so rife all thro' history, are proofs of the
radicalness and universality of the indestructible element of humanity's
Religion, just as much as any, and are the other side of it. Just as disease
proves health, and is the other side of it.... The philosophy of Greece taught
normality and the beauty of life. Christianity teaches how to endure illness
and death. I have wonder'd whether a third philosophy fusing both, and
doing full justice to both, might not be outlined.
It will not be enough to say that no Nation ever achiev'd materialistic,
political and money-making successes, with general physical comfort, as
fully as the United States of America are to-day achieving them. I know
very well that those are the indispensable foundations—the sine qua non of
moral and heroic (poetic) fruitions to come. For if those pre-successes were
all—if they ended at that—if nothing more were yielded than so far appears
—a gross materialistic prosperity only—America, tried by subtlest tests,
were a failure—has not advanced the standard of humanity a bit further
than other nations. Or, in plain terms, has but inherited and enjoy'd the
results of ordinary claims and preceding ages.
Nature seem'd to use me a long while—myself all well, able, strong and
happy—to portray power, freedom, health. But after a while she seems to
fancy, may-be I can see and understand it all better by being deprived of
most of those.
How difficult it is to add anything more to literature—and how
unsatisfactory for any earnest spirit to serve merely the amusement of the
multitude! (It even seems to me, said H. Heine, more invigorating to
accomplish something bad than something empty.)
The Highest said: Don't let us begin so low—isn't our range too coarse—
too gross?... The Soul answer'd: No, not when we consider what it is all for
—the end involved in Time and Space.
Essentially my own printed records, all my volumes, are doubtless but
off-hand utterances f'm Personality spontaneous, following implicitly the

Page 627

inscrutable command, dominated by that Personality, vaguely even if
decidedly, and with little or nothing of plan, art, erudition, &c. If I have
chosen to hold the reins, the mastery, it has mainly been to give the way, the
power, the road, to the invisible steeds. (I wanted to see how a Person of
America, the last half of the 19th century, w'd appear, but quite freely and
fairly in honest type.)
Haven't I given specimen clues, if no more? At any rate I have written
enough to weary myself—and I will dispatch it to the printers, and cease.
But how much—how many topics, of the greatest pointand cogency, I am
leaving untouch'd!

Page 628

WALT WHITMAN'S LAST {49}
Good-Bye my Fancy.—concluding Annex to Leaves of Grass.
"The Highest said: Don't let us begin so low—isn't our range too coarse
—too gross?... The Soul answer'd: No, not when we consider what it is all
for—the end involved in Time and Space."—An item from last page of
"Good-Bye."
H. Heine's first principle of criticising a book was, What motive is the
author trying to carry out, or express or accomplish? and the second, Has he
achiev'd it?
The theory of my Leaves of Grass as a composition of verses has been
from first to last, (if I am to give impromptu a hint of the spinal marrow of
the business, and sign it with my name,) to thoroughly possess the mind,
memory, cognizance of the author himself, with everything beforehand—a
full armory of concrete actualities, observations, humanity, past poems,
ballads, facts, technique, war and peace, politics, North and South, East and
West, nothing too large or too small, the sciences as far as possible—and
above all America and the present—after and out of which the subject of the
poem, long or short, has been invariably turned over to his Emotionality,
even Personality, to be shaped thence; and emerges strictly therefrom, with
all its merits and demerits on its head. Every page of my poetic or attempt
at poetic utterance therefore smacks of the living physical identity, date,
environment, individuality, probably beyond anything known, and in style
often offensive to the conventions.
This new last cluster, Good-By my Fancy follows suit, and yet with a
difference. The clef is here changed to its lowest, and the little book is a lot
of tremolos about old age, death, and faith. The physical just lingers, but
almost vanishes. The book is garrulous, irascible (like old Lear) and has
various breaks and even tricks to avoid monotony. It will have to be
ciphered and ciphered out long—and is probably in some respects the most
curious part of its author's baffling works.
Walt Whitman.
Endnotes:

Page 629

{49} Published in Lippincott's Magazine, August, 1891, with the
following note added by the editor of the magazine: "With Good-Bye my
Fancy, Walt Whitman has rounded out his life-work. This book is his last
message, and of course a great deal will be said about it by critics all over
the world, both in praise and dispraise; but probably nothing that the critics
will say will be as interesting as this characteristic utterance upon the book
by the poet himself. It is the subjective view as opposed to the objective
views of the critics. Briefly, Whitman gives, as he puts it, 'a hint of the
spinal marrow of the business,' not only of Good-Bye my Fancy, but also of
the Leaves of Grass.
"It was only after considerable persuasion on the editor's part that Mr.
Whitman consented to write the above. As a concise explanation of the
poet's life-work it must have great value to his readers and admirers. After
the critics 'have ciphered and ciphered out long,' they will probably have
nothing better to say."

Page 630

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