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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Up To Date Business
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: Up To Date Business
Editor: Seymour Eaton
Release date: February 6, 2007 [eBook #20531]
Most recently updated: December 7, 2022
Language: English
Other information and formats:
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20531
Credits: Produced by Barbara Tozier, Bill Tozier, Jacqueline
Jeremy
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK UP TO
DATE BUSINESS ***
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it
away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg
License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United
States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Title: Up To Date Business
Editor: Seymour Eaton
Release date: February 6, 2007 [eBook #20531]
Most recently updated: December 7, 2022
Language: English
Other information and formats:
www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20531
Credits: Produced by Barbara Tozier, Bill Tozier, Jacqueline
Jeremy
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK UP TO
DATE BUSINESS ***
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UP-TO-DATE
BUSINESS
BUSINESS
Page 6
HOME STUDY CIRCLE LIBRARY
EDITED BY
EDITED BY
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SEYMOUR EATON
UP TO DATE
BUSINESS
INCLUDING
LESSONS IN BANKING, EXCHANGE,
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY, FINANCE,
TRANSPORTATION AND
COMMERCIAL LAW
FROM THE CHICAGO RECORD
NEW YORK
THE DOUBLEDAY & McCLURE CO.
1900
Copyright, 1897, 1898, 1899, by the Chicago Record
Copyright, 1899, by Seymour Eaton
UP TO DATE
BUSINESS
INCLUDING
LESSONS IN BANKING, EXCHANGE,
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY, FINANCE,
TRANSPORTATION AND
COMMERCIAL LAW
FROM THE CHICAGO RECORD
NEW YORK
THE DOUBLEDAY & McCLURE CO.
1900
Copyright, 1897, 1898, 1899, by the Chicago Record
Copyright, 1899, by Seymour Eaton
Page 8
Copyright, 1899, 1900, by Victor F. Lawson
Page 9
CONTENTS
I
GENERAL BUSINESS INFORMATION
Page
I. Commercial Terms and Usages 3
II. Commercial Terms and Usages (Continued) 4
III. Bank Cheques 6
IV. Bank Cheques (Continued) 8
V. Bank Cheques (Continued) 12
VI. Bank Drafts 15
VII. Promissory Notes 18
VIII. The Clearing-house System 21
IX. Commercial Drafts 26
X. Foreign Exchange 31
XI. Letters of Credit 37
XII. Joint-stock Companies 41
XIII. Protested Paper 46
XIV. Paper Offered for Discount 49
XV. Corporations 51
XVI. Bonds 54
I
GENERAL BUSINESS INFORMATION
Page
I. Commercial Terms and Usages 3
II. Commercial Terms and Usages (Continued) 4
III. Bank Cheques 6
IV. Bank Cheques (Continued) 8
V. Bank Cheques (Continued) 12
VI. Bank Drafts 15
VII. Promissory Notes 18
VIII. The Clearing-house System 21
IX. Commercial Drafts 26
X. Foreign Exchange 31
XI. Letters of Credit 37
XII. Joint-stock Companies 41
XIII. Protested Paper 46
XIV. Paper Offered for Discount 49
XV. Corporations 51
XVI. Bonds 54
Page 10
XVII. Transportation 57
XVIII. Transportation Papers 59
Examination Paper 64
II
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY
Trade Features
I. The Trade Features of the British Isles 69
II. " " " " France 94
III. " " " " Germany 102
IV. " " " " Spain and Italy 111
V. " " " " Russia 120
VI. " " " " India 129
VII. " " " " China 139
VIII. " " " " Japan 148
IX. " " " " Africa 157
X. " " " " Australia and Australasia 166
XI. " " " " South America 177
XII. " " " " Canada 187
XIII. " " " " The United States 194
Examination Paper 210
XVIII. Transportation Papers 59
Examination Paper 64
II
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY
Trade Features
I. The Trade Features of the British Isles 69
II. " " " " France 94
III. " " " " Germany 102
IV. " " " " Spain and Italy 111
V. " " " " Russia 120
VI. " " " " India 129
VII. " " " " China 139
VIII. " " " " Japan 148
IX. " " " " Africa 157
X. " " " " Australia and Australasia 166
XI. " " " " South America 177
XII. " " " " Canada 187
XIII. " " " " The United States 194
Examination Paper 210
Page 11
III
FINANCE, TRADE, AND TRANSPORTATION
I. National and State Banks 215
II. Savings Banks and Trust Companies 221
III. Corporations and Stock Companies 225
IV. Borrowing and Loaning Money 228
V. Collaterals and Securities 233
VI. Cheques, Drafts, and Bills of Exchange 240
VII. The Clearing-house System 248
VIII. Commercial Credits and Mercantile Agencies 254
IX. Bonds 263
X. Transportation by Rail 267
XI. Freight Transportation 274
XII. Railroad Rates 281
XIII. Stock and Produce Exchanges 288
XIV. Storage and Warehousing 294
Examination Paper 301
IV
COMMERCIAL LAW
I. The Different Kinds of Contracts 309
FINANCE, TRADE, AND TRANSPORTATION
I. National and State Banks 215
II. Savings Banks and Trust Companies 221
III. Corporations and Stock Companies 225
IV. Borrowing and Loaning Money 228
V. Collaterals and Securities 233
VI. Cheques, Drafts, and Bills of Exchange 240
VII. The Clearing-house System 248
VIII. Commercial Credits and Mercantile Agencies 254
IX. Bonds 263
X. Transportation by Rail 267
XI. Freight Transportation 274
XII. Railroad Rates 281
XIII. Stock and Produce Exchanges 288
XIV. Storage and Warehousing 294
Examination Paper 301
IV
COMMERCIAL LAW
I. The Different Kinds of Contracts 309
Page 12
II. The Parties to a Contract 312
III. The Parties to a Contract (Continued) 315
IV. The Consideration in Contracts 318
V. The Essentials of a Contract 321
VI. Contracts by Correspondence 326
VII. What Contracts Must Be in Writing 332
VIII. Contracts for the Sale of Merchandise 336
IX. The Warranties of Merchandise 340
X. Common Carriers 344
XI. The Carrying of Passengers 347
XII. On the Keeping of Things 350
XIII. Concerning Agents 353
XIV. The Law Relating to Bank Cheques 358
XV. The Law Relating to Leases 363
XVI. Liability of Employers to Employés 369
XVII. Liability of Employers to Employés 373
Examination Paper 377
V
PREPARING COPY FOR THE PRESS
AND PROOF-READING
I. Preparing Copy 381
II. On the Names and Sizes of Type 382
III. The Parties to a Contract (Continued) 315
IV. The Consideration in Contracts 318
V. The Essentials of a Contract 321
VI. Contracts by Correspondence 326
VII. What Contracts Must Be in Writing 332
VIII. Contracts for the Sale of Merchandise 336
IX. The Warranties of Merchandise 340
X. Common Carriers 344
XI. The Carrying of Passengers 347
XII. On the Keeping of Things 350
XIII. Concerning Agents 353
XIV. The Law Relating to Bank Cheques 358
XV. The Law Relating to Leases 363
XVI. Liability of Employers to Employés 369
XVII. Liability of Employers to Employés 373
Examination Paper 377
V
PREPARING COPY FOR THE PRESS
AND PROOF-READING
I. Preparing Copy 381
II. On the Names and Sizes of Type 382
Page 13
III. The Terms Used in Printing 384
IV. Marks Used in Proof-reading 387
IV. Marks Used in Proof-reading 387
Page 14
ILLUSTRATIONS
I
GENERAL BUSINESS INFORMATION
Page
A Poorly Drawn Cheque 7
A Carefully Drawn Cheque 8
A Cheque Drawn so as to Insure Payment to Proper Party 9
A Cheque Payable to Order 11
A Blank Indorsement 11
A Cheque Made to Obtain Money for Immediate Use 13
A Certified Cheque 14
A Cheque for the Purchase of a Draft 16
A Bank Draft 17
Ordinary Form of Promissory Note 18
A Promissory Note Filled Out in an Engraved Blank 19
A Special Form for a Promissory Note 20
The Advantages of the Clearing-house System 22
The Route of a Cheque 24
Backs of Two Paid Cheques 25
A Sight Draft Developed from Letter 27
I
GENERAL BUSINESS INFORMATION
Page
A Poorly Drawn Cheque 7
A Carefully Drawn Cheque 8
A Cheque Drawn so as to Insure Payment to Proper Party 9
A Cheque Payable to Order 11
A Blank Indorsement 11
A Cheque Made to Obtain Money for Immediate Use 13
A Certified Cheque 14
A Cheque for the Purchase of a Draft 16
A Bank Draft 17
Ordinary Form of Promissory Note 18
A Promissory Note Filled Out in an Engraved Blank 19
A Special Form for a Promissory Note 20
The Advantages of the Clearing-house System 22
The Route of a Cheque 24
Backs of Two Paid Cheques 25
A Sight Draft Developed from Letter 27
Page 15
A Sight Draft 28
An Accepted Ten-day Sight Draft 28
An Accepted Sight Draft 29
A Time Draft 29
Foreign Exchange 32
A Bill of Exchange (Private) 35
A Bill of Exchange (Banker's) 36
First Page of a Letter of Credit 38
Second Page of a Letter of Credit 40
A Certificate of Stock in a National Bank 42
A Certificate of Stock in a Manufacturing Company 43
A Protest 48
A Private Bond 55
A Shipping Receipt ("Original") 60
A Steamship Bill of Lading 61
A Local Waybill 62
II
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY
London the Natural Centre of the World's Trade 72
British Mercantile Marine 74
London Bridge 76
The Coal-fields of England 80
An Accepted Ten-day Sight Draft 28
An Accepted Sight Draft 29
A Time Draft 29
Foreign Exchange 32
A Bill of Exchange (Private) 35
A Bill of Exchange (Banker's) 36
First Page of a Letter of Credit 38
Second Page of a Letter of Credit 40
A Certificate of Stock in a National Bank 42
A Certificate of Stock in a Manufacturing Company 43
A Protest 48
A Private Bond 55
A Shipping Receipt ("Original") 60
A Steamship Bill of Lading 61
A Local Waybill 62
II
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY
London the Natural Centre of the World's Trade 72
British Mercantile Marine 74
London Bridge 76
The Coal-fields of England 80
Page 16
The Manchester Ship Canal 84
The Great Manufacturing Districts of England 88
France Compared in Size with the States of Illinois and Texas 95
Street Scene in Paris, Showing the Bourse 97
Approximate Size of the German Empire 104
North Central Germany, Showing the Ship Canal and the Leading 109
Commercial Centres
Spain Compared in Size with California 113
Italy and its Chief Commercial Centres 117
Russia, the British Empire, and the United States Compared 121
Moscow 127
Comparative Sizes of India and the United States 133
China and its Chief Trade Centres 145
Japan's Relation to Eastern Asia 155
The Partition of Africa 159
Australia 171
The Most Prosperous Part of South America 183
Trade Centres of Canada and Trunk Railway Lines 192
Export Trade of United States and Great Britain Compared 198
United States Manufactures and Internal Trade Compared with the 199
Manufactures and Internal Trade of all Other Countries
Principal Articles of Domestic Exports of the United States 205
III
FINANCE, TRADE, AND TRANSPORTATION
The Great Manufacturing Districts of England 88
France Compared in Size with the States of Illinois and Texas 95
Street Scene in Paris, Showing the Bourse 97
Approximate Size of the German Empire 104
North Central Germany, Showing the Ship Canal and the Leading 109
Commercial Centres
Spain Compared in Size with California 113
Italy and its Chief Commercial Centres 117
Russia, the British Empire, and the United States Compared 121
Moscow 127
Comparative Sizes of India and the United States 133
China and its Chief Trade Centres 145
Japan's Relation to Eastern Asia 155
The Partition of Africa 159
Australia 171
The Most Prosperous Part of South America 183
Trade Centres of Canada and Trunk Railway Lines 192
Export Trade of United States and Great Britain Compared 198
United States Manufactures and Internal Trade Compared with the 199
Manufactures and Internal Trade of all Other Countries
Principal Articles of Domestic Exports of the United States 205
III
FINANCE, TRADE, AND TRANSPORTATION
Page 17
The Bank of England 216
Showing Cheque Raised from $7.50 to $70.50 241
A Certified Cheque 244
A Bank Draft 245
A Bill of Exchange 246
Illustrating Cheque Collections 252
A Mercantile Agency Inquiry Form 259
Specimens of Interest Coupons 266
Judge Thomas M. Cooley, First Chairman of the Interstate Commerce 287
Commission
The Paris Bourse 289
Interior View of New York Stock Exchange 290
V
PREPARING COPY FOR THE PRESS
AND PROOF-READING
A Printer's Proof 390
A Printer's Corrected Proof 391
Showing Cheque Raised from $7.50 to $70.50 241
A Certified Cheque 244
A Bank Draft 245
A Bill of Exchange 246
Illustrating Cheque Collections 252
A Mercantile Agency Inquiry Form 259
Specimens of Interest Coupons 266
Judge Thomas M. Cooley, First Chairman of the Interstate Commerce 287
Commission
The Paris Bourse 289
Interior View of New York Stock Exchange 290
V
PREPARING COPY FOR THE PRESS
AND PROOF-READING
A Printer's Proof 390
A Printer's Corrected Proof 391
Page 18
GENERAL BUSINESS INFORMATION
I. COMMERCIAL TERMS AND USAGES
HERE is a distinction between the usage of the
names commerce and business. The interchange
of products and manufactured articles between
countries, or even between different sections of
the same country, is usually referred to as
commerce. The term business refers more particularly to our
dealings at home—that is, in our own town or city. Sometimes
this name is used in connection with a particular product, as the
coal business or the lumber business, or in connection with a
particular class, as the dry-goods business or the grocery
business. The name commerce, however, seldom admits of a
limited application. In the United States trade is synonymous
with business. The word traffic applies more especially to the
conveyance than to the exchange of products; thus we refer to
railroad traffic or lake traffic. Products, when considered
articles of trade, are called merchandise, goods, wares. The term
merchandise has the widest meaning, and includes all kinds of
movable articles bought or sold. Goods is applied more
particularly to the supplies of a merchant. Wares is commonly
applied to utensils, as glassware, hardware, etc.
Gross commonly means coarse or bulky. In trade it is used with
reference to both money and goods. The gross weight of a
package includes the weight of the case or wrappings. The larger
sum in an account or bill—that is, the sum of money before any
I. COMMERCIAL TERMS AND USAGES
HERE is a distinction between the usage of the
names commerce and business. The interchange
of products and manufactured articles between
countries, or even between different sections of
the same country, is usually referred to as
commerce. The term business refers more particularly to our
dealings at home—that is, in our own town or city. Sometimes
this name is used in connection with a particular product, as the
coal business or the lumber business, or in connection with a
particular class, as the dry-goods business or the grocery
business. The name commerce, however, seldom admits of a
limited application. In the United States trade is synonymous
with business. The word traffic applies more especially to the
conveyance than to the exchange of products; thus we refer to
railroad traffic or lake traffic. Products, when considered
articles of trade, are called merchandise, goods, wares. The term
merchandise has the widest meaning, and includes all kinds of
movable articles bought or sold. Goods is applied more
particularly to the supplies of a merchant. Wares is commonly
applied to utensils, as glassware, hardware, etc.
Gross commonly means coarse or bulky. In trade it is used with
reference to both money and goods. The gross weight of a
package includes the weight of the case or wrappings. The larger
sum in an account or bill—that is, the sum of money before any
Page 19
allowance or deductions are made—is the gross amount of the
bill. The word net is derived from a Latin word meaning neat,
clean, unadulterated, and indicates the amount of goods or
money after all the deductions have been made. To say that a
price is net is to indicate that no further discount will be made.
The word firm relates to solidity, establishment, strength, and in
a business sense signifies two or more persons united in
partnership for the purpose of trading. The word house is very
frequently used in the same sense. In mercantile usage house
does not mean the building in which the business is conducted,
but the men who own the business, including, perhaps, the
building, stock, plant, and business reputation. The name
concern is often used in a very similar way.
The name market expresses a locality for the sale of goods, and
in commerce is often used to denote cities or even countries. We
say that Boston is a leather market, meaning that a large number
of Boston merchants buy and sell leather. In the same sense we
call Chicago a grain market, or New Orleans a cotton market. In
its more restricted sense the name market signifies a building or
place where meat or produce is bought and sold. We say that the
market is flooded with a particular article when dealers are
carrying more of that article than they can find sale for. There is
no market for any product when there is no demand. The money
market is tight or close when it is difficult to borrow money from
banks and money-lenders.
II. COMMERCIAL TERMS AND USAGES
(Continued)
The natural resources of a country are mainly the mineral
commodities and agricultural produce that it yields. The lumber
and fish produced in a country are also among its natural
bill. The word net is derived from a Latin word meaning neat,
clean, unadulterated, and indicates the amount of goods or
money after all the deductions have been made. To say that a
price is net is to indicate that no further discount will be made.
The word firm relates to solidity, establishment, strength, and in
a business sense signifies two or more persons united in
partnership for the purpose of trading. The word house is very
frequently used in the same sense. In mercantile usage house
does not mean the building in which the business is conducted,
but the men who own the business, including, perhaps, the
building, stock, plant, and business reputation. The name
concern is often used in a very similar way.
The name market expresses a locality for the sale of goods, and
in commerce is often used to denote cities or even countries. We
say that Boston is a leather market, meaning that a large number
of Boston merchants buy and sell leather. In the same sense we
call Chicago a grain market, or New Orleans a cotton market. In
its more restricted sense the name market signifies a building or
place where meat or produce is bought and sold. We say that the
market is flooded with a particular article when dealers are
carrying more of that article than they can find sale for. There is
no market for any product when there is no demand. The money
market is tight or close when it is difficult to borrow money from
banks and money-lenders.
II. COMMERCIAL TERMS AND USAGES
(Continued)
The natural resources of a country are mainly the mineral
commodities and agricultural produce that it yields. The lumber
and fish produced in a country are also among its natural
Page 20
resources. The positions and industries of cities are usually fixed
by natural conditions, but the most powerful agent is the
personal energy of enterprising and persevering men, who, by
superior education, or scientific knowledge, or practical
foresight, have often been able to found industrial centres in
situations which no geographical considerations would suggest
or explain.
Commission merchants receive and sell goods belonging to
others for a compensation called a commission. A selling agent
is a person who represents a manufacturing establishment in its
dealings with the trade. The factory may be located in a small
town, while the selling agent has his office and samples in the
heart of a great city. As regards the quantity of goods bought or
sold in a single transaction, trade is divided into wholesale and
retail. The wholesale dealer sells to other dealers, while the
retail dealer sells to the consumer—that is, the person who
consumes, or uses, the goods. A jobber is one who buys from
importers and manufacturers and sells to retailers. He is
constantly in the market for bargains. The names jobber and
wholesaler are often used in the same sense, but a jobber
sometimes sells to wholesalers. Wholesale has reference to the
quantity the dealer sells, and not to the source from which he
buys, or the person to whom he sells. The wholesaler, as a rule,
deals in staples—that is, goods which are used season after
season—though of course there are wholesalers in practically all
businesses.
Wholesale dealers send out travellers or drummers, who carry
samples of the goods. Frequently the traveller starts out with his
samples from six months to a year in advance of the time of
delivery. It is quite a common thing for the retailer to order from
samples merchandise which at the time of placing the order may
not even be manufactured.
By the price of a commodity is meant its value estimated in
money, or the amount of money for which it will exchange. The
by natural conditions, but the most powerful agent is the
personal energy of enterprising and persevering men, who, by
superior education, or scientific knowledge, or practical
foresight, have often been able to found industrial centres in
situations which no geographical considerations would suggest
or explain.
Commission merchants receive and sell goods belonging to
others for a compensation called a commission. A selling agent
is a person who represents a manufacturing establishment in its
dealings with the trade. The factory may be located in a small
town, while the selling agent has his office and samples in the
heart of a great city. As regards the quantity of goods bought or
sold in a single transaction, trade is divided into wholesale and
retail. The wholesale dealer sells to other dealers, while the
retail dealer sells to the consumer—that is, the person who
consumes, or uses, the goods. A jobber is one who buys from
importers and manufacturers and sells to retailers. He is
constantly in the market for bargains. The names jobber and
wholesaler are often used in the same sense, but a jobber
sometimes sells to wholesalers. Wholesale has reference to the
quantity the dealer sells, and not to the source from which he
buys, or the person to whom he sells. The wholesaler, as a rule,
deals in staples—that is, goods which are used season after
season—though of course there are wholesalers in practically all
businesses.
Wholesale dealers send out travellers or drummers, who carry
samples of the goods. Frequently the traveller starts out with his
samples from six months to a year in advance of the time of
delivery. It is quite a common thing for the retailer to order from
samples merchandise which at the time of placing the order may
not even be manufactured.
By the price of a commodity is meant its value estimated in
money, or the amount of money for which it will exchange. The
Page 21
exchangeable value of commodities depends at any given period
partly upon the expense of production and partly upon the
relation of supply and demand. Prices are affected by the
creation of monopolies, by the opening of new markets, by the
obstructing of the ordinary channels of commercial intercourse,
and by the anticipation of these and other causes. It is the
business of the merchant to acquaint himself with every
circumstance affecting the prices of the goods in which he deals.
The entire world is the field of the modern merchant. He buys
raw and manufactured products wherever he can buy cheapest,
and he ships to whatever market pays him the highest price. Our
corner grocer or produce-dealer may furnish us with beef from
Texas, potatoes from Egypt, celery from Michigan, onions from
Jamaica, coffee from Java, oranges from Spain, and a hundred
other things from as many different points; and yet, so complete
is the interlocking of the world's commercial interests, and so
great is the speed of transportation, that he can supply us with
these necessaries under existing conditions more easily and
readily than if they were all grown on an adjoining farm.
III. BANK CHEQUES
A cheque is an order for money, drawn by one who has funds in
the bank. It is payable on demand. In reality, it is a sight draft on
the bank. Banks provide blank cheques for their customers, and
it is a very simple matter to fill them out properly. In writing in
the amount begin at the extreme left of the line.
The illustration given below shows a poorly written cheque and
one which could be very easily raised. A fraudulent receiver
could, for instance write, "ninety" before the "six" and "9" before
the figure "6," and in this way raise the cheque from $6 to $96. If
this were done and the cheque cashed, the maker, and not the
partly upon the expense of production and partly upon the
relation of supply and demand. Prices are affected by the
creation of monopolies, by the opening of new markets, by the
obstructing of the ordinary channels of commercial intercourse,
and by the anticipation of these and other causes. It is the
business of the merchant to acquaint himself with every
circumstance affecting the prices of the goods in which he deals.
The entire world is the field of the modern merchant. He buys
raw and manufactured products wherever he can buy cheapest,
and he ships to whatever market pays him the highest price. Our
corner grocer or produce-dealer may furnish us with beef from
Texas, potatoes from Egypt, celery from Michigan, onions from
Jamaica, coffee from Java, oranges from Spain, and a hundred
other things from as many different points; and yet, so complete
is the interlocking of the world's commercial interests, and so
great is the speed of transportation, that he can supply us with
these necessaries under existing conditions more easily and
readily than if they were all grown on an adjoining farm.
III. BANK CHEQUES
A cheque is an order for money, drawn by one who has funds in
the bank. It is payable on demand. In reality, it is a sight draft on
the bank. Banks provide blank cheques for their customers, and
it is a very simple matter to fill them out properly. In writing in
the amount begin at the extreme left of the line.
The illustration given below shows a poorly written cheque and
one which could be very easily raised. A fraudulent receiver
could, for instance write, "ninety" before the "six" and "9" before
the figure "6," and in this way raise the cheque from $6 to $96. If
this were done and the cheque cashed, the maker, and not the
Page 22
bank, would become responsible for the loss. You cannot hold
other people responsible for your own carelessness. A cheque has
been raised from $100 to $190 by writing the words "and ninety"
after the words "one hundred." One of the ciphers in the figures
was changed to a "9" by adding a tail to it. It is wise to draw a
running line, thus ~~~~~~, after the amount in words, thus
preventing any additional writing.
A poorly drawn cheque.
The illustration on page 8 shows a cheque carefully and correctly
drawn. The signature should be in your usual style, familiar to
the paying teller. Sign your name the same way all the time.
Have a characteristic signature, as familiar to your friends as is
your face.
A cheque is a draft or order upon your bank, and it need not
necessarily be written in the prescribed form. Such an order
written on a sheet of note-paper with a lead-pencil might be in
every way a legally good cheque.
other people responsible for your own carelessness. A cheque has
been raised from $100 to $190 by writing the words "and ninety"
after the words "one hundred." One of the ciphers in the figures
was changed to a "9" by adding a tail to it. It is wise to draw a
running line, thus ~~~~~~, after the amount in words, thus
preventing any additional writing.
A poorly drawn cheque.
The illustration on page 8 shows a cheque carefully and correctly
drawn. The signature should be in your usual style, familiar to
the paying teller. Sign your name the same way all the time.
Have a characteristic signature, as familiar to your friends as is
your face.
A cheque is a draft or order upon your bank, and it need not
necessarily be written in the prescribed form. Such an order
written on a sheet of note-paper with a lead-pencil might be in
every way a legally good cheque.
Page 23
A carefully drawn cheque.
Usually cheques should be drawn "to order." The words "Pay to
the order of John Brown" mean that the money is to be paid to
John Brown, or to any person that he orders it paid to. If a
cheque is drawn "Pay to John Brown or Bearer" or simply "Pay
to Bearer," any person that is the bearer can collect it. The
paying teller may ask the person presenting the cheque to write
his name on the back, simply to have it for reference.
In writing and signing cheques use good black ink and let the
copy dry a little before a blotter is used.
The subject of indorsements will be treated in a subsequent
lesson.
IV. BANK CHEQUES (Continued)
The banks of this country make it a rule not to cash a cheque that
is drawn payable to order, unless the person presenting the
cheque is known at the bank, or unless he satisfies the paying
teller that he is really the person to whom the money should be
Usually cheques should be drawn "to order." The words "Pay to
the order of John Brown" mean that the money is to be paid to
John Brown, or to any person that he orders it paid to. If a
cheque is drawn "Pay to John Brown or Bearer" or simply "Pay
to Bearer," any person that is the bearer can collect it. The
paying teller may ask the person presenting the cheque to write
his name on the back, simply to have it for reference.
In writing and signing cheques use good black ink and let the
copy dry a little before a blotter is used.
The subject of indorsements will be treated in a subsequent
lesson.
IV. BANK CHEQUES (Continued)
The banks of this country make it a rule not to cash a cheque that
is drawn payable to order, unless the person presenting the
cheque is known at the bank, or unless he satisfies the paying
teller that he is really the person to whom the money should be
Page 24
paid. It must be remembered however, that a cheque drawn to
order and then indorsed in blank by the payee is really payable to
bearer, and if the paying teller is satisfied that the payee's
signature is genuine he will not likely hesitate to cash the
cheque. In England all cheques apparently properly indorsed are
paid without identification.
A cheque drawn so as to insure payment to proper party.
In drawing a cheque in favour of a person not likely to be well
known in banking circles, write his address or his business after
his name on the face of the cheque. For instance, if you should
send a cheque to John Brown, St. Louis, it might possibly fall
into the hands of the wrong John Brown; but if you write the
cheque in favour of "John Brown, 246 West Avenue, St. Louis,"
it is more than likely that the right person will collect it.
If you wish to get a cheque cashed where you are unknown, and
it is not convenient for a friend who has an account at the bank to
go with you for the purpose of identification, ask him to place
his signature on the back of your cheque, and you will not likely
have trouble in getting it cashed at the bank where your friend
keeps his account. By placing his signature upon the back of the
cheque he guarantees the bank against loss. A bank is responsible
for the signatures of its depositors, but it cannot be supposed to
order and then indorsed in blank by the payee is really payable to
bearer, and if the paying teller is satisfied that the payee's
signature is genuine he will not likely hesitate to cash the
cheque. In England all cheques apparently properly indorsed are
paid without identification.
A cheque drawn so as to insure payment to proper party.
In drawing a cheque in favour of a person not likely to be well
known in banking circles, write his address or his business after
his name on the face of the cheque. For instance, if you should
send a cheque to John Brown, St. Louis, it might possibly fall
into the hands of the wrong John Brown; but if you write the
cheque in favour of "John Brown, 246 West Avenue, St. Louis,"
it is more than likely that the right person will collect it.
If you wish to get a cheque cashed where you are unknown, and
it is not convenient for a friend who has an account at the bank to
go with you for the purpose of identification, ask him to place
his signature on the back of your cheque, and you will not likely
have trouble in getting it cashed at the bank where your friend
keeps his account. By placing his signature upon the back of the
cheque he guarantees the bank against loss. A bank is responsible
for the signatures of its depositors, but it cannot be supposed to
Page 25
know the signatures of indorsers. The reliable identifier is in
reality the person who is responsible.
INDORSING CHEQUES
1. In indorsing cheques note the following points:
2. Write across the back—not lengthwise.
3. If your indorsement is the first, write it about two inches
from the top of the back; if it is not the first indorsement,
write immediately under the last indorsement.
4. Do not indorse wrong end up; the top of the back is the left
end of the face.
5. Write your name as you are accustomed to write it, no
matter how it is written on the face. If you are depositing
the cheque write or stamp "For Deposit" or "Pay to
______Bank______," as may be the custom, over your
signature. This is hardly necessary if you are taking the
cheque yourself to the bank. A cheque with a simple or
blank indorsement on the back is payable to bearer, and if
lost the finder might succeed in collecting it; but if the
words "For Deposit" appear over the name the bank
officials understand that the cheque is intended to be
deposited, and they will not cash it.
6. If you wish to make the cheque payable to some particular
person by indorsing, write "Pay to ______(name)______ or
order," and under this write your own name as you are
accustomed to sign it.
7. Do not carry around indorsed cheques loosely. Such
cheques are payable to bearer and may be collected by any
one.
reality the person who is responsible.
INDORSING CHEQUES
1. In indorsing cheques note the following points:
2. Write across the back—not lengthwise.
3. If your indorsement is the first, write it about two inches
from the top of the back; if it is not the first indorsement,
write immediately under the last indorsement.
4. Do not indorse wrong end up; the top of the back is the left
end of the face.
5. Write your name as you are accustomed to write it, no
matter how it is written on the face. If you are depositing
the cheque write or stamp "For Deposit" or "Pay to
______Bank______," as may be the custom, over your
signature. This is hardly necessary if you are taking the
cheque yourself to the bank. A cheque with a simple or
blank indorsement on the back is payable to bearer, and if
lost the finder might succeed in collecting it; but if the
words "For Deposit" appear over the name the bank
officials understand that the cheque is intended to be
deposited, and they will not cash it.
6. If you wish to make the cheque payable to some particular
person by indorsing, write "Pay to ______(name)______ or
order," and under this write your own name as you are
accustomed to sign it.
7. Do not carry around indorsed cheques loosely. Such
cheques are payable to bearer and may be collected by any
one.
Page 26
8. If you receive a cheque which has been transferred to you
by a blank indorsement (name of indorser only), and you
wish to hold it a day or two, write over the indorsement the
words "Pay to the order of (yourself—writing your own
name)." This is allowable legally. The cheque cannot then
be collected until you indorse it.
A cheque payable to order and a blank indorsement.
by a blank indorsement (name of indorser only), and you
wish to hold it a day or two, write over the indorsement the
words "Pay to the order of (yourself—writing your own
name)." This is allowable legally. The cheque cannot then
be collected until you indorse it.
A cheque payable to order and a blank indorsement.
Page 27
9. An authorised stamped indorsement is as good as a written
one. Whether such indorsements are accepted or not
depends upon the regulations of the clearing-house in the
particular city in which they are offered for deposit. The
written indorsement is considered safer for transmission of
out-of-town collections.
10. If you are indorsing for a company, or society, or
corporation, write first the name of the company (this may
be stamped on) and then your own name, followed by the
word "Treas."
11. If you have power of attorney to indorse for some particular
person, write his name, followed by your own, followed by
the word "Attorney" or "Atty.," as it is usually written.
12. It is sometimes permissible to indorse the payee's name
thus, "By ______(your own name)." This may be done by a
junior member of a concern when the person authorised to
indorse cheques is absent and the cheques are deposited and
not cashed.
13. Do not write any unnecessary information on the back of
your cheque. A story is told of a woman who received a
cheque from her husband, and when cashing it wrote "Your
loving wife" above her name on the back.
V. BANK CHEQUES (Continued)
If you wish to draw money from your own account, the most
approved form of cheque is written "Pay to the order of Cash."
This differs from a cheque drawn to "Bearer." The paying teller
expects to see yourself, or some one well known to him as your
representative, when you write "Cash." If you write "Pay to the
one. Whether such indorsements are accepted or not
depends upon the regulations of the clearing-house in the
particular city in which they are offered for deposit. The
written indorsement is considered safer for transmission of
out-of-town collections.
10. If you are indorsing for a company, or society, or
corporation, write first the name of the company (this may
be stamped on) and then your own name, followed by the
word "Treas."
11. If you have power of attorney to indorse for some particular
person, write his name, followed by your own, followed by
the word "Attorney" or "Atty.," as it is usually written.
12. It is sometimes permissible to indorse the payee's name
thus, "By ______(your own name)." This may be done by a
junior member of a concern when the person authorised to
indorse cheques is absent and the cheques are deposited and
not cashed.
13. Do not write any unnecessary information on the back of
your cheque. A story is told of a woman who received a
cheque from her husband, and when cashing it wrote "Your
loving wife" above her name on the back.
V. BANK CHEQUES (Continued)
If you wish to draw money from your own account, the most
approved form of cheque is written "Pay to the order of Cash."
This differs from a cheque drawn to "Bearer." The paying teller
expects to see yourself, or some one well known to him as your
representative, when you write "Cash." If you write "Pay to the
Page 28
order of (your own name)" you will be required to indorse your
cheque before you can get it cashed.
If your note is due at your own bank and you wish to draw a
cheque in payment, write "Pay to the order of Bills Payable." If
you wish to write a cheque to draw money for wages, write "Pay
to the order of Pay-roll." If you wish to write a cheque to pay for
a draft which you are buying, write "Pay to the order of N. Y.
Draft and Exchange," or whatever the circumstances may call
for.
A cheque made to obtain money for immediate use.
If you wish to stop the payment of a cheque which you have
issued you should notify the bank at once, giving full particulars.
Banks have a custom, after paying and charging cheques, of
cancelling them by punching or making some cut through their
face. These cancelled cheques are returned to the makers at the
end of each month.
If you have deposited a cheque and it is returned through your
bank marked "No Funds," it signifies that the cheque is
worthless and that the person upon whose account it was drawn
has no funds to meet it. Your bank will charge the amount to
cheque before you can get it cashed.
If your note is due at your own bank and you wish to draw a
cheque in payment, write "Pay to the order of Bills Payable." If
you wish to write a cheque to draw money for wages, write "Pay
to the order of Pay-roll." If you wish to write a cheque to pay for
a draft which you are buying, write "Pay to the order of N. Y.
Draft and Exchange," or whatever the circumstances may call
for.
A cheque made to obtain money for immediate use.
If you wish to stop the payment of a cheque which you have
issued you should notify the bank at once, giving full particulars.
Banks have a custom, after paying and charging cheques, of
cancelling them by punching or making some cut through their
face. These cancelled cheques are returned to the makers at the
end of each month.
If you have deposited a cheque and it is returned through your
bank marked "No Funds," it signifies that the cheque is
worthless and that the person upon whose account it was drawn
has no funds to meet it. Your bank will charge the amount to
Page 29
your account. The best thing to do in such a case is to hold the
cheque as evidence of the debt, and write the person who sent it
to you, giving particulars and asking for an explanation.
If you wish to use your cheque to pay a note due at some other
bank, or in buying real estate, or stocks, or bonds, you may find
it necessary to get the cheque certified. This is done by an officer
of the bank, who writes or stamps across the face of the cheque
the words "Certified" or "Good When Properly Indorsed," and
signs his name. (See illustration.) The amount will immediately
be deducted from your account, and the bank, by guaranteeing
your cheque, becomes responsible for its payment. Banks will
usually certify any cheque drawn upon them if the depositor has
the amount called for to his credit, no matter who presents the
cheque, and this certifying makes it feasible for a man to carry in
his pocket any amount of actual cash. If you should get a cheque
certified and then not use it, deposit it in your bank, otherwise
your account will be short the amount for which the cheque is
drawn. In Canada all cheques are presented to the "ledger-
keeper" for certification before being presented to the paying
teller.
A certified cheque.
THE USEFULNESS OF BANKS
cheque as evidence of the debt, and write the person who sent it
to you, giving particulars and asking for an explanation.
If you wish to use your cheque to pay a note due at some other
bank, or in buying real estate, or stocks, or bonds, you may find
it necessary to get the cheque certified. This is done by an officer
of the bank, who writes or stamps across the face of the cheque
the words "Certified" or "Good When Properly Indorsed," and
signs his name. (See illustration.) The amount will immediately
be deducted from your account, and the bank, by guaranteeing
your cheque, becomes responsible for its payment. Banks will
usually certify any cheque drawn upon them if the depositor has
the amount called for to his credit, no matter who presents the
cheque, and this certifying makes it feasible for a man to carry in
his pocket any amount of actual cash. If you should get a cheque
certified and then not use it, deposit it in your bank, otherwise
your account will be short the amount for which the cheque is
drawn. In Canada all cheques are presented to the "ledger-
keeper" for certification before being presented to the paying
teller.
A certified cheque.
THE USEFULNESS OF BANKS
Page 30
Banks are absolutely necessary to the success of modern
commercial enterprises. They provide a place for the safe-
keeping of money and securities, and they make the payment of
bills much more convenient than if currency instead of cheques
were the more largely used. But the great advantage of a banking
institution to a business man is the opportunity it affords him of
borrowing money, of securing cash for the carrying on of his
business while his own capital is locked up in merchandise or in
the hands of his debtors. Another important advantage is to be
found in the facilities afforded by banks for the collection of
cheques, notes, and drafts.
VI. BANK DRAFTS
A draft is a formal demand for the payment of money. Your bank
cheque is your sight draft on your bank. It is not so stated, but it
is so understood. A cheque differs from an ordinary commercial
draft, both in its wording and in its purpose. The bank is obliged
to pay your cheque if it holds funds of yours sufficient to meet it,
while the person upon whom your draft is drawn may or may not
honour it at his pleasure. A cheque is used for paying money to a
creditor, while a draft is used as a means of collecting money
from a debtor.
Nearly all large banks keep money on deposit with one or more
of the banks located in the great commercial centres. They call
these centrally located banks their correspondents. The larger
banks have correspondents in New York, Chicago, Boston, and
other large cities. As business men keep money on deposit with
banks to meet their cheques, so banks keep money on deposit
with other banks to meet their drafts.
A bank draft is simply the bank's cheque, drawn upon its
deposit with some other bank. Banks sell these cheques to their
commercial enterprises. They provide a place for the safe-
keeping of money and securities, and they make the payment of
bills much more convenient than if currency instead of cheques
were the more largely used. But the great advantage of a banking
institution to a business man is the opportunity it affords him of
borrowing money, of securing cash for the carrying on of his
business while his own capital is locked up in merchandise or in
the hands of his debtors. Another important advantage is to be
found in the facilities afforded by banks for the collection of
cheques, notes, and drafts.
VI. BANK DRAFTS
A draft is a formal demand for the payment of money. Your bank
cheque is your sight draft on your bank. It is not so stated, but it
is so understood. A cheque differs from an ordinary commercial
draft, both in its wording and in its purpose. The bank is obliged
to pay your cheque if it holds funds of yours sufficient to meet it,
while the person upon whom your draft is drawn may or may not
honour it at his pleasure. A cheque is used for paying money to a
creditor, while a draft is used as a means of collecting money
from a debtor.
Nearly all large banks keep money on deposit with one or more
of the banks located in the great commercial centres. They call
these centrally located banks their correspondents. The larger
banks have correspondents in New York, Chicago, Boston, and
other large cities. As business men keep money on deposit with
banks to meet their cheques, so banks keep money on deposit
with other banks to meet their drafts.
A bank draft is simply the bank's cheque, drawn upon its
deposit with some other bank. Banks sell these cheques to their
Page 31
customers, and merchants make large use of them in paying bills
in distant cities. These drafts, or cashiers' cheques, as they are
sometimes called, pass as cash anywhere within a reasonable
distance of the money centre upon which they are drawn.
Bankers' drafts on New York would, under ordinary financial
conditions, be considered cash anywhere in the United States. A
draft on a foreign bank is usually called a bill of exchange.
A cheque for the purchase of a draft.
Cheques have come to be quite generally used for the payment
of bills even at long distances. If a business man desires to close
an important contract requiring cash in advance he sends a bank
draft, if at a distance, or a certified cheque, if in the same city. If
he desires simply to pay a debt he sends his own personal
cheque. Bank drafts are quite generally used by merchants in the
West to pay bills in the East. A draft on New York bought in San
Francisco is cash when it reaches New York, while a San
Francisco cheque is not cash until it returns and is cashed by the
bank upon which it is drawn. In the ordinary course of business
cheques are considered cash no matter upon what bank drawn.
The bank receiving them on deposit gives the depositor credit at
once, even though it may take a week before the value
represented by the cheque is in the possession of the bank.
in distant cities. These drafts, or cashiers' cheques, as they are
sometimes called, pass as cash anywhere within a reasonable
distance of the money centre upon which they are drawn.
Bankers' drafts on New York would, under ordinary financial
conditions, be considered cash anywhere in the United States. A
draft on a foreign bank is usually called a bill of exchange.
A cheque for the purchase of a draft.
Cheques have come to be quite generally used for the payment
of bills even at long distances. If a business man desires to close
an important contract requiring cash in advance he sends a bank
draft, if at a distance, or a certified cheque, if in the same city. If
he desires simply to pay a debt he sends his own personal
cheque. Bank drafts are quite generally used by merchants in the
West to pay bills in the East. A draft on New York bought in San
Francisco is cash when it reaches New York, while a San
Francisco cheque is not cash until it returns and is cashed by the
bank upon which it is drawn. In the ordinary course of business
cheques are considered cash no matter upon what bank drawn.
The bank receiving them on deposit gives the depositor credit at
once, even though it may take a week before the value
represented by the cheque is in the possession of the bank.
Page 32
A bank draft.
All wholesale transactions and a large proportion of retail
transactions are completed by the passing of instruments of
credit—notes, cheques, drafts, etc.; a part only of the retail trade
is conducted by actual currency-bills and "change." Banks
handle the bulk of these transferable titles and deal to a very
small extent—that is, proportionally—in actual money. The
notes, drafts, bills of exchange, and bank cheques are
representative of the property passing by title in money from the
producers to the consumers. A small proportion—perhaps six or
eight per cent.—of these transactions is conducted by the use of
actual bank or legal-tender notes. This trade in instruments of
credit amounts in the United States to fifty billions of dollars
yearly.
VII. PROMISSORY NOTES
All wholesale transactions and a large proportion of retail
transactions are completed by the passing of instruments of
credit—notes, cheques, drafts, etc.; a part only of the retail trade
is conducted by actual currency-bills and "change." Banks
handle the bulk of these transferable titles and deal to a very
small extent—that is, proportionally—in actual money. The
notes, drafts, bills of exchange, and bank cheques are
representative of the property passing by title in money from the
producers to the consumers. A small proportion—perhaps six or
eight per cent.—of these transactions is conducted by the use of
actual bank or legal-tender notes. This trade in instruments of
credit amounts in the United States to fifty billions of dollars
yearly.
VII. PROMISSORY NOTES
Page 33
Ordinary form of promissory note.
A promissory note is a written promise to pay a specified sum of
money. At the time of the note's issue—that is, when signed and
delivered—two parties are connected with it, the maker and the
payee. The maker is the person who signs or promises to pay the
note; the payee is the person to whom or to whose order the note
is made payable. Negotiable in a commercial sense means
transferable, and a negotiable note is a note which can be
transferred from one person to another. A note to be made
negotiable must contain the word bearer or the word order—that
is, it must be payable either to bearer, or to the order of the
payee. A non-negotiable note is payable to a particular person
only. A note may be written on any kind of paper, in ink or
pencil. It is wise, however, to use ink to prevent changes. All
stationers sell blank forms for notes which are easily filled in.
The samples of notes which appear in this lesson are selected
simply to illustrate to students the fact that there are a great many
special forms of notes in common use. The wording differs
slightly in different States.
A promissory note is a written promise to pay a specified sum of
money. At the time of the note's issue—that is, when signed and
delivered—two parties are connected with it, the maker and the
payee. The maker is the person who signs or promises to pay the
note; the payee is the person to whom or to whose order the note
is made payable. Negotiable in a commercial sense means
transferable, and a negotiable note is a note which can be
transferred from one person to another. A note to be made
negotiable must contain the word bearer or the word order—that
is, it must be payable either to bearer, or to the order of the
payee. A non-negotiable note is payable to a particular person
only. A note may be written on any kind of paper, in ink or
pencil. It is wise, however, to use ink to prevent changes. All
stationers sell blank forms for notes which are easily filled in.
The samples of notes which appear in this lesson are selected
simply to illustrate to students the fact that there are a great many
special forms of notes in common use. The wording differs
slightly in different States.
Page 34
The date of a note is a matter of the first importance. Some
bankers and business men consider it better to draw notes
payable at a certain fixed time, as, "I promise to pay on the 10th
of March, 1897." The common custom is to make notes payable
a certain number of days or months after date. A note made or
issued on Sunday is void. The day of maturity is the day upon
which a note becomes legally due. In several of the States a note
is not legally due until three days, called days of grace, after the
expiration of the time specified in the note.
A promissory note filled out on an engraved blank.
The words value received, which usually appear upon notes, are
not necessary legally. Thousands of good notes made without
any value consideration are handled daily.
The promise to pay of a negotiable note must be unconditional. It
cannot be made to depend upon any contingency whatever.
Notes that are made in settlement of genuine business
transactions come under the head of regular, legitimate business
paper. An accommodation note is one which is signed, or
indorsed, simply as an accommodation, and not in settlement of
an account or in payment of an indebtedness. With banks
bankers and business men consider it better to draw notes
payable at a certain fixed time, as, "I promise to pay on the 10th
of March, 1897." The common custom is to make notes payable
a certain number of days or months after date. A note made or
issued on Sunday is void. The day of maturity is the day upon
which a note becomes legally due. In several of the States a note
is not legally due until three days, called days of grace, after the
expiration of the time specified in the note.
A promissory note filled out on an engraved blank.
The words value received, which usually appear upon notes, are
not necessary legally. Thousands of good notes made without
any value consideration are handled daily.
The promise to pay of a negotiable note must be unconditional. It
cannot be made to depend upon any contingency whatever.
Notes that are made in settlement of genuine business
transactions come under the head of regular, legitimate business
paper. An accommodation note is one which is signed, or
indorsed, simply as an accommodation, and not in settlement of
an account or in payment of an indebtedness. With banks
Page 35
accommodation paper has a deservedly hard reputation.
However, there are all grades and shades of accommodation
paper, though it represents no actual business transaction
between the parties to it, and rests upon no other foundation than
that of mutual agreement. No contract is good without a
consideration, but this is only true between the original parties to
a note. The third party or innocent receiver or holder of a note
has a good title, and can recover its value, even though it was
originally given without a valuable consideration. An innocent
holder of a note which had been originally lost or stolen has a
good title to it if he received it for value.
A special form for a promissory note.
A note does not draw interest until after maturity, unless the
words with interest appear on the face. Notes draw interest after
maturity and until paid, at the legal rate.
A note should be presented for payment upon the exact day of
maturity. Notes made payable at a bank, or at any other place,
must be presented for payment at the place named. When no
place is specified the note is payable at the maker's place of
business or at his residence.
However, there are all grades and shades of accommodation
paper, though it represents no actual business transaction
between the parties to it, and rests upon no other foundation than
that of mutual agreement. No contract is good without a
consideration, but this is only true between the original parties to
a note. The third party or innocent receiver or holder of a note
has a good title, and can recover its value, even though it was
originally given without a valuable consideration. An innocent
holder of a note which had been originally lost or stolen has a
good title to it if he received it for value.
A special form for a promissory note.
A note does not draw interest until after maturity, unless the
words with interest appear on the face. Notes draw interest after
maturity and until paid, at the legal rate.
A note should be presented for payment upon the exact day of
maturity. Notes made payable at a bank, or at any other place,
must be presented for payment at the place named. When no
place is specified the note is payable at the maker's place of
business or at his residence.
Page 36
In finding the date of maturity it is important to remember that
when a note is drawn days after date the actual days must be
counted, and when drawn months after date the time is reckoned
by months.
To discount a note is to sell it at a discount. The rates of discount
vary according to the security offered, or the character of the
loan, or the state of the money market. For ordinary commercial
paper the rates run from four to eight per cent. Notes received
and given by commercial houses and discounted by banks are
not usually for a longer period than four months.
VIII. THE CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM
In large cities cheques representing millions of dollars are
deposited in the banks every day. The separate collection of these
would be almost impossible were it not for the clearing-house
system. Each large city has its clearing-house. It is an
establishment formed by the banks themselves, and for their own
convenience. The leading banks of a city connect themselves
with the clearing-house of that city, and through other banks with
the clearing-houses of other cities, particularly New York.
Country banks connect themselves with one or more clearing-
houses through city banks, which do their business for them. The
New York banks, largely through private bankers, branches of
foreign banking houses, connect themselves with London, so that
each bank in the world is connected indirectly with every other
bank in the world, and in London is the final clearing-house of
the world.
when a note is drawn days after date the actual days must be
counted, and when drawn months after date the time is reckoned
by months.
To discount a note is to sell it at a discount. The rates of discount
vary according to the security offered, or the character of the
loan, or the state of the money market. For ordinary commercial
paper the rates run from four to eight per cent. Notes received
and given by commercial houses and discounted by banks are
not usually for a longer period than four months.
VIII. THE CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM
In large cities cheques representing millions of dollars are
deposited in the banks every day. The separate collection of these
would be almost impossible were it not for the clearing-house
system. Each large city has its clearing-house. It is an
establishment formed by the banks themselves, and for their own
convenience. The leading banks of a city connect themselves
with the clearing-house of that city, and through other banks with
the clearing-houses of other cities, particularly New York.
Country banks connect themselves with one or more clearing-
houses through city banks, which do their business for them. The
New York banks, largely through private bankers, branches of
foreign banking houses, connect themselves with London, so that
each bank in the world is connected indirectly with every other
bank in the world, and in London is the final clearing-house of
the world.
Page 37
The advantages of the clearing-house system.
Suppose that the above diagram represents the banks and
clearing-house of a city, and also the two business houses of
Brown and Smith. Brown keeps his money on deposit in Bank E,
and Smith in Bank B. Brown sends (by mail) a cheque to Smith
in payment of a bill. Now, Smith can come all the way to Bank
E, and, if he is properly identified, can collect the cheque. He
Suppose that the above diagram represents the banks and
clearing-house of a city, and also the two business houses of
Brown and Smith. Brown keeps his money on deposit in Bank E,
and Smith in Bank B. Brown sends (by mail) a cheque to Smith
in payment of a bill. Now, Smith can come all the way to Bank
E, and, if he is properly identified, can collect the cheque. He
Page 38
does not do this, however, but deposits Brown's cheque in Bank
B, the bank where he does his banking business. Now, B cannot
send to E to get the money. It could do this, perhaps, if it had
only one cheque, but it has taken in hundreds of cheques, some,
perhaps, on every bank in town, and on many banks out of town.
It would take a hundred messengers to collect them. So, instead
of B's going to E, they meet half-way, or at a central point called
a clearing-house, and there collect their cheques. B may have
$5000 in cheques on E, and E may have $4000 in cheques on B,
so that the exchange can be made—that is, the cheques can be
paid by E paying the difference of $1000, which is done, not
direct, but through the officers of the clearing-house. Now Bank
E's messenger carries Brown's cheque back with him and enters
it up against Brown's account. This in simple language is the
primary idea of the clearing-house.
The clearings in New York in one day amount to from one to two
hundred millions of dollars. By clearings we mean the value of
the cheques which are cleared—that is, which change hands
through the clearing-house. Usually once a week (in some cities
oftener) the banks of a city make to their clearing-house a report,
based on daily balances, of their condition.
B, the bank where he does his banking business. Now, B cannot
send to E to get the money. It could do this, perhaps, if it had
only one cheque, but it has taken in hundreds of cheques, some,
perhaps, on every bank in town, and on many banks out of town.
It would take a hundred messengers to collect them. So, instead
of B's going to E, they meet half-way, or at a central point called
a clearing-house, and there collect their cheques. B may have
$5000 in cheques on E, and E may have $4000 in cheques on B,
so that the exchange can be made—that is, the cheques can be
paid by E paying the difference of $1000, which is done, not
direct, but through the officers of the clearing-house. Now Bank
E's messenger carries Brown's cheque back with him and enters
it up against Brown's account. This in simple language is the
primary idea of the clearing-house.
The clearings in New York in one day amount to from one to two
hundred millions of dollars. By clearings we mean the value of
the cheques which are cleared—that is, which change hands
through the clearing-house. Usually once a week (in some cities
oftener) the banks of a city make to their clearing-house a report,
based on daily balances, of their condition.
Page 39
The route of a cheque.
To illustrate the connection between banks at distant points let us
suppose that B of Media, Pennsylvania, who keeps his money on
deposit in the First National Bank of Media, sends a cheque in
payment of a bill to K of South Evanston, Illinois. K deposits the
cheque in the Citizens Bank of his town and receives immediate
credit for it upon his bank-book, just the same as though the
cheque were drawn upon the same or a near-by bank. The
Citizens Bank simply sends the cheque, with other distant
cheques, to its correspondent, the National Bank of the Republic,
Chicago, on deposit, in many instances in about the same sense
that K deposited the cheque in the Citizens Bank. The National
Bank of the Republic sends the cheque, with other cheques, to its
New York correspondent, the National Park Bank. It may
possibly send to Philadelphia direct, or even to Media; but this is
To illustrate the connection between banks at distant points let us
suppose that B of Media, Pennsylvania, who keeps his money on
deposit in the First National Bank of Media, sends a cheque in
payment of a bill to K of South Evanston, Illinois. K deposits the
cheque in the Citizens Bank of his town and receives immediate
credit for it upon his bank-book, just the same as though the
cheque were drawn upon the same or a near-by bank. The
Citizens Bank simply sends the cheque, with other distant
cheques, to its correspondent, the National Bank of the Republic,
Chicago, on deposit, in many instances in about the same sense
that K deposited the cheque in the Citizens Bank. The National
Bank of the Republic sends the cheque, with other cheques, to its
New York correspondent, the National Park Bank. It may
possibly send to Philadelphia direct, or even to Media; but this is
Page 40
very unlikely. The National Park Bank sends the cheque to its
Philadelphia correspondent, say the Penn National Bank. Now
the clearing-house clerk of the Penn National carries the cheque
to the Philadelphia clearing-house and enters it, with other
cheques, on the First National of Media. Custom, however,
differs very greatly in this particular. Many near-by country
banks clear through city banks; others clear less directly. If the
First National Bank of Philadelphia is known at the clearing-
house as the representative of the First National Bank of Media it
likely has money belonging to this Media bank on deposit. In
that case the cheque is charged up against the account of the First
National of Philadelphia. This bank then sends the cheque to the
First National of Media, by which it is charged up against B.
This system of collection of cheques is about as perfect as is the
post-office system of carrying registered mail.
Philadelphia correspondent, say the Penn National Bank. Now
the clearing-house clerk of the Penn National carries the cheque
to the Philadelphia clearing-house and enters it, with other
cheques, on the First National of Media. Custom, however,
differs very greatly in this particular. Many near-by country
banks clear through city banks; others clear less directly. If the
First National Bank of Philadelphia is known at the clearing-
house as the representative of the First National Bank of Media it
likely has money belonging to this Media bank on deposit. In
that case the cheque is charged up against the account of the First
National of Philadelphia. This bank then sends the cheque to the
First National of Media, by which it is charged up against B.
This system of collection of cheques is about as perfect as is the
post-office system of carrying registered mail.
Page 41
Backs of two paid cheques.
Now, the banks and clearing-houses through which the cheque
passes on its way home stamp their indorsements and other
information upon the back. Our illustration shows the backs of
Now, the banks and clearing-houses through which the cheque
passes on its way home stamp their indorsements and other
information upon the back. Our illustration shows the backs of
Page 42
two cheques which have "travelled." Millions of dollars are
collected by banks daily in this way, and all without expense to
their customers. It is estimated that these collections cost the
New York City banks more than two million dollars a year in
loss of interest while the cheques are en route. Ten thousand
collection letters are sent out daily by the banks of New York
City alone.
IX. COMMERCIAL DRAFTS
A commercial draft bears a close resemblance to a letter from
one person to another requesting that a certain sum of money be
paid to the person who calls, or to the bank or firm for whom he
is acting. For instance, the draft shown in the first illustration
might be worded something like this:
St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 22, 1899.
Mr. Robert Elsmere,
Jefferson City, Mo.
My dear Sir:
Will you kindly pay to the messenger from the —— Bank who will call
to-morrow the sum of three hundred and ninety-seven dollars and
charge to my account?
Yours, very truly,
David Grieve.
collected by banks daily in this way, and all without expense to
their customers. It is estimated that these collections cost the
New York City banks more than two million dollars a year in
loss of interest while the cheques are en route. Ten thousand
collection letters are sent out daily by the banks of New York
City alone.
IX. COMMERCIAL DRAFTS
A commercial draft bears a close resemblance to a letter from
one person to another requesting that a certain sum of money be
paid to the person who calls, or to the bank or firm for whom he
is acting. For instance, the draft shown in the first illustration
might be worded something like this:
St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 22, 1899.
Mr. Robert Elsmere,
Jefferson City, Mo.
My dear Sir:
Will you kindly pay to the messenger from the —— Bank who will call
to-morrow the sum of three hundred and ninety-seven dollars and
charge to my account?
Yours, very truly,
David Grieve.
Page 43
A sight draft developed from the above letter.
Commercial usage, however, recognises a particular form in
which this letter is to be written, and the address of the person
for whom it is intended is usually written at the lower left-hand
corner instead of on an envelope. Commercial drafts usually
reach the persons upon whom they are drawn through the
medium of the banks rather than directly by mail. Let us
illustrate. Suppose that A of Chicago owes B of Buffalo $200,
and B desires to collect the amount by means of a draft. He fills
in a blank draft, signs it, and addresses it on the lower left-hand
corner to A. Instead of sending it by mail he takes it to his bank
—that is, deposits it for collection. It will reach a Chicago bank
in about the same way that cheques for collection go from one
place to another. A messenger from the Chicago bank will carry
the draft to A's office and present it for payment or for
acceptance. If it is a sight draft—that is, a draft payable when A
sees it—he may give cash for it at once and take the draft as his
receipt. If he has not the money convenient he may write across
the face "Accepted, payable at (his) Bank," as in the illustration.
It will then reach his bank and be paid as his personal cheque
would be, and should be entered in his cheque-book. Banks
usually give one day upon sight drafts. The draft will not be
presented a second time, but will be held at the bank until the
Commercial usage, however, recognises a particular form in
which this letter is to be written, and the address of the person
for whom it is intended is usually written at the lower left-hand
corner instead of on an envelope. Commercial drafts usually
reach the persons upon whom they are drawn through the
medium of the banks rather than directly by mail. Let us
illustrate. Suppose that A of Chicago owes B of Buffalo $200,
and B desires to collect the amount by means of a draft. He fills
in a blank draft, signs it, and addresses it on the lower left-hand
corner to A. Instead of sending it by mail he takes it to his bank
—that is, deposits it for collection. It will reach a Chicago bank
in about the same way that cheques for collection go from one
place to another. A messenger from the Chicago bank will carry
the draft to A's office and present it for payment or for
acceptance. If it is a sight draft—that is, a draft payable when A
sees it—he may give cash for it at once and take the draft as his
receipt. If he has not the money convenient he may write across
the face "Accepted, payable at (his) Bank," as in the illustration.
It will then reach his bank and be paid as his personal cheque
would be, and should be entered in his cheque-book. Banks
usually give one day upon sight drafts. The draft will not be
presented a second time, but will be held at the bank until the
Page 44
close of the banking hours the next day, where A can call to pay
if he chooses. Leniency in the matter of time will depend largely
upon B's instructions and the bank's attitude toward A. If the
draft is a time draft—that is, if B gives A time, a certain number
of days, in which to pay it—A, if he wishes to pay the draft,
accepts it. He does this by writing the word accepted with the
date and his signature across the face of the draft. He may make
it payable at his bank as he would a note, if he so desires. He
then returns the draft to the messenger, and if the time is long the
draft is returned to B; if only a few days, the bank holds it for
collection.
No. 1. A sight draft.
if he chooses. Leniency in the matter of time will depend largely
upon B's instructions and the bank's attitude toward A. If the
draft is a time draft—that is, if B gives A time, a certain number
of days, in which to pay it—A, if he wishes to pay the draft,
accepts it. He does this by writing the word accepted with the
date and his signature across the face of the draft. He may make
it payable at his bank as he would a note, if he so desires. He
then returns the draft to the messenger, and if the time is long the
draft is returned to B; if only a few days, the bank holds it for
collection.
No. 1. A sight draft.
Page 45
No. 2. An accepted ten-day sight draft.
No. 3. An accepted sight draft.
No. 4. A time draft.
An accepted draft is really a promissory note, though it is more
often called an acceptance. When a man pays or accepts a draft
he is said to honour it. In the foregoing illustration A is not
obliged either to pay or to accept the draft. It is not binding upon
him any more than a letter would be. He can refuse payment just
No. 3. An accepted sight draft.
No. 4. A time draft.
An accepted draft is really a promissory note, though it is more
often called an acceptance. When a man pays or accepts a draft
he is said to honour it. In the foregoing illustration A is not
obliged either to pay or to accept the draft. It is not binding upon
him any more than a letter would be. He can refuse payment just
Page 46
as easily and as readily as he could decline to pay a collector
who calls for payment of a bill. Of course, if a man habitually
refuses to honour legitimate drafts it may injure his credit with
banks and business houses.
It is a very common thing to collect distant accounts by means of
commercial drafts. A debtor is more likely to meet—that is, to
pay—a draft than he is to reply to a letter and inclose his cheque.
It is really more convenient, and safer, too, for there is some risk
in sending personal cheques through the mail. There are some
houses that make all their payments by cheques, while there are
others which prefer to have their creditors at a distance draw on
them for the amounts due.
If a business man who has been accustomed to honour drafts
continues for a period to dishonour them, the banks through
which the drafts pass naturally conclude that he is unable to meet
his liabilities.
Some houses deposit their drafts for collection in their home
banks, while others have a custom of sending them direct to
some bank in or near the place where the debtor resides. If the
place is a very small one the collection is sometimes made
through one of the express companies.
When goods are sold for distinct periods of credit, and it is
generally understood that maturing accounts are subject to sight
drafts, there should be no need of notifying the debtor in
advance. Some houses, however, make a general custom of
sending notices ten days in advance, stating that a draft will be
drawn if cheque is not received in the meantime.
Notice the illustrations. The protest notice at the left of Nos. 1, 2,
and 4 is intended for the bank presenting the draft for payment.
The reason for this will be fully explained in our lesson on
protested paper. (See Lesson XIII.) No. 2 shows an accepted
draft payable to the order of a bank in the city upon which it is
drawn. No. 1 is payable to the order of a bank in the city of the
who calls for payment of a bill. Of course, if a man habitually
refuses to honour legitimate drafts it may injure his credit with
banks and business houses.
It is a very common thing to collect distant accounts by means of
commercial drafts. A debtor is more likely to meet—that is, to
pay—a draft than he is to reply to a letter and inclose his cheque.
It is really more convenient, and safer, too, for there is some risk
in sending personal cheques through the mail. There are some
houses that make all their payments by cheques, while there are
others which prefer to have their creditors at a distance draw on
them for the amounts due.
If a business man who has been accustomed to honour drafts
continues for a period to dishonour them, the banks through
which the drafts pass naturally conclude that he is unable to meet
his liabilities.
Some houses deposit their drafts for collection in their home
banks, while others have a custom of sending them direct to
some bank in or near the place where the debtor resides. If the
place is a very small one the collection is sometimes made
through one of the express companies.
When goods are sold for distinct periods of credit, and it is
generally understood that maturing accounts are subject to sight
drafts, there should be no need of notifying the debtor in
advance. Some houses, however, make a general custom of
sending notices ten days in advance, stating that a draft will be
drawn if cheque is not received in the meantime.
Notice the illustrations. The protest notice at the left of Nos. 1, 2,
and 4 is intended for the bank presenting the draft for payment.
The reason for this will be fully explained in our lesson on
protested paper. (See Lesson XIII.) No. 2 shows an accepted
draft payable to the order of a bank in the city upon which it is
drawn. No. 1 is payable to the order of a bank in the city of the
Page 47
drawer. No. 3 is a sight draft payable to the order of a bank and
accepted payable at a bank. No. 4 is a time draft payable to
"ourselves"—that is, the Pennsylvania Steel Company.
Drafts are often discounted at banks before acceptance where the
credit of the drawer is good. In such cases the drafts which are
dishonoured are charged up against the drawer's account.
X. FOREIGN EXCHANGE
It is quite in order that we should follow lessons on the clearing-
house and commercial drafts with a lesson on foreign exchange.
We learned in the last lesson that commercial drafts are made use
of to facilitate the collection of accounts. They are simply formal
demands for the payment of legitimate debts. When these formal
demands are made upon foreign debtors they are called bills of
exchange; and the process of buying and selling these drafts, the
drafts themselves, and the fluctuations in price, all are included
in the general name exchange.
accepted payable at a bank. No. 4 is a time draft payable to
"ourselves"—that is, the Pennsylvania Steel Company.
Drafts are often discounted at banks before acceptance where the
credit of the drawer is good. In such cases the drafts which are
dishonoured are charged up against the drawer's account.
X. FOREIGN EXCHANGE
It is quite in order that we should follow lessons on the clearing-
house and commercial drafts with a lesson on foreign exchange.
We learned in the last lesson that commercial drafts are made use
of to facilitate the collection of accounts. They are simply formal
demands for the payment of legitimate debts. When these formal
demands are made upon foreign debtors they are called bills of
exchange; and the process of buying and selling these drafts, the
drafts themselves, and the fluctuations in price, all are included
in the general name exchange.
Page 48
Foreign exchange.
To illustrate the principles of exchange let us suppose that the
following transactions have occurred:
1. C of Boston has sold goods, £2000, to H of Hamburg.
2. D of Chicago has sold goods, £5000, to F of Glasgow.
3. M of Chicago has sold goods, £3000, to K of London.
4. E of Philadelphia has sold goods, £6000, to R of Paris.
5. P of New York has sold goods, £1000, to G of Paris.
C draws on H for £2000, sells the draft to a banking-house in
Boston; they send to Bank A of New York, and the New York
bank to their London correspondent, say Bank B, with
instructions to collect from Hamburg.
D draws in a similar way on F. E draws on R, and P on G.
Suppose that M instead of drawing on K receives a draft drawn
To illustrate the principles of exchange let us suppose that the
following transactions have occurred:
1. C of Boston has sold goods, £2000, to H of Hamburg.
2. D of Chicago has sold goods, £5000, to F of Glasgow.
3. M of Chicago has sold goods, £3000, to K of London.
4. E of Philadelphia has sold goods, £6000, to R of Paris.
5. P of New York has sold goods, £1000, to G of Paris.
C draws on H for £2000, sells the draft to a banking-house in
Boston; they send to Bank A of New York, and the New York
bank to their London correspondent, say Bank B, with
instructions to collect from Hamburg.
D draws in a similar way on F. E draws on R, and P on G.
Suppose that M instead of drawing on K receives a draft drawn
Page 49
by Bank B of London on Bank A of New York, payable to M's
order.
America has sold goods worth £17,000 to Europe.
Europe . . . . . . owes £17,000 to . . . . . America
But B has paid A £3000.
____________
B . . . . . . therefore owes £14,000 to . . . . . . A
Now it will cost B a considerable sum of money to ship £14,000
in gold to A, for all exchanges between Europe and America are
payable in gold. Suppose that S of New York owes T of London
£14,000, and T draws on S and takes the draft to Bank B in
London and offers it for sale. Will B offer more or less than
£14,000 for the bill of exchange or draft? He will offer more. It
will be cheaper for him to pay a premium for the draft than to
ship gold, for he can send this draft to Bank A to pay his
indebtedness, and A can collect from S.
In the money market in New York there is a constant supply of
exchanges (drafts) on London, and in London a constant supply
of exchanges on New York.
Experience has shown that at all times the number of persons in
Europe indebted to American business houses is about (though
of course not actually) the same as the number of persons in
America indebted to European houses. Hence when A of New
York wishes to make a payment to B of London he does not send
the actual money, but goes into the market—that is, to a banker
doing a foreign business—and buys a draft, called a bill of
exchange, which is in reality the banker's order on his London
correspondent, asking the latter to pay the money to the person
named. It may be that about the same time some London
merchant who owes money in New York goes to the very same
London banker and buys a draft on the New York bank. In this
way the one draft cancels the other, and when there is a
order.
America has sold goods worth £17,000 to Europe.
Europe . . . . . . owes £17,000 to . . . . . America
But B has paid A £3000.
____________
B . . . . . . therefore owes £14,000 to . . . . . . A
Now it will cost B a considerable sum of money to ship £14,000
in gold to A, for all exchanges between Europe and America are
payable in gold. Suppose that S of New York owes T of London
£14,000, and T draws on S and takes the draft to Bank B in
London and offers it for sale. Will B offer more or less than
£14,000 for the bill of exchange or draft? He will offer more. It
will be cheaper for him to pay a premium for the draft than to
ship gold, for he can send this draft to Bank A to pay his
indebtedness, and A can collect from S.
In the money market in New York there is a constant supply of
exchanges (drafts) on London, and in London a constant supply
of exchanges on New York.
Experience has shown that at all times the number of persons in
Europe indebted to American business houses is about (though
of course not actually) the same as the number of persons in
America indebted to European houses. Hence when A of New
York wishes to make a payment to B of London he does not send
the actual money, but goes into the market—that is, to a banker
doing a foreign business—and buys a draft, called a bill of
exchange, which is in reality the banker's order on his London
correspondent, asking the latter to pay the money to the person
named. It may be that about the same time some London
merchant who owes money in New York goes to the very same
London banker and buys a draft on the New York bank. In this
way the one draft cancels the other, and when there is a
Page 50
difference at the end of the week or month the actual gold is sent
across to balance the account.
These exchanges have a sort of commodity value, and like all
commodities, depend upon the law of supply and demand. When
gold is being shipped abroad we say that the balance of trade is
against us—that is, we are buying more from Europe than
Europe is buying from us, and the gold is shipped to pay the
balance or difference.
The par of the currency of any two countries means, among
merchants, the equivalency of a certain amount of the (coin)
currency of the one in the (coin) currency of the other, supposing
the currencies of both to be of the precise weight and purity fixed
by the respective mints. The par of exchange between Great
Britain and the United States is 4.862⁄3; that is, £1 sterling is
worth $4.862⁄3. Exchange is quoted daily in New York and other
city papers at 4.87, 4.88, 4.88½, etc., for sight bills and at a
higher rate for sixty-day bills. Business men who are accustomed
to watching fluctuations in exchange rates use the quotations as a
sort of barometer to foretell trade conditions. The imports and
exports of bullion (uncoined gold) are the real test of exchange.
If bullion is stationary, flowing neither into nor out of a country,
its exchanges may be truly said to be at par; and on the other
hand, if bullion is being exported from a country, it is a proof
that the exchange is against it; and conversely if there be large
importations.
The cost of conveying bullion from one country to another forms
the limit within which the rise and fall of the real exchange
between them must be confined. If, for illustration, a New York
merchant owes a debt in London and exchange costs him, say,
two per cent., and the cost of shipping the gold is only one per
cent., it will be to his advantage to pay the debt by sending the
actual coin across. A favourable real exchange operates as a duty
on exportation and as a bounty on importation.
across to balance the account.
These exchanges have a sort of commodity value, and like all
commodities, depend upon the law of supply and demand. When
gold is being shipped abroad we say that the balance of trade is
against us—that is, we are buying more from Europe than
Europe is buying from us, and the gold is shipped to pay the
balance or difference.
The par of the currency of any two countries means, among
merchants, the equivalency of a certain amount of the (coin)
currency of the one in the (coin) currency of the other, supposing
the currencies of both to be of the precise weight and purity fixed
by the respective mints. The par of exchange between Great
Britain and the United States is 4.862⁄3; that is, £1 sterling is
worth $4.862⁄3. Exchange is quoted daily in New York and other
city papers at 4.87, 4.88, 4.88½, etc., for sight bills and at a
higher rate for sixty-day bills. Business men who are accustomed
to watching fluctuations in exchange rates use the quotations as a
sort of barometer to foretell trade conditions. The imports and
exports of bullion (uncoined gold) are the real test of exchange.
If bullion is stationary, flowing neither into nor out of a country,
its exchanges may be truly said to be at par; and on the other
hand, if bullion is being exported from a country, it is a proof
that the exchange is against it; and conversely if there be large
importations.
The cost of conveying bullion from one country to another forms
the limit within which the rise and fall of the real exchange
between them must be confined. If, for illustration, a New York
merchant owes a debt in London and exchange costs him, say,
two per cent., and the cost of shipping the gold is only one per
cent., it will be to his advantage to pay the debt by sending the
actual coin across. A favourable real exchange operates as a duty
on exportation and as a bounty on importation.
Page 51
A bill of exchange (private).
It is to the interest of merchants or bankers who deal in foreign
bills to buy them where they are the cheapest and to sell them
where they are the dearest. For this reason it might often be an
advantage for a New York merchant to buy a bill on London to
pay a debt in Paris.
It is to the interest of merchants or bankers who deal in foreign
bills to buy them where they are the cheapest and to sell them
where they are the dearest. For this reason it might often be an
advantage for a New York merchant to buy a bill on London to
pay a debt in Paris.
Page 52
A bill of exchange (banker's).
Two illustrations of bills of exchange are given in this lesson.
Each is drawn in duplicate. The original is sold or sent abroad,
while the duplicate is preserved as a safeguard against the loss of
the original. When one is paid the other is of no value. Notice the
similarity between bills of exchange as shown here and
commercial drafts as shown in our last lesson.
The first form shows a draft made by a coal company upon a
steamship company to pay for coal supplied to a particular
Two illustrations of bills of exchange are given in this lesson.
Each is drawn in duplicate. The original is sold or sent abroad,
while the duplicate is preserved as a safeguard against the loss of
the original. When one is paid the other is of no value. Notice the
similarity between bills of exchange as shown here and
commercial drafts as shown in our last lesson.
The first form shows a draft made by a coal company upon a
steamship company to pay for coal supplied to a particular
Page 53
steamer. Suppose that the steamship company has a contract with
Robert Hare Powel & Co. of Philadelphia to supply coal to their
steamers. The steamer Cardiff, when in port at Philadelphia, is
supplied; the bill is certified to by the engineer; the master
(captain) of the vessel signs Powel & Co.'s draft (and in doing
this really makes it the captain's draft); the bill is receipted. Now
Powel & Co. sell this exchange (draft) on London to a broker or
banker doing a foreign business. It is forwarded to London and
presented in due time at the office of the Wales Navigation
Company for payment.
The second form shows a bill of exchange drawn by a
Philadelphia banking house upon a London banking house and
payable to the order of the firm buying the draft. C. H.
Bannerman & Co. will send this bill (the original) to pay an
account in Europe. The first form bears the same relation to a
commercial draft that the second does to a cashier's cheque.
Robert Hare Powel & Co. of Philadelphia to supply coal to their
steamers. The steamer Cardiff, when in port at Philadelphia, is
supplied; the bill is certified to by the engineer; the master
(captain) of the vessel signs Powel & Co.'s draft (and in doing
this really makes it the captain's draft); the bill is receipted. Now
Powel & Co. sell this exchange (draft) on London to a broker or
banker doing a foreign business. It is forwarded to London and
presented in due time at the office of the Wales Navigation
Company for payment.
The second form shows a bill of exchange drawn by a
Philadelphia banking house upon a London banking house and
payable to the order of the firm buying the draft. C. H.
Bannerman & Co. will send this bill (the original) to pay an
account in Europe. The first form bears the same relation to a
commercial draft that the second does to a cashier's cheque.
Page 54
First page of a letter of credit.
Page 55
XI. LETTERS OF CREDIT
The usual instruments of credit by means of which travellers
abroad draw upon their deposits at home are known as circular
letters of credit. These forms of credit are of such common use
that every one should be familiar with their form. We reproduce
here a facsimile of the first and second pages of a circular letter
for £1000, copied with slight change of names from an actual
instrument. The first page shows the credit proper authorising the
various correspondents of the bank issuing it to pay the holder,
whose signature is given on its face, money to the extent of
£1000. The names of the banks who are authorised to advance
money upon the letter are usually printed upon the third and
fourth pages, though letters issued by well-known banking
houses are usually recognised by any banking house to which
they are presented.
The second illustration shows how the holder of a particular
letter availed himself of its advantages. It gives the names of the
banks to which he presented his letter, and the amounts paid by
each.
With such a letter a traveller could make a trip around the world
and not have in his pocket at any one time more gold or silver or
bills than would be necessary to meet immediate expenses.
Suppose that A. B. is about to make a European trip. He goes to
a bank doing a foreign business, say Brown Bros. & Co. of New
York City, and asks for a circular letter for £1000, for which he is
obliged to pay about $4880. Copies of A. B.'s signature are left
with Brown Bros. & Co., and may perhaps be forwarded to their
foreign banking houses. When A. B. presents himself at a
Glasgow or Paris bank with his letter of credit, and asks for a
payment upon it, the banker asks him to sign a draft on Brown
Bros. & Co., New York, or more likely on their London bank, for
the amount required, which amount is immediately indorsed on
The usual instruments of credit by means of which travellers
abroad draw upon their deposits at home are known as circular
letters of credit. These forms of credit are of such common use
that every one should be familiar with their form. We reproduce
here a facsimile of the first and second pages of a circular letter
for £1000, copied with slight change of names from an actual
instrument. The first page shows the credit proper authorising the
various correspondents of the bank issuing it to pay the holder,
whose signature is given on its face, money to the extent of
£1000. The names of the banks who are authorised to advance
money upon the letter are usually printed upon the third and
fourth pages, though letters issued by well-known banking
houses are usually recognised by any banking house to which
they are presented.
The second illustration shows how the holder of a particular
letter availed himself of its advantages. It gives the names of the
banks to which he presented his letter, and the amounts paid by
each.
With such a letter a traveller could make a trip around the world
and not have in his pocket at any one time more gold or silver or
bills than would be necessary to meet immediate expenses.
Suppose that A. B. is about to make a European trip. He goes to
a bank doing a foreign business, say Brown Bros. & Co. of New
York City, and asks for a circular letter for £1000, for which he is
obliged to pay about $4880. Copies of A. B.'s signature are left
with Brown Bros. & Co., and may perhaps be forwarded to their
foreign banking houses. When A. B. presents himself at a
Glasgow or Paris bank with his letter of credit, and asks for a
payment upon it, the banker asks him to sign a draft on Brown
Bros. & Co., New York, or more likely on their London bank, for
the amount required, which amount is immediately indorsed on
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the second page of the letter of credit, so that when the
indorsements equal the face the letter is fully paid. A. B. is
simply drawing upon his own account—that is, upon the money
he deposited to secure the letter of credit.
Payment is usually made upon the simple identification or
comparison of signatures. If a traveller should lose his letter of
credit he should notify at once the bank issuing it and, if
possible, the banks upon which drawn.
Second page of a letter of credit (used).
indorsements equal the face the letter is fully paid. A. B. is
simply drawing upon his own account—that is, upon the money
he deposited to secure the letter of credit.
Payment is usually made upon the simple identification or
comparison of signatures. If a traveller should lose his letter of
credit he should notify at once the bank issuing it and, if
possible, the banks upon which drawn.
Second page of a letter of credit (used).
Page 57
There are several other forms of travellers' credits in use. The
Cheque Bank, an English institution with a branch in New York
City, issues to travellers a book of cheques, each of which can be
filled up only to a limited amount, as shown by printed and
perforated notices appearing on the face. For instance, for £100
one can buy a cheque-book containing fifty blank cheques, each
good, when properly filled up, for £2. Each of these cheques is
really a certified cheque, only it is certified in advance of issue.
Any of the thousand or more foreign banks which are agents for
the Cheque Bank sell these cheque-books, and cash the cheques
when presented. The amounts that may be short drawn go toward
the cost of a new cheque-book, or may be returned in cash. The
American and other express companies have forms of travellers'
cheque-books very similar to those issued by the Cheque Bank.
XII. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES
To organise a stock company it is necessary for a number of
persons to come together and make a certificate to the effect that
they propose to form a company to bear a certain name, for the
purpose of transacting a certain kind of business at a certain
place. The certificate states that they propose to issue a certain
number of shares of stock at a certain price per share, that the
capital stock is to be a certain amount, and that the company is to
continue to exist for a definite period of time. Blank forms for
such certificate are supplied by the Secretary of the State where
the company is being organised, and when such certificate is
properly filled out, signed, and delivered to him, he issues a
license, or charter, to the persons making such certificate, giving
them permission to open books, sell stock, and carry on the
enterprise outlined.
State laws regarding stock companies differ very largely.
Students of this course who desire to know the law in any
Cheque Bank, an English institution with a branch in New York
City, issues to travellers a book of cheques, each of which can be
filled up only to a limited amount, as shown by printed and
perforated notices appearing on the face. For instance, for £100
one can buy a cheque-book containing fifty blank cheques, each
good, when properly filled up, for £2. Each of these cheques is
really a certified cheque, only it is certified in advance of issue.
Any of the thousand or more foreign banks which are agents for
the Cheque Bank sell these cheque-books, and cash the cheques
when presented. The amounts that may be short drawn go toward
the cost of a new cheque-book, or may be returned in cash. The
American and other express companies have forms of travellers'
cheque-books very similar to those issued by the Cheque Bank.
XII. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES
To organise a stock company it is necessary for a number of
persons to come together and make a certificate to the effect that
they propose to form a company to bear a certain name, for the
purpose of transacting a certain kind of business at a certain
place. The certificate states that they propose to issue a certain
number of shares of stock at a certain price per share, that the
capital stock is to be a certain amount, and that the company is to
continue to exist for a definite period of time. Blank forms for
such certificate are supplied by the Secretary of the State where
the company is being organised, and when such certificate is
properly filled out, signed, and delivered to him, he issues a
license, or charter, to the persons making such certificate, giving
them permission to open books, sell stock, and carry on the
enterprise outlined.
State laws regarding stock companies differ very largely.
Students of this course who desire to know the law in any
Page 58
particular State can easily secure the information by writing to
the secretary of that State.
The usual par value of a share of stock is $100. That is, if a
company organises with a capital of $200,000, there will be 2000
shares to sell. Each person who buys or subscribes for the stock
—that is, who joins the company—receives a certificate of
stock. Our illustrations show two examples; one of a national
bank, and the other of a manufacturing company. These
certificates are transferable at the pleasure of the owners. The
transfer is made usually by a form of indorsement on the back of
the certificate, but to be legal the transfer must be recorded on
the books of the company.
A certificate of stock in a national bank.
the secretary of that State.
The usual par value of a share of stock is $100. That is, if a
company organises with a capital of $200,000, there will be 2000
shares to sell. Each person who buys or subscribes for the stock
—that is, who joins the company—receives a certificate of
stock. Our illustrations show two examples; one of a national
bank, and the other of a manufacturing company. These
certificates are transferable at the pleasure of the owners. The
transfer is made usually by a form of indorsement on the back of
the certificate, but to be legal the transfer must be recorded on
the books of the company.
A certificate of stock in a national bank.
Page 59
The men subscribing in this way become responsible for the
good management of the business and are obliged to act
according to the laws of the State in which the company is
organised. Usually they are not responsible individually for the
liabilities of the concern beyond the amounts of their individual
subscriptions.
A certificate of stock in a manufacturing company.
Every person who subscribes for stock owns a part of the
business and is called a shareholder. All the shareholders meet
together, and out of their number they choose a certain number
of directors. The directors choose a president and other
necessary officers, and in a general way direct the policy of the
company. As a rule directors have no salaries attached to their
positions. General meetings of shareholders are held once a year
to elect the directors and to hear the reports of the officers.
good management of the business and are obliged to act
according to the laws of the State in which the company is
organised. Usually they are not responsible individually for the
liabilities of the concern beyond the amounts of their individual
subscriptions.
A certificate of stock in a manufacturing company.
Every person who subscribes for stock owns a part of the
business and is called a shareholder. All the shareholders meet
together, and out of their number they choose a certain number
of directors. The directors choose a president and other
necessary officers, and in a general way direct the policy of the
company. As a rule directors have no salaries attached to their
positions. General meetings of shareholders are held once a year
to elect the directors and to hear the reports of the officers.
Page 60
The student should be familiar in a general way with the
different classes of stock and with the technical terms familiar to
stock companies. The more important of these matters are as
follows:
Directors. All the shareholders meet together and out of their
number choose a certain number of directors. The directors
choose a president and other necessary officers and fix the
amount of salary which shall be paid such officers for their work.
Capital Stock. This name is given to the gross capital for which
the company is organised, without any reference to its value or to
whether it has been fully paid in or not. The paid-in capital is the
amount received from the stockholders on the shares for which
they have subscribed.
Dividends. The directors of the company, after paying the
expenses and laying by a certain amount for contingencies,
divide the profits among the shareholders. These profits are
called dividends, and in successful concerns such dividends as
are declared quarterly, semiannually, or annually usually amount
to good interest on the shareholders' investments.
Treasury Stock. It often occurs that a new company finds it
necessary to set aside a certain number of shares to be sold from
time to time to secure working capital. Such stock is held in the
treasury until it is needed, and is called treasury stock.
Preferred Stock. Preferred stock is stock which is guaranteed
certain advantages over ordinary stock. It is usually given to
secure some obligation of the company, and upon it dividends
are declared in preference to common stock. That is to say, if a
man holds a share of preferred stock he will receive interest
thereon out of the profits of the business before such profits are
given in the form of dividends to shareholders generally.
Preferred stock can be issued only when authorised by the
charter of the company. The interest on the investment in the
different classes of stock and with the technical terms familiar to
stock companies. The more important of these matters are as
follows:
Directors. All the shareholders meet together and out of their
number choose a certain number of directors. The directors
choose a president and other necessary officers and fix the
amount of salary which shall be paid such officers for their work.
Capital Stock. This name is given to the gross capital for which
the company is organised, without any reference to its value or to
whether it has been fully paid in or not. The paid-in capital is the
amount received from the stockholders on the shares for which
they have subscribed.
Dividends. The directors of the company, after paying the
expenses and laying by a certain amount for contingencies,
divide the profits among the shareholders. These profits are
called dividends, and in successful concerns such dividends as
are declared quarterly, semiannually, or annually usually amount
to good interest on the shareholders' investments.
Treasury Stock. It often occurs that a new company finds it
necessary to set aside a certain number of shares to be sold from
time to time to secure working capital. Such stock is held in the
treasury until it is needed, and is called treasury stock.
Preferred Stock. Preferred stock is stock which is guaranteed
certain advantages over ordinary stock. It is usually given to
secure some obligation of the company, and upon it dividends
are declared in preference to common stock. That is to say, if a
man holds a share of preferred stock he will receive interest
thereon out of the profits of the business before such profits are
given in the form of dividends to shareholders generally.
Preferred stock can be issued only when authorised by the
charter of the company. The interest on the investment in the
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case of preferred stock is more sure, but the security itself is not
any more secure than in the case of common stock.
Guaranteed Stock. Guaranteed stock differs from preferred
stock in this—that it is entitled to the guaranteed dividend
(interest) before all other classes of stock, whether the company
earns the necessary amount in any one year or not. This right is
carried over from year to year, thus rendering the shares
absolutely secured as to interest.
Watered Stock. When stock is issued to the shareholders
without increase of actual capital the stock is said to have been
watered. A company may organise for, say, $10,000, and may
want to increase to $50,000 without adding to the number of its
shareholders. Each holder of one share will, in this instance,
receive four new shares, and in future instead of receiving a
dividend on one share will receive a dividend on five shares. The
object of this is, quite commonly, to avoid State laws requiring
certain corporations to pay excess of profit over a stated rate per
cent. into the State treasury.
Forfeited Stock. Stock is usually sold on certain explicit
conditions, such as the paying of ten per cent. down and the
balance in installments at stated intervals. If the conditions which
are agreed to by the shareholder are not met his stock is declared
forfeited, or he can be sued in the same manner as upon any
other contract.
Assessments. Some companies organise with the understanding
that a certain percentage of the nominal value of the shares is to
be paid at the time of subscribing, and that future payments are
to be made at such times and in such amounts as the company
may require. Under these conditions the stockholders are
assessed whenever money is needed. Such assessments are
uniform on all stockholders.
Surplus Fund. It is not customary to pay a larger dividend than
good interest. The profits remaining after the expenses and
any more secure than in the case of common stock.
Guaranteed Stock. Guaranteed stock differs from preferred
stock in this—that it is entitled to the guaranteed dividend
(interest) before all other classes of stock, whether the company
earns the necessary amount in any one year or not. This right is
carried over from year to year, thus rendering the shares
absolutely secured as to interest.
Watered Stock. When stock is issued to the shareholders
without increase of actual capital the stock is said to have been
watered. A company may organise for, say, $10,000, and may
want to increase to $50,000 without adding to the number of its
shareholders. Each holder of one share will, in this instance,
receive four new shares, and in future instead of receiving a
dividend on one share will receive a dividend on five shares. The
object of this is, quite commonly, to avoid State laws requiring
certain corporations to pay excess of profit over a stated rate per
cent. into the State treasury.
Forfeited Stock. Stock is usually sold on certain explicit
conditions, such as the paying of ten per cent. down and the
balance in installments at stated intervals. If the conditions which
are agreed to by the shareholder are not met his stock is declared
forfeited, or he can be sued in the same manner as upon any
other contract.
Assessments. Some companies organise with the understanding
that a certain percentage of the nominal value of the shares is to
be paid at the time of subscribing, and that future payments are
to be made at such times and in such amounts as the company
may require. Under these conditions the stockholders are
assessed whenever money is needed. Such assessments are
uniform on all stockholders.
Surplus Fund. It is not customary to pay a larger dividend than
good interest. The profits remaining after the expenses and
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dividends are paid are credited to what is called a surplus fund.
This fund is the property of the shareholders and is usually
invested in good securities.
Franchise. A franchise is a right granted by the State to
individuals or to corporations. The franchise of a railroad
company is the right to operate its road. Such franchise has a
value entirely distinct from the value of the plant or of the
ordinary property of the corporation.
Sinking Fund. A sinking fund is a fund set aside yearly for the
purpose at some future time of sinking—that is, paying a debt.
XIII. PROTESTED PAPER
When a note is presented for payment at maturity and is not paid
it is usually protested; that is, a notary public makes a formal
statement that the note was presented for payment and payment
was refused. Notice of such protest is sent to the maker of the
note and to each indorser.
The bank should never hand to its notary any paper for protest
until it has made sure that its non-payment has not been brought
about by some error or misunderstanding. Quite often, even
though the paper has been made payable at a bank, the notary
sends a messenger with the note to the maker to make a formal
demand for payment.
In taking in collection paper, banks should obtain clear
instructions from its owners as to whether or not it should be
protested in case of non-payment. It by no means follows that a
formal protest is not desired because the paper bears no
indorsements. Many banks make it a rule to protest all unpaid
paper unless otherwise ordered.
This fund is the property of the shareholders and is usually
invested in good securities.
Franchise. A franchise is a right granted by the State to
individuals or to corporations. The franchise of a railroad
company is the right to operate its road. Such franchise has a
value entirely distinct from the value of the plant or of the
ordinary property of the corporation.
Sinking Fund. A sinking fund is a fund set aside yearly for the
purpose at some future time of sinking—that is, paying a debt.
XIII. PROTESTED PAPER
When a note is presented for payment at maturity and is not paid
it is usually protested; that is, a notary public makes a formal
statement that the note was presented for payment and payment
was refused. Notice of such protest is sent to the maker of the
note and to each indorser.
The bank should never hand to its notary any paper for protest
until it has made sure that its non-payment has not been brought
about by some error or misunderstanding. Quite often, even
though the paper has been made payable at a bank, the notary
sends a messenger with the note to the maker to make a formal
demand for payment.
In taking in collection paper, banks should obtain clear
instructions from its owners as to whether or not it should be
protested in case of non-payment. It by no means follows that a
formal protest is not desired because the paper bears no
indorsements. Many banks make it a rule to protest all unpaid
paper unless otherwise ordered.
Page 63
We often see attached to the end of a draft a little slip with the
words: "No protest; tear this off before protesting." This is
simply private advice to the banker informing him that the
drawer does not wish to have the draft protested. It may be that
he does not wish to wrong or injure the credit of or add to the
expense of his debtor; or it may be that he considers the account
doubtful and does not wish to add to his own loss the cost of
protest fees.
To hold an indorser, he must be properly notified of the non-
payment of the note; and whether this has been done is a
question of fact. If he was not properly notified this defence will
avail whenever it is clearly proved. A great variety of defences
may be successfully made by an indorser. A few of these
defences are here briefly noticed: One is usury; another is the
maker's discharge by the holder; nor can he be held when he has
paid the note; nor when its issue was unlawful, nor when the
note was non-negotiable, nor when his indorsement was
procured by fraud. Finally, an indorser may avail himself of any
defence existing between the holder and the maker or principal
debtor. This is evidently a just principle, for the holder should
have no more rights against an indorser than he has against the
maker. If, therefore, the maker can interpose some just claim as a
partial or complete defence the indorser should be permitted to
avail himself of this claim.
In order to recover from an indorser it must be proven that a
formal and proper demand for payment was made upon the
maker. The formal protest is usually undisputed evidence of this.
The maker is liable in any event.
words: "No protest; tear this off before protesting." This is
simply private advice to the banker informing him that the
drawer does not wish to have the draft protested. It may be that
he does not wish to wrong or injure the credit of or add to the
expense of his debtor; or it may be that he considers the account
doubtful and does not wish to add to his own loss the cost of
protest fees.
To hold an indorser, he must be properly notified of the non-
payment of the note; and whether this has been done is a
question of fact. If he was not properly notified this defence will
avail whenever it is clearly proved. A great variety of defences
may be successfully made by an indorser. A few of these
defences are here briefly noticed: One is usury; another is the
maker's discharge by the holder; nor can he be held when he has
paid the note; nor when its issue was unlawful, nor when the
note was non-negotiable, nor when his indorsement was
procured by fraud. Finally, an indorser may avail himself of any
defence existing between the holder and the maker or principal
debtor. This is evidently a just principle, for the holder should
have no more rights against an indorser than he has against the
maker. If, therefore, the maker can interpose some just claim as a
partial or complete defence the indorser should be permitted to
avail himself of this claim.
In order to recover from an indorser it must be proven that a
formal and proper demand for payment was made upon the
maker. The formal protest is usually undisputed evidence of this.
The maker is liable in any event.
Page 64
A protest.
To make the indorser's liability absolute it is necessary to
demand payment at the specified place on the last day of the
period for which the note was given, and to give due notice of
non-payment to the indorser. For, as the contract requires the
maker to pay at maturity, the indorser may presume, unless he
To make the indorser's liability absolute it is necessary to
demand payment at the specified place on the last day of the
period for which the note was given, and to give due notice of
non-payment to the indorser. For, as the contract requires the
maker to pay at maturity, the indorser may presume, unless he
Page 65
has received a notice to the contrary, that the maker has paid the
obligation.
Ordinarily a notice of an indorsement by a partnership need not
be sent to each member. Even after the partnership has been
dissolved a notice to one partner is sufficient to bind the other
members. If the note is owned jointly (that is, by parties who are
not business partners) the indorsers are not liable as partners but
as individuals. In such a case the notice of non-payment should
be sent to each.
Our illustration shows a facsimile of a protest notice.
XIV. PAPER OFFERED FOR DISCOUNT
One of the most valuable parts of a banker's education is to learn
whom to trust. Every bank should have a well-organised and
thoroughly equipped credit department, in charge of some one
who can be relied upon to investigate carefully all names
referred to him by the officers. A banker has the right to expect
the fullest confidence on the part of the borrower, and the
borrower should furnish him with a complete and detailed
statement of the condition of his affairs. It is safe to conclude
that when a borrower refuses absolutely to give any information
as to his financial condition his credit is not in the most
favourable shape.
Many of the banks have blank forms which they, from time to
time, ask borrowers to fill out. These statements show in detail
the assets and liabilities of the firm in question; they show the
notes which are outstanding, the mortgages on real estate, and
many other particulars, including the personal or individual
credit of members of the firm, if a partnership.
obligation.
Ordinarily a notice of an indorsement by a partnership need not
be sent to each member. Even after the partnership has been
dissolved a notice to one partner is sufficient to bind the other
members. If the note is owned jointly (that is, by parties who are
not business partners) the indorsers are not liable as partners but
as individuals. In such a case the notice of non-payment should
be sent to each.
Our illustration shows a facsimile of a protest notice.
XIV. PAPER OFFERED FOR DISCOUNT
One of the most valuable parts of a banker's education is to learn
whom to trust. Every bank should have a well-organised and
thoroughly equipped credit department, in charge of some one
who can be relied upon to investigate carefully all names
referred to him by the officers. A banker has the right to expect
the fullest confidence on the part of the borrower, and the
borrower should furnish him with a complete and detailed
statement of the condition of his affairs. It is safe to conclude
that when a borrower refuses absolutely to give any information
as to his financial condition his credit is not in the most
favourable shape.
Many of the banks have blank forms which they, from time to
time, ask borrowers to fill out. These statements show in detail
the assets and liabilities of the firm in question; they show the
notes which are outstanding, the mortgages on real estate, and
many other particulars, including the personal or individual
credit of members of the firm, if a partnership.
Page 66
In estimating the value of paper offered for discount the
following points should be considered:
1. The total net worth of the borrower.
2. The character of his business; whether it is speculative or
staple.
3. The borrower's record and standing in the community and
his business habits.
4. Whether he is in enterprise abreast with modern ideas and
methods.
5. The character of the merchandise owned by the borrower.
What would it bring under the hammer? Groceries and raw
material can usually be turned into cash at a forced sale at
very small discount from current prices. Not so with
hardware, glass, dry goods, boots and shoes, books, etc.
Machinery and fixtures are not a bankable asset upon which
to base credit.
The banker should note his borrower's bills payable. Why did he
give notes? Are they met promptly? Many houses prefer to sell
their own paper in the open market, and keep their banks open
for accommodations when they are unable to secure outside
credit. The insurance carried should be considered; also the
volume of business done. A large business on moderate capital,
with long credits, will naturally have large liabilities, while a
small business with a liberal capital and short credits should have
small liabilities.
Paper offered for discount is of a variety of kinds. The larger
proportion of it is from customers of the borrower who have
extended their credit by paying their accounts in notes instead of
in cash. Such paper is really, though having two names, very
little better than single-name paper, for it is not the maker's
credit, but the payee's, which the bank usually considers. Many
following points should be considered:
1. The total net worth of the borrower.
2. The character of his business; whether it is speculative or
staple.
3. The borrower's record and standing in the community and
his business habits.
4. Whether he is in enterprise abreast with modern ideas and
methods.
5. The character of the merchandise owned by the borrower.
What would it bring under the hammer? Groceries and raw
material can usually be turned into cash at a forced sale at
very small discount from current prices. Not so with
hardware, glass, dry goods, boots and shoes, books, etc.
Machinery and fixtures are not a bankable asset upon which
to base credit.
The banker should note his borrower's bills payable. Why did he
give notes? Are they met promptly? Many houses prefer to sell
their own paper in the open market, and keep their banks open
for accommodations when they are unable to secure outside
credit. The insurance carried should be considered; also the
volume of business done. A large business on moderate capital,
with long credits, will naturally have large liabilities, while a
small business with a liberal capital and short credits should have
small liabilities.
Paper offered for discount is of a variety of kinds. The larger
proportion of it is from customers of the borrower who have
extended their credit by paying their accounts in notes instead of
in cash. Such paper is really, though having two names, very
little better than single-name paper, for it is not the maker's
credit, but the payee's, which the bank usually considers. Many
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very small notes offered for discount usually indicate a very
needy condition.
There are many firms which carry two or more bank accounts,
and others who sell their paper to out-of-town banks. In buying
paper it is important to ascertain whether the firm is in the habit
of taking up paper at one bank by floating a loan at another.
Paper may be classified for purposes of discount as follows:
1. Bills drawn by shippers on the houses to which the goods
are shipped.
2. Bills drawn by importers against commodities placed in
brokers' hands for sale.
3. Bills arising out of our manifold trades and industries.
4. Drafts with bills of lading attached.
5. Paper having personal indorsements.
6. Paper secured by collateral.
7. One-name paper.
XV. CORPORATIONS
Stock companies are in a sense corporations, but the name
corporation has in its common application a broader meaning.
Public corporations are those which are created exclusively for
the public interest, as cities, towns, counties, colleges, etc.
Private corporations are created wholly or in part for the
pecuniary benefit of the members, as railroad companies, banks,
etc. Corporate bodies whose members at discretion fill by
needy condition.
There are many firms which carry two or more bank accounts,
and others who sell their paper to out-of-town banks. In buying
paper it is important to ascertain whether the firm is in the habit
of taking up paper at one bank by floating a loan at another.
Paper may be classified for purposes of discount as follows:
1. Bills drawn by shippers on the houses to which the goods
are shipped.
2. Bills drawn by importers against commodities placed in
brokers' hands for sale.
3. Bills arising out of our manifold trades and industries.
4. Drafts with bills of lading attached.
5. Paper having personal indorsements.
6. Paper secured by collateral.
7. One-name paper.
XV. CORPORATIONS
Stock companies are in a sense corporations, but the name
corporation has in its common application a broader meaning.
Public corporations are those which are created exclusively for
the public interest, as cities, towns, counties, colleges, etc.
Private corporations are created wholly or in part for the
pecuniary benefit of the members, as railroad companies, banks,
etc. Corporate bodies whose members at discretion fill by
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appointment all vacancies occurring in their membership are
sometimes called close corporations. In this country the power
to be a corporation is a franchise which can only exist through
the legislature.
In municipal corporations the members are the citizens; the
number is indefinite; one ceases to be a member when he moves
from the town or city, while every new resident becomes a
member when by law he becomes entitled to the privileges of
local citizenship.
The laws which corporations may make for their own
government are made under the several heads of by-laws,
ordinances, rules, and regulations. These laws may be made by
the governing body for any object not foreign to the corporate
purposes. A municipal corporation, for example, makes
ordinances for the cleaning and lighting of its streets, for the
government of its police force, for the supply of water to its
citizens, and for the punishment of all breaches of its regulations.
A railway corporation establishes regulations for signals, for the
running of trains, for freight connections, for the conduct of its
passengers, and for hundreds of other things. But such by-laws
and regulations must be in harmony with the charter of the
corporation and with the general law of the land. For instance, a
municipal corporation could not enforce a by-law forbidding the
use of its streets by others than its own citizens, because by
general law all highways are open to the common use of all the
people. Again, a railway corporation could not make a rule that it
would carry goods for one class of persons only, because as a
common carrier the law requires that it carry impartially for all.
As a general rule private corporations organised under the laws
of one State are permitted to do business in other States. It is
quite often to the advantage of a company to organise under the
laws of one State for the purpose of doing business in another.
For instance, there are many companies chartered under the laws
of Maine with headquarters in Boston. The Massachusetts laws
sometimes called close corporations. In this country the power
to be a corporation is a franchise which can only exist through
the legislature.
In municipal corporations the members are the citizens; the
number is indefinite; one ceases to be a member when he moves
from the town or city, while every new resident becomes a
member when by law he becomes entitled to the privileges of
local citizenship.
The laws which corporations may make for their own
government are made under the several heads of by-laws,
ordinances, rules, and regulations. These laws may be made by
the governing body for any object not foreign to the corporate
purposes. A municipal corporation, for example, makes
ordinances for the cleaning and lighting of its streets, for the
government of its police force, for the supply of water to its
citizens, and for the punishment of all breaches of its regulations.
A railway corporation establishes regulations for signals, for the
running of trains, for freight connections, for the conduct of its
passengers, and for hundreds of other things. But such by-laws
and regulations must be in harmony with the charter of the
corporation and with the general law of the land. For instance, a
municipal corporation could not enforce a by-law forbidding the
use of its streets by others than its own citizens, because by
general law all highways are open to the common use of all the
people. Again, a railway corporation could not make a rule that it
would carry goods for one class of persons only, because as a
common carrier the law requires that it carry impartially for all.
As a general rule private corporations organised under the laws
of one State are permitted to do business in other States. It is
quite often to the advantage of a company to organise under the
laws of one State for the purpose of doing business in another.
For instance, there are many companies chartered under the laws
of Maine with headquarters in Boston. The Massachusetts laws
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require that a large proportion of the capital be actually paid in at
the time of organising, while the Maine law has no such
provision. For similar reasons many large companies doing
business in New York or Philadelphia are organised under the
laws of New Jersey.
A corporation may make an assignment just as may an
individual. If all the members die the property interests pass to
the rightful heirs, and under ordinary conditions the corporation
still exists.
A franchise is a right granted by the State or by a municipal
corporation to individuals or to a private corporation. The
franchise of a railroad company is the right to operate its road.
Such franchise has a value entirely distinct from the value of the
plant or the ordinary property of the corporation.
An unlimited liability corporation is one in which the
stockholders are liable as partners, each for the full indebtedness.
A limited liability corporation is one in which the stockholders,
in case of the failure of the corporation, are liable for the amount
of their subscriptions. The name limited is required by law to
appear after the name of the company. If a subscription is
entirely paid up there is no further liability—that is to say, the
property of a shareholder cannot be attached for any debts of the
company. Understand clearly that the name limited printed after
the name of a company does not indicate in any way that the
capital or credit of the company is limited, only that the liability
of the shareholders of the company is limited to the amounts of
their shares.
A double liability corporation is one in which, in case of failure,
the stockholders are further liable for amounts equal to their
subscriptions. All national banks are double liability companies.
If A owns $5000 stock in a national bank, and the bank fails, he
loses his stock; and if the liabilities of the bank are large he may
be obliged to pay a part or the whole of an additional $5000.
the time of organising, while the Maine law has no such
provision. For similar reasons many large companies doing
business in New York or Philadelphia are organised under the
laws of New Jersey.
A corporation may make an assignment just as may an
individual. If all the members die the property interests pass to
the rightful heirs, and under ordinary conditions the corporation
still exists.
A franchise is a right granted by the State or by a municipal
corporation to individuals or to a private corporation. The
franchise of a railroad company is the right to operate its road.
Such franchise has a value entirely distinct from the value of the
plant or the ordinary property of the corporation.
An unlimited liability corporation is one in which the
stockholders are liable as partners, each for the full indebtedness.
A limited liability corporation is one in which the stockholders,
in case of the failure of the corporation, are liable for the amount
of their subscriptions. The name limited is required by law to
appear after the name of the company. If a subscription is
entirely paid up there is no further liability—that is to say, the
property of a shareholder cannot be attached for any debts of the
company. Understand clearly that the name limited printed after
the name of a company does not indicate in any way that the
capital or credit of the company is limited, only that the liability
of the shareholders of the company is limited to the amounts of
their shares.
A double liability corporation is one in which, in case of failure,
the stockholders are further liable for amounts equal to their
subscriptions. All national banks are double liability companies.
If A owns $5000 stock in a national bank, and the bank fails, he
loses his stock; and if the liabilities of the bank are large he may
be obliged to pay a part or the whole of an additional $5000.
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XVI. BONDS
When a railroad company, or a city or any other corporation
desires to borrow money it is a common practice to issue
instruments of credit called bonds. A bond means something that
binds. Bonds bear the same relation to the resources of a
corporation that mortgages do to real estate.
Corporation bonds are issued for a period of years. They usually
have coupons attached which are cut off and presented at regular
intervals for the payment of interest. A bondholder of a
corporation runs less risk than a stockholder, first, as to interest:
the corporation is obliged to pay interest on its bonds, but may at
its own pleasure pass its dividends; secondly, the bondholder is a
creditor, while the stockholder of the corporation is the debtor.
On the other hand, if a concern is very successful, a shareholder
may receive large dividends, while the bondholder receives only
the stipulated interest. A bond is evidence of debt, specifying the
interest, and stating when the principal shall be paid; a certificate
of stock is evidence that the owner is a part-owner in the
corporation or company, not a creditor, and he has no right to
regain his money except by the sale of his stock, or through the
winding up of the company's business.
The name debentures is given to a form of municipal bond in
common use. Nearly all the large sums of money used by States
and cities for the building of State or municipal buildings,
bridges, canals, water-works, etc., are raised through the issue of
bonds (debentures), which are sold, usually at a price a little
below par, to large financial institutions, banks, and insurance
companies. Generally speaking, such bonds are good securities,
and are marketable anywhere.
When a railroad company, or a city or any other corporation
desires to borrow money it is a common practice to issue
instruments of credit called bonds. A bond means something that
binds. Bonds bear the same relation to the resources of a
corporation that mortgages do to real estate.
Corporation bonds are issued for a period of years. They usually
have coupons attached which are cut off and presented at regular
intervals for the payment of interest. A bondholder of a
corporation runs less risk than a stockholder, first, as to interest:
the corporation is obliged to pay interest on its bonds, but may at
its own pleasure pass its dividends; secondly, the bondholder is a
creditor, while the stockholder of the corporation is the debtor.
On the other hand, if a concern is very successful, a shareholder
may receive large dividends, while the bondholder receives only
the stipulated interest. A bond is evidence of debt, specifying the
interest, and stating when the principal shall be paid; a certificate
of stock is evidence that the owner is a part-owner in the
corporation or company, not a creditor, and he has no right to
regain his money except by the sale of his stock, or through the
winding up of the company's business.
The name debentures is given to a form of municipal bond in
common use. Nearly all the large sums of money used by States
and cities for the building of State or municipal buildings,
bridges, canals, water-works, etc., are raised through the issue of
bonds (debentures), which are sold, usually at a price a little
below par, to large financial institutions, banks, and insurance
companies. Generally speaking, such bonds are good securities,
and are marketable anywhere.
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A private bond.
At different times the United States government has issued
bonds to relieve the treasury. These bonds are absolutely safe and
are always marketable. Registered bonds have the name of the
buyer registered; unregistered bonds are payable to bearer.
Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other municipalities to
raise money for local improvements. If proper precautions are
At different times the United States government has issued
bonds to relieve the treasury. These bonds are absolutely safe and
are always marketable. Registered bonds have the name of the
buyer registered; unregistered bonds are payable to bearer.
Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other municipalities to
raise money for local improvements. If proper precautions are
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taken by buyers, municipal securities may be considered among
the safest and most remunerative investments.
When a new railroad enterprise is undertaken its promoters often
expect to make the road not only supply the money for its
construction but also give working capital in addition. This is
done by the issue of mortgage bonds. Default in the payment of
interest throws the road into the hands of a receiver. The
securities immediately fall in value and are perhaps bought up by
a syndicate of crafty speculators who are permitted to reorganise
the road and its management. This is the history of many of our
roads. There are exceptional cases, of course, but the investor
should be familiar with the facts before buying railroad
mortgages.
A bottomry bond is a kind of mortgage peculiar to shipping. It is
a conveyance of the ship as security for advances made to the
owner. If the ship is lost the creditor loses his money and has no
claim against the owner personally. It is allowable for a loan
made upon such a bond to bear any rate of interest in excess of
the legal rate. A vessel arriving in a foreign port may require
repairs and supplies before she can proceed farther on her
voyage, and in occasions of this kind a bottomry bond is given.
The owner or master pledges the keel or bottom of the ship—a
part, in fact, for the whole—as security.
We have now upon the market stocks and bonds representing all
conceivable kinds of property. Not only are properties of many
kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are
often issued upon the same property. Thus we find among our
railroads not only first, second, and third mortgage bonds, but
income bonds, dividend bonds, convertible bonds, consolidated
bonds, redemption bonds, renewal bonds, sinking-fund bonds,
collateral trust bonds, equipment bonds, etc., until they lap and
overlap in seemingly endless confusion.
Receiver's certificates are issued by receivers of corporations,
companies, etc., in financial difficulties, to secure operating
the safest and most remunerative investments.
When a new railroad enterprise is undertaken its promoters often
expect to make the road not only supply the money for its
construction but also give working capital in addition. This is
done by the issue of mortgage bonds. Default in the payment of
interest throws the road into the hands of a receiver. The
securities immediately fall in value and are perhaps bought up by
a syndicate of crafty speculators who are permitted to reorganise
the road and its management. This is the history of many of our
roads. There are exceptional cases, of course, but the investor
should be familiar with the facts before buying railroad
mortgages.
A bottomry bond is a kind of mortgage peculiar to shipping. It is
a conveyance of the ship as security for advances made to the
owner. If the ship is lost the creditor loses his money and has no
claim against the owner personally. It is allowable for a loan
made upon such a bond to bear any rate of interest in excess of
the legal rate. A vessel arriving in a foreign port may require
repairs and supplies before she can proceed farther on her
voyage, and in occasions of this kind a bottomry bond is given.
The owner or master pledges the keel or bottom of the ship—a
part, in fact, for the whole—as security.
We have now upon the market stocks and bonds representing all
conceivable kinds of property. Not only are properties of many
kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are
often issued upon the same property. Thus we find among our
railroads not only first, second, and third mortgage bonds, but
income bonds, dividend bonds, convertible bonds, consolidated
bonds, redemption bonds, renewal bonds, sinking-fund bonds,
collateral trust bonds, equipment bonds, etc., until they lap and
overlap in seemingly endless confusion.
Receiver's certificates are issued by receivers of corporations,
companies, etc., in financial difficulties, to secure operating
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capital; they are granted first rights upon the property and are
placed above prior lien and first mortgage bonds.
XVII. TRANSPORTATION
The most common effect of cheapened transportation is to
increase the distance at which it is possible for producer and
consumer to deal with each other. To the producer it offers a
wider market and to the consumer a more varied source of
supply. On the whole, cheapened transportation is more
uniformly beneficial to the consumer; its temporary advantage to
the producer very often leads to overproduction. It has the effect
also of bringing about nearly uniform prices the world over.
The time was when nearness to market was of the greatest
possible advantage. At the present time a farmer can raise his
celery in Michigan or his beets in Dakota and market them in
New York City about as easily as though he lived on Long
Island. It is no longer location which determines the business to
be carried on in a particular place, but natural advantages more
or less independent of location. But the railroad or the steamboat
very often determines where a new business shall be developed.
It is this quickening and cheapening of transportation that has
given such stimulus in the present day to the growth of large
cities. It enables them to draw cheap food from a far larger
territory, and it causes business to locate where the widest selling
connection is to be had, rather than where the goods or raw
materials are most easily procured. It is the quick and
comfortable transportation facilities which our large cities
possess that have given strength to the great shopping centres.
Shoppers for thirty or forty miles around can easily reach these
centres, and the result is that trade gathers in centres rather than
at local points. A city of a million population in the most
productive agricultural section of country could not be fed if the
placed above prior lien and first mortgage bonds.
XVII. TRANSPORTATION
The most common effect of cheapened transportation is to
increase the distance at which it is possible for producer and
consumer to deal with each other. To the producer it offers a
wider market and to the consumer a more varied source of
supply. On the whole, cheapened transportation is more
uniformly beneficial to the consumer; its temporary advantage to
the producer very often leads to overproduction. It has the effect
also of bringing about nearly uniform prices the world over.
The time was when nearness to market was of the greatest
possible advantage. At the present time a farmer can raise his
celery in Michigan or his beets in Dakota and market them in
New York City about as easily as though he lived on Long
Island. It is no longer location which determines the business to
be carried on in a particular place, but natural advantages more
or less independent of location. But the railroad or the steamboat
very often determines where a new business shall be developed.
It is this quickening and cheapening of transportation that has
given such stimulus in the present day to the growth of large
cities. It enables them to draw cheap food from a far larger
territory, and it causes business to locate where the widest selling
connection is to be had, rather than where the goods or raw
materials are most easily procured. It is the quick and
comfortable transportation facilities which our large cities
possess that have given strength to the great shopping centres.
Shoppers for thirty or forty miles around can easily reach these
centres, and the result is that trade gathers in centres rather than
at local points. A city of a million population in the most
productive agricultural section of country could not be fed if the
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food had to reach the city by teaming. With this growth of trade
centres comes the increased gain of large dealers at the expense
of the small; with it comes organised speculation and its
attendant results, good and evil.
Prior to the completion of the organisation of trunk or through
lines, freight was compelled to break bulk and suffer trans-
shipment at the end of each line, where a new corporation took
up the traffic and carried it beyond. To prevent this breaking of
bulk and to expedite the carriage of freight, fast freight lines on
separate capitalisation were organised. The purpose of the
interstate-commerce law is largely to prevent discrimination and
corruption in freight charges, to secure for every person and
place just and equal treatment at the hands of the transportation
companies. The freight rates are arranged and regulated by the
traffic associations, and the various conditions and compromises
necessary have made both classifications and rates about as
complicated as anything possibly could be.
The name differential as applied to freight rates refers to the
differences which are made by railroad companies. Certain roads
are by agreement allowed to charge a lower rate than others
running to the same points. To and from each of the eastern cities
there are two classes of roads—the standard lines and the
differential lines. The standard lines have the advantage of more
direct connections; the differential lines reach the freight
destinations by circuitous routes, in some instances by almost
double the mileage. With a view to equalising these conditions
the general traffic associations allow the differential lines to
carry freight at a lower rate per mile than the rate charged by the
standard lines.
The transportation business of the United States is so varied and
complicated that a proper study of its freight tariffs and
classifications would require much more space than can be given
the subject in these lessons.
centres comes the increased gain of large dealers at the expense
of the small; with it comes organised speculation and its
attendant results, good and evil.
Prior to the completion of the organisation of trunk or through
lines, freight was compelled to break bulk and suffer trans-
shipment at the end of each line, where a new corporation took
up the traffic and carried it beyond. To prevent this breaking of
bulk and to expedite the carriage of freight, fast freight lines on
separate capitalisation were organised. The purpose of the
interstate-commerce law is largely to prevent discrimination and
corruption in freight charges, to secure for every person and
place just and equal treatment at the hands of the transportation
companies. The freight rates are arranged and regulated by the
traffic associations, and the various conditions and compromises
necessary have made both classifications and rates about as
complicated as anything possibly could be.
The name differential as applied to freight rates refers to the
differences which are made by railroad companies. Certain roads
are by agreement allowed to charge a lower rate than others
running to the same points. To and from each of the eastern cities
there are two classes of roads—the standard lines and the
differential lines. The standard lines have the advantage of more
direct connections; the differential lines reach the freight
destinations by circuitous routes, in some instances by almost
double the mileage. With a view to equalising these conditions
the general traffic associations allow the differential lines to
carry freight at a lower rate per mile than the rate charged by the
standard lines.
The transportation business of the United States is so varied and
complicated that a proper study of its freight tariffs and
classifications would require much more space than can be given
the subject in these lessons.
Page 75
XVIII. TRANSPORTATION PAPERS
The common transportation papers, familiar to all shippers, are
the (1) shipping receipt, (2) bill of lading, (3) waybill.
Original receipts, stating marks and quantities of goods, go with
each separate lot of merchandise to the freight sheds or vessels,
and these are summed up in a formal bill of lading, for which
they are exchanged when all the cases or bundles belonging to
the particular shipment have been delivered. The duplicate
receipt, or the part commonly marked invoice, is kept by the
receiver of the freight, and the other end, commonly marked
original, is given to the drayman. In making ordinary shipments
it is not usual or necessary to make out a formal bill of lading. Of
course, when no bill of lading is made out, the receipt should be
preserved by the shipper. The full contract is usually printed on
the receipt, but it must be remembered that a receipt is not a
negotiable instrument and cannot be used as security for money.
A shipping receipt (original).
The common transportation papers, familiar to all shippers, are
the (1) shipping receipt, (2) bill of lading, (3) waybill.
Original receipts, stating marks and quantities of goods, go with
each separate lot of merchandise to the freight sheds or vessels,
and these are summed up in a formal bill of lading, for which
they are exchanged when all the cases or bundles belonging to
the particular shipment have been delivered. The duplicate
receipt, or the part commonly marked invoice, is kept by the
receiver of the freight, and the other end, commonly marked
original, is given to the drayman. In making ordinary shipments
it is not usual or necessary to make out a formal bill of lading. Of
course, when no bill of lading is made out, the receipt should be
preserved by the shipper. The full contract is usually printed on
the receipt, but it must be remembered that a receipt is not a
negotiable instrument and cannot be used as security for money.
A shipping receipt (original).
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A bill of lading is an acknowledgment by a transportation
company of the receipt of goods specified, and contracts for their
delivery at a certain place, under conditions stated thereon, upon
payment of freight and expenses. Bills of lading are negotiable
and maybe transferred by indorsement, but are of no value apart
from the goods to which they give title. A bill of lading goes with
certain named goods and cannot be transferred to other goods,
even though of precisely the same kind and price. Marine bills of
lading are usually made in triplicate; one is kept by the shipper,
another by the vessel, and the third is sent by mail to the person
to receive the goods.
A steamship bill of lading.
The parties to a bill of lading are three—the shipper, the
consignee, and the transportation company. The declaration of
company of the receipt of goods specified, and contracts for their
delivery at a certain place, under conditions stated thereon, upon
payment of freight and expenses. Bills of lading are negotiable
and maybe transferred by indorsement, but are of no value apart
from the goods to which they give title. A bill of lading goes with
certain named goods and cannot be transferred to other goods,
even though of precisely the same kind and price. Marine bills of
lading are usually made in triplicate; one is kept by the shipper,
another by the vessel, and the third is sent by mail to the person
to receive the goods.
A steamship bill of lading.
The parties to a bill of lading are three—the shipper, the
consignee, and the transportation company. The declaration of
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having received the goods in good order and condition, and the
consequent obligation, subsequently expressed, of delivering
them in like good order and condition, is sensibly lessened in its
importance by the additional clause now adopted by almost all
transportation companies—namely: "Contents and condition of
contents of packages unknown." Should the goods or part of
them be shipped in a damaged condition, or in a bad condition of
packing, a note to that effect should be made by the
transportation company on the bill of lading, which ceases then
to be a clean bill of lading.
A local waybill.
Like any other instrument of credit, a bill of lading may be
deposited with a creditor as security for money advanced (or it
may be transferred to a buyer) by means of indorsement, and the
property or goods will be thereby either mortgaged or assigned.
Acting upon this principle, the shipper declares in the bill of
lading that the goods shall be delivered unto the consignee or his
assigns. When a shipper is unable to insert the name of the
consignee at the time the bill of lading is made out, a bill to
order is drawn up wherein the consignee's name is superseded by
the words shipper's order, or simply order; it being thus
understood that the goods shall be delivered to whomsoever
presents, at point of destination, the bill of lading duly indorsed
by the shipper. By such a simple arrangement as a bill to order
the merchant is enabled to sell the goods while they are at sea, or
consequent obligation, subsequently expressed, of delivering
them in like good order and condition, is sensibly lessened in its
importance by the additional clause now adopted by almost all
transportation companies—namely: "Contents and condition of
contents of packages unknown." Should the goods or part of
them be shipped in a damaged condition, or in a bad condition of
packing, a note to that effect should be made by the
transportation company on the bill of lading, which ceases then
to be a clean bill of lading.
A local waybill.
Like any other instrument of credit, a bill of lading may be
deposited with a creditor as security for money advanced (or it
may be transferred to a buyer) by means of indorsement, and the
property or goods will be thereby either mortgaged or assigned.
Acting upon this principle, the shipper declares in the bill of
lading that the goods shall be delivered unto the consignee or his
assigns. When a shipper is unable to insert the name of the
consignee at the time the bill of lading is made out, a bill to
order is drawn up wherein the consignee's name is superseded by
the words shipper's order, or simply order; it being thus
understood that the goods shall be delivered to whomsoever
presents, at point of destination, the bill of lading duly indorsed
by the shipper. By such a simple arrangement as a bill to order
the merchant is enabled to sell the goods while they are at sea, or
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in transit, and a consignment of merchandise may change hands
several times before arriving at its destination.
When a case of merchandise to be shipped has been properly
entered and weighed it is then ready to be manifested or
waybilled, as no shipment is allowed to go forward without a
waybill. The waybill is simply a memorandum of the
consignment, together with full and complete shipping
directions, giving also the number of the car into which the case
has been loaded, and the point to which the car is "carded." The
freight conductor has waybills for all goods which he carries.
They are turned over with the merchandise to the agent of the
railroad at the point of destination.
Our illustrations show (1) a shipping receipt—the half marked
"original"; (2) a steamship bill of lading; (3) a local waybill.
several times before arriving at its destination.
When a case of merchandise to be shipped has been properly
entered and weighed it is then ready to be manifested or
waybilled, as no shipment is allowed to go forward without a
waybill. The waybill is simply a memorandum of the
consignment, together with full and complete shipping
directions, giving also the number of the car into which the case
has been loaded, and the point to which the car is "carded." The
freight conductor has waybills for all goods which he carries.
They are turned over with the merchandise to the agent of the
railroad at the point of destination.
Our illustrations show (1) a shipping receipt—the half marked
"original"; (2) a steamship bill of lading; (3) a local waybill.
Page 79
EXAMINATION PAPER
Note.—The following questions are set as an indication of the sort of
knowledge a student should possess who has carefully read the
several papers of this course. The paper covers only about the first
half of the course. The student is recommended to write out the
answers carefully. Only such answers need be attempted as can be
made from a study of the lessons.
1. What in a general sense is meant when we speak of the
currency of a country?
2. Enumerate some of the advantages afforded to the
community and to commerce in general by banking
institutions.
3. A bank cheque is a demand order for money, drawn by one
who has funds in the bank. How does a cheque differ from
an order on John Smith to pay bearer a certain sum of
money?
4. Why is it important that cheques should be very carefully
drawn?
5. (a) A cheque has no date. Does this make it void? (b) How
about a cheque dated months ago? (c) Is a cheque dated on
Sunday good? (d) Why are cheques sometimes dated
ahead? (e) Are you at liberty to print your own form of
cheque? (f) Is it necessary that your cheque be written on
the prescribed blank form? (g) How would you write a
cheque for 75 cents?
Note.—The following questions are set as an indication of the sort of
knowledge a student should possess who has carefully read the
several papers of this course. The paper covers only about the first
half of the course. The student is recommended to write out the
answers carefully. Only such answers need be attempted as can be
made from a study of the lessons.
1. What in a general sense is meant when we speak of the
currency of a country?
2. Enumerate some of the advantages afforded to the
community and to commerce in general by banking
institutions.
3. A bank cheque is a demand order for money, drawn by one
who has funds in the bank. How does a cheque differ from
an order on John Smith to pay bearer a certain sum of
money?
4. Why is it important that cheques should be very carefully
drawn?
5. (a) A cheque has no date. Does this make it void? (b) How
about a cheque dated months ago? (c) Is a cheque dated on
Sunday good? (d) Why are cheques sometimes dated
ahead? (e) Are you at liberty to print your own form of
cheque? (f) Is it necessary that your cheque be written on
the prescribed blank form? (g) How would you write a
cheque for 75 cents?
Page 80
6. How would you word a cheque to give to a person who is
unknown at your bank, but who wishes to draw the money
over the counter?
7. You are sending a cheque through the mails to John Brown,
Philadelphia. How will you prevent the cheque from falling
into the hands of the wrong John Brown?
8. You identify A. B. at your bank. The cheque A. B. presented
turns out to be a forgery. Are you responsible?
9. A. B. transfers a cheque to you by a blank indorsement. It is
then payable to bearer. How can you legally make it
payable to your own order?
10. What is meant by power-of-attorney? How should an
attorney indorse cheques for any person for whom he is
acting?
11. If a note were about to be transferred to you by indorsement
and delivery in payment of a debt, would it make any
difference to you whether or not it was overdue? Explain in
full.
12. Tell how you would receipt for a payment of a note. Why is
not an ordinary separate receipt sufficient?
13. Why are notes protested? Why is a formal protest
sometimes desired even though the paper bears no
indorsements?
14. If an indorser is compelled to pay a note, against whom has
he a good claim?
unknown at your bank, but who wishes to draw the money
over the counter?
7. You are sending a cheque through the mails to John Brown,
Philadelphia. How will you prevent the cheque from falling
into the hands of the wrong John Brown?
8. You identify A. B. at your bank. The cheque A. B. presented
turns out to be a forgery. Are you responsible?
9. A. B. transfers a cheque to you by a blank indorsement. It is
then payable to bearer. How can you legally make it
payable to your own order?
10. What is meant by power-of-attorney? How should an
attorney indorse cheques for any person for whom he is
acting?
11. If a note were about to be transferred to you by indorsement
and delivery in payment of a debt, would it make any
difference to you whether or not it was overdue? Explain in
full.
12. Tell how you would receipt for a payment of a note. Why is
not an ordinary separate receipt sufficient?
13. Why are notes protested? Why is a formal protest
sometimes desired even though the paper bears no
indorsements?
14. If an indorser is compelled to pay a note, against whom has
he a good claim?
Page 81
NOTE TO THE FOREGOING EXAMINATION PAPER
It is a mistake to answer questions for a student if he is able of
himself to find the answers. A question which sets a student thinking,
even though he cannot immediately find a satisfactory answer,
affords educational training of considerable value. A few of the
answers to the foregoing questions are as follows:
5. (a) Not necessarily so. (b) Such a cheque would under ordinary
conditions be all right. Cheques should be presented as soon after
date as convenient. (c) Cheques dated on Sunday are very commonly
paid. Cheques or notes delivered on Sunday are void. The delivery
makes the contract, not the dating. (d) That the maker may have a
few days in which to deposit sufficient money to meet them. (e) You
are at liberty to print your own form of cheque or to write it out in
full if you wish. (g) Write the words "Seventy-five cents" plainly
along the money line.
8. Yes.
It is a mistake to answer questions for a student if he is able of
himself to find the answers. A question which sets a student thinking,
even though he cannot immediately find a satisfactory answer,
affords educational training of considerable value. A few of the
answers to the foregoing questions are as follows:
5. (a) Not necessarily so. (b) Such a cheque would under ordinary
conditions be all right. Cheques should be presented as soon after
date as convenient. (c) Cheques dated on Sunday are very commonly
paid. Cheques or notes delivered on Sunday are void. The delivery
makes the contract, not the dating. (d) That the maker may have a
few days in which to deposit sufficient money to meet them. (e) You
are at liberty to print your own form of cheque or to write it out in
full if you wish. (g) Write the words "Seventy-five cents" plainly
along the money line.
8. Yes.
Page 82
BUSINESS GEOGRAPHY
THE TRADE FEATURES OF THE GREAT
COMMERCIAL NATIONS
I. THE TRADE FEATURES OF THE BRITISH
ISLES
LONDON AS A FOOD CONSUMER
London is the greatest seat of trade and commerce in the world.
Its commercial greatness is evidenced by its greatness of
population. Its inhabitants number over 6,000,000. The houses in
which this vast population lives, would, if placed end to end,
make a continuous street that would stretch across all Europe and
Asia. The mere effort of providing food for this vast population
necessitates an enormous commerce. Half a million of beeves are
required every year to supply its meat market; also 2,000,000
sheep and 8,000,000 fowls. To supply its fish market
400,000,000 pounds of fish are required, and 500,000,000
oysters. Grain, flour, fruit, butter, eggs, cheese, sugar, tea, and
coffee, are brought to London daily in such quantities that the
prices of these commodities all the world over are based upon
what they will fetch in London. Whole nations and provinces
and districts get their subsistence from industries that have for
THE TRADE FEATURES OF THE GREAT
COMMERCIAL NATIONS
I. THE TRADE FEATURES OF THE BRITISH
ISLES
LONDON AS A FOOD CONSUMER
London is the greatest seat of trade and commerce in the world.
Its commercial greatness is evidenced by its greatness of
population. Its inhabitants number over 6,000,000. The houses in
which this vast population lives, would, if placed end to end,
make a continuous street that would stretch across all Europe and
Asia. The mere effort of providing food for this vast population
necessitates an enormous commerce. Half a million of beeves are
required every year to supply its meat market; also 2,000,000
sheep and 8,000,000 fowls. To supply its fish market
400,000,000 pounds of fish are required, and 500,000,000
oysters. Grain, flour, fruit, butter, eggs, cheese, sugar, tea, and
coffee, are brought to London daily in such quantities that the
prices of these commodities all the world over are based upon
what they will fetch in London. Whole nations and provinces
and districts get their subsistence from industries that have for
Page 83
their end the supplying of some of this enormous food demand.
Denmark, for example, owes its entire prosperity of recent years
to its profitable manufacture of butter for the London market.
Brittany and Normandy, in France, are almost wholly occupied
in supplying that market with poultry and eggs. The islands of
Jersey and Guernsey derive their principal wealth, not, as might
be supposed, from the sale of milk and butter, but from the
supplying of London with potatoes. Canada during the last six or
eight years has built up with London an immense trade in cheese,
a trade that exceeds in importance any other that Canada has,
while even our own home States—Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin,
for example—have found new sources of wealth in catering to
the London dairy trade. "Elgin" and "Ames" creamery butters are
products well known to the London consumer.
LONDON THE COMMERCIAL CENTRE OF THE
WORLD
What is the reason of London's wonderful prosperity? Already its
population is one fifth the entire population of England and
Wales, and it is increasing at the rate of about 20 per cent. per
decade. Three hundred people are added to the number every day
in the year, a rate of 110,000 inhabitants in the course of the year.
It is now one half greater than the total population of all Ireland.
London's Scotch population is almost as numerous as that of
Edinburgh, while its Irish population is quite as numerous as that
of Dublin. Every civilised country is represented among its
people, and every civilised tongue is spoken among them. A sea
of brick and mortar, even now fifteen miles long and ten miles
broad, it is growing at the rate of a new house every hour of its
existence. Its streets are already 28,000 miles in length, and these
are spreading out so rapidly that every year many whole villages
and townships are enmeshed by them. Every day 1,000,000
people enter London by railway, and at least 500,000 people
have occupations in it in the daytime who reside beyond its
Denmark, for example, owes its entire prosperity of recent years
to its profitable manufacture of butter for the London market.
Brittany and Normandy, in France, are almost wholly occupied
in supplying that market with poultry and eggs. The islands of
Jersey and Guernsey derive their principal wealth, not, as might
be supposed, from the sale of milk and butter, but from the
supplying of London with potatoes. Canada during the last six or
eight years has built up with London an immense trade in cheese,
a trade that exceeds in importance any other that Canada has,
while even our own home States—Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin,
for example—have found new sources of wealth in catering to
the London dairy trade. "Elgin" and "Ames" creamery butters are
products well known to the London consumer.
LONDON THE COMMERCIAL CENTRE OF THE
WORLD
What is the reason of London's wonderful prosperity? Already its
population is one fifth the entire population of England and
Wales, and it is increasing at the rate of about 20 per cent. per
decade. Three hundred people are added to the number every day
in the year, a rate of 110,000 inhabitants in the course of the year.
It is now one half greater than the total population of all Ireland.
London's Scotch population is almost as numerous as that of
Edinburgh, while its Irish population is quite as numerous as that
of Dublin. Every civilised country is represented among its
people, and every civilised tongue is spoken among them. A sea
of brick and mortar, even now fifteen miles long and ten miles
broad, it is growing at the rate of a new house every hour of its
existence. Its streets are already 28,000 miles in length, and these
are spreading out so rapidly that every year many whole villages
and townships are enmeshed by them. Every day 1,000,000
people enter London by railway, and at least 500,000 people
have occupations in it in the daytime who reside beyond its
Page 84
limits at night. Fifty thousand people have occupations in it in
the night-time who reside beyond its limits during the day. It is
the largest importing centre in Great Britain, and the largest in
the world, and its exports are exceeded only by Liverpool, and
not always by Liverpool. It is also the centre of the world's
financial business. For example, traders in the East Indies who
ship cargoes of spices and other Eastern produce to America,
draw in settlement on London rather than on New York, while
traders in America who ship cargoes of cotton to Marseilles or
Riga, draw in settlement on London rather than on Paris or St.
Petersburg. What is it that thus makes London the chief seat of
population in the world, the commercial metropolis of the world,
the great financial clearing-house of the world?
LONDON THE CENTRE OF THE LAND SURFACE OF
THE GLOBE
the night-time who reside beyond its limits during the day. It is
the largest importing centre in Great Britain, and the largest in
the world, and its exports are exceeded only by Liverpool, and
not always by Liverpool. It is also the centre of the world's
financial business. For example, traders in the East Indies who
ship cargoes of spices and other Eastern produce to America,
draw in settlement on London rather than on New York, while
traders in America who ship cargoes of cotton to Marseilles or
Riga, draw in settlement on London rather than on Paris or St.
Petersburg. What is it that thus makes London the chief seat of
population in the world, the commercial metropolis of the world,
the great financial clearing-house of the world?
LONDON THE CENTRE OF THE LAND SURFACE OF
THE GLOBE
Page 85
London the natural centre of the world's trade.
London stands as nearly as possible in the centre of the land
surface of the globe. Its situation, therefore, eminently adapts it
to be the great centre of the world's trade—the great distributing
centre of the world's products. Its ships can go to the farthest
parts of the earth, and, loading themselves with the natural
products of these parts, can bring them to its docks without
breaking bulk, deposit them there for assortment, and then take
them away again to other parts of the earth, and do this more
economically than the ships of almost any other port in the
world. But a greater reason is to be found in the fact that for
London stands as nearly as possible in the centre of the land
surface of the globe. Its situation, therefore, eminently adapts it
to be the great centre of the world's trade—the great distributing
centre of the world's products. Its ships can go to the farthest
parts of the earth, and, loading themselves with the natural
products of these parts, can bring them to its docks without
breaking bulk, deposit them there for assortment, and then take
them away again to other parts of the earth, and do this more
economically than the ships of almost any other port in the
world. But a greater reason is to be found in the fact that for
Page 86
centuries the British people have pursued a definite policy of
manufacture, trade, and commerce, and have had the good
fortune to have had that policy interfered with in a less degree
than any other nation in the world by commerce-destroying war,
whether internal or external. And whenever Britain has been in
external wars her navy has been able to protect her commercial
interests. London, being the capital of the kingdom and its chief
seat of trade, has naturally derived the principal benefit from
these many years of peaceful industry and commerce. Then,
again, London is favourably adapted to trade in respect to its
own country. It is a seaport, sixty miles inland, and is connected
by navigable canals with all the other chief manufacturing and
commercial centres of the country. Its railway facilities, too, are
so complete that there is not a manufacturing town in the whole
island that is not within fifteen hours of freightage from it. Then,
too, the peculiar configuration of the coast-line of Great Britain
makes every point on the island within an hour or two of carriage
from a seaport. Finally, all British seaports are in trade
connection with London by a coasting service unequalled in the
world for cheapness, completeness, and efficiency. In a word,
London stands not only in the centre of the land surface of the
globe, but also at the commercial centre of its own home
territory—that is to say, within easy reach both by water and by
land of all the trading and producing interests of a people that for
centuries have been leaders in commercial and manufacturing
industry and enterprise.
GREAT BRITAIN'S COMMERCIAL POLICY
But that which more than anything else has made London the
great trade centre of the world has been the policy, now for many
years adopted by the British people, of allowing the goods and
products of all other nations to enter their ports untaxed. Every
port in Britain is a free port of entry for all imported merchandise
manufacture, trade, and commerce, and have had the good
fortune to have had that policy interfered with in a less degree
than any other nation in the world by commerce-destroying war,
whether internal or external. And whenever Britain has been in
external wars her navy has been able to protect her commercial
interests. London, being the capital of the kingdom and its chief
seat of trade, has naturally derived the principal benefit from
these many years of peaceful industry and commerce. Then,
again, London is favourably adapted to trade in respect to its
own country. It is a seaport, sixty miles inland, and is connected
by navigable canals with all the other chief manufacturing and
commercial centres of the country. Its railway facilities, too, are
so complete that there is not a manufacturing town in the whole
island that is not within fifteen hours of freightage from it. Then,
too, the peculiar configuration of the coast-line of Great Britain
makes every point on the island within an hour or two of carriage
from a seaport. Finally, all British seaports are in trade
connection with London by a coasting service unequalled in the
world for cheapness, completeness, and efficiency. In a word,
London stands not only in the centre of the land surface of the
globe, but also at the commercial centre of its own home
territory—that is to say, within easy reach both by water and by
land of all the trading and producing interests of a people that for
centuries have been leaders in commercial and manufacturing
industry and enterprise.
GREAT BRITAIN'S COMMERCIAL POLICY
But that which more than anything else has made London the
great trade centre of the world has been the policy, now for many
years adopted by the British people, of allowing the goods and
products of all other nations to enter their ports untaxed. Every
port in Britain is a free port of entry for all imported merchandise
Page 87
except spirits, tobacco, wine, tea, coffee, cocoa, and chicory; and
ships of all nations are allowed to trade at British ports upon
terms exactly the same as those laid down for British ships. The
result is that Britain has become the entrepôt or distributing mart
for the produce of the world. Ships of all nations are found at her
wharves, and commodities from all parts of the world brought in
those ships are found in her warehouses. Her mercantile navy
numbers 21,000 vessels, and 8000 of these are steamships. The
tonnage of these vessels amounts to over 8,750,000 tons, and of
this nearly 8,000,000 is engaged in the foreign trade alone. Her
mercantile sailors number over 250,000 men, and over 150,000
of these are engaged in the foreign trade. London is, of course,
the chief gainer from this perfect unrestriction of trade. Twenty-
seven per cent. of the whole trade of the country is in its hands.
Its merchants do business in every seaport on the globe, and the
trade of Great Britain with ports in Europe, the Levant, Egypt,
India, the East Indies, China, Japan, and Australasia, is almost
wholly controlled by them. Its shipping embraces the finest
trading fleets known to commerce. Its docks and wharves extend
on either side of the Thames for twenty-four miles from London
Bridge down to Gravesend, and are the largest and finest in the
world.
ships of all nations are allowed to trade at British ports upon
terms exactly the same as those laid down for British ships. The
result is that Britain has become the entrepôt or distributing mart
for the produce of the world. Ships of all nations are found at her
wharves, and commodities from all parts of the world brought in
those ships are found in her warehouses. Her mercantile navy
numbers 21,000 vessels, and 8000 of these are steamships. The
tonnage of these vessels amounts to over 8,750,000 tons, and of
this nearly 8,000,000 is engaged in the foreign trade alone. Her
mercantile sailors number over 250,000 men, and over 150,000
of these are engaged in the foreign trade. London is, of course,
the chief gainer from this perfect unrestriction of trade. Twenty-
seven per cent. of the whole trade of the country is in its hands.
Its merchants do business in every seaport on the globe, and the
trade of Great Britain with ports in Europe, the Levant, Egypt,
India, the East Indies, China, Japan, and Australasia, is almost
wholly controlled by them. Its shipping embraces the finest
trading fleets known to commerce. Its docks and wharves extend
on either side of the Thames for twenty-four miles from London
Bridge down to Gravesend, and are the largest and finest in the
world.
Page 88
British mercantile marine. Compared with that of other countries.
LONDON THE CLEARING-HOUSE OF THE WORLD
A similar explanation is to be given of the fact that London is the
great financial centre of the world. The same policy which has
made Britain a great trading country has also made her a great
manufacturing country. The food products of all the world pour
in upon her shores, and Britain has become a cheap place to live
in. Her artisans are supplied with the best food that the world can
produce, and this at prices that are practically what the British
LONDON THE CLEARING-HOUSE OF THE WORLD
A similar explanation is to be given of the fact that London is the
great financial centre of the world. The same policy which has
made Britain a great trading country has also made her a great
manufacturing country. The food products of all the world pour
in upon her shores, and Britain has become a cheap place to live
in. Her artisans are supplied with the best food that the world can
produce, and this at prices that are practically what the British
Page 89
demand makes them to be. The British artisan is therefore both
well fed and cheaply fed. As a consequence of this, British
manufactures are produced more efficiently and more cheaply
than those of most other nations, and they are therefore exported
enormously to every quarter of the globe. London, from its
accessibility with respect to the great manufacturing centres at
home, and from its trade connections and facilities for trade
abroad, is the great distributing centre of this enormous
manufacture. London exporters have accounts for goods sold by
them all the world over. There is, therefore, no quarter of the
world where money is not constantly owing to London; or, if not
to London, then to Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds,
Glasgow, or some other manufacturing centre in close financial
touch with London. In this, then, lies the explanation of the
financial supremacy of London. No matter in what quarter of the
world money is owed by any place, the final destination of that
money is London; for in almost all cases it will be found that the
locality to which the money is owed, if it be not London, will
itself be a debtor to London. London, therefore, from necessity,
and as a matter of custom and convenience, has become the great
clearing-house of the world. The final adjustments of the
indebtedness of all the commercial centres of the world are made
there.
well fed and cheaply fed. As a consequence of this, British
manufactures are produced more efficiently and more cheaply
than those of most other nations, and they are therefore exported
enormously to every quarter of the globe. London, from its
accessibility with respect to the great manufacturing centres at
home, and from its trade connections and facilities for trade
abroad, is the great distributing centre of this enormous
manufacture. London exporters have accounts for goods sold by
them all the world over. There is, therefore, no quarter of the
world where money is not constantly owing to London; or, if not
to London, then to Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds,
Glasgow, or some other manufacturing centre in close financial
touch with London. In this, then, lies the explanation of the
financial supremacy of London. No matter in what quarter of the
world money is owed by any place, the final destination of that
money is London; for in almost all cases it will be found that the
locality to which the money is owed, if it be not London, will
itself be a debtor to London. London, therefore, from necessity,
and as a matter of custom and convenience, has become the great
clearing-house of the world. The final adjustments of the
indebtedness of all the commercial centres of the world are made
there.
Page 90
London bridge.
GREAT BRITAIN THE CREDITOR NATION OF THE
WORLD
One other reason for the financial supremacy of London lies in
the enormous wealth of Britain. For now almost half a century
Britain has been importing far more than she has been exporting,
and the total volume of her import and export trade is more than
quadruple what it was in 1850. The consequence is that not only
has Britain been accumulating wealth, but she has been
accumulating it enormously. Her accumulated savings, therefore,
have been at the world's disposal, and she has had so much
money to invest that she has become the creditor nation of the
world. The total investments of British capital in foreign
countries (in loans, railways, manufacturing syndicates, etc.) is
estimated to be the enormous sum of over $10,500,000,000.
London, of course, is the investing, controlling, and supervising
counting-house for all this capital. And as so much British
GREAT BRITAIN THE CREDITOR NATION OF THE
WORLD
One other reason for the financial supremacy of London lies in
the enormous wealth of Britain. For now almost half a century
Britain has been importing far more than she has been exporting,
and the total volume of her import and export trade is more than
quadruple what it was in 1850. The consequence is that not only
has Britain been accumulating wealth, but she has been
accumulating it enormously. Her accumulated savings, therefore,
have been at the world's disposal, and she has had so much
money to invest that she has become the creditor nation of the
world. The total investments of British capital in foreign
countries (in loans, railways, manufacturing syndicates, etc.) is
estimated to be the enormous sum of over $10,500,000,000.
London, of course, is the investing, controlling, and supervising
counting-house for all this capital. And as so much British
Page 91
capital finds in London its place of investment, it naturally
follows that nearly all the remaining unemployed capital of the
world, that seeks investment, either is sent to London as a
market, or else assumes a price for investment elsewhere which
the current price of capital in London warrants it to assume. The
London market rate of capital, therefore, determines its market
rate in every other commercial centre of the world.
GREAT BRITAIN A BEEHIVE OF MERCANTILE AND
MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY
Britain like all other civilised countries, was originally an
agricultural country. Although for some centuries she has been
one of the chief manufacturing and mercantile countries of the
world, it has been only during the past one hundred years, and
especially during the past fifty years, that her development in
manufactures and in commerce has been remarkable. Britain is
still, in respect of quality, the foremost agricultural country on
the globe. Her breeds of horses, cattle, sheep, and swine are the
standard breeds from which almost all other breeds derive their
origin, and by which from time to time they are improved. And
nowhere is the raising of grains and roots for food of man and
beast pursued with more skill and success than in Britain. But
agriculture is fast ceasing to be an important industry of Britain.
Two million acres less are under cultivation now than were
cultivated fifty years ago. The total amount of wheat raised is
sufficient only for three months' consumption of the people; the
remaining quantity needed must be supplied by importation.
Three fifths of the total population of the island live in towns,
and only a small proportion of the population that live in the
country is actually supported by agriculture. Agriculture, in fact,
supports only fifteen per cent. of the population in all Britain,
and in England only ten per cent. Three and a half times as many
people are personally engaged in manufactures as in rural
pursuits. For three quarters of a century the population in towns
follows that nearly all the remaining unemployed capital of the
world, that seeks investment, either is sent to London as a
market, or else assumes a price for investment elsewhere which
the current price of capital in London warrants it to assume. The
London market rate of capital, therefore, determines its market
rate in every other commercial centre of the world.
GREAT BRITAIN A BEEHIVE OF MERCANTILE AND
MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY
Britain like all other civilised countries, was originally an
agricultural country. Although for some centuries she has been
one of the chief manufacturing and mercantile countries of the
world, it has been only during the past one hundred years, and
especially during the past fifty years, that her development in
manufactures and in commerce has been remarkable. Britain is
still, in respect of quality, the foremost agricultural country on
the globe. Her breeds of horses, cattle, sheep, and swine are the
standard breeds from which almost all other breeds derive their
origin, and by which from time to time they are improved. And
nowhere is the raising of grains and roots for food of man and
beast pursued with more skill and success than in Britain. But
agriculture is fast ceasing to be an important industry of Britain.
Two million acres less are under cultivation now than were
cultivated fifty years ago. The total amount of wheat raised is
sufficient only for three months' consumption of the people; the
remaining quantity needed must be supplied by importation.
Three fifths of the total population of the island live in towns,
and only a small proportion of the population that live in the
country is actually supported by agriculture. Agriculture, in fact,
supports only fifteen per cent. of the population in all Britain,
and in England only ten per cent. Three and a half times as many
people are personally engaged in manufactures as in rural
pursuits. For three quarters of a century the population in towns
Page 92
and cities has been growing four times faster than the population
of the rural parts. At the same time the working power of the
urban population has been constantly growing more effective. In
fifty years, by the general adoption of machinery, the effective
working power of the British workman has been increased
sixfold. In England eighty-six per cent. of the total work of the
country is done by steam, and in Scotland ninety per cent. Great
Britain, therefore, has become practically one great beehive of
mercantile and manufacturing industry. Agriculture as a general
occupation of the people, except in the production of the finer
food products, such as choice beef and mutton and high-grade
dairy products, is no longer profitable. Indeed, during the last
fifteen years the plant (including land) employed in agricultural
industries has been depreciating in value at the rate of
$150,000,000 yearly; that is, in these fifteen years the enormous
sum of $2,250,000,000 of capital employed in agriculture has
been obliterated. But the gain to capital employed in profitable
mercantile and manufacturing pursuits has much more than
compensated for this enormous loss in agriculture.
GREAT BRITAIN'S COAL-FIELDS AND IRON
DEPOSITS
One reason for the great development which Britain has made as
a manufacturing and trading nation lies in the fact that Britain
was the first nation to utilise on a large scale the power of steam
as a help to manufacture and trade. The steam-engine was a
British invention. The first railways were built in Britain. The
first steamship to cross the Atlantic was a British enterprise. A
second reason lies in the fact that when Britain began to use
steam as a motive power she found her supplies of coal so near
her iron mines, and so near her clays and earths needed for her
potteries, that from the very first she was able to manufacture
cheaply and undersell most of her competitors. Her coal-fields
have an area of over 12,000 square miles, and wherever her coal-
of the rural parts. At the same time the working power of the
urban population has been constantly growing more effective. In
fifty years, by the general adoption of machinery, the effective
working power of the British workman has been increased
sixfold. In England eighty-six per cent. of the total work of the
country is done by steam, and in Scotland ninety per cent. Great
Britain, therefore, has become practically one great beehive of
mercantile and manufacturing industry. Agriculture as a general
occupation of the people, except in the production of the finer
food products, such as choice beef and mutton and high-grade
dairy products, is no longer profitable. Indeed, during the last
fifteen years the plant (including land) employed in agricultural
industries has been depreciating in value at the rate of
$150,000,000 yearly; that is, in these fifteen years the enormous
sum of $2,250,000,000 of capital employed in agriculture has
been obliterated. But the gain to capital employed in profitable
mercantile and manufacturing pursuits has much more than
compensated for this enormous loss in agriculture.
GREAT BRITAIN'S COAL-FIELDS AND IRON
DEPOSITS
One reason for the great development which Britain has made as
a manufacturing and trading nation lies in the fact that Britain
was the first nation to utilise on a large scale the power of steam
as a help to manufacture and trade. The steam-engine was a
British invention. The first railways were built in Britain. The
first steamship to cross the Atlantic was a British enterprise. A
second reason lies in the fact that when Britain began to use
steam as a motive power she found her supplies of coal so near
her iron mines, and so near her clays and earths needed for her
potteries, that from the very first she was able to manufacture
cheaply and undersell most of her competitors. Her coal-fields
have an area of over 12,000 square miles, and wherever her coal-
Page 93
beds are other natural products have been found near by, so that
her manufacturing areas and her coal areas are almost identical.
Taking Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Wolverhampton,
Sheffield, Leeds, Newcastle, Durham, Bristol, Stoke, Carlisle,
Cardiff, Swansea, Glasgow, Paisley, and Dundee as centres,
around each of these lies a coal area of such richness as amply
sustains it in its commercial and manufacturing pre-eminence.
London is almost the only great commercial centre of Britain
that does not lie in the midst of or quite adjacent to a rich coal
and other mineral region. But London is within easy distance,
not only by rail, but also by canal and by coastwise sailing, of
every coal-field and mineral deposit of Britain. London,
however, is an importing and exporting centre rather than a
manufacturing centre.
her manufacturing areas and her coal areas are almost identical.
Taking Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Wolverhampton,
Sheffield, Leeds, Newcastle, Durham, Bristol, Stoke, Carlisle,
Cardiff, Swansea, Glasgow, Paisley, and Dundee as centres,
around each of these lies a coal area of such richness as amply
sustains it in its commercial and manufacturing pre-eminence.
London is almost the only great commercial centre of Britain
that does not lie in the midst of or quite adjacent to a rich coal
and other mineral region. But London is within easy distance,
not only by rail, but also by canal and by coastwise sailing, of
every coal-field and mineral deposit of Britain. London,
however, is an importing and exporting centre rather than a
manufacturing centre.
Page 94
The coal-fields of England.
LONDON'S SPECIAL TRADE FEATURES
LONDON'S SPECIAL TRADE FEATURES
Page 95
The commercial supremacy attained by many of the large cities
of Britain is not wholly due to natural causes, or even to ordinary
causes. Much of it is due to extraordinary enterprise and
forethought on the part of their citizens. London, for example, is
the centre of the wool trade of Britain. The woollen
manufacturers of Britain use about 250,000 tons of wool
annually, and three fourths of this is imported. Other cities that
lie near the seats of the great woollen manufactures—Liverpool,
for example—have tried to secure a share of this vast
importation of wool, but London, because of the special attention
it gives to this trade, manages to keep almost the whole of the
trade in its own hands. Similarly, London almost wholly
monopolises the trade of England with Arabia, India, the East
Indies, China, and Japan. It is therefore the great emporium for
tea, coffee, sugar, spices, indigo, and raw silk. It also enjoys the
bulk of Britain's trade in fruits (oranges, lemons, currants,
raisins, figs, dates, etc.) and in wines, olive oil, and madder, with
the countries that lie about the Mediterranean. By virtue partly of
its situation, but largely because of the enterprise of its
merchants, it absorbs nearly the whole of Britain's French trade,
and of England's trade with Germany, Belgium, Holland, and
Denmark. This includes principally wines (from France), and
butter, eggs, and vegetables. Another great branch of its trade is
that with the ports of the Baltic, including those of Russia, the
imports comprising, besides wheat and wool, tallow, timber,
hemp, and linseed. The tobacco imported from Virginia into
England goes almost wholly to London; so does almost the
whole of the Central American and South American trade in fine
woods, dye-stuffs, drugs, sugar, hides, india-rubber, coffee, and
diamonds. Quite a large share of the trade of Britain with Canada
is concentrated in London; also, more than one half of the trade
of England with the West Indies, the imports from the latter
country comprising principally sugar, molasses, fruit, rum,
coffee, cocoa, fine woods, and ginger.
of Britain is not wholly due to natural causes, or even to ordinary
causes. Much of it is due to extraordinary enterprise and
forethought on the part of their citizens. London, for example, is
the centre of the wool trade of Britain. The woollen
manufacturers of Britain use about 250,000 tons of wool
annually, and three fourths of this is imported. Other cities that
lie near the seats of the great woollen manufactures—Liverpool,
for example—have tried to secure a share of this vast
importation of wool, but London, because of the special attention
it gives to this trade, manages to keep almost the whole of the
trade in its own hands. Similarly, London almost wholly
monopolises the trade of England with Arabia, India, the East
Indies, China, and Japan. It is therefore the great emporium for
tea, coffee, sugar, spices, indigo, and raw silk. It also enjoys the
bulk of Britain's trade in fruits (oranges, lemons, currants,
raisins, figs, dates, etc.) and in wines, olive oil, and madder, with
the countries that lie about the Mediterranean. By virtue partly of
its situation, but largely because of the enterprise of its
merchants, it absorbs nearly the whole of Britain's French trade,
and of England's trade with Germany, Belgium, Holland, and
Denmark. This includes principally wines (from France), and
butter, eggs, and vegetables. Another great branch of its trade is
that with the ports of the Baltic, including those of Russia, the
imports comprising, besides wheat and wool, tallow, timber,
hemp, and linseed. The tobacco imported from Virginia into
England goes almost wholly to London; so does almost the
whole of the Central American and South American trade in fine
woods, dye-stuffs, drugs, sugar, hides, india-rubber, coffee, and
diamonds. Quite a large share of the trade of Britain with Canada
is concentrated in London; also, more than one half of the trade
of England with the West Indies, the imports from the latter
country comprising principally sugar, molasses, fruit, rum,
coffee, cocoa, fine woods, and ginger.
Page 96
THE SPECIAL TRADE FEATURES OF GLASGOW,
LIVERPOOL, AND MANCHESTER
The great commercial centres of Britain after London are
Glasgow (800,000), Liverpool (700,000) and Manchester
(640,000, including Salford). All these cities have derived the
greater portion of their size from the progress they have made
during the present century. All, of course, owe their progress and
their prosperity largely to their natural advantages of situation,
etc. Liverpool stands on the margin of the Atlantic, "the
Mediterranean of the modern world," and thus enjoys the
principal share of the trade with America, especially that with the
United States. Great Britain's imports from the United States
amount to over $500,000,000 per annum, and her exports to the
United States (exclusive of bullion, etc.) to over $100,000,000.
(Formerly the exports to the United States were twice this
amount.) Of this vast trade, amounting to one fifth of Britain's
total trade with the world, Liverpool enjoys the lion's share.
Nearly all the cotton, not merely of the United States but of the
world, that is used in Europe is sent to Liverpool for distribution.
Similarly, Glasgow, situated with its aspect directed toward the
same maritime routes, enjoys also an immense transatlantic trade
both north and south. And Manchester, situated in the very heart
of the richest coal districts of the kingdom, and within easy reach
of the great cotton port, Liverpool, has built up a cotton-
manufacturing industry surpassing that of all the rest of the
world.
THE BUSINESS ENTERPRISE OF GLASGOW,
LIVERPOOL, AND MANCHESTER
But the natural advantages of situation possessed by these great
cities have been grandly supplemented by the enterprise of their
inhabitants. Glasgow is only a river port. For twenty miles
LIVERPOOL, AND MANCHESTER
The great commercial centres of Britain after London are
Glasgow (800,000), Liverpool (700,000) and Manchester
(640,000, including Salford). All these cities have derived the
greater portion of their size from the progress they have made
during the present century. All, of course, owe their progress and
their prosperity largely to their natural advantages of situation,
etc. Liverpool stands on the margin of the Atlantic, "the
Mediterranean of the modern world," and thus enjoys the
principal share of the trade with America, especially that with the
United States. Great Britain's imports from the United States
amount to over $500,000,000 per annum, and her exports to the
United States (exclusive of bullion, etc.) to over $100,000,000.
(Formerly the exports to the United States were twice this
amount.) Of this vast trade, amounting to one fifth of Britain's
total trade with the world, Liverpool enjoys the lion's share.
Nearly all the cotton, not merely of the United States but of the
world, that is used in Europe is sent to Liverpool for distribution.
Similarly, Glasgow, situated with its aspect directed toward the
same maritime routes, enjoys also an immense transatlantic trade
both north and south. And Manchester, situated in the very heart
of the richest coal districts of the kingdom, and within easy reach
of the great cotton port, Liverpool, has built up a cotton-
manufacturing industry surpassing that of all the rest of the
world.
THE BUSINESS ENTERPRISE OF GLASGOW,
LIVERPOOL, AND MANCHESTER
But the natural advantages of situation possessed by these great
cities have been grandly supplemented by the enterprise of their
inhabitants. Glasgow is only a river port. For twenty miles
Page 97
below its site the Clyde is naturally narrow, shallow, and shoal-
encumbered. In places it is naturally not more than fifteen inches
deep. By the expenditure of no less a sum than $60,000,000 this
shallow stream has been converted into a continuous harbour,
lined on either side for miles with wharves and docks, and easily
capable of accommodating the largest and finest merchant ships
afloat. As a consequence of this enterprise Glasgow has become
the greatest ship-building port in the world. No less than twenty
shipyards—in efficiency and magnitude of the very highest class
—are to be found along the banks of the once shallow,
impassable Clyde, between Glasgow proper and the river's
mouth.
Similarly, the enterprise of the ship merchants of Liverpool has
converted a port, that high tides and impassable bars would
naturally render unfit for modern ships, into the greatest shipping
port in the world. One hundred million dollars were spent in
making the improvement, but $5,000,000 is the annual revenue
derived therefrom in dock dues alone. And because of this
enterprise Liverpool can now boast of controlling one fourth of
all the imports of the kingdom, and two fifths of all the exports,
and of handling three fourths of all the grain and provision trade
of the kingdom, and of having the largest grain warehouses in
the world.
encumbered. In places it is naturally not more than fifteen inches
deep. By the expenditure of no less a sum than $60,000,000 this
shallow stream has been converted into a continuous harbour,
lined on either side for miles with wharves and docks, and easily
capable of accommodating the largest and finest merchant ships
afloat. As a consequence of this enterprise Glasgow has become
the greatest ship-building port in the world. No less than twenty
shipyards—in efficiency and magnitude of the very highest class
—are to be found along the banks of the once shallow,
impassable Clyde, between Glasgow proper and the river's
mouth.
Similarly, the enterprise of the ship merchants of Liverpool has
converted a port, that high tides and impassable bars would
naturally render unfit for modern ships, into the greatest shipping
port in the world. One hundred million dollars were spent in
making the improvement, but $5,000,000 is the annual revenue
derived therefrom in dock dues alone. And because of this
enterprise Liverpool can now boast of controlling one fourth of
all the imports of the kingdom, and two fifths of all the exports,
and of handling three fourths of all the grain and provision trade
of the kingdom, and of having the largest grain warehouses in
the world.
Page 98
The Manchester ship canal.
But Manchester, a wholly inland city, forty miles distant from
Liverpool, its nearest port, has outdone even Glasgow and
Liverpool in its endeavour to bring the sea to its own doors. It
also has spent $100,000,000—not, however, in amounts spread
over a number of years, and as occasion seemed to demand, but
all at once, in one lump sum, in one huge enterprise. It has built a
canal to the Mersey where it is navigable, thirty-five and one half
miles in length, and sufficiently deep and wide, so that the whole
of its vast importation of cotton, and the whole of its vast
manufacture of cotton and other textile fabrics, and as much else
as may be desired, may be brought in from the sea or taken to the
sea in merchant vessels of the very largest size now afloat. And it
has done this in the face of engineering difficulties, and of
obstacles raised against it by jealous competing interests that
were almost insurmountable.
GREAT BRITAIN'S SPECIALISATION OF HER
INDUSTRIES IN DEFINITE CENTRES
But Manchester, a wholly inland city, forty miles distant from
Liverpool, its nearest port, has outdone even Glasgow and
Liverpool in its endeavour to bring the sea to its own doors. It
also has spent $100,000,000—not, however, in amounts spread
over a number of years, and as occasion seemed to demand, but
all at once, in one lump sum, in one huge enterprise. It has built a
canal to the Mersey where it is navigable, thirty-five and one half
miles in length, and sufficiently deep and wide, so that the whole
of its vast importation of cotton, and the whole of its vast
manufacture of cotton and other textile fabrics, and as much else
as may be desired, may be brought in from the sea or taken to the
sea in merchant vessels of the very largest size now afloat. And it
has done this in the face of engineering difficulties, and of
obstacles raised against it by jealous competing interests that
were almost insurmountable.
GREAT BRITAIN'S SPECIALISATION OF HER
INDUSTRIES IN DEFINITE CENTRES
Page 99
In no part of the world are manufacture and trade carried on with
such strict regard to the conditions of economic production and
the economic handling of goods as in the British Isles. The free-
trade policy of the empire permits everywhere within its borders
not merely national but world-wide competition; and yet it is but
truth to say that wherever Great Britain attempts to sell her
goods abroad every nation and every community in the world
rises against her. Even her colonies are against her. Her markets
are open to every one's trade, and yet in almost every market in
the world which she does not absolutely control barriers are
raised against her trade. She is able to sell goods in foreign
markets only because, despite these barriers, she is able to
undersell all competitors in them, or to give better value for the
same money than they. Even when she obtains the control of new
markets, as she has in India, China, Egypt, West Africa, etc., she
allows every nation to trade in these markets on precisely the
same terms as she herself trades in them. In the face of this
world-wide competition, therefore, the industries of Britain
would cease to exist if every condition conducive to economy of
production—climatic suitability, availability of cheap motive
power, accessibility to cheap raw material, and accessibility to
natural and cheap means of transportation—were not taken
advantage of to the utmost. But this is just what Britain does. She
does take advantage to the utmost of conditions conducive to
economy of production; and this is why, to a degree nowhere
else attempted in the world, she has specialised her industries in
definite favouring localities.
THE NATURAL APTITUDES OF COMMUNITIES IN
GREAT BRITAIN FOR SPECIAL INDUSTRIES
A result of this specialisation of industries in definite centres is
that a natural aptitude for the industry specialised in a locality is
developed among the inhabitants of the locality, and this, being
stimulated by association, is transmitted from generation to
such strict regard to the conditions of economic production and
the economic handling of goods as in the British Isles. The free-
trade policy of the empire permits everywhere within its borders
not merely national but world-wide competition; and yet it is but
truth to say that wherever Great Britain attempts to sell her
goods abroad every nation and every community in the world
rises against her. Even her colonies are against her. Her markets
are open to every one's trade, and yet in almost every market in
the world which she does not absolutely control barriers are
raised against her trade. She is able to sell goods in foreign
markets only because, despite these barriers, she is able to
undersell all competitors in them, or to give better value for the
same money than they. Even when she obtains the control of new
markets, as she has in India, China, Egypt, West Africa, etc., she
allows every nation to trade in these markets on precisely the
same terms as she herself trades in them. In the face of this
world-wide competition, therefore, the industries of Britain
would cease to exist if every condition conducive to economy of
production—climatic suitability, availability of cheap motive
power, accessibility to cheap raw material, and accessibility to
natural and cheap means of transportation—were not taken
advantage of to the utmost. But this is just what Britain does. She
does take advantage to the utmost of conditions conducive to
economy of production; and this is why, to a degree nowhere
else attempted in the world, she has specialised her industries in
definite favouring localities.
THE NATURAL APTITUDES OF COMMUNITIES IN
GREAT BRITAIN FOR SPECIAL INDUSTRIES
A result of this specialisation of industries in definite centres is
that a natural aptitude for the industry specialised in a locality is
developed among the inhabitants of the locality, and this, being
stimulated by association, is transmitted from generation to
Page 100
generation with ever-increasing efficiency. Again, this inherited
aptitude of the community for the industry historically associated
with it is a prime element in the economic prosecution of the
industry. Also, in turn, it acts as an important influence in
continuing the industry in the locality where once it has been
successfully specialised. In no country in the world, outside of
Asia, have great industries had such long-continued successful
existence in definite localities as in Britain. And therefore in no
country in the world do the natural aptitudes of communities for
special industries constitute such an important element of
economic industrial production. A community of efficient
"smiths," for example, has existed in and about Birmingham
since the fifteenth century. As a consequence of this the
Birmingham country has for several centuries been the greatest
seat of the metal or hardware industries in the world. Again, the
manufacture of woollen cloths has been an industry successfully
specialised in West Yorkshire from the fourteenth century. It
results that nowhere in the world is the woollen manufacture
carried on more prosperously than in West Yorkshire to-day. The
potteries of Staffordshire have been in existence time out of
mind, and in the eighteenth century they took a pre-eminent
place among the industries of the world. They hold that place of
pre-eminence now, even though since then the methods of
manufacture have been several times revolutionised.
THE COTTON MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
But the influence which more than anything else has determined
the specialisation of industries in certain places in Britain rather
than in others has been the presence of coal-fields. In only a very
few instances have great industries been maintained in districts
that are not coal-producing. The busiest industrial centre in all
Britain is, perhaps, South Lancashire, the great seat of the
cotton manufacture. South Lancashire is one great coal-field.
Liverpool, the great cotton port of the world, is at one edge of
aptitude of the community for the industry historically associated
with it is a prime element in the economic prosecution of the
industry. Also, in turn, it acts as an important influence in
continuing the industry in the locality where once it has been
successfully specialised. In no country in the world, outside of
Asia, have great industries had such long-continued successful
existence in definite localities as in Britain. And therefore in no
country in the world do the natural aptitudes of communities for
special industries constitute such an important element of
economic industrial production. A community of efficient
"smiths," for example, has existed in and about Birmingham
since the fifteenth century. As a consequence of this the
Birmingham country has for several centuries been the greatest
seat of the metal or hardware industries in the world. Again, the
manufacture of woollen cloths has been an industry successfully
specialised in West Yorkshire from the fourteenth century. It
results that nowhere in the world is the woollen manufacture
carried on more prosperously than in West Yorkshire to-day. The
potteries of Staffordshire have been in existence time out of
mind, and in the eighteenth century they took a pre-eminent
place among the industries of the world. They hold that place of
pre-eminence now, even though since then the methods of
manufacture have been several times revolutionised.
THE COTTON MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
But the influence which more than anything else has determined
the specialisation of industries in certain places in Britain rather
than in others has been the presence of coal-fields. In only a very
few instances have great industries been maintained in districts
that are not coal-producing. The busiest industrial centre in all
Britain is, perhaps, South Lancashire, the great seat of the
cotton manufacture. South Lancashire is one great coal-field.
Liverpool, the great cotton port of the world, is at one edge of
Page 101
this field. Manchester, the cotton metropolis of the world, is at
the other edge. Between and near these two chief towns is a
whole nest of large towns and cities—Preston, Burnley,
Blackburn, Rochdale, Bolton, Bury, Ashton, Stockport,
Oldham, etc.—every one of which is wholly devoted to the
cotton interest. From their position all these towns obtain both
their motive power and their raw material at the lowest possible
cost. But, in addition to its advantages of cheap coal and cheap
raw material, South Lancashire has one other great advantage in
favour of its special industry—its climate is eminently suited to
the industry. Its atmosphere is moist, and not too moist, and its
temperature is not too cold. Cotton thread can be spun and
woven in Lancashire which elsewhere would break. In scarcely
any other place in England has cotton-weaving or cotton-
spinning ever proved a success. The cotton industry of Scotland
is not so localised as it is in England, but Paisley (65,000) is
famous all the world over for its identification with the
manufacture of cotton thread. Ireland has no important cotton
manufactures except in Belfast. One third of the cotton
manufactured in the world is manufactured in the United
Kingdom. The total product is about 14,000 miles of cloth daily.
The number of separate mills is over 2500. The annual product is
$500,000,000, which is one hundred times what it was one
hundred years ago. The quantity of raw cotton imported annually
to sustain this immense production is 1,750,000 pounds.
the other edge. Between and near these two chief towns is a
whole nest of large towns and cities—Preston, Burnley,
Blackburn, Rochdale, Bolton, Bury, Ashton, Stockport,
Oldham, etc.—every one of which is wholly devoted to the
cotton interest. From their position all these towns obtain both
their motive power and their raw material at the lowest possible
cost. But, in addition to its advantages of cheap coal and cheap
raw material, South Lancashire has one other great advantage in
favour of its special industry—its climate is eminently suited to
the industry. Its atmosphere is moist, and not too moist, and its
temperature is not too cold. Cotton thread can be spun and
woven in Lancashire which elsewhere would break. In scarcely
any other place in England has cotton-weaving or cotton-
spinning ever proved a success. The cotton industry of Scotland
is not so localised as it is in England, but Paisley (65,000) is
famous all the world over for its identification with the
manufacture of cotton thread. Ireland has no important cotton
manufactures except in Belfast. One third of the cotton
manufactured in the world is manufactured in the United
Kingdom. The total product is about 14,000 miles of cloth daily.
The number of separate mills is over 2500. The annual product is
$500,000,000, which is one hundred times what it was one
hundred years ago. The quantity of raw cotton imported annually
to sustain this immense production is 1,750,000 pounds.
Page 102
The great manufacturing districts of England.
THE WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
A second great industry of Great Britain is its woollen
manufacture. This industry is specialised in England, principally
in West Yorkshire, a district which is as well supplied with coal
as is South Lancashire. Leeds (410,000) and Bradford (232,000)
are the two principal seats of the industry, but Huddersfield and
THE WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
A second great industry of Great Britain is its woollen
manufacture. This industry is specialised in England, principally
in West Yorkshire, a district which is as well supplied with coal
as is South Lancashire. Leeds (410,000) and Bradford (232,000)
are the two principal seats of the industry, but Huddersfield and
Page 103
Halifax are also important "cloth towns," and many other
communities are identified with the manufacture of woollens.
The noted "West of England" cloths are made principally in
Gloucestershire, where their manufacture in the town of Stroud
is a survival of an ancient industry once general throughout the
whole county. In Scotland there are two centres of the woollen
industry. The first and most important is in southeast Scotland,
where, in the valley of the Tweed (in Galashiels, Hawick,
Jedburgh, etc.), the celebrated "Scotch tweeds" are
manufactured. The second is in the valley of the Teith (Stirling,
Bannockburn, etc.). At one time the sheep that were pastured on
the wolds of Yorkshire were the chief supply of the raw material
for this industry in the whole of Britain, but that time is now long
past. The total annual import of wool into the United Kingdom is
about 750,000 pounds, of which about one half is retained for
home manufacture. Two thirds of this import comes from
Australia. The number of wool and worsted factories in the
kingdom aggregates over 2750. The value of the woollen goods
produced annually is about $250,000,000, which is about one
fourth of the total product of the world.
THE LINEN MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
The third great textile manufacture of the United Kingdom is that
of linens. This is the one manufacture in which Ireland surpasses
her sister kingdoms, England and Scotland. The cultivation of
flax and the spinning of linen yarn have been domestic industries
throughout all Ireland from time immemorial. But at the present
time the linen-manufacturing industry of Ireland is almost
wholly concentrated in Belfast. In Scotland, which now almost
rivals Ireland in the extent and perfection of her linen
manufactures, the industry is principally located in Fifeshire and
Forfarshire, especially in the towns of Dundee and Dunfermline,
the latter town being greatly famed for its napery and table
linens. Linen, like cotton, requires a peculiar atmospheric
communities are identified with the manufacture of woollens.
The noted "West of England" cloths are made principally in
Gloucestershire, where their manufacture in the town of Stroud
is a survival of an ancient industry once general throughout the
whole county. In Scotland there are two centres of the woollen
industry. The first and most important is in southeast Scotland,
where, in the valley of the Tweed (in Galashiels, Hawick,
Jedburgh, etc.), the celebrated "Scotch tweeds" are
manufactured. The second is in the valley of the Teith (Stirling,
Bannockburn, etc.). At one time the sheep that were pastured on
the wolds of Yorkshire were the chief supply of the raw material
for this industry in the whole of Britain, but that time is now long
past. The total annual import of wool into the United Kingdom is
about 750,000 pounds, of which about one half is retained for
home manufacture. Two thirds of this import comes from
Australia. The number of wool and worsted factories in the
kingdom aggregates over 2750. The value of the woollen goods
produced annually is about $250,000,000, which is about one
fourth of the total product of the world.
THE LINEN MANUFACTURES OF GREAT BRITAIN
The third great textile manufacture of the United Kingdom is that
of linens. This is the one manufacture in which Ireland surpasses
her sister kingdoms, England and Scotland. The cultivation of
flax and the spinning of linen yarn have been domestic industries
throughout all Ireland from time immemorial. But at the present
time the linen-manufacturing industry of Ireland is almost
wholly concentrated in Belfast. In Scotland, which now almost
rivals Ireland in the extent and perfection of her linen
manufactures, the industry is principally located in Fifeshire and
Forfarshire, especially in the towns of Dundee and Dunfermline,
the latter town being greatly famed for its napery and table
linens. Linen, like cotton, requires a peculiar atmospheric
Page 104
condition of temperature and moisture for its manufacture, and
only in few localities has the linen industry been successfully
established. The total value of the annual linen manufacture of
the United Kingdom is $100,000,000.
OTHER TEXTILE MANUFACTURES OF GREAT
BRITAIN
The annual value of the total manufacture of textile fabrics in the
British Isles is about $1,000,000,000—not far short, indeed, of
one fourth of the total manufacture of textile fabrics in all the
world. Great Britain has over $1,000,000,000 invested in her
textile industry, and one half of her total exports consists of
textile manufactures. Cotton, woollen, and linen cloths are the
chief staples of this industry, but there are many other branches
of it and many other localities in which it is specialised besides
the ones already mentioned. Leicester (204,000), which, like so
many other manufacturing cities of England, lies at the centre of
a coal-field, is the chief seat of the wollen hosiery manufacture.
Dumfries is the chief seat of the woollen hosiery manufacture in
Scotland. Kidderminster, in Worcestershire, is the chief seat of
the "Brussels" carpet industry; Wilton, in Wiltshire, of the
Wilton carpet industry. Kilmarnock, in Ayrshire, is the chief seat
of the carpet manufacture in Scotland. Nottingham (233,000) is
the metropolis of the cotton hosiery and lace manufacture of
England. Norwich (110,000), in eastern England, has a noted
manufacture of muslins and fine dress-goods. The Norwich
textile manufacture is an instance of the continuance of an
industry in a community historically associated with it, although
its seat is far removed from a coal-field. The silk manufacture of
Great Britain is almost entirely confined to the county of Derby
and adjacent districts in England. Macclesfield, in Cheshire, is
the chief centre. Coventry is noted for its silk ribbons and
gauzes. But the manufacture of silk in Britain is not prospering
like that of her other textile fabrics. In fact, in forty years it has
only in few localities has the linen industry been successfully
established. The total value of the annual linen manufacture of
the United Kingdom is $100,000,000.
OTHER TEXTILE MANUFACTURES OF GREAT
BRITAIN
The annual value of the total manufacture of textile fabrics in the
British Isles is about $1,000,000,000—not far short, indeed, of
one fourth of the total manufacture of textile fabrics in all the
world. Great Britain has over $1,000,000,000 invested in her
textile industry, and one half of her total exports consists of
textile manufactures. Cotton, woollen, and linen cloths are the
chief staples of this industry, but there are many other branches
of it and many other localities in which it is specialised besides
the ones already mentioned. Leicester (204,000), which, like so
many other manufacturing cities of England, lies at the centre of
a coal-field, is the chief seat of the wollen hosiery manufacture.
Dumfries is the chief seat of the woollen hosiery manufacture in
Scotland. Kidderminster, in Worcestershire, is the chief seat of
the "Brussels" carpet industry; Wilton, in Wiltshire, of the
Wilton carpet industry. Kilmarnock, in Ayrshire, is the chief seat
of the carpet manufacture in Scotland. Nottingham (233,000) is
the metropolis of the cotton hosiery and lace manufacture of
England. Norwich (110,000), in eastern England, has a noted
manufacture of muslins and fine dress-goods. The Norwich
textile manufacture is an instance of the continuance of an
industry in a community historically associated with it, although
its seat is far removed from a coal-field. The silk manufacture of
Great Britain is almost entirely confined to the county of Derby
and adjacent districts in England. Macclesfield, in Cheshire, is
the chief centre. Coventry is noted for its silk ribbons and
gauzes. But the manufacture of silk in Britain is not prospering
like that of her other textile fabrics. In fact, in forty years it has
Page 105
depreciated three fourths. British silk manufacturers are not as
adept in weighting their products with dyes as their French
competitors are, and in consequence English silks, though
intrinsically better than French silks, look inferior and therefore
cannot be sold at profitable prices. But, on the other hand, the
jute manufacture of Great Britain is increasing by leaps and
bounds. Established only sixty years ago, the value of its annual
output is now twice that of the whole manufacture of silk, and in
twenty-five years has tripled. The chief seat of this industry is
Dundee (160,000), in Scotland.
THE HARDWARE MANUFACTURES OF GREAT
BRITAIN
The textile manufactures of Great Britain are in the aggregate
first in importance, but the hardware manufactures come a close
second. The total amount of Great Britain's hardware products is
about $750,000,000, or one fourth of the total product of the
world, and of this about one third is exported. Even more than
her textile fabrics, the hardware manufactures of Great Britain
are associated with her coal-fields. The most distinctive
"hardware centre" is that one which is identified with the great
coal-field in the middle of England known as the "Black
Country." Birmingham (506,000), the chief place in this centre, is
unrivalled in the world for the multifariousness and extent of its
metal manufactures. It is literally true that everything from a
"needle to an anchor" is made within its limits. But though its
industries comprise principally those of iron and steel, its
manufactures in gold, silver, copper, zinc, lead, and aluminium
are also very important. Birmingham, too, is unrivalled in the
world in the application of art to metal work. Its manufacture of
jewellery, and gold and silver ornaments, is enormous. Its
manufacture of small wares is also enormous. For example, it
turns out 15,000,000 pens weekly. Its manufacture of buttons
runs into the hundreds of thousands of millions. Wolverhampton
adept in weighting their products with dyes as their French
competitors are, and in consequence English silks, though
intrinsically better than French silks, look inferior and therefore
cannot be sold at profitable prices. But, on the other hand, the
jute manufacture of Great Britain is increasing by leaps and
bounds. Established only sixty years ago, the value of its annual
output is now twice that of the whole manufacture of silk, and in
twenty-five years has tripled. The chief seat of this industry is
Dundee (160,000), in Scotland.
THE HARDWARE MANUFACTURES OF GREAT
BRITAIN
The textile manufactures of Great Britain are in the aggregate
first in importance, but the hardware manufactures come a close
second. The total amount of Great Britain's hardware products is
about $750,000,000, or one fourth of the total product of the
world, and of this about one third is exported. Even more than
her textile fabrics, the hardware manufactures of Great Britain
are associated with her coal-fields. The most distinctive
"hardware centre" is that one which is identified with the great
coal-field in the middle of England known as the "Black
Country." Birmingham (506,000), the chief place in this centre, is
unrivalled in the world for the multifariousness and extent of its
metal manufactures. It is literally true that everything from a
"needle to an anchor" is made within its limits. But though its
industries comprise principally those of iron and steel, its
manufactures in gold, silver, copper, zinc, lead, and aluminium
are also very important. Birmingham, too, is unrivalled in the
world in the application of art to metal work. Its manufacture of
jewellery, and gold and silver ornaments, is enormous. Its
manufacture of small wares is also enormous. For example, it
turns out 15,000,000 pens weekly. Its manufacture of buttons
runs into the hundreds of thousands of millions. Wolverhampton
Page 106
(88,000), also in the Black Country, is noted for its manufacture
of heavy hardware and machinery. So also in Oldham, in the
Lancashire district. So also in Leeds, in the West Yorkshire
district. Sheffield (352,000), also in Yorkshire, is historically
identified with its celebrated cutlery manufacture, an industry
that first began there because of the quality and abundance of the
grindstones found near by. With the coal-beds of Durham and
Cumberland are identified the great ship-building and
locomotive-building industries of Newcastle (218,000),
Sunderland (142,000), and Darlington, on the northeast side of
England, and the great steel manufactures (the largest in the
kingdom) and ship-building industries of Barrow-on-Furness,
on the northwest side. With the coal-fields of South Wales (noted
for its smokeless coal) are identified the smelting industries of
Swansea (70,000). Ores of copper especially, but also of silver,
zinc, and lead, are brought from all over the world to Swansea to
be smelted. These South Wales coal-fields also account for the
fact that in respect to amount of tonnage Cardiff (160,000) is
one of the chief ports for exports in the world, ranking in this
respect next after New York. The exports of coal from Cardiff
are now 12,000,000 tons annually.
II. THE TRADE FEATURES OF FRANCE
FRANCE A RICHLY FAVOURED COUNTRY
France by nature is one of the most highly favoured countries in
the world. Its climate is genial. Its temperature is so varied that
almost every vegetable, grain or fruit needed for the sustenance
of man may be raised within its borders. Its soil, though not
surprisingly fertile, yet yields abundantly such products as are
suited to it. Its mineral resources, especially in coal, iron, lead,
marble, and salt, are very considerable. Its area is compact. Its
of heavy hardware and machinery. So also in Oldham, in the
Lancashire district. So also in Leeds, in the West Yorkshire
district. Sheffield (352,000), also in Yorkshire, is historically
identified with its celebrated cutlery manufacture, an industry
that first began there because of the quality and abundance of the
grindstones found near by. With the coal-beds of Durham and
Cumberland are identified the great ship-building and
locomotive-building industries of Newcastle (218,000),
Sunderland (142,000), and Darlington, on the northeast side of
England, and the great steel manufactures (the largest in the
kingdom) and ship-building industries of Barrow-on-Furness,
on the northwest side. With the coal-fields of South Wales (noted
for its smokeless coal) are identified the smelting industries of
Swansea (70,000). Ores of copper especially, but also of silver,
zinc, and lead, are brought from all over the world to Swansea to
be smelted. These South Wales coal-fields also account for the
fact that in respect to amount of tonnage Cardiff (160,000) is
one of the chief ports for exports in the world, ranking in this
respect next after New York. The exports of coal from Cardiff
are now 12,000,000 tons annually.
II. THE TRADE FEATURES OF FRANCE
FRANCE A RICHLY FAVOURED COUNTRY
France by nature is one of the most highly favoured countries in
the world. Its climate is genial. Its temperature is so varied that
almost every vegetable, grain or fruit needed for the sustenance
of man may be raised within its borders. Its soil, though not
surprisingly fertile, yet yields abundantly such products as are
suited to it. Its mineral resources, especially in coal, iron, lead,
marble, and salt, are very considerable. Its area is compact. Its
Page 107
facilities for foreign commerce are unsurpassed. It lies between
the two bodies of water—the Atlantic and the Mediterranean—of
greatest commercial importance in the world. And its people,
especially those in rural parts, are exceptionally frugal and
industrious. But France as a nation has not made the progress in
the world that its natural advantages call for. It has been cursed
with expensive and unstable governments and sanguinary wars.
Its upper classes, the natural leaders of its peoples, are
excessively fond of pleasure and military glory, and the energies
of the nation have been much misdirected. As a consequence,
despite its natural advantages, France is losing ground among the
nations of the world. Its national debt amounts to nearly
$7,000,000,000, the largest national debt known in history, being
per head of population seventeen and one half times as great as
that of Germany, six times as great as that of the United States,
and much more than one and one half times as great as that of
Great Britain. But, what is of more serious consequence, the
vitality of its people seems debilitated. For years the annual
number of births in France has been steadily decreasing, while
the annual number of deaths has been more or less increasing.
Over a great part of the country the number of deaths annually
exceeds the number of births. In numerous years this is so for the
whole country. The birth rate is the lowest in Europe. The death
rate, while not the highest, is yet higher than in many other
countries. As a consequence of all this the population of France
is almost stationary. During the last seventy years it has
increased only 18 per cent., while that of Great Britain has
increased 63 per cent., Germany 75 per cent., Russia 92 per
cent., and Europe as a whole 62 per cent. And even this increase,
small as it is, is largely due to immigration from other countries.
Nor is the emigration of Frenchmen to their colonies or to other
countries to be set down as a sufficient explanation. The French
are averse to emigration. At the present time the number of
Frenchmen residing abroad is only a little more than half a
million, while of foreigners residing in France the number is not
far short of a million and a quarter.
the two bodies of water—the Atlantic and the Mediterranean—of
greatest commercial importance in the world. And its people,
especially those in rural parts, are exceptionally frugal and
industrious. But France as a nation has not made the progress in
the world that its natural advantages call for. It has been cursed
with expensive and unstable governments and sanguinary wars.
Its upper classes, the natural leaders of its peoples, are
excessively fond of pleasure and military glory, and the energies
of the nation have been much misdirected. As a consequence,
despite its natural advantages, France is losing ground among the
nations of the world. Its national debt amounts to nearly
$7,000,000,000, the largest national debt known in history, being
per head of population seventeen and one half times as great as
that of Germany, six times as great as that of the United States,
and much more than one and one half times as great as that of
Great Britain. But, what is of more serious consequence, the
vitality of its people seems debilitated. For years the annual
number of births in France has been steadily decreasing, while
the annual number of deaths has been more or less increasing.
Over a great part of the country the number of deaths annually
exceeds the number of births. In numerous years this is so for the
whole country. The birth rate is the lowest in Europe. The death
rate, while not the highest, is yet higher than in many other
countries. As a consequence of all this the population of France
is almost stationary. During the last seventy years it has
increased only 18 per cent., while that of Great Britain has
increased 63 per cent., Germany 75 per cent., Russia 92 per
cent., and Europe as a whole 62 per cent. And even this increase,
small as it is, is largely due to immigration from other countries.
Nor is the emigration of Frenchmen to their colonies or to other
countries to be set down as a sufficient explanation. The French
are averse to emigration. At the present time the number of
Frenchmen residing abroad is only a little more than half a
million, while of foreigners residing in France the number is not
far short of a million and a quarter.
Page 108
France, compared in size with the States of Illinois and Texas.
THE FRENCH A THRIFTY, FRUGAL PEOPLE
When France is compared with other countries in respect of
commercial development and progress, the results will in almost
every particular turn out unfavourable to France. For example,
since the close of the Napoleonic wars eighty-three years ago the
national trade of Great Britain has quadrupled, while that of
France has only trebled. At the close of the Franco-German war
France was eighteen per cent. ahead of Germany in the carrying
THE FRENCH A THRIFTY, FRUGAL PEOPLE
When France is compared with other countries in respect of
commercial development and progress, the results will in almost
every particular turn out unfavourable to France. For example,
since the close of the Napoleonic wars eighty-three years ago the
national trade of Great Britain has quadrupled, while that of
France has only trebled. At the close of the Franco-German war
France was eighteen per cent. ahead of Germany in the carrying
Page 109
power of her shipping. Now Germany is seventy per cent. ahead
of France in that respect. But it must be remembered that the
Franco-German war cost France in army expenses and in
indemnity no less a sum than $3,250,000,000. The effect of that
tremendous expenditure upon the prosperity of the nation can be
estimated by one comparison. Since that war the annual average
savings per inhabitant in France have been $17. For the same
period the annual average savings per inhabitant in Great Britain
have been $19.50. Had that war not occurred the average annual
savings per inhabitant in France would have been $21.50. In
short, no people in Europe are comparable with the working
classes of the French people in frugality and thrift, and because
of this characteristic, if France were well governed, its prosperity
would be equal to that of any country in the world, and this
would be so in spite of the fact that France's interest bill imposes
a tax of $6.50 a year on every inhabitant of the country.
Street scene in Paris, showing the Bourse.
of France in that respect. But it must be remembered that the
Franco-German war cost France in army expenses and in
indemnity no less a sum than $3,250,000,000. The effect of that
tremendous expenditure upon the prosperity of the nation can be
estimated by one comparison. Since that war the annual average
savings per inhabitant in France have been $17. For the same
period the annual average savings per inhabitant in Great Britain
have been $19.50. Had that war not occurred the average annual
savings per inhabitant in France would have been $21.50. In
short, no people in Europe are comparable with the working
classes of the French people in frugality and thrift, and because
of this characteristic, if France were well governed, its prosperity
would be equal to that of any country in the world, and this
would be so in spite of the fact that France's interest bill imposes
a tax of $6.50 a year on every inhabitant of the country.
Street scene in Paris, showing the Bourse.
Page 110
THE IMPORTANCE OF AGRICULTURE IN FRANCE
France has one element of stability, one characteristic inducive
of thriftiness, that most other countries of Europe lack. In most
other European countries the land is held by few proprietors. In
France it is held by many. In Great Britain and Ireland, for
example, the land that is devoted to agriculture is held by only
19,000 proprietors. In France it is held by 3,500,000 proprietors.
There are also 3,500,000 district farms in France, though only
sixty per cent. of the farm land of the country is cultivated by the
owners. It follows from this that agriculture has in France a hold
upon the affections and self-interest of the people that it has in
no other country in the world. About forty-two per cent. of the
total population of the country able to work are employed in
agricultural pursuits. Agriculture, therefore, is one of the most
important industries of France. One fifth of the total earnings of
her people are made in agriculture. It cannot be said, however,
that agriculture in France is pursued as successfully as it is in
some other countries—in Great Britain, for example. France,
with sometimes the exception of Russia, is the largest wheat-
grower of all the nations of Europe, but its production of grain
per acre is not more than four sevenths that of Great Britain,
while its production of grain per farming hand is only two thirds
that of Great Britain. But so much of the agricultural effort of
France is devoted to such industries as can be carried on in small
farms or holdings—potato-raising, for example, and fruit-raising
and poultry-raising—that the total money product per acre in
France is not far short of what it is in Great Britain. That is to
say, while agriculture is more profitably carried on in Great
Britain than in France, it proportionately supports a larger
number of people in France than in Great Britain.
FRANCE'S WATERWAYS AND RAILWAYS
France has one element of stability, one characteristic inducive
of thriftiness, that most other countries of Europe lack. In most
other European countries the land is held by few proprietors. In
France it is held by many. In Great Britain and Ireland, for
example, the land that is devoted to agriculture is held by only
19,000 proprietors. In France it is held by 3,500,000 proprietors.
There are also 3,500,000 district farms in France, though only
sixty per cent. of the farm land of the country is cultivated by the
owners. It follows from this that agriculture has in France a hold
upon the affections and self-interest of the people that it has in
no other country in the world. About forty-two per cent. of the
total population of the country able to work are employed in
agricultural pursuits. Agriculture, therefore, is one of the most
important industries of France. One fifth of the total earnings of
her people are made in agriculture. It cannot be said, however,
that agriculture in France is pursued as successfully as it is in
some other countries—in Great Britain, for example. France,
with sometimes the exception of Russia, is the largest wheat-
grower of all the nations of Europe, but its production of grain
per acre is not more than four sevenths that of Great Britain,
while its production of grain per farming hand is only two thirds
that of Great Britain. But so much of the agricultural effort of
France is devoted to such industries as can be carried on in small
farms or holdings—potato-raising, for example, and fruit-raising
and poultry-raising—that the total money product per acre in
France is not far short of what it is in Great Britain. That is to
say, while agriculture is more profitably carried on in Great
Britain than in France, it proportionately supports a larger
number of people in France than in Great Britain.
FRANCE'S WATERWAYS AND RAILWAYS
Page 111
France, like Germany, is well supplied with navigable rivers, and
these, with its canals, constitute a complete network of navigable
waterways that cover all the country and greatly promote the
internal commerce of the nation. These navigable rivers
aggregate 5500 miles, and the navigable canals over 3100 miles.
The tonnage of goods carried on these waterways compares quite
favourably with that carried by the railways. The railways
aggregate 25,000 miles.
THE DISTINCTIVE AND IMPORTANT
MANUFACTURES OF FRANCE
The most distinctive manufacture of France, the one in which
she surpasses all other countries of the world, is the silk
manufacture. France's total production of silk is not far short of
one third of the total production of the world. Lyons (466,000),
on the Rhone, is the chief seat of the industry, having had this
pre-eminence ever since the Jacquard loom was invented there at
the beginning of this century. Its production is not far short of
three fourths of the total production of the country. The most
important manufacture of France, however, is her manufacture of
woollens. In this manufacture she comes next after Great
Britain, her total production being a little ahead of that of both
Germany and the United States. Her woollen mills number over
2000. Her consumption of wool for this industry is about three
fourths that of Great Britain, but the value of her production is
only two thirds that of Britain. Lille (216,000) and Rheims
(108,000) are the chief seats of the woollen industry. Of about
equal value with the woollen manufacture of France is its
hardware manufacture, but the importance of France's hardware
manufacture is national rather than international. Of next
importance is the manufacture of cottons and linens. The chief
seats of these industries are, for cottons, Rouen (113,000), the
"Manchester of France," and for linens, Lille. Near Lille is
Cambrai, the chief place of manufacture for that finer class of
these, with its canals, constitute a complete network of navigable
waterways that cover all the country and greatly promote the
internal commerce of the nation. These navigable rivers
aggregate 5500 miles, and the navigable canals over 3100 miles.
The tonnage of goods carried on these waterways compares quite
favourably with that carried by the railways. The railways
aggregate 25,000 miles.
THE DISTINCTIVE AND IMPORTANT
MANUFACTURES OF FRANCE
The most distinctive manufacture of France, the one in which
she surpasses all other countries of the world, is the silk
manufacture. France's total production of silk is not far short of
one third of the total production of the world. Lyons (466,000),
on the Rhone, is the chief seat of the industry, having had this
pre-eminence ever since the Jacquard loom was invented there at
the beginning of this century. Its production is not far short of
three fourths of the total production of the country. The most
important manufacture of France, however, is her manufacture of
woollens. In this manufacture she comes next after Great
Britain, her total production being a little ahead of that of both
Germany and the United States. Her woollen mills number over
2000. Her consumption of wool for this industry is about three
fourths that of Great Britain, but the value of her production is
only two thirds that of Britain. Lille (216,000) and Rheims
(108,000) are the chief seats of the woollen industry. Of about
equal value with the woollen manufacture of France is its
hardware manufacture, but the importance of France's hardware
manufacture is national rather than international. Of next
importance is the manufacture of cottons and linens. The chief
seats of these industries are, for cottons, Rouen (113,000), the
"Manchester of France," and for linens, Lille. Near Lille is
Cambrai, the chief place of manufacture for that finer class of
Page 112
linens known as cambrics. A second distinctive manufacture of
France is that of glass and porcelain. In this manufacture France
quite equals Great Britain in respect of value, and surpasses her
in respect of the artistic character of the wares. Limoges (77,000)
and St. Cloud (near Paris) are the chief seats of the French
porcelain manufacture. It is at St. Cloud that the celebrated
"Sèvres" porcelain is made.
PARIS AND THE GREAT SEAPORTS OF FRANCE
Paris (2,536,834) is, of course, the chief trade centre of all
France, but the trade interests of Paris are general rather than
special. The manufactures that are most localised in Paris are
those of articles of luxury, such as jewellery, perfumery, gloves,
fancy wares, novelties, and fashionable boots and shoes. Paris is
also a great financial centre. Marseilles (442,000), one of the
oldest cities in Europe, is the great seaport of France. Its trade
amounts to over $350,000,000 annually, and it ranks next after
Hamburg among the great seaports of central Europe. Its
specialty is its great trade with the Mediterranean and the East.
The opening of the Suez Canal has been of incalculable
advantage to Marseilles. Next as shipping port comes Havre
(119,000), at the mouth of the Seine, with a total trade not far
short of that of Marseilles. Havre is in reality the port or "haven"
of Paris. It is the great depot for French imports from North and
South America. These comprise principally cotton, tobacco,
wheat, animal produce, and wool. Its import of South American
wool is enormous, for three fourths of the wool used in France
now comes from the region of the La Plata. Recently the Seine
has been deepened and now both Rouen and Paris may be
considered seaports. By this means Paris has direct water
communication with London, and is, indeed, the third seaport in
the country. Next comes Bordeaux (257,000), the chief place of
export for French wines and brandies. About twenty years ago
the wine industry of France suffered tremendous loss from the
France is that of glass and porcelain. In this manufacture France
quite equals Great Britain in respect of value, and surpasses her
in respect of the artistic character of the wares. Limoges (77,000)
and St. Cloud (near Paris) are the chief seats of the French
porcelain manufacture. It is at St. Cloud that the celebrated
"Sèvres" porcelain is made.
PARIS AND THE GREAT SEAPORTS OF FRANCE
Paris (2,536,834) is, of course, the chief trade centre of all
France, but the trade interests of Paris are general rather than
special. The manufactures that are most localised in Paris are
those of articles of luxury, such as jewellery, perfumery, gloves,
fancy wares, novelties, and fashionable boots and shoes. Paris is
also a great financial centre. Marseilles (442,000), one of the
oldest cities in Europe, is the great seaport of France. Its trade
amounts to over $350,000,000 annually, and it ranks next after
Hamburg among the great seaports of central Europe. Its
specialty is its great trade with the Mediterranean and the East.
The opening of the Suez Canal has been of incalculable
advantage to Marseilles. Next as shipping port comes Havre
(119,000), at the mouth of the Seine, with a total trade not far
short of that of Marseilles. Havre is in reality the port or "haven"
of Paris. It is the great depot for French imports from North and
South America. These comprise principally cotton, tobacco,
wheat, animal produce, and wool. Its import of South American
wool is enormous, for three fourths of the wool used in France
now comes from the region of the La Plata. Recently the Seine
has been deepened and now both Rouen and Paris may be
considered seaports. By this means Paris has direct water
communication with London, and is, indeed, the third seaport in
the country. Next comes Bordeaux (257,000), the chief place of
export for French wines and brandies. About twenty years ago
the wine industry of France suffered tremendous loss from the
Page 113
ravages of the insect phylloxera. Over 4,000,000 acres of
vineyard, representing a value of $1,000,000,000, were wholly
or partially ruined by this terrible pest. The plague, however, has
now been stamped out, but nearly 2,000,000 acres of vineyards
have been permanently destroyed and have been devoted to
potatoes and the sugar-beet root. The result is that the production
of wine in France is now less than what is needed for home
consumption, and over fifty per cent. more wine is imported than
is exported. The remaining great shipping ports are Dunkerque
(40,000) and Boulogne (37,500). Calais (57,000) has a great
passenger trade with England.
III. THE TRADE FEATURES OF GERMANY
GERMANY THE MOST PROSPEROUS NATION IN
CONTINENTAL EUROPE
The greatest and most prosperous commercial nation in the old
world after Great Britain is Germany. Its population is
52,000,000, as against France's 38,500,000; and while France's
population is scarcely increasing at all, Germany's population is
increasing the most rapidly of any in Europe. Since the Franco-
Prussian war France has gained in population only a little over
2,000,000, while Germany in the same time has gained
12,000,000. In the middle of the present century the populations
of Germany and France were equal, being each about
35,000,000. Since that date Germany's population has increased
by about fifty per cent. and France's by only about ten per cent.
Similarly, the commerce of Germany not only greatly exceeds
that of France, but is growing much faster than that of France.
The total exports and imports of Germany, exclusive of bullion,
now foot up to nearly $2,000,000,000 a year. The total exports
and imports of France, exclusive of bullion, foot up to only
vineyard, representing a value of $1,000,000,000, were wholly
or partially ruined by this terrible pest. The plague, however, has
now been stamped out, but nearly 2,000,000 acres of vineyards
have been permanently destroyed and have been devoted to
potatoes and the sugar-beet root. The result is that the production
of wine in France is now less than what is needed for home
consumption, and over fifty per cent. more wine is imported than
is exported. The remaining great shipping ports are Dunkerque
(40,000) and Boulogne (37,500). Calais (57,000) has a great
passenger trade with England.
III. THE TRADE FEATURES OF GERMANY
GERMANY THE MOST PROSPEROUS NATION IN
CONTINENTAL EUROPE
The greatest and most prosperous commercial nation in the old
world after Great Britain is Germany. Its population is
52,000,000, as against France's 38,500,000; and while France's
population is scarcely increasing at all, Germany's population is
increasing the most rapidly of any in Europe. Since the Franco-
Prussian war France has gained in population only a little over
2,000,000, while Germany in the same time has gained
12,000,000. In the middle of the present century the populations
of Germany and France were equal, being each about
35,000,000. Since that date Germany's population has increased
by about fifty per cent. and France's by only about ten per cent.
Similarly, the commerce of Germany not only greatly exceeds
that of France, but is growing much faster than that of France.
The total exports and imports of Germany, exclusive of bullion,
now foot up to nearly $2,000,000,000 a year. The total exports
and imports of France, exclusive of bullion, foot up to only
Page 114
$1,500,000,000 a year. The total commerce of Germany is
therefore about one third more than that of France. At the close
of the Franco-Prussian war the total commerce of France
considerably exceeded that of Germany.
THE CHARACTER OF GERMANY'S INDUSTRIES
CHANGING
Germany, like England, is rapidly changing the character of her
industries and becoming a manufacturing and commercial nation
instead of an agricultural nation. This is the cause of her well-
known anxiety to secure control of territories in Africa, Asia,
etc., as exclusive markets for her manufactures, for, unlike
England, Germany is at present a believer in exclusion in trade,
both at home and in her colonies. Fifty years ago about four
sevenths of the people of Germany were engaged in agriculture;
now only about one third of the people are so employed. The
growth of the great cities of Germany is eight times faster than
that of the rural districts, and in fifty years the aggregate
population of the six largest cities of the empire—Berlin,
Hamburg, Leipzig, Munich, Breslau, and Dresden—has grown
sixfold, namely, from 600,000 to 3,600,000. In fifty years, too,
the manufactures of Germany have nearly doubled, the
commerce nearly trebled, the shipping increased more than
fivefold, and the mining output more than sixfold. While all this
is true, it nevertheless is also true that the area of cultivated soil
in Germany is double what it was fifty years ago. But this is
because much land, formerly waste or in pasture, has been
brought under cultivation. Yet even now only one half of the land
of Germany is cultivated, and thirty-three per cent. of the total
food consumption of the people has to be imported. Fifty years
ago only five per cent. of the total food consumption was
imported, and this small fraction consisted almost wholly of
luxuries.
therefore about one third more than that of France. At the close
of the Franco-Prussian war the total commerce of France
considerably exceeded that of Germany.
THE CHARACTER OF GERMANY'S INDUSTRIES
CHANGING
Germany, like England, is rapidly changing the character of her
industries and becoming a manufacturing and commercial nation
instead of an agricultural nation. This is the cause of her well-
known anxiety to secure control of territories in Africa, Asia,
etc., as exclusive markets for her manufactures, for, unlike
England, Germany is at present a believer in exclusion in trade,
both at home and in her colonies. Fifty years ago about four
sevenths of the people of Germany were engaged in agriculture;
now only about one third of the people are so employed. The
growth of the great cities of Germany is eight times faster than
that of the rural districts, and in fifty years the aggregate
population of the six largest cities of the empire—Berlin,
Hamburg, Leipzig, Munich, Breslau, and Dresden—has grown
sixfold, namely, from 600,000 to 3,600,000. In fifty years, too,
the manufactures of Germany have nearly doubled, the
commerce nearly trebled, the shipping increased more than
fivefold, and the mining output more than sixfold. While all this
is true, it nevertheless is also true that the area of cultivated soil
in Germany is double what it was fifty years ago. But this is
because much land, formerly waste or in pasture, has been
brought under cultivation. Yet even now only one half of the land
of Germany is cultivated, and thirty-three per cent. of the total
food consumption of the people has to be imported. Fifty years
ago only five per cent. of the total food consumption was
imported, and this small fraction consisted almost wholly of
luxuries.
Page 115
GERMANY'S SUCCESS IN TECHNICAL EDUCATION
Approximate size of the German Empire.
Note.—The population of that part of the United States included
within the circle is about 10,000,000. The population of the
German Empire is about 52,000,000.
Germany's prosperity and progress cannot wholly be measured
by statistics. No one can predict what it will be, for it is partly
based upon elements that unfortunately other countries have not
taken much account of. Germany pays greater attention to the
Approximate size of the German Empire.
Note.—The population of that part of the United States included
within the circle is about 10,000,000. The population of the
German Empire is about 52,000,000.
Germany's prosperity and progress cannot wholly be measured
by statistics. No one can predict what it will be, for it is partly
based upon elements that unfortunately other countries have not
taken much account of. Germany pays greater attention to the
Page 116
practical education of her people than any other nation in the
world. Her system of technical education extends over the whole
empire, and provides technical instruction for every class of the
people and for every occupation of the people—night schools for
those already engaged in life's work, agricultural schools,
forestry schools, commercial schools, mining schools, naval
schools, and schools in every branch of manufacturing industry,
besides, of course, schools for the education of those intending to
follow the learned professions. As a consequence of this very
general provision of technical education, there is engaged in
German manufacturing pursuits a class of workmen not found in
the workshops of any other country—men of industrial skill and
experience, and at the same time of the highest scientific
technical attainments in the branches of science that bear
particularly upon their work. These men work at salaries that in
other countries would be considered absurdly low. In almost all
other countries the possession of a sound scientific education is a
passport to social distinction, and every profession is open to
him who is deserving to enter it. In Germany, however, the
learned professions, and especially the official positions of the
army and navy, are almost the exclusive preserves of those who
are born to social rank. The educated commoner, therefore, has
to betake himself to manufacture, trade, or commerce. It follows
that scientific skill and intelligence are more generally diffused
in German commercial industries than in those of all other
nations. So far, however, the German artisan has not been the
equal in special technical skill of his more rigidly specialised
English competitor, and as a consequence of this more than one
sixth of Germany's total imports consist of goods brought from
England—principally the finer sort of textile fabrics and articles
of iron and steel. This inferiority in specialisation in the German
workmen cannot continue long, and the successful rivalry of
Germany with the manufacturing pre-eminence of Great Britain
may soon be a startling fact.
world. Her system of technical education extends over the whole
empire, and provides technical instruction for every class of the
people and for every occupation of the people—night schools for
those already engaged in life's work, agricultural schools,
forestry schools, commercial schools, mining schools, naval
schools, and schools in every branch of manufacturing industry,
besides, of course, schools for the education of those intending to
follow the learned professions. As a consequence of this very
general provision of technical education, there is engaged in
German manufacturing pursuits a class of workmen not found in
the workshops of any other country—men of industrial skill and
experience, and at the same time of the highest scientific
technical attainments in the branches of science that bear
particularly upon their work. These men work at salaries that in
other countries would be considered absurdly low. In almost all
other countries the possession of a sound scientific education is a
passport to social distinction, and every profession is open to
him who is deserving to enter it. In Germany, however, the
learned professions, and especially the official positions of the
army and navy, are almost the exclusive preserves of those who
are born to social rank. The educated commoner, therefore, has
to betake himself to manufacture, trade, or commerce. It follows
that scientific skill and intelligence are more generally diffused
in German commercial industries than in those of all other
nations. So far, however, the German artisan has not been the
equal in special technical skill of his more rigidly specialised
English competitor, and as a consequence of this more than one
sixth of Germany's total imports consist of goods brought from
England—principally the finer sort of textile fabrics and articles
of iron and steel. This inferiority in specialisation in the German
workmen cannot continue long, and the successful rivalry of
Germany with the manufacturing pre-eminence of Great Britain
may soon be a startling fact.
Page 117
GERMANY'S MINES AND HARDWARE
MANUFACTURES
It is in the development of her mines and of manufactures in
which minerals are employed that Germany has made most
noticeable progress. She produces four times as much coal as
France, and she has over 1000 separate iron-mines. Her
production of iron has increased tenfold in fifty years. She
employs over 400,000 men in her mines, and by the use of
labour-saving machinery one man can now produce as much as
three men could produce fifty years ago. Her hardware
manufactures are one sixth of her total manufactures, and in the
past half century they have increased sixfold. They are now
double those of France, and are only one fourth less than those of
Great Britain. She has 750 factories devoted to the making of
machinery alone. Two of these—Krupp's at Essen, and Borsig's
at Berlin—are among the largest in the world. Krupp's employs
20,000 men, has 310 steam-engines, and covers an area of 1000
acres. Borsig's employs 10,000 men, and in fifty years, starting
from nothing, has turned out nearly 4000 locomotives. One of
Krupp's hammers (a fifty-ton hammer) cost $500,000.
GERMANY'S INTERNAL TRADE
Germany's commercial energies up to the present have been
mainly concentrated on her internal trade. The total amount of
this trade foots up to $7,000,000,000, against France's
$6,000,000,000, and in fifty years it has trebled, while that of
France has scarcely doubled. Germany has more miles of railway
than any other country in the world except the United States, her
mileage being nearly 30,000, against France's 25,000 and Great
Britain's 21,000. Her natural and artificial waterways are also the
best in Europe, and her vast production of mineral wealth is
transported from mine to foundry and factory, and her vast
MANUFACTURES
It is in the development of her mines and of manufactures in
which minerals are employed that Germany has made most
noticeable progress. She produces four times as much coal as
France, and she has over 1000 separate iron-mines. Her
production of iron has increased tenfold in fifty years. She
employs over 400,000 men in her mines, and by the use of
labour-saving machinery one man can now produce as much as
three men could produce fifty years ago. Her hardware
manufactures are one sixth of her total manufactures, and in the
past half century they have increased sixfold. They are now
double those of France, and are only one fourth less than those of
Great Britain. She has 750 factories devoted to the making of
machinery alone. Two of these—Krupp's at Essen, and Borsig's
at Berlin—are among the largest in the world. Krupp's employs
20,000 men, has 310 steam-engines, and covers an area of 1000
acres. Borsig's employs 10,000 men, and in fifty years, starting
from nothing, has turned out nearly 4000 locomotives. One of
Krupp's hammers (a fifty-ton hammer) cost $500,000.
GERMANY'S INTERNAL TRADE
Germany's commercial energies up to the present have been
mainly concentrated on her internal trade. The total amount of
this trade foots up to $7,000,000,000, against France's
$6,000,000,000, and in fifty years it has trebled, while that of
France has scarcely doubled. Germany has more miles of railway
than any other country in the world except the United States, her
mileage being nearly 30,000, against France's 25,000 and Great
Britain's 21,000. Her natural and artificial waterways are also the
best in Europe, and her vast production of mineral wealth is
transported from mine to foundry and factory, and her vast
Page 118
production of lumber and grain is transported from forest and
field to seaport, largely by means of water carriage. The Rhine,
the Elbe, the Oder, and the Vistula are all navigable throughout
their whole courses through German territory, while the Weser
and the Danube are also navigable throughout great parts of their
courses. All these navigable rivers are interconnected by canals.
The total length of possible river navigation is nearly 6000 miles,
while the total length of canals and canalised rivers is 2700
miles. Besides, in 1895 there was completed the Kaiser Wilhelm
Canal, a lockless sea-going vessel canal, twenty-nine feet six
inches deep and sixty-one miles long, connecting the North Sea
and the Baltic, and constructed at a cost of nearly $40,000,000.
This canal effects a saving of almost one whole day for
commercial steamers, and of three days for all sailing-vessels,
engaged in the Baltic and North Sea trade.
GERMANY'S FOREIGN TRADE
But while it is true that Germany's internal trade is her most
important trade, it is also true that her foreign trade has during
the last half century made more progress than that of any other
European country, and during the last three or four decades more
progress than even that of the United States. Since 1840 it has
increased six and two third times, while that of Great Britain has
increased six times, and France only four and one fifth times. It
is now second in the world, being more than half of that of Great
Britain, ahead of that of the United States,[1] and very
considerably ahead of that of France, while in 1860 it was much
less than half of that of Great Britain, less than that of the United
States, and considerably less than that of France. Germany,
however, is not well favoured with respect to seaports, for in its
transmarine trade it is largely dependent on foreign seaports—
namely, ports in Belgium, Holland, France, Italy, and Austria.
Rotterdam in Holland and Antwerp in Belgium are much more
favourably situated with respect to the commerce of its chief
field to seaport, largely by means of water carriage. The Rhine,
the Elbe, the Oder, and the Vistula are all navigable throughout
their whole courses through German territory, while the Weser
and the Danube are also navigable throughout great parts of their
courses. All these navigable rivers are interconnected by canals.
The total length of possible river navigation is nearly 6000 miles,
while the total length of canals and canalised rivers is 2700
miles. Besides, in 1895 there was completed the Kaiser Wilhelm
Canal, a lockless sea-going vessel canal, twenty-nine feet six
inches deep and sixty-one miles long, connecting the North Sea
and the Baltic, and constructed at a cost of nearly $40,000,000.
This canal effects a saving of almost one whole day for
commercial steamers, and of three days for all sailing-vessels,
engaged in the Baltic and North Sea trade.
GERMANY'S FOREIGN TRADE
But while it is true that Germany's internal trade is her most
important trade, it is also true that her foreign trade has during
the last half century made more progress than that of any other
European country, and during the last three or four decades more
progress than even that of the United States. Since 1840 it has
increased six and two third times, while that of Great Britain has
increased six times, and France only four and one fifth times. It
is now second in the world, being more than half of that of Great
Britain, ahead of that of the United States,[1] and very
considerably ahead of that of France, while in 1860 it was much
less than half of that of Great Britain, less than that of the United
States, and considerably less than that of France. Germany,
however, is not well favoured with respect to seaports, for in its
transmarine trade it is largely dependent on foreign seaports—
namely, ports in Belgium, Holland, France, Italy, and Austria.
Rotterdam in Holland and Antwerp in Belgium are much more
favourably situated with respect to the commerce of its chief
Page 119
mining and manufacturing regions than any of its own ports.
There are only two German seaports with water of depth
sufficient to accommodate the deep-drawing vessels in which
foreign commerce is now mainly carried on—namely, Cuxhaven,
the outport of Hamburg, sixty-five miles from Hamburg, and
Bremerhaven, the outport of Bremen, thirty-five miles from
Bremen, though recent improvements in the navigation of the
Elbe allow vessels of even twenty-six feet draught to ascend the
Elbe wholly to Hamburg. But Hamburg (625,000), for the reason
that for centuries it was a free port of entry, has built up a very
large foreign trade, being the fifth in the world in this respect,
London, New York, Liverpool, and Rotterdam, alone being
ahead of it. Hamburg's foreign trade is almost one half greater
than the whole foreign trade of all other German ports put
together, while the foreign trade of Bremen is about one fourth
that of Hamburg. Bremen, like Hamburg, was for centuries a free
port of entry, but in 1888 both Hamburg and Bremen gave up in
great part their free port privileges and entered the general
customs union of the empire. Both cities were extremely loath to
give up their ancient unique commercial privileges, for they
feared an immense loss of trade in doing so, but it was hoped
that what they lost in foreign commerce would be made up to
them in increased commerce with other parts of the empire. One
reason for the great development of Germany's foreign trade in
late years is found in the facilities that it possesses for rapid
transit to and from Italy by means of tunnels through the Alps.
There are only two German seaports with water of depth
sufficient to accommodate the deep-drawing vessels in which
foreign commerce is now mainly carried on—namely, Cuxhaven,
the outport of Hamburg, sixty-five miles from Hamburg, and
Bremerhaven, the outport of Bremen, thirty-five miles from
Bremen, though recent improvements in the navigation of the
Elbe allow vessels of even twenty-six feet draught to ascend the
Elbe wholly to Hamburg. But Hamburg (625,000), for the reason
that for centuries it was a free port of entry, has built up a very
large foreign trade, being the fifth in the world in this respect,
London, New York, Liverpool, and Rotterdam, alone being
ahead of it. Hamburg's foreign trade is almost one half greater
than the whole foreign trade of all other German ports put
together, while the foreign trade of Bremen is about one fourth
that of Hamburg. Bremen, like Hamburg, was for centuries a free
port of entry, but in 1888 both Hamburg and Bremen gave up in
great part their free port privileges and entered the general
customs union of the empire. Both cities were extremely loath to
give up their ancient unique commercial privileges, for they
feared an immense loss of trade in doing so, but it was hoped
that what they lost in foreign commerce would be made up to
them in increased commerce with other parts of the empire. One
reason for the great development of Germany's foreign trade in
late years is found in the facilities that it possesses for rapid
transit to and from Italy by means of tunnels through the Alps.
Page 120
North central Germany, showing the ship canal and the leading commercial
arteries.
FOOTNOTE:
[1]
During the last two or three years the foreign trade of the United
States has greatly expanded and has exceeded that of Germany, and
is making a close push upon that of Great Britain. The above
statement was intended to represent the situation as existing during a
period of some years.
THE SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES OF GERMANY
Berlin (1,700,000), the capital of the empire, is a chief seat of
machinery manufacture. For many years Frankfort-on-the-Main
enjoyed the pre-eminence of being next to London the greatest
money market in the world; but since the establishment of the
arteries.
FOOTNOTE:
[1]
During the last two or three years the foreign trade of the United
States has greatly expanded and has exceeded that of Germany, and
is making a close push upon that of Great Britain. The above
statement was intended to represent the situation as existing during a
period of some years.
THE SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES OF GERMANY
Berlin (1,700,000), the capital of the empire, is a chief seat of
machinery manufacture. For many years Frankfort-on-the-Main
enjoyed the pre-eminence of being next to London the greatest
money market in the world; but since the establishment of the
Page 121
German Empire Frankfort's financial business has been absorbed
by Berlin. Leipzig (400,000) has the distinction of being the seat
of a book-publishing trade that turns out over 60,000,000
volumes in a year, amounting in value to $30,000,000. Leipzig
has also the honour of being the greatest fur market in the world.
Dantzig (120,000) is Germany's chief port on the Baltic, and the
chief seat of its great export trade in timber, grain, flax, hemp,
and potatoes. Its harbour, however, is closed in winter because of
ice. Dresden (330,000) is noted for its porcelain manufacture,
but the porcelain is not manufactured chiefly in Dresden, but in
Meissen, fifteen miles from Dresden. Munich (407,000)
manufactures largely the national beverage, beer. Finally,
Nuremberg (162,000), in southern Germany, is remarkable for
its continuance into modern days of manufactures for centuries
carried on domestically. Of these the most noted are watches,
clocks, pencils, and toys.
IV. TRADE FEATURES OF SPAIN AND ITALY
ITALY, TURKEY, AND SPAIN, THE THREE DECADENT
NATIONS OF EUROPE
The Mediterranean from the very earliest epochs of civilisation
has been a chief highway of trade, and along its shores every sort
of commercial activity has been prosecuted. For centuries and
centuries the nations upon the borders, especially those upon its
northern borders, were the leading nations of the world, and their
empire, indeed, comprised the empire of the world. But during
the last two or three centuries, and especially during the
nineteenth century, commercial pre-eminence and pre-eminence
in empire have departed from the Mediterranean. Italy, the ruler
of the whole ancient world, and even in modern times a ruler of
almost equal potency; Turkey, during the middle ages a chief
by Berlin. Leipzig (400,000) has the distinction of being the seat
of a book-publishing trade that turns out over 60,000,000
volumes in a year, amounting in value to $30,000,000. Leipzig
has also the honour of being the greatest fur market in the world.
Dantzig (120,000) is Germany's chief port on the Baltic, and the
chief seat of its great export trade in timber, grain, flax, hemp,
and potatoes. Its harbour, however, is closed in winter because of
ice. Dresden (330,000) is noted for its porcelain manufacture,
but the porcelain is not manufactured chiefly in Dresden, but in
Meissen, fifteen miles from Dresden. Munich (407,000)
manufactures largely the national beverage, beer. Finally,
Nuremberg (162,000), in southern Germany, is remarkable for
its continuance into modern days of manufactures for centuries
carried on domestically. Of these the most noted are watches,
clocks, pencils, and toys.
IV. TRADE FEATURES OF SPAIN AND ITALY
ITALY, TURKEY, AND SPAIN, THE THREE DECADENT
NATIONS OF EUROPE
The Mediterranean from the very earliest epochs of civilisation
has been a chief highway of trade, and along its shores every sort
of commercial activity has been prosecuted. For centuries and
centuries the nations upon the borders, especially those upon its
northern borders, were the leading nations of the world, and their
empire, indeed, comprised the empire of the world. But during
the last two or three centuries, and especially during the
nineteenth century, commercial pre-eminence and pre-eminence
in empire have departed from the Mediterranean. Italy, the ruler
of the whole ancient world, and even in modern times a ruler of
almost equal potency; Turkey, during the middle ages a chief
Page 122
power both in Europe and in Asia; Spain, for two centuries at the
beginning of our modern epoch a chief power in Europe and the
mistress of almost the whole Western world as well,—these
countries have all sunk to positions of comparative
insignificance, and Italy alone shows signs of effectual
regeneration. And yet on the whole earth's surface there are no
lands more richly endowed by nature as abodes for man than
Italy, Turkey, and Spain.
SPAIN: ITS TRADE AND ITS SPECIAL TRADE
CENTRES
Spain, because of the varied climate of her several parts, is
capable of producing almost all the edible fruits and grains
known to both temperate and tropical regions. Though there are
some desert areas, a great portion of the soil is abundantly
productive, and were agriculture pursued with the same skill as it
is in other countries—in England and Scotland, for example—
Spain would be one of the richest agricultural regions on the
globe. But not only is agriculture very inefficiently pursued, but
the country is also sparsely inhabited (only 90 to the square mile,
as compared with 270 to the square mile in Italy) and only one
fourth of it is cultivated. As a consequence only those products
are raised in Spain in which, because of her advantages of
climate, etc., she has least competition. The principal
commercial agricultural product is wine, the vine being
cultivated in every province in the kingdom. Six hundred million
gallons of wine are raised annually, which is more in value than
the total quantity of grain raised. Only one fifth of this, however,
is exported (principally to France), and even of this the greater
portion is wine of inferior grade, used for mixing. The remaining
agricultural products of Spain exported are chiefly oranges,
lemons, grapes, raisins, nuts, olives, and onions. Of these over
$15,000,000 worth go to England annually. England and France,
indeed, enjoy the great bulk of Spain's foreign trade, but of late
beginning of our modern epoch a chief power in Europe and the
mistress of almost the whole Western world as well,—these
countries have all sunk to positions of comparative
insignificance, and Italy alone shows signs of effectual
regeneration. And yet on the whole earth's surface there are no
lands more richly endowed by nature as abodes for man than
Italy, Turkey, and Spain.
SPAIN: ITS TRADE AND ITS SPECIAL TRADE
CENTRES
Spain, because of the varied climate of her several parts, is
capable of producing almost all the edible fruits and grains
known to both temperate and tropical regions. Though there are
some desert areas, a great portion of the soil is abundantly
productive, and were agriculture pursued with the same skill as it
is in other countries—in England and Scotland, for example—
Spain would be one of the richest agricultural regions on the
globe. But not only is agriculture very inefficiently pursued, but
the country is also sparsely inhabited (only 90 to the square mile,
as compared with 270 to the square mile in Italy) and only one
fourth of it is cultivated. As a consequence only those products
are raised in Spain in which, because of her advantages of
climate, etc., she has least competition. The principal
commercial agricultural product is wine, the vine being
cultivated in every province in the kingdom. Six hundred million
gallons of wine are raised annually, which is more in value than
the total quantity of grain raised. Only one fifth of this, however,
is exported (principally to France), and even of this the greater
portion is wine of inferior grade, used for mixing. The remaining
agricultural products of Spain exported are chiefly oranges,
lemons, grapes, raisins, nuts, olives, and onions. Of these over
$15,000,000 worth go to England annually. England and France,
indeed, enjoy the great bulk of Spain's foreign trade, but of late
Page 123
years Germany and the United States are taking a small share of
it. The mineral wealth of Spain is enormous, and as the mines
are often controlled by foreign capital they are worked with
energy. The iron ore of the Basque provinces of the north and the
copper ore of the district about Cadiz have been renowned for
ages. Thirty-five million dollars' worth of copper, iron, lead,
silver, and quicksilver are exported to Great Britain annually.
There are manufactures of cottons, woollens, linens, and silks,
but none of these can be said to be very prosperous, although
during the last twenty-five years, owing to a high protective
tariff, the quantity of raw material used in textile manufacture in
Spain has doubled. Spain produces excellent wool, but her
woollen manufacture is unable to use it all and one fourth is
exported. Similarly, although Spain is especially rich in iron-
fields, she gets about one third of the hardware she needs for her
own consumption from England. The total area of Spain's coal-
fields is estimated at 5500 miles, but hitherto little coal has been
mined, partly because it is somewhat inaccessible. Four million
dollars' worth of coal is annually imported from England. Whole
mountains of rock salt exist, but little is mined and none is
exported, although bay salt obtained in the south is exported to
the fishermen of Cornwall. Another important export is esparto
grass, which is sent to England to be used in paper-making. And
still another is cork, although Portugal, which adjoins Spain, is
the chief seat of the cork-producing industry. Madrid (470,000)
is the capital and largest city. Barcelona (250,000) is the chief
seaport of Spain and the chief manufacturing centre. Valencia
(145,000), in the southeast, and Seville (135,000) and Malaga
(115,000), in the south, are the principal seats of the fruit export
trade of the country. Cadiz (65,000), Spain's principal naval
seaport, has a famous export trade in sherry wines. The total
population of Spain is 17,500,000.
it. The mineral wealth of Spain is enormous, and as the mines
are often controlled by foreign capital they are worked with
energy. The iron ore of the Basque provinces of the north and the
copper ore of the district about Cadiz have been renowned for
ages. Thirty-five million dollars' worth of copper, iron, lead,
silver, and quicksilver are exported to Great Britain annually.
There are manufactures of cottons, woollens, linens, and silks,
but none of these can be said to be very prosperous, although
during the last twenty-five years, owing to a high protective
tariff, the quantity of raw material used in textile manufacture in
Spain has doubled. Spain produces excellent wool, but her
woollen manufacture is unable to use it all and one fourth is
exported. Similarly, although Spain is especially rich in iron-
fields, she gets about one third of the hardware she needs for her
own consumption from England. The total area of Spain's coal-
fields is estimated at 5500 miles, but hitherto little coal has been
mined, partly because it is somewhat inaccessible. Four million
dollars' worth of coal is annually imported from England. Whole
mountains of rock salt exist, but little is mined and none is
exported, although bay salt obtained in the south is exported to
the fishermen of Cornwall. Another important export is esparto
grass, which is sent to England to be used in paper-making. And
still another is cork, although Portugal, which adjoins Spain, is
the chief seat of the cork-producing industry. Madrid (470,000)
is the capital and largest city. Barcelona (250,000) is the chief
seaport of Spain and the chief manufacturing centre. Valencia
(145,000), in the southeast, and Seville (135,000) and Malaga
(115,000), in the south, are the principal seats of the fruit export
trade of the country. Cadiz (65,000), Spain's principal naval
seaport, has a famous export trade in sherry wines. The total
population of Spain is 17,500,000.
Page 124
Spain compared in size with California.
ITALY'S LAMENTABLE CONDITION
Italy's condition is in some respects better than that of Spain, but
in others worse. Its population is 30,500,000, being three times
more to the square mile than that of Spain, and fifty per cent.
more to the square mile than that of France. Since 1830 the
population has increased forty-five per cent., and this
notwithstanding the fact that the loss by emigration is equal to
one half of the natural increase from the surplus of births over
deaths. Two million people of Italian birth are to-day residing in
ITALY'S LAMENTABLE CONDITION
Italy's condition is in some respects better than that of Spain, but
in others worse. Its population is 30,500,000, being three times
more to the square mile than that of Spain, and fifty per cent.
more to the square mile than that of France. Since 1830 the
population has increased forty-five per cent., and this
notwithstanding the fact that the loss by emigration is equal to
one half of the natural increase from the surplus of births over
deaths. Two million people of Italian birth are to-day residing in
Page 125
foreign countries. Again, the Italians, except those in the
southern parts (the Italians of Naples and vicinity, for example),
are the most industrious people in Europe, with a special
aptitude for gardening and tillage. In fifty years they have
reclaimed 20,000,000 acres from forest, and increased the area of
land under cultivation by one hundred per cent. In fifty years,
too, they have trebled the amount of capital invested in
agriculture. Since 1860 they have increased the amount of
material which they use in their textile manufactures (cotton,
wool, silk, and linen) nearly fivefold. Since 1850 they have
increased their external commerce two and one half times.
Finally, since 1830, they have increased their internal trade two
and one quarter times. But all these signs of prosperity in Italy
are negatived by the constantly increasing magnitude of her
national debt. This now amounts to more than $2,500,000,000,
or more than two and one half times the total net national debt of
the United States, and about one fourth more than the total
national, state, county, municipal, and school-district debts of the
United States. And this vast debt for a people of 30,500,000 is
exclusive of the provincial and communal debts, which amount
to $275,000,000 additional. Italy since her reorganisation as a
kingdom in 1870 has set out to be a first-class military and naval
power, and the cost is more than she can stand. She has a
permanent army of nearly 800,000 men, 250,000 of whom she
keeps under arms constantly. She has a fleet of seventeen
battleships, two coast-defence ships, eighteen cruisers, and 272
torpedo craft, most of these being of modern type and first-class
rating. She spends on her army nearly $50,000,000 annually, and
on her navy nearly $20,000,000 annually. This, with an annual
interest payment of $115,000,000, all unproductive expenditure,
makes a demand upon her revenue that is draining her people of
their life's blood. Every sort of taxation is resorted to—direct
and indirect; land, house, and income; succession duties,
registration charges, and stamps for commercial papers; customs,
excise and octroi; besides government monopolies; and all this
exclusive of communal taxation. And yet since 1891 there has
been an annual deficit of national revenue under national
southern parts (the Italians of Naples and vicinity, for example),
are the most industrious people in Europe, with a special
aptitude for gardening and tillage. In fifty years they have
reclaimed 20,000,000 acres from forest, and increased the area of
land under cultivation by one hundred per cent. In fifty years,
too, they have trebled the amount of capital invested in
agriculture. Since 1860 they have increased the amount of
material which they use in their textile manufactures (cotton,
wool, silk, and linen) nearly fivefold. Since 1850 they have
increased their external commerce two and one half times.
Finally, since 1830, they have increased their internal trade two
and one quarter times. But all these signs of prosperity in Italy
are negatived by the constantly increasing magnitude of her
national debt. This now amounts to more than $2,500,000,000,
or more than two and one half times the total net national debt of
the United States, and about one fourth more than the total
national, state, county, municipal, and school-district debts of the
United States. And this vast debt for a people of 30,500,000 is
exclusive of the provincial and communal debts, which amount
to $275,000,000 additional. Italy since her reorganisation as a
kingdom in 1870 has set out to be a first-class military and naval
power, and the cost is more than she can stand. She has a
permanent army of nearly 800,000 men, 250,000 of whom she
keeps under arms constantly. She has a fleet of seventeen
battleships, two coast-defence ships, eighteen cruisers, and 272
torpedo craft, most of these being of modern type and first-class
rating. She spends on her army nearly $50,000,000 annually, and
on her navy nearly $20,000,000 annually. This, with an annual
interest payment of $115,000,000, all unproductive expenditure,
makes a demand upon her revenue that is draining her people of
their life's blood. Every sort of taxation is resorted to—direct
and indirect; land, house, and income; succession duties,
registration charges, and stamps for commercial papers; customs,
excise and octroi; besides government monopolies; and all this
exclusive of communal taxation. And yet since 1891 there has
been an annual deficit of national revenue under national
Page 126
expenditure averaging $2,250,000. As a consequence of these
taxes, and of the repressive effect they have upon industrial
enterprise, the net earnings of the country per inhabitant are
lower in Italy than in any other European state except Turkey,
Russia, and Greece—lower, even, than in the Danubian states
and Portugal and Spain.
ITALY'S TRADE AND SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES
The most distinctive natural product of Italy is silk, and the
amount of raw and thrown silk exported is about $57,500,000
annually. Silk culture is carried on all over the kingdom, though
the industry flourishes most extensively in Piedmont and
Lombardy, in the north. Over 550,000 people are engaged in
rearing silkworms, and the annual cocoon harvest approximates
100,000,000 pounds. Silk-"throwing," or-spinning, is the
principal manufacturing industry, and the amount of silk spun
and exported is about 45,000 tons, most of which goes to France.
After silk the products of the country that constitute the principal
exports are olive oil, fruit (oranges, lemons, grapes, almonds,
figs, dates, and pistachio nuts), and wine (in casks). The olive-oil
export and the fruit export are each about a fifth of the export of
silk, and the wine export about a sixth. Other important and
characteristic exports are raw hemp and flax, sulphur, eggs,
manufactured coral, woods and roots used for dyeing and
tanning, rice, marble, and straw-plaiting. The principal import is
wheat, for agriculture, though generally pursued, is still in a
backward state of efficiency, and the average grain crop is only
one third what it is in Great Britain. One eighth the total amount
of wheat needed to support the people has to be imported. In
fact, the total amount of food-stuffs raised in the kingdom is
much less than the amount required, being, for example, per
inhabitant, not more than one half of what is raised in France. In
particular, there is a deficiency of meat, and the amount of meat
raised per inhabitant is the lowest in Europe. As a consequence
taxes, and of the repressive effect they have upon industrial
enterprise, the net earnings of the country per inhabitant are
lower in Italy than in any other European state except Turkey,
Russia, and Greece—lower, even, than in the Danubian states
and Portugal and Spain.
ITALY'S TRADE AND SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES
The most distinctive natural product of Italy is silk, and the
amount of raw and thrown silk exported is about $57,500,000
annually. Silk culture is carried on all over the kingdom, though
the industry flourishes most extensively in Piedmont and
Lombardy, in the north. Over 550,000 people are engaged in
rearing silkworms, and the annual cocoon harvest approximates
100,000,000 pounds. Silk-"throwing," or-spinning, is the
principal manufacturing industry, and the amount of silk spun
and exported is about 45,000 tons, most of which goes to France.
After silk the products of the country that constitute the principal
exports are olive oil, fruit (oranges, lemons, grapes, almonds,
figs, dates, and pistachio nuts), and wine (in casks). The olive-oil
export and the fruit export are each about a fifth of the export of
silk, and the wine export about a sixth. Other important and
characteristic exports are raw hemp and flax, sulphur, eggs,
manufactured coral, woods and roots used for dyeing and
tanning, rice, marble, and straw-plaiting. The principal import is
wheat, for agriculture, though generally pursued, is still in a
backward state of efficiency, and the average grain crop is only
one third what it is in Great Britain. One eighth the total amount
of wheat needed to support the people has to be imported. In
fact, the total amount of food-stuffs raised in the kingdom is
much less than the amount required, being, for example, per
inhabitant, not more than one half of what is raised in France. In
particular, there is a deficiency of meat, and the amount of meat
raised per inhabitant is the lowest in Europe. As a consequence
Page 127
the Italians are poorly fed, and it is estimated that four per cent.
of the annual death loss is occasioned by impoverishment of
blood due to insufficiency of wholesome food. After wheat and
raw cotton, the next principal import is coal, for Italy has no
workable coal-fields. As far as possible water power is used as a
motive power instead of coal, especially in the iron industries.
An important import also is fish, for, owing to the great number
of fast days which the Italian people observe, and to the dearness
and scarcity of meat, fish is a very general article of
consumption. Six million dollars' worth is imported annually,
and perhaps an equal amount is obtained from local fisheries, for
there are over 22,000 vessels and boats and over 70,000 men
engaged in this industry. After silk-throwing, the most
characteristic Italian manufacturing industries are those which
are of an artistic or semi-artistic nature, such as the making of
fine earthenware, porcelain, glassware, mosaics, and lace. Venice
(154,000) and Genoa (225,000) are still the principal seaports
and trade centres of Italy, but in commercial importance these
famous cities are only the mere shadows of what they once were.
Naples (529,000), the largest city, is a place of little enterprise,
for its imports, principally cereals, are three or four times the
value of its exports, which are mainly cheap country produce.
Milan (457,000) and Turin (348,000) are the great trade centres
of the north interior, and the most prosperous places in the
kingdom, being the chief seats of the silk-throwing industry.
Milan is also the chief seat of the Italian cutlery manufacture.
Palermo (284,000) and Messina (150,000), in Sicily, are the
chief ports for the export of Italian fruits, and also of Italian fish
(anchovies, tunnies, etc.). Rome (474,000) and Florence
(207,000) owe their chief importance to their art interest and to
their historic associations, but Florence has an important
manufacture of fine earthenware and mosaics. Rome is the chief
seat of government. Catania (127,000), in Sicily, is the chief seat
of the Italian sulphur export trade. Leghorn (104,000), the port
of Florence, is the chief seat of the export straw-plaiting trade. It
should be noted that notwithstanding Italy's extent of coast-line a
of the annual death loss is occasioned by impoverishment of
blood due to insufficiency of wholesome food. After wheat and
raw cotton, the next principal import is coal, for Italy has no
workable coal-fields. As far as possible water power is used as a
motive power instead of coal, especially in the iron industries.
An important import also is fish, for, owing to the great number
of fast days which the Italian people observe, and to the dearness
and scarcity of meat, fish is a very general article of
consumption. Six million dollars' worth is imported annually,
and perhaps an equal amount is obtained from local fisheries, for
there are over 22,000 vessels and boats and over 70,000 men
engaged in this industry. After silk-throwing, the most
characteristic Italian manufacturing industries are those which
are of an artistic or semi-artistic nature, such as the making of
fine earthenware, porcelain, glassware, mosaics, and lace. Venice
(154,000) and Genoa (225,000) are still the principal seaports
and trade centres of Italy, but in commercial importance these
famous cities are only the mere shadows of what they once were.
Naples (529,000), the largest city, is a place of little enterprise,
for its imports, principally cereals, are three or four times the
value of its exports, which are mainly cheap country produce.
Milan (457,000) and Turin (348,000) are the great trade centres
of the north interior, and the most prosperous places in the
kingdom, being the chief seats of the silk-throwing industry.
Milan is also the chief seat of the Italian cutlery manufacture.
Palermo (284,000) and Messina (150,000), in Sicily, are the
chief ports for the export of Italian fruits, and also of Italian fish
(anchovies, tunnies, etc.). Rome (474,000) and Florence
(207,000) owe their chief importance to their art interest and to
their historic associations, but Florence has an important
manufacture of fine earthenware and mosaics. Rome is the chief
seat of government. Catania (127,000), in Sicily, is the chief seat
of the Italian sulphur export trade. Leghorn (104,000), the port
of Florence, is the chief seat of the export straw-plaiting trade. It
should be noted that notwithstanding Italy's extent of coast-line a
Page 128
large part of her foreign commerce is transacted northward by
means of the railways that tunnel the Alps.
Italy and its chief commercial centres.
V. THE TRADE FEATURES OF RUSSIA
means of the railways that tunnel the Alps.
Italy and its chief commercial centres.
V. THE TRADE FEATURES OF RUSSIA
Page 129
RUSSIA, A COUNTRY WHOSE FUTURE IS A PROBLEM
The position of Russia in the world is a sort of problem. Its area
is immense. More than one seventh of the land surface of the
globe is included within its compact borders. Of this vast
territory the area of European Russia alone is only a fourth; but
even so it is larger than the area of all other European states put
together. The population of Russia is over 129,000,000, of which
over 106,000,000 belong to European Russia. But taking even
European Russia this is a population of only fifty-four to the
square mile, the lowest proportion in Europe, except in Sweden
and Norway. And the population is increasing. The birth rate is
the highest in the world. And though the death rate is very heavy,
being fifty per cent. more than it is in England, the increase from
births is so great that the population doubles in forty-six years.
There is thus apparently a prospect that Russia will, in the near
future, play an important part in the drama of nations, her
capacities and capabilities for growth seem so prodigious. And
yet there is a reverse side to the picture. Of the 106,000,000
inhabitants of European Russia 10,000,000 belong to a cultured,
progressive class, quite the equal of any people in Europe. But
the remainder are principally a low grade of peasantry, not long
removed from slavery. The principal occupation of these
peasantry is farming. But their farms are small, not more than ten
acres apiece, and the total revenue they get from them does not
average more than $65 a year per farm. The food of these
peasantry is the poorest in Europe. In the main it consists of rye
bread and mushroom soup, worth about four cents a day. The
houses are often mere huts, not more than five feet square.
Women as well as men work in the fields, and yet the total
amount of food raised is not more per head of population than
one tenth of what is raised by the peasantry of France. The value
of food raised per acre, too, is but little more than one third of
the average per acre for all Europe.
The position of Russia in the world is a sort of problem. Its area
is immense. More than one seventh of the land surface of the
globe is included within its compact borders. Of this vast
territory the area of European Russia alone is only a fourth; but
even so it is larger than the area of all other European states put
together. The population of Russia is over 129,000,000, of which
over 106,000,000 belong to European Russia. But taking even
European Russia this is a population of only fifty-four to the
square mile, the lowest proportion in Europe, except in Sweden
and Norway. And the population is increasing. The birth rate is
the highest in the world. And though the death rate is very heavy,
being fifty per cent. more than it is in England, the increase from
births is so great that the population doubles in forty-six years.
There is thus apparently a prospect that Russia will, in the near
future, play an important part in the drama of nations, her
capacities and capabilities for growth seem so prodigious. And
yet there is a reverse side to the picture. Of the 106,000,000
inhabitants of European Russia 10,000,000 belong to a cultured,
progressive class, quite the equal of any people in Europe. But
the remainder are principally a low grade of peasantry, not long
removed from slavery. The principal occupation of these
peasantry is farming. But their farms are small, not more than ten
acres apiece, and the total revenue they get from them does not
average more than $65 a year per farm. The food of these
peasantry is the poorest in Europe. In the main it consists of rye
bread and mushroom soup, worth about four cents a day. The
houses are often mere huts, not more than five feet square.
Women as well as men work in the fields, and yet the total
amount of food raised is not more per head of population than
one tenth of what is raised by the peasantry of France. The value
of food raised per acre, too, is but little more than one third of
the average per acre for all Europe.
Page 130
Russia, the British Empire, the United States compared.
RUSSIA A COUNTRY OF SOCIAL EXTREMES
The degradation of the peasantry of Russia is not simply
material. It is also moral. In the language of a recent traveller,
"they are the drunkenest people in Europe." The principal
intoxicant is a sort of whisky called "vodka." With drunkenness
exist also dirtiness, idleness, dishonesty, and untruthfulness. And
as yet little has been done to ameliorate this degradation.
Ignorance prevails everywhere. Even of the young people of the
peasant class more than eighty per cent. can neither read nor
write. There is no middle class. The gulf between the upper class
and the lower is so wide as to be absolutely impassable. And for
the most part the upper class is quite content to have this state of
affairs continue.
RUSSIA A COUNTRY OF SOCIAL EXTREMES
The degradation of the peasantry of Russia is not simply
material. It is also moral. In the language of a recent traveller,
"they are the drunkenest people in Europe." The principal
intoxicant is a sort of whisky called "vodka." With drunkenness
exist also dirtiness, idleness, dishonesty, and untruthfulness. And
as yet little has been done to ameliorate this degradation.
Ignorance prevails everywhere. Even of the young people of the
peasant class more than eighty per cent. can neither read nor
write. There is no middle class. The gulf between the upper class
and the lower is so wide as to be absolutely impassable. And for
the most part the upper class is quite content to have this state of
affairs continue.
Page 131
THE "ARTELS" OF THE RUSSIAN PEASANTS
There is, however, some hope for the lower classes of Russia.
This is because of the prevalence among them, especially in
villages, towns, and cities, of a communal custom in which self-
restraint and self-government are necessary conditions of
existence. In every branch of common industry "artels" are
found; that is, communistic organisations, where all labour for a
common purse in accordance with rules and regulations
determined by the members of the organisations. These "artels"
have done much toward increasing the industry, the honesty, the
truthfulness, the thrift, and also the sobriety of their members.
They exist throughout all Russia, but in some parts more
prevalently than in others. As yet, however, they scarcely affect
the character and condition of the rural peasantry, and it is these
who are most in need of elevation. It should be said, too, that the
government is doing something to lessen the evil of drunkenness.
RUSSIA PRINCIPALLY AN AGRICULTURAL COUNTRY
Russia's principal business is agriculture. More than one half
her whole internal trade is agricultural. Her agricultural products
are one and one half times greater than the products of her
manufactures and ten times greater than her mining products or
her imports. And though her production of grain per acre is the
lowest in all Europe except Italy, Spain, and Portugal, and her
total production of all food products per acre by far the lowest in
Europe (not more than one third that of Spain, which is next
lowest), yet she manages to export a larger quantity of grain than
any other country in Europe, France only sometimes excepted.
Russia's export of grain for some years past has averaged
266,000,000 bushels a year. Her export of wheat alone has
averaged 94,000,000 bushels a year, or considerably more than a
fifth of the total wheat export of the world. The explanation of
There is, however, some hope for the lower classes of Russia.
This is because of the prevalence among them, especially in
villages, towns, and cities, of a communal custom in which self-
restraint and self-government are necessary conditions of
existence. In every branch of common industry "artels" are
found; that is, communistic organisations, where all labour for a
common purse in accordance with rules and regulations
determined by the members of the organisations. These "artels"
have done much toward increasing the industry, the honesty, the
truthfulness, the thrift, and also the sobriety of their members.
They exist throughout all Russia, but in some parts more
prevalently than in others. As yet, however, they scarcely affect
the character and condition of the rural peasantry, and it is these
who are most in need of elevation. It should be said, too, that the
government is doing something to lessen the evil of drunkenness.
RUSSIA PRINCIPALLY AN AGRICULTURAL COUNTRY
Russia's principal business is agriculture. More than one half
her whole internal trade is agricultural. Her agricultural products
are one and one half times greater than the products of her
manufactures and ten times greater than her mining products or
her imports. And though her production of grain per acre is the
lowest in all Europe except Italy, Spain, and Portugal, and her
total production of all food products per acre by far the lowest in
Europe (not more than one third that of Spain, which is next
lowest), yet she manages to export a larger quantity of grain than
any other country in Europe, France only sometimes excepted.
Russia's export of grain for some years past has averaged
266,000,000 bushels a year. Her export of wheat alone has
averaged 94,000,000 bushels a year, or considerably more than a
fifth of the total wheat export of the world. The explanation of
Page 132
this enormous export of wheat from so poor a country is that
three fourths of the people live on rye. Among the peasants
wheat bread is practically unknown, and nothing could be more
pathetic than the hard rye lumps which passed as bread during
the last famine. Other agricultural exports (besides grain) are
flax, hemp, oil-seed cake, linseed and grass seed, butter, eggs,
wool, hides, and hogs' bristles. Wood, lumber, and timber are
also extensively exported. England is Russia's best customer. The
amount of England's annual importation of the above products
(including grain) exceeds $112,000,000.
RUSSIA'S MINERAL WEALTH
In minerals Russia is enormously wealthy, but the mining lands
are not diffused throughout the empire but confined to definite
areas. Nor can they be said to be energetically worked. The great
gold-fields of the Ural mountains would not pay expenses as
worked at present were they not supplied with convict labour.
Owing to the heavy import duty which is imposed on pig-iron
nearly all the iron now needed for the iron manufactures of the
empire is obtained at home, but this amounts to only 46 pounds
per inhabitant, as against 810 pounds per inhabitant used in
Britain. Coal is very abundant, especially in the valley of the
Donetz, but fire-wood is so plentiful for domestic purposes, and
water power so plentiful for heavy manufactures, that the amount
of coal mined in all Russia is only one twelfth that mined in
Germany, and only one twenty-fourth that mined in Britain. Over
2,250,000 tons of coal are imported despite very heavy
protective duties. There is one mineral product, however, in
which Russia excels all other European countries. This is
petroleum. The oil-springs on the Caspian Sea produce an
annual yield of crude petroleum of an average value of
$15,000,000. The value of the petroleum and petroleum products
exported in 1896 was over $22,000,000.
three fourths of the people live on rye. Among the peasants
wheat bread is practically unknown, and nothing could be more
pathetic than the hard rye lumps which passed as bread during
the last famine. Other agricultural exports (besides grain) are
flax, hemp, oil-seed cake, linseed and grass seed, butter, eggs,
wool, hides, and hogs' bristles. Wood, lumber, and timber are
also extensively exported. England is Russia's best customer. The
amount of England's annual importation of the above products
(including grain) exceeds $112,000,000.
RUSSIA'S MINERAL WEALTH
In minerals Russia is enormously wealthy, but the mining lands
are not diffused throughout the empire but confined to definite
areas. Nor can they be said to be energetically worked. The great
gold-fields of the Ural mountains would not pay expenses as
worked at present were they not supplied with convict labour.
Owing to the heavy import duty which is imposed on pig-iron
nearly all the iron now needed for the iron manufactures of the
empire is obtained at home, but this amounts to only 46 pounds
per inhabitant, as against 810 pounds per inhabitant used in
Britain. Coal is very abundant, especially in the valley of the
Donetz, but fire-wood is so plentiful for domestic purposes, and
water power so plentiful for heavy manufactures, that the amount
of coal mined in all Russia is only one twelfth that mined in
Germany, and only one twenty-fourth that mined in Britain. Over
2,250,000 tons of coal are imported despite very heavy
protective duties. There is one mineral product, however, in
which Russia excels all other European countries. This is
petroleum. The oil-springs on the Caspian Sea produce an
annual yield of crude petroleum of an average value of
$15,000,000. The value of the petroleum and petroleum products
exported in 1896 was over $22,000,000.
Page 133
RUSSIA'S TRADE AND MANUFACTURES
Despite Russia's resources in farm products and in minerals, yet,
owing to the ignorance and degradation of her people, she is a
poor country, and her exports are always more than her imports.
Her total wealth per inhabitant is only $305, as against $780 per
inhabitant for Germany, $1260 for France, and $1510 for Great
Britain and Ireland. Her total foreign trade is only $5 per
inhabitant, whereas the foreign trade of her neighbour, Germany,
is $35 per inhabitant. Her total internal trade is only $50 per
inhabitant, whereas even in Greece the internal trade is $65 per
inhabitant, while in Germany it is $130 per inhabitant, and in the
United States $215 per inhabitant. The reason of all this is the
lack of energy and industry in the people. Their earnings per
inhabitant average only 12 cents a day. Another reason is the lack
of modern labour-saving devices. Comparing inhabitant with
inhabitant, Russia has only one sixth of the steam power which
Germany has. One half of all the manufactures of the country are
produced domestically—that is, without motive power or
machinery. No industry in Russia is fully up to the needs of the
people when judged by the standards of other countries. For
example, notwithstanding the severity of the climate, only two
pounds of raw wool per inhabitant are consumed in Russia's
woollen manufactures, as against seven pounds consumed in
Germany, and the total annual value of all manufactures is only
$20 per inhabitant, as against $56 in Germany, and $88 in
Britain. Notwithstanding these unfavourable comparisons, the
factory industries of Russia are making progress. In seventy
years the textile factories have increased fivefold and in thirty
years twofold. In sixty years the cotton-manufacturing industry
has increased sevenfold, and in fifteen years twofold. Until
recently Russia exported wool. Now she imports more wool than
she exports. Ninety years ago in Russia iron was dearer than
bread, and the peasants used wooden plough-shares and left their
horses unshod. Now the consumption of hardware, though still
per inhabitant the smallest in Europe, is yet in the aggregate the
Despite Russia's resources in farm products and in minerals, yet,
owing to the ignorance and degradation of her people, she is a
poor country, and her exports are always more than her imports.
Her total wealth per inhabitant is only $305, as against $780 per
inhabitant for Germany, $1260 for France, and $1510 for Great
Britain and Ireland. Her total foreign trade is only $5 per
inhabitant, whereas the foreign trade of her neighbour, Germany,
is $35 per inhabitant. Her total internal trade is only $50 per
inhabitant, whereas even in Greece the internal trade is $65 per
inhabitant, while in Germany it is $130 per inhabitant, and in the
United States $215 per inhabitant. The reason of all this is the
lack of energy and industry in the people. Their earnings per
inhabitant average only 12 cents a day. Another reason is the lack
of modern labour-saving devices. Comparing inhabitant with
inhabitant, Russia has only one sixth of the steam power which
Germany has. One half of all the manufactures of the country are
produced domestically—that is, without motive power or
machinery. No industry in Russia is fully up to the needs of the
people when judged by the standards of other countries. For
example, notwithstanding the severity of the climate, only two
pounds of raw wool per inhabitant are consumed in Russia's
woollen manufactures, as against seven pounds consumed in
Germany, and the total annual value of all manufactures is only
$20 per inhabitant, as against $56 in Germany, and $88 in
Britain. Notwithstanding these unfavourable comparisons, the
factory industries of Russia are making progress. In seventy
years the textile factories have increased fivefold and in thirty
years twofold. In sixty years the cotton-manufacturing industry
has increased sevenfold, and in fifteen years twofold. Until
recently Russia exported wool. Now she imports more wool than
she exports. Ninety years ago in Russia iron was dearer than
bread, and the peasants used wooden plough-shares and left their
horses unshod. Now the consumption of hardware, though still
per inhabitant the smallest in Europe, is yet in the aggregate the
Page 134
fourth in Europe, although even so it is only two ninths what it is
in Britain. Beet-root sugar-making is also a new industry, and
500,000 tons are made annually, the number of sugar works
being 235. The beet-root crop of the country amounts to nearly
6,000,000 tons annually. But the consumption of sugar per
inhabitant is only seven pounds annually, as against eighteen
pounds per inhabitant in Germany. A universal industry
throughout Russia is tanning, and Russia leather, with its
fragrant birch-oil odour, is a highly prized commodity the world
over. But the amount manufactured is only 114,000 tons yearly,
and the quantity exported is inconsiderable.
RUSSIA'S RAILWAYS AND NAVIGABLE RIVERS
The most characteristic physical feature of European Russia is its
flatness. In consequence its rivers are almost all navigable, and,
as the most important of them are interconnected by canals, the
facilities for transportation which they afford are very
considerable. Altogether the length of inland navigation thus
afforded amounts to nearly 47,000 miles. This abundance of
navigation facilities has retarded the growth of railways, but
there are already 25,756 miles of finished railway in European
Russia alone. The total length of railway in all Russia built and
in building is 34,849 miles. The most important railway
enterprise in the empire is the Trans-Siberian Railway, which
will afford through communication from the Baltic to the Pacific.
The shortest possible distance between these two bodies of water
is 4500 miles. The length of the railway will be 4950 miles, and
its cost, it is supposed, will be $120,000,000. It is to be
completed by 1905.
RUSSIA'S CITIES AND TOWNS
in Britain. Beet-root sugar-making is also a new industry, and
500,000 tons are made annually, the number of sugar works
being 235. The beet-root crop of the country amounts to nearly
6,000,000 tons annually. But the consumption of sugar per
inhabitant is only seven pounds annually, as against eighteen
pounds per inhabitant in Germany. A universal industry
throughout Russia is tanning, and Russia leather, with its
fragrant birch-oil odour, is a highly prized commodity the world
over. But the amount manufactured is only 114,000 tons yearly,
and the quantity exported is inconsiderable.
RUSSIA'S RAILWAYS AND NAVIGABLE RIVERS
The most characteristic physical feature of European Russia is its
flatness. In consequence its rivers are almost all navigable, and,
as the most important of them are interconnected by canals, the
facilities for transportation which they afford are very
considerable. Altogether the length of inland navigation thus
afforded amounts to nearly 47,000 miles. This abundance of
navigation facilities has retarded the growth of railways, but
there are already 25,756 miles of finished railway in European
Russia alone. The total length of railway in all Russia built and
in building is 34,849 miles. The most important railway
enterprise in the empire is the Trans-Siberian Railway, which
will afford through communication from the Baltic to the Pacific.
The shortest possible distance between these two bodies of water
is 4500 miles. The length of the railway will be 4950 miles, and
its cost, it is supposed, will be $120,000,000. It is to be
completed by 1905.
RUSSIA'S CITIES AND TOWNS
Page 135
Moscow.
St. Petersburg (with suburbs 1,267,000), the capital of Russia,
is, like most European capitals, an important trade centre as well
as the seat of government. Its manufactures are general and
numerous, but the chief ones are those concerned in making
munitions of war. Until 1885 St. Petersburg was not a seaport,
but in that year a canal was built which now permits vessels
drawing twenty-two feet of water to enter its docks. Its harbour,
however, is closed with ice from November to May. Near St.
Petersburg is Reval, the chief cotton port of Russia. The raw
cotton importation of Russia averages about $60,000,000
annually, most of which comes direct from the United States.
Moscow (988,000), the ancient capital of Russia, is also a great
manufacturing city, but its principal importance is derived from
the fact that it is the great centre of the internal trade of Russia.
Warsaw (615,000), the capital of Polish Russia, is a great
railway centre, and the principal entrepôt of railway traffic
between Russia and the rest of Europe. Lódz (315,000), also in
Polish Russia, is the great cotton-manufacturing centre of the
empire. Odessa (405,000) is the chief seaport of Russia. It has an
immense export trade in grain, tallow, iron, linseed, wood, hides,
cordage, sailcloth, tar, and beef. Riga (283,000), the chief port of
St. Petersburg (with suburbs 1,267,000), the capital of Russia,
is, like most European capitals, an important trade centre as well
as the seat of government. Its manufactures are general and
numerous, but the chief ones are those concerned in making
munitions of war. Until 1885 St. Petersburg was not a seaport,
but in that year a canal was built which now permits vessels
drawing twenty-two feet of water to enter its docks. Its harbour,
however, is closed with ice from November to May. Near St.
Petersburg is Reval, the chief cotton port of Russia. The raw
cotton importation of Russia averages about $60,000,000
annually, most of which comes direct from the United States.
Moscow (988,000), the ancient capital of Russia, is also a great
manufacturing city, but its principal importance is derived from
the fact that it is the great centre of the internal trade of Russia.
Warsaw (615,000), the capital of Polish Russia, is a great
railway centre, and the principal entrepôt of railway traffic
between Russia and the rest of Europe. Lódz (315,000), also in
Polish Russia, is the great cotton-manufacturing centre of the
empire. Odessa (405,000) is the chief seaport of Russia. It has an
immense export trade in grain, tallow, iron, linseed, wood, hides,
cordage, sailcloth, tar, and beef. Riga (283,000), the chief port of
Page 136
Russia on the Baltic, has a large export trade with England in
characteristic Russian produce. Kieff (249,000) is the centre of
the Russian sugar-refining industry. Astrakhan (113,000), on the
Volga delta, is noted for its sturgeon fisheries, and its export of
caviare, amounting, it is said, to $1,500,000 yearly. Tula
(111,000) is the Sheffield of Russia. Even in 1828 there were 600
cutlery establishments in Tula, but the manufacture was then
principally domestic. It is now a city of factories, for it stands on
a large coal and iron field. Nijni-Novgorod (99,000) is noted for
its fair, an Asiatic institution which modern civilisation will no
doubt soon disestablish. Once a year merchants to the number of
200,000 come to Nijni-Novgorod from all over Russia, and even
from India and China, to exchange their wares. The value of the
exchange sometimes amounts to $100,000,000. Orenburg
(73,000), on the Ural, is the terminal depot of the caravan trade
of Asiatic Russia. Archangel (25,000), on the White Sea, is the
chief emporium of trade in the north, with exports of
characteristic northern produce. Baku, on the Caspian Sea, is the
chief seat of the petroleum industry of Russia. All the towns and
cities above named have grown enormously during the last
twenty years.
VI. THE TRADE FEATURES OF INDIA
INDIA'S PAST AND PRESENT COMPARED
To the student of civilisation India is one of the most interesting
countries in the world. It has always been one of the most fertile
and populous regions of the globe. For centuries it was thought
to be one of the richest. In consequence it has, time and time
again, been the scene of invasion, conquest, and spoliation. But
its riches never consisted so much in natural treasure as in the
savings of an industrious and frugal people. Since the year 1600
characteristic Russian produce. Kieff (249,000) is the centre of
the Russian sugar-refining industry. Astrakhan (113,000), on the
Volga delta, is noted for its sturgeon fisheries, and its export of
caviare, amounting, it is said, to $1,500,000 yearly. Tula
(111,000) is the Sheffield of Russia. Even in 1828 there were 600
cutlery establishments in Tula, but the manufacture was then
principally domestic. It is now a city of factories, for it stands on
a large coal and iron field. Nijni-Novgorod (99,000) is noted for
its fair, an Asiatic institution which modern civilisation will no
doubt soon disestablish. Once a year merchants to the number of
200,000 come to Nijni-Novgorod from all over Russia, and even
from India and China, to exchange their wares. The value of the
exchange sometimes amounts to $100,000,000. Orenburg
(73,000), on the Ural, is the terminal depot of the caravan trade
of Asiatic Russia. Archangel (25,000), on the White Sea, is the
chief emporium of trade in the north, with exports of
characteristic northern produce. Baku, on the Caspian Sea, is the
chief seat of the petroleum industry of Russia. All the towns and
cities above named have grown enormously during the last
twenty years.
VI. THE TRADE FEATURES OF INDIA
INDIA'S PAST AND PRESENT COMPARED
To the student of civilisation India is one of the most interesting
countries in the world. It has always been one of the most fertile
and populous regions of the globe. For centuries it was thought
to be one of the richest. In consequence it has, time and time
again, been the scene of invasion, conquest, and spoliation. But
its riches never consisted so much in natural treasure as in the
savings of an industrious and frugal people. Since the year 1600
Page 137
European nations have had much to do with India, especially
England, France, Portugal, and Holland. During the last 140
years, however, England has been the dominant power there.
Whatever may be said as to the motive of England's interference
in India's affairs in the first place, it can only be said that the
present influence of England in India is immensely beneficial to
the country. India's prosperity on the whole is now comparable
with that of any civilised nation on the globe. And a people that
once, because of repeated conquest and spoliation, had lost all
sense of honour and self-respect, are now, under the benign
influence of peace, law, order, and security, rapidly becoming
honourable, self-reliant, and enterprising, and ambitious to
possess all the rights and privileges of modern civilisation.
INDIA'S SIZE AND POPULATION
India is a much larger and more populous country than most
people think it to be. In shape it is somewhat like a huge kite,
each of whose diameters is over 2000 miles long, or more than
the distance across the Atlantic from Ireland to Newfoundland.
Its territory is about 1,700,000 square miles. Of this area, over
1,000,000 square miles, a territory considerably greater than the
territory of all the states of Europe (including the British Isles)
except Russia, is directly under British control. The remainder is
indirectly under British control. The population is 308,000,000,
of which 236,000,000 are directly under British control and
72,000,000 indirectly so. This population is made up of people
who speak seventy-eight different languages, of which twenty
languages are spoken by not less than 1,000,000 persons each.
INDIA'S GREAT FERTILITY
England, France, Portugal, and Holland. During the last 140
years, however, England has been the dominant power there.
Whatever may be said as to the motive of England's interference
in India's affairs in the first place, it can only be said that the
present influence of England in India is immensely beneficial to
the country. India's prosperity on the whole is now comparable
with that of any civilised nation on the globe. And a people that
once, because of repeated conquest and spoliation, had lost all
sense of honour and self-respect, are now, under the benign
influence of peace, law, order, and security, rapidly becoming
honourable, self-reliant, and enterprising, and ambitious to
possess all the rights and privileges of modern civilisation.
INDIA'S SIZE AND POPULATION
India is a much larger and more populous country than most
people think it to be. In shape it is somewhat like a huge kite,
each of whose diameters is over 2000 miles long, or more than
the distance across the Atlantic from Ireland to Newfoundland.
Its territory is about 1,700,000 square miles. Of this area, over
1,000,000 square miles, a territory considerably greater than the
territory of all the states of Europe (including the British Isles)
except Russia, is directly under British control. The remainder is
indirectly under British control. The population is 308,000,000,
of which 236,000,000 are directly under British control and
72,000,000 indirectly so. This population is made up of people
who speak seventy-eight different languages, of which twenty
languages are spoken by not less than 1,000,000 persons each.
INDIA'S GREAT FERTILITY
Page 138
India owes much of its fertility to the fact that its soil is
constantly being replenished by alluvium brought down from its
high mountains by its immense rivers. The valleys of the Indus
(1800 miles long), the Ganges (1600 miles long), and the
Brahmapootra (1500 miles long) include an area of 1,125,000
square miles, a part of which, the Indus-Ganges plain, consists of
a great stretch of alluvial soil whose fertility is as rich as that of
any portion of the globe. One hundred and eighty millions of
people live in this plain. So finely pulverised is its soil that for a
distance of almost 2000 miles not even a pebble can be found in
it. And so fertile is it that there are some agricultural districts in
the plain where the population exceeds 900 to the square mile. In
that part of the plain which the Ganges waters, 60,000,000 of
people find support on the soil by agriculture, at a density of
over 700 persons to the square mile, which is 140 persons more
to the square mile than the density of Belgium, the most thickly
populated country in Europe.
INDIA'S IRRIGATION CANALS AND RIVER
EMBANKMENTS
But, fertile as is the soil of India, and propitious to agricultural
industry as is its climate generally, its climate is not always
favourable. It suffers periodically from excess of drought. As a
consequence artificial irrigation has to be resorted to, or much of
this fertile country would oftentimes be a desert. In British India
alone 28,000 miles of irrigation canals are under the control of
the government, 14,000 of which have been constructed by the
present (British) government—works of vast dimensions and the
highest engineering skill. Altogether 28,000,000 acres in British
India are dependent for their necessary supply of moisture upon
general irrigation, and 8,000,000 upon irrigation canals. Were it
not for these irrigation canals, 2,000,000 acres in Scinde
(northwestern India) would be a perpetual desert, for Scinde is
almost wholly rainless. On the other hand, in a great part of India
constantly being replenished by alluvium brought down from its
high mountains by its immense rivers. The valleys of the Indus
(1800 miles long), the Ganges (1600 miles long), and the
Brahmapootra (1500 miles long) include an area of 1,125,000
square miles, a part of which, the Indus-Ganges plain, consists of
a great stretch of alluvial soil whose fertility is as rich as that of
any portion of the globe. One hundred and eighty millions of
people live in this plain. So finely pulverised is its soil that for a
distance of almost 2000 miles not even a pebble can be found in
it. And so fertile is it that there are some agricultural districts in
the plain where the population exceeds 900 to the square mile. In
that part of the plain which the Ganges waters, 60,000,000 of
people find support on the soil by agriculture, at a density of
over 700 persons to the square mile, which is 140 persons more
to the square mile than the density of Belgium, the most thickly
populated country in Europe.
INDIA'S IRRIGATION CANALS AND RIVER
EMBANKMENTS
But, fertile as is the soil of India, and propitious to agricultural
industry as is its climate generally, its climate is not always
favourable. It suffers periodically from excess of drought. As a
consequence artificial irrigation has to be resorted to, or much of
this fertile country would oftentimes be a desert. In British India
alone 28,000 miles of irrigation canals are under the control of
the government, 14,000 of which have been constructed by the
present (British) government—works of vast dimensions and the
highest engineering skill. Altogether 28,000,000 acres in British
India are dependent for their necessary supply of moisture upon
general irrigation, and 8,000,000 upon irrigation canals. Were it
not for these irrigation canals, 2,000,000 acres in Scinde
(northwestern India) would be a perpetual desert, for Scinde is
almost wholly rainless. On the other hand, in a great part of India
Page 139
the rainfall is excessive. Some districts indeed are the wettest on
the globe. In Assam, for example (which is also one of the
hottest places in India), the rainfall is 600 inches yearly, and it
has been 650. As a consequence rivers in India often overflow
their banks. Therefore to protect the country on the lower river
reaches from floods the British government has built over 1500
miles of embankments.
INDIA'S MINERAL RESOURCES
At one time India was famed for its wealth in precious minerals
and precious stones. Poets often celebrated its golden resources.
But its wealth in this respect was always fabulous rather than
real. India is in reality poor in minerals. It has a good deal of iron
—iron of the choicest quality. It has also a good deal of coal, but
its coal is poor, owing to its superabundance of ash. It has also a
little copper and tin. It has gold-mines that are worked.
Diamonds, too, are found in southern India, and numerously so.
The celebrated Koh-i-nur (280 carats) was an Indian product.
But neither diamond-hunting nor gold-mining is any longer a
profitable industry in India. The principal mineral industry of
India is salt-mining, pursued in the Punjaub, where there are
solid cliffs of pure salt. Owing to the fact that the people of India
are mostly vegetarians (250,000,000 of Hindoos would rather die
than eat flesh), salt is a necessary article of diet and a universal
commodity. Its production, therefore, is controlled by the
government as a means of raising revenue.
INDIA'S WONDERFUL AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
the globe. In Assam, for example (which is also one of the
hottest places in India), the rainfall is 600 inches yearly, and it
has been 650. As a consequence rivers in India often overflow
their banks. Therefore to protect the country on the lower river
reaches from floods the British government has built over 1500
miles of embankments.
INDIA'S MINERAL RESOURCES
At one time India was famed for its wealth in precious minerals
and precious stones. Poets often celebrated its golden resources.
But its wealth in this respect was always fabulous rather than
real. India is in reality poor in minerals. It has a good deal of iron
—iron of the choicest quality. It has also a good deal of coal, but
its coal is poor, owing to its superabundance of ash. It has also a
little copper and tin. It has gold-mines that are worked.
Diamonds, too, are found in southern India, and numerously so.
The celebrated Koh-i-nur (280 carats) was an Indian product.
But neither diamond-hunting nor gold-mining is any longer a
profitable industry in India. The principal mineral industry of
India is salt-mining, pursued in the Punjaub, where there are
solid cliffs of pure salt. Owing to the fact that the people of India
are mostly vegetarians (250,000,000 of Hindoos would rather die
than eat flesh), salt is a necessary article of diet and a universal
commodity. Its production, therefore, is controlled by the
government as a means of raising revenue.
INDIA'S WONDERFUL AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES
Page 140
Comparative sizes of India and the United States.
The real wealth of India lies in the luxuriance and economic
value of its vegetation. As a consequence the principal industry
is agriculture. Only one tenth of the people live in towns. Two
thirds of the adult males in the country are engaged wholly in
tilling the soil. Every sort of agricultural product known to
commerce is raised in India; for from the high levels on the
mountain sides to the low levels on the coasts the vegetation of
the whole world is produced within its borders. Even in wheat
India competes in the world's markets with countries like Russia
and Argentina. In 1896 British India had 19,000,000 acres of
wheat under cultivation, and (though a dearth year) an
exportation of $4,000,000. In 1892 the exportation was
$25,000,000. The district known as the Central Provinces of
India has become one of the most important wheat areas in the
world. But the principal agricultural product of India is rice.
The real wealth of India lies in the luxuriance and economic
value of its vegetation. As a consequence the principal industry
is agriculture. Only one tenth of the people live in towns. Two
thirds of the adult males in the country are engaged wholly in
tilling the soil. Every sort of agricultural product known to
commerce is raised in India; for from the high levels on the
mountain sides to the low levels on the coasts the vegetation of
the whole world is produced within its borders. Even in wheat
India competes in the world's markets with countries like Russia
and Argentina. In 1896 British India had 19,000,000 acres of
wheat under cultivation, and (though a dearth year) an
exportation of $4,000,000. In 1892 the exportation was
$25,000,000. The district known as the Central Provinces of
India has become one of the most important wheat areas in the
world. But the principal agricultural product of India is rice.
Page 141
British India alone has 70,000,000 acres of rice under
cultivation, and an annual exportation of $60,000,000. In all the
coast regions rice is grown universally, and also in the lower
parts of the river plains, especially in the Ganges valley. It is the
staple food of the people everywhere except on the higher levels.
On the higher levels millet and maize (corn) are the staple foods.
The next important agricultural product of India is cotton, of
which $47,000,000 worth in the raw state is exported annually,
besides what is used at home. The American civil war was the
great cause of the starting of the cotton-growing industry in
India. The next important agricultural product is jute, of which
the export in the raw state is about $35,000,000. No country in
the world can compete with India in the production of this fibre,
for jute is very exhaustive of the soil, and in the Ganges valley,
where it is principally raised, the soil is annually replenished by
alluvium. A fifth great agricultural product is tea, in which India
now leads the world. England uses twice as much India tea as
China tea, the reason being that India teas are produced with all
the economic care of a high-class English or American
manufactured product. The value of the tea export of India is
about $27,000,000. Other chief agricultural products are opium
(which is a government monopoly), oil seeds, hides, and skins,
indigo (in which India excels the world, the value of the export
being $14,000,000), coffee (the best grown anywhere—except
perhaps that of Arabia and Java—though the bean is sometimes
injured in transit), raw wool, lac (for dyeing), cinchona or
Peruvian bark (which since it has been raised in India, has
greatly reduced the price of quinine), raw silk, raw sugar,
tobacco, and spices. Spices are produced abundantly in India, but
their quality is not equal to East Indian spices. Also the cotton,
rice, sugar, and tobacco of India, though produced plentifully, are
inferior in quality to those of the United States. Nor are the
wheat and corn of India so good as the wheat and corn of the
United States and Canada. Improved cultivation will, however,
in time improve the quality of all these products. Of exports of
natural products not agricultural the principal are wood (chiefly
cultivation, and an annual exportation of $60,000,000. In all the
coast regions rice is grown universally, and also in the lower
parts of the river plains, especially in the Ganges valley. It is the
staple food of the people everywhere except on the higher levels.
On the higher levels millet and maize (corn) are the staple foods.
The next important agricultural product of India is cotton, of
which $47,000,000 worth in the raw state is exported annually,
besides what is used at home. The American civil war was the
great cause of the starting of the cotton-growing industry in
India. The next important agricultural product is jute, of which
the export in the raw state is about $35,000,000. No country in
the world can compete with India in the production of this fibre,
for jute is very exhaustive of the soil, and in the Ganges valley,
where it is principally raised, the soil is annually replenished by
alluvium. A fifth great agricultural product is tea, in which India
now leads the world. England uses twice as much India tea as
China tea, the reason being that India teas are produced with all
the economic care of a high-class English or American
manufactured product. The value of the tea export of India is
about $27,000,000. Other chief agricultural products are opium
(which is a government monopoly), oil seeds, hides, and skins,
indigo (in which India excels the world, the value of the export
being $14,000,000), coffee (the best grown anywhere—except
perhaps that of Arabia and Java—though the bean is sometimes
injured in transit), raw wool, lac (for dyeing), cinchona or
Peruvian bark (which since it has been raised in India, has
greatly reduced the price of quinine), raw silk, raw sugar,
tobacco, and spices. Spices are produced abundantly in India, but
their quality is not equal to East Indian spices. Also the cotton,
rice, sugar, and tobacco of India, though produced plentifully, are
inferior in quality to those of the United States. Nor are the
wheat and corn of India so good as the wheat and corn of the
United States and Canada. Improved cultivation will, however,
in time improve the quality of all these products. Of exports of
natural products not agricultural the principal are wood (chiefly
Page 142
teak, the most valuable timber known for ship-building, and sal,
a most valuable wood for carpentry) and saltpetre.
INDIA'S GROWING MANUFACTURES
Though India is now chiefly an agricultural country her people
from time immemorial have been adepts in manufacturing. The
domestic textile manufactures and the domestic metal
manufactures of India were for ages among the most beautiful
and ingenious in the world. These domestic manufactures are
principally pursued in small villages, of which there are over half
a million in India. But under the influences of modern
civilisation introduced by British rule, the domestic industries of
the country are now giving way to factory industries. These
have already become well established, and are rapidly increasing
in number and importance. The stability of India as a nation is
now so well assured that capital can be had there as cheaply as in
England or the United States. Besides, co-operative or joint-
stock enterprises are becoming common. The Indian people, with
their natural aptitude for weaving, make the best of textile
operatives, and India bids fair soon to become a formidable rival
of Western nations in textile manufactures. In twenty years the
cotton spindles have increased sixfold. In ten years the cotton
output has increased twofold. Bombay has become one of the
greatest cotton centres in the world, a sort of Liverpool and
Manchester combined. It has practically shut the doors of India
to English manufactured cottons of the cheaper grades. Bombay
manufactured cotton is even sent to England in immense
quantities, but the principal export is to China. The total export
of Indian manufactured cotton is $23,000,000. Another important
modern manufacture is that of jute. The jute factories of Bengal
are now competing with those of Scotland, and the total export is
$17,500,000. A similar development is expected in iron
manufactures, for already iron-smelting has begun. But,
notwithstanding these developments, India still remains a
a most valuable wood for carpentry) and saltpetre.
INDIA'S GROWING MANUFACTURES
Though India is now chiefly an agricultural country her people
from time immemorial have been adepts in manufacturing. The
domestic textile manufactures and the domestic metal
manufactures of India were for ages among the most beautiful
and ingenious in the world. These domestic manufactures are
principally pursued in small villages, of which there are over half
a million in India. But under the influences of modern
civilisation introduced by British rule, the domestic industries of
the country are now giving way to factory industries. These
have already become well established, and are rapidly increasing
in number and importance. The stability of India as a nation is
now so well assured that capital can be had there as cheaply as in
England or the United States. Besides, co-operative or joint-
stock enterprises are becoming common. The Indian people, with
their natural aptitude for weaving, make the best of textile
operatives, and India bids fair soon to become a formidable rival
of Western nations in textile manufactures. In twenty years the
cotton spindles have increased sixfold. In ten years the cotton
output has increased twofold. Bombay has become one of the
greatest cotton centres in the world, a sort of Liverpool and
Manchester combined. It has practically shut the doors of India
to English manufactured cottons of the cheaper grades. Bombay
manufactured cotton is even sent to England in immense
quantities, but the principal export is to China. The total export
of Indian manufactured cotton is $23,000,000. Another important
modern manufacture is that of jute. The jute factories of Bengal
are now competing with those of Scotland, and the total export is
$17,500,000. A similar development is expected in iron
manufactures, for already iron-smelting has begun. But,
notwithstanding these developments, India still remains a
Page 143
tremendous market for the manufactured goods of England,
especially in cottons and hardware and machinery. The value of
the annual cotton importation from England is $100,000,000,
equal to the total of England's exportation of goods of every sort
to the United States. The value of the annual hardware and
machinery importation from England is $35,000,000.
INDIA'S EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL TRADE
The total yearly value of the exports of India amounts to the
enormous sum of $350,000,000, more than a third of the total
exportation of the United States for the banner year 1897.[2] Of
this England receives about one half. The total yearly value of
the imports of India (exclusive of bullion) amounts to
$255,000,000, which is considerably more than a third of the
total importation of the United States. Of this England sends out
about two thirds. (India is therefore England's best customer,
although from the United States England purchases vastly more.)
Of the internal trade of India no statistics are available, but with
the rapid advances in modern conveniences for doing business
which the country is adopting, the internal trade is also
enormously increasing. Already 20,290 miles of railway are built
and opened, and 13,000 miles of canals and canalised river
navigation. Railways are rapidly being constructed in every part
of the country. Over 31,000 miles of metalled roads for highways
and 106,000 of unmetalled roads are now maintained by the
government as public works. There are 38,000 miles of telegraph
routes. The government highways and canals as well as the
railways are all splendidly engineered and solidly built works.
The greatness of India is only just beginning.
FOOTNOTE:
especially in cottons and hardware and machinery. The value of
the annual cotton importation from England is $100,000,000,
equal to the total of England's exportation of goods of every sort
to the United States. The value of the annual hardware and
machinery importation from England is $35,000,000.
INDIA'S EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL TRADE
The total yearly value of the exports of India amounts to the
enormous sum of $350,000,000, more than a third of the total
exportation of the United States for the banner year 1897.[2] Of
this England receives about one half. The total yearly value of
the imports of India (exclusive of bullion) amounts to
$255,000,000, which is considerably more than a third of the
total importation of the United States. Of this England sends out
about two thirds. (India is therefore England's best customer,
although from the United States England purchases vastly more.)
Of the internal trade of India no statistics are available, but with
the rapid advances in modern conveniences for doing business
which the country is adopting, the internal trade is also
enormously increasing. Already 20,290 miles of railway are built
and opened, and 13,000 miles of canals and canalised river
navigation. Railways are rapidly being constructed in every part
of the country. Over 31,000 miles of metalled roads for highways
and 106,000 of unmetalled roads are now maintained by the
government as public works. There are 38,000 miles of telegraph
routes. The government highways and canals as well as the
railways are all splendidly engineered and solidly built works.
The greatness of India is only just beginning.
FOOTNOTE:
Page 144
[2]
The total exports of the United States for the years
1898 and 1899 have exceeded $1,200,000,000, each
year. In the year 1897 they were about $1,050,000,000.
INDIA'S CITIES AND TOWNS
Calcutta (862,000) is the capital of the empire of India and the
second city in the British Empire. Although situated on an arm of
the delta of the Ganges, eighty miles inland, Calcutta is an
immense seaport, but its sea-going privileges can be maintained
only by great engineering works, because of the silt which the
Ganges is constantly bringing down and depositing in its
seaward channels. Calcutta enjoys almost a monopoly of the
whole trade of the Ganges and Brahmapootra valleys, and until
the building of the Suez Canal it had almost a monopoly of the
outward trade of the whole Hindustan peninsula. Its total trade is
even yet very large, aggregating for outward and inward business
together about $700,000,000 per annum, a sum which can be
appreciated from the fact that it is about equal to the total import
trade of the whole of the United States. Bombay (822,000), the
second city of the Indian Empire, owes its eminence to three
things: (1) the opening of the Suez Canal, which has made it the
port of India nearest England; (2) the starting of the cotton-
growing industry in India, owing to the American civil war (the
cotton-growing district of India is adjacent to Bombay); and (3)
the development of the railway system of India, which is making
Bombay rather than Calcutta the natural ocean outlet for the
trade of the country. Madras (453,000), the third city of India, is
also the third seaport. But it has no natural harbour, and its shore
is surf-beaten and for months together exposed to the full fury of
the northeast monsoons. An artificial harbour, however, has
recently been built. Besides the cities above mentioned there is
one (Hyderabad) with a population of over 400,000; there are
two (Lucknow and Benares) with a population of over 150,000
each, and eleven more with a population of over 100,000 each.
The total exports of the United States for the years
1898 and 1899 have exceeded $1,200,000,000, each
year. In the year 1897 they were about $1,050,000,000.
INDIA'S CITIES AND TOWNS
Calcutta (862,000) is the capital of the empire of India and the
second city in the British Empire. Although situated on an arm of
the delta of the Ganges, eighty miles inland, Calcutta is an
immense seaport, but its sea-going privileges can be maintained
only by great engineering works, because of the silt which the
Ganges is constantly bringing down and depositing in its
seaward channels. Calcutta enjoys almost a monopoly of the
whole trade of the Ganges and Brahmapootra valleys, and until
the building of the Suez Canal it had almost a monopoly of the
outward trade of the whole Hindustan peninsula. Its total trade is
even yet very large, aggregating for outward and inward business
together about $700,000,000 per annum, a sum which can be
appreciated from the fact that it is about equal to the total import
trade of the whole of the United States. Bombay (822,000), the
second city of the Indian Empire, owes its eminence to three
things: (1) the opening of the Suez Canal, which has made it the
port of India nearest England; (2) the starting of the cotton-
growing industry in India, owing to the American civil war (the
cotton-growing district of India is adjacent to Bombay); and (3)
the development of the railway system of India, which is making
Bombay rather than Calcutta the natural ocean outlet for the
trade of the country. Madras (453,000), the third city of India, is
also the third seaport. But it has no natural harbour, and its shore
is surf-beaten and for months together exposed to the full fury of
the northeast monsoons. An artificial harbour, however, has
recently been built. Besides the cities above mentioned there is
one (Hyderabad) with a population of over 400,000; there are
two (Lucknow and Benares) with a population of over 150,000
each, and eleven more with a population of over 100,000 each.
Page 145
There are besides forty-seven towns with a population more than
50,000 each, and over a thousand towns with a population of
about 10,000 each.
VII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF CHINA
THE VASTNESS OF CHINA'S AREA AND POPULATION
China, to the student of commerce, is the most interesting
country on the globe. The reason for this is that its area is so
large, its population so vast, and its chances for development so
magnificent. The total area of the empire, according to late
estimates, is 4,218,401 square miles. Other estimates make it
4,468,470 square miles. The greatness of this area may be
understood from a few comparisons. It is about one twelfth of
the total land surface of the globe. It is two and one fourth times
the size of European Russia. It is almost one and one half times
the total area of the United States, exclusive of Alaska. But all of
this territory is not of equal commercial interest. The Chinese
Empire consists of six parts: China Proper, Manchuria,
Mongolia, Tibet, Jungaria, and Eastern Turkestan. Because of
recent treaties, which give to Russia the right to build and
"control" railways in Manchuria—ostensibly for the purpose of
securing for the great Russian Trans-Siberian Railway a shorter
route to Vladivostok, its Pacific terminus—Manchuria becomes
practically a Russian possession. Turkestan, Jungaria, Tibet, and
Mongolia are thinly inhabited countries, scarcely semi-civilised.
But the part which remains when these "dependencies" are left
out of consideration—China Proper—is at once one of the
largest, most thickly populated, and most fertile countries on the
face of the globe, and one also of the most richly endowed in
mineral products. Its area is 1,336,841 square miles. Its
population is 386,000,000. Its population per square mile is not
50,000 each, and over a thousand towns with a population of
about 10,000 each.
VII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF CHINA
THE VASTNESS OF CHINA'S AREA AND POPULATION
China, to the student of commerce, is the most interesting
country on the globe. The reason for this is that its area is so
large, its population so vast, and its chances for development so
magnificent. The total area of the empire, according to late
estimates, is 4,218,401 square miles. Other estimates make it
4,468,470 square miles. The greatness of this area may be
understood from a few comparisons. It is about one twelfth of
the total land surface of the globe. It is two and one fourth times
the size of European Russia. It is almost one and one half times
the total area of the United States, exclusive of Alaska. But all of
this territory is not of equal commercial interest. The Chinese
Empire consists of six parts: China Proper, Manchuria,
Mongolia, Tibet, Jungaria, and Eastern Turkestan. Because of
recent treaties, which give to Russia the right to build and
"control" railways in Manchuria—ostensibly for the purpose of
securing for the great Russian Trans-Siberian Railway a shorter
route to Vladivostok, its Pacific terminus—Manchuria becomes
practically a Russian possession. Turkestan, Jungaria, Tibet, and
Mongolia are thinly inhabited countries, scarcely semi-civilised.
But the part which remains when these "dependencies" are left
out of consideration—China Proper—is at once one of the
largest, most thickly populated, and most fertile countries on the
face of the globe, and one also of the most richly endowed in
mineral products. Its area is 1,336,841 square miles. Its
population is 386,000,000. Its population per square mile is not
Page 146
far short of 300. That is to say, its area is more than eleven times
that of Great Britain and Ireland, and almost one half that of the
United States, exclusive of Alaska; its population is ten times
that of Great Britain and Ireland, and more than six times that of
the United States; while its population per square mile is greater
than that of any European or American country except Great
Britain (which, however, it nearly equals), Holland, and
Belgium. In fact, more than one fourth of the total population of
the globe is concentrated within the boundaries of China Proper.
CHINA A COUNTRY OF GREAT TRADE POSSIBILITIES
The great commercial nations of the world are now all trying to
get shares of the trade of this vast and populous country. For
not only is China (Proper) large and populous, but it is also
wealthy, for its inhabitants are both industrious and frugal, and,
besides, as compared with the people of European countries they
have been greatly spared the disastrous commerce-destroying
effects of war, both foreign and internecine. Centuries ago the
Chinese had made great progress toward civilisation. Their skill
in the manufacturing arts, and in agriculture and horticulture,
was for ages superior to that of Western nations. But,
unfortunately for their advancement, they are conservative, self-
conceited, and averse to improvement, especially if they have to
learn improvement of others. As yet they have almost wholly
ignored the ideas and methods of modern Western civilisation.
They have scarcely any railways, but few steamships, almost no
steam-power manufactories, and no telephones. The only modern
improvement which they have made much use of is the
telegraph. Some years ago (in 1876) a European company
secured the privilege of building a short railway from Shanghai,
but it was scarcely built before the government got fearful of its
influence and bought it up and stopped its running. But the
Chinese people are not averse to foreign trade; on the contrary,
they are rather fond of it. If only the thing could happen in China
that of Great Britain and Ireland, and almost one half that of the
United States, exclusive of Alaska; its population is ten times
that of Great Britain and Ireland, and more than six times that of
the United States; while its population per square mile is greater
than that of any European or American country except Great
Britain (which, however, it nearly equals), Holland, and
Belgium. In fact, more than one fourth of the total population of
the globe is concentrated within the boundaries of China Proper.
CHINA A COUNTRY OF GREAT TRADE POSSIBILITIES
The great commercial nations of the world are now all trying to
get shares of the trade of this vast and populous country. For
not only is China (Proper) large and populous, but it is also
wealthy, for its inhabitants are both industrious and frugal, and,
besides, as compared with the people of European countries they
have been greatly spared the disastrous commerce-destroying
effects of war, both foreign and internecine. Centuries ago the
Chinese had made great progress toward civilisation. Their skill
in the manufacturing arts, and in agriculture and horticulture,
was for ages superior to that of Western nations. But,
unfortunately for their advancement, they are conservative, self-
conceited, and averse to improvement, especially if they have to
learn improvement of others. As yet they have almost wholly
ignored the ideas and methods of modern Western civilisation.
They have scarcely any railways, but few steamships, almost no
steam-power manufactories, and no telephones. The only modern
improvement which they have made much use of is the
telegraph. Some years ago (in 1876) a European company
secured the privilege of building a short railway from Shanghai,
but it was scarcely built before the government got fearful of its
influence and bought it up and stopped its running. But the
Chinese people are not averse to foreign trade; on the contrary,
they are rather fond of it. If only the thing could happen in China
Page 147
that happened in Japan—that is to say, if only the government
could fall into the hands of rulers who were open-minded to
improvement and inclined to be progressive—the rush that China
would make toward civilisation and the adoption of modern
trade methods and modern processes of manufacture would be
startling.
CHINA'S FOREIGN TRADE
At present the foreign trade of China is largely in the hands of
the English. In the year 1896 the foreign export trade of China
amounted to $167,000,000. Of this amount $132,500,000 was
with Great Britain and her dependencies; $10,000,000 with the
United States; something over $8,000,000 with the continent of
Europe exclusive of Russia, and less than $2,000,000 with
Russia. In the same year the foreign import trade of China was
$102,500,000, of which $56,000,000 was with Great Britain and
her dependencies; a little over $9,000,000 with the United States;
$15,000,000 with the continent of Europe exclusive of Russia,
and $12,500,000 with Russia. (The rest of her trade was
principally with Japan.) The policy of the government of China
has always been to prevent or restrict foreign trade; and even to-
day foreign trade can be carried on in only twenty-six Chinese
ports—the so-called "treaty ports." The policy of Great Britain
has been to secure by treaty as large a privilege of trading with
China as possible; then to throw open the privilege to the world,
but to follow it up with such commercial activity on her own part
as would secure to her the lion's share of the resulting trade. Of
the twenty-six ports now by treaty open to the world for trade,
twenty-three have been secured by Great Britain and three by
Japan.
CHINA'S EXPORTS, IMPORTS, AND RESOURCES
could fall into the hands of rulers who were open-minded to
improvement and inclined to be progressive—the rush that China
would make toward civilisation and the adoption of modern
trade methods and modern processes of manufacture would be
startling.
CHINA'S FOREIGN TRADE
At present the foreign trade of China is largely in the hands of
the English. In the year 1896 the foreign export trade of China
amounted to $167,000,000. Of this amount $132,500,000 was
with Great Britain and her dependencies; $10,000,000 with the
United States; something over $8,000,000 with the continent of
Europe exclusive of Russia, and less than $2,000,000 with
Russia. In the same year the foreign import trade of China was
$102,500,000, of which $56,000,000 was with Great Britain and
her dependencies; a little over $9,000,000 with the United States;
$15,000,000 with the continent of Europe exclusive of Russia,
and $12,500,000 with Russia. (The rest of her trade was
principally with Japan.) The policy of the government of China
has always been to prevent or restrict foreign trade; and even to-
day foreign trade can be carried on in only twenty-six Chinese
ports—the so-called "treaty ports." The policy of Great Britain
has been to secure by treaty as large a privilege of trading with
China as possible; then to throw open the privilege to the world,
but to follow it up with such commercial activity on her own part
as would secure to her the lion's share of the resulting trade. Of
the twenty-six ports now by treaty open to the world for trade,
twenty-three have been secured by Great Britain and three by
Japan.
CHINA'S EXPORTS, IMPORTS, AND RESOURCES
Page 148
China's principal exports are tea and silk, tea constituting about
one third and silk (principally raw silk) fully one half of her total
export trade. Other principal exports are sugar, straw braid (one
twentieth of her total exportation), hides, paper, chinaware, and
pottery. Her principal imports are opium and cotton goods,
opium constituting a fifth, and cotton goods considerably more
than a half, of her total import trade. Other principal imports are
woollen goods, metal goods and machinery, coal, and kerosene
oil. A considerable importation is also made of raw cotton. But if
China only had the blessing of an enlightened and progressive
government this disposition of exports and imports would not
long continue. China's resources of coal are among the finest
and certainly among the largest in the whole world. Her coal-
fields, indeed, are estimated to be twenty times as great as those
of all Europe combined. Much of this coal, too, is of the purest
quality, and much of it very accessible to the miner. And near her
coal-fields are vast deposits of some of the richest iron ores in
the world. Again, a great portion of the soil of China is extremely
fertile. There are indeed two regions, one of "red soil" and
another, much vaster, of "yellow soil," that are among the most
fertile in the world. It is because of the extent and fertility of the
yellow soil of China that "yellow" is the imperial colour, and the
emperor called the "yellow lord." The climate, too, of China
permits almost the whole range of useful vegetable products to
be raised. The growth of cotton is already very great, because
for seven centuries cotton has been the staple cloth for the
clothing of the people. And already it is being manufactured by
modern machinery. But both the growth of cotton and its
manufacture by modern methods would be enormously increased
if only facilities for internal transportation existed, and freedom
from unjust taxation could be secured. If, in short, China only
had railways and a good and enlightened system of government
her progress and prosperity would soon make the Western world
envious. But her government is not only stupidly unprogressive,
it is also disastrously wasteful. About seventy per cent. of the
whole revenue of the country is lost to the public use through the
malfeasance of officials. And only about 85 miles of railway
one third and silk (principally raw silk) fully one half of her total
export trade. Other principal exports are sugar, straw braid (one
twentieth of her total exportation), hides, paper, chinaware, and
pottery. Her principal imports are opium and cotton goods,
opium constituting a fifth, and cotton goods considerably more
than a half, of her total import trade. Other principal imports are
woollen goods, metal goods and machinery, coal, and kerosene
oil. A considerable importation is also made of raw cotton. But if
China only had the blessing of an enlightened and progressive
government this disposition of exports and imports would not
long continue. China's resources of coal are among the finest
and certainly among the largest in the whole world. Her coal-
fields, indeed, are estimated to be twenty times as great as those
of all Europe combined. Much of this coal, too, is of the purest
quality, and much of it very accessible to the miner. And near her
coal-fields are vast deposits of some of the richest iron ores in
the world. Again, a great portion of the soil of China is extremely
fertile. There are indeed two regions, one of "red soil" and
another, much vaster, of "yellow soil," that are among the most
fertile in the world. It is because of the extent and fertility of the
yellow soil of China that "yellow" is the imperial colour, and the
emperor called the "yellow lord." The climate, too, of China
permits almost the whole range of useful vegetable products to
be raised. The growth of cotton is already very great, because
for seven centuries cotton has been the staple cloth for the
clothing of the people. And already it is being manufactured by
modern machinery. But both the growth of cotton and its
manufacture by modern methods would be enormously increased
if only facilities for internal transportation existed, and freedom
from unjust taxation could be secured. If, in short, China only
had railways and a good and enlightened system of government
her progress and prosperity would soon make the Western world
envious. But her government is not only stupidly unprogressive,
it is also disastrously wasteful. About seventy per cent. of the
whole revenue of the country is lost to the public use through the
malfeasance of officials. And only about 85 miles of railway
Page 149
have as yet been opened, although it must be said that 200 or 250
miles more are under construction.
POSSIBILITIES OF INCREASED FOREIGN TRADE
WITH CHINA
There are, however, even now several ways in which foreign
trade with China may be increased. Two of these are the
supplying her people with woollen goods, and the supplying
them with wheat and flour. The winters of a great part of China
are so cool that warm garments are necessary. At present these
are made principally of padded cotton. Owing to the density of
the population pasturage is scarce, and sheep are almost
unknown. For an indefinite time, therefore, there will be a
demand for woollen goods in China, a demand that will
constantly increase as the superior convenience of woollen
garments over garments of padded cotton becomes more and
more known to the people. And though rice is now the staple
food of the people even of all classes, the wealthy classes are
fond of wheat bread and obtain it when possible. But the
agriculture of the country does not permit of the profitable
growth of wheat and flour, and wheat if used must be imported.
THE PRINCIPAL TRADING CITIES OF CHINA
The cities of China are large and numerous. Peking (1,500,000?),
the capital, is not open to foreign trade. In fact, it has no trade of
any sort, and derives its whole importance from being the seat of
government. But Tientsin (750,000), the port of Peking, and an
important "treaty port," has a large trade, both foreign and local.
Tientsin and Peking are connected by rail, and since the Russian
government has obtained the right of connecting Peking with the
miles more are under construction.
POSSIBILITIES OF INCREASED FOREIGN TRADE
WITH CHINA
There are, however, even now several ways in which foreign
trade with China may be increased. Two of these are the
supplying her people with woollen goods, and the supplying
them with wheat and flour. The winters of a great part of China
are so cool that warm garments are necessary. At present these
are made principally of padded cotton. Owing to the density of
the population pasturage is scarce, and sheep are almost
unknown. For an indefinite time, therefore, there will be a
demand for woollen goods in China, a demand that will
constantly increase as the superior convenience of woollen
garments over garments of padded cotton becomes more and
more known to the people. And though rice is now the staple
food of the people even of all classes, the wealthy classes are
fond of wheat bread and obtain it when possible. But the
agriculture of the country does not permit of the profitable
growth of wheat and flour, and wheat if used must be imported.
THE PRINCIPAL TRADING CITIES OF CHINA
The cities of China are large and numerous. Peking (1,500,000?),
the capital, is not open to foreign trade. In fact, it has no trade of
any sort, and derives its whole importance from being the seat of
government. But Tientsin (750,000), the port of Peking, and an
important "treaty port," has a large trade, both foreign and local.
Tientsin and Peking are connected by rail, and since the Russian
government has obtained the right of connecting Peking with the
Page 150
Trans-Siberian Railway, it is more than likely that in time
Tientsin will become a terminus of that railway. Of "treaty ports"
other than Tientsin the principal are Shanghai, Hankow,
Foochow, Hangchow, Amoy, and Canton. Shanghai (405,000)
exceeds all other ports of China put together in the amount of its
foreign trade. Its foreign trade is, indeed, almost three fifths of
that of the whole empire. And of the total number of foreigners
residing in China (in 1896 said to be 10,855, of whom 4362 were
British subjects and 1439 Americans) about one half reside in
Shanghai. Shanghai is, indeed, the New York of China, and if
railways were only built from it (as has been proposed) to the
capital, Peking, and up the Yang-tse-kiang to Hankow, and by
way of the coast cities to Canton, China would begin a new era
in her career. Hankow (800,000), on the Yang-tse-kiang, about
700 miles from its mouth, is the chief emporium of the tea-
producing area of China. Ocean-going steamships ascend the
river to Hankow for their cargoes. Foochow (650,900) also has a
great tea export trade. Hangchow (700,000), one of the most
beautiful cities in China, is also the chief city for the
manufacture of silks, and of gold and silver ware, lacquered
ware, and fans. Amoy (100,000) has the best harbour in China
and an immense import trade, ranking in that respect next after
Shanghai. Canton (2,000,000?) is the largest city in the Chinese
Empire. A considerable portion of its inhabitants live in boats. Of
these "house-boats" there are said to be 40,000. The foreign trade
of Canton is next to that of Shanghai. Once it was superior, now
it is much inferior. Its manufactures, however, are still important
and include silk, cotton, glass, porcelain, paper, sugar, lacquered
ware, and ivory goods and metal goods. Nanking (150,000),
once the capital of China and once the largest city in the world,
is now comparatively a small city. Although a treaty port, its
commerce is not important. It was once famous for its beautiful
tower of porcelain, 200 feet high, but that is now destroyed.
There are many other large cities in China.
Tientsin will become a terminus of that railway. Of "treaty ports"
other than Tientsin the principal are Shanghai, Hankow,
Foochow, Hangchow, Amoy, and Canton. Shanghai (405,000)
exceeds all other ports of China put together in the amount of its
foreign trade. Its foreign trade is, indeed, almost three fifths of
that of the whole empire. And of the total number of foreigners
residing in China (in 1896 said to be 10,855, of whom 4362 were
British subjects and 1439 Americans) about one half reside in
Shanghai. Shanghai is, indeed, the New York of China, and if
railways were only built from it (as has been proposed) to the
capital, Peking, and up the Yang-tse-kiang to Hankow, and by
way of the coast cities to Canton, China would begin a new era
in her career. Hankow (800,000), on the Yang-tse-kiang, about
700 miles from its mouth, is the chief emporium of the tea-
producing area of China. Ocean-going steamships ascend the
river to Hankow for their cargoes. Foochow (650,900) also has a
great tea export trade. Hangchow (700,000), one of the most
beautiful cities in China, is also the chief city for the
manufacture of silks, and of gold and silver ware, lacquered
ware, and fans. Amoy (100,000) has the best harbour in China
and an immense import trade, ranking in that respect next after
Shanghai. Canton (2,000,000?) is the largest city in the Chinese
Empire. A considerable portion of its inhabitants live in boats. Of
these "house-boats" there are said to be 40,000. The foreign trade
of Canton is next to that of Shanghai. Once it was superior, now
it is much inferior. Its manufactures, however, are still important
and include silk, cotton, glass, porcelain, paper, sugar, lacquered
ware, and ivory goods and metal goods. Nanking (150,000),
once the capital of China and once the largest city in the world,
is now comparatively a small city. Although a treaty port, its
commerce is not important. It was once famous for its beautiful
tower of porcelain, 200 feet high, but that is now destroyed.
There are many other large cities in China.
Page 151
China and its chief trade centres.
HONGKONG
Hongkong (245,000) is a small island belonging to Great Britain
situated in the mouth of the Canton River, seventy-five miles
from the city of Canton. Its population is made up principally of
HONGKONG
Hongkong (245,000) is a small island belonging to Great Britain
situated in the mouth of the Canton River, seventy-five miles
from the city of Canton. Its population is made up principally of
Page 152
Chinese, who have been attracted there by its trade privileges.
The British population is only 13,000, even including the
garrison of 2800. Almost the whole population reside in the
capital, Victoria, for the island itself is a barren rock. Forty-four
per cent. of the total foreign trade of China passes through
Hongkong. Its harbour is one of the finest in the world. It has
magnificent docks. Its port is entirely free, and there is even no
custom-house. It is calculated that the foreign trade transacted by
its merchants amounts to $100,000,000 a year, exclusive of what
passes through its port without breaking bulk. The whole of the
vast export trade of China in silk and tea is largely handled by
Hongkong firms. Other commodities of which Hongkong is the
chief trade centre for China are opium, flour, salt, earthenware,
oil, cotton, and cotton goods and woollen goods, which it
imports from other countries and exports to China; and sugar,
rice, amber, sandal-wood, ivory, and betel, which it imports from
China and exports to other countries. Its trade is not confined to
Great Britain, but includes France, Germany, the United States,
and all other trading nations. But of course Great Britain has the
greatest share.
VIII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF JAPAN
JAPAN THE GREAT BRITAIN OF ASIA
Japan consists of a group of islands situated to the east of the
continent of Asia, somewhat as the British Isles are situated to
the west of the continent of Europe. But the Japan islands are of
volcanic origin and are very numerous. There are said to be 4223
of them. However, there are only four that are of important size,
and it is these that are usually thought of when Japan is spoken
of. The area of these four islands is 147,655 miles, which is
almost a fourth more than that of Great Britain and Ireland. The
The British population is only 13,000, even including the
garrison of 2800. Almost the whole population reside in the
capital, Victoria, for the island itself is a barren rock. Forty-four
per cent. of the total foreign trade of China passes through
Hongkong. Its harbour is one of the finest in the world. It has
magnificent docks. Its port is entirely free, and there is even no
custom-house. It is calculated that the foreign trade transacted by
its merchants amounts to $100,000,000 a year, exclusive of what
passes through its port without breaking bulk. The whole of the
vast export trade of China in silk and tea is largely handled by
Hongkong firms. Other commodities of which Hongkong is the
chief trade centre for China are opium, flour, salt, earthenware,
oil, cotton, and cotton goods and woollen goods, which it
imports from other countries and exports to China; and sugar,
rice, amber, sandal-wood, ivory, and betel, which it imports from
China and exports to other countries. Its trade is not confined to
Great Britain, but includes France, Germany, the United States,
and all other trading nations. But of course Great Britain has the
greatest share.
VIII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF JAPAN
JAPAN THE GREAT BRITAIN OF ASIA
Japan consists of a group of islands situated to the east of the
continent of Asia, somewhat as the British Isles are situated to
the west of the continent of Europe. But the Japan islands are of
volcanic origin and are very numerous. There are said to be 4223
of them. However, there are only four that are of important size,
and it is these that are usually thought of when Japan is spoken
of. The area of these four islands is 147,655 miles, which is
almost a fourth more than that of Great Britain and Ireland. The
Page 153
population (census of 1895) is 42,270,620, which is 4,000,000
more than that of Great Britain and Ireland. The population per
square mile is 286, which, though large, is not quite so large as
that of Great Britain. If, however, we do not take into
consideration the northern island (Yezo), which is still partly
inhabited by uncivilised aborigines, the population per square
mile is 375, which is considerably in excess of that of both China
and Great Britain and Ireland, though still considerably less than
that of England alone. The above statistics do not include the
island of Formosa (area 13,500 miles, population almost
2,000,000), which was transferred from China to Japan in 1895,
at the close of the late Chino-Japanese war.
JAPAN'S WONDERFUL TRANSFORMATION
The significant thing about Japan is the rapidity with which it
has become transformed from a semi-civilised nation into one of
the great nations of the modern world. Until the year 1868 Japan
was an unprogressive, unenlightened country of the usual Asiatic
type, scarcely differing in any way from an inland province of
China of to-day. In that year a revolution took place which put
the whole power of the empire into the hands of the present
Mikado, or Emperor. Immediately Japan began to assimilate
Western ideas of civilisation and to adopt Western methods of
trade, commerce, manufacture, government, and education. Until
1889 the government remained an absolute monarchy. In that
year the Mikado voluntarily promulgated a constitution by which
a legislative Parliament, or "Imperial Diet," and an executive
Cabinet of State Ministers were instituted, so that the
government of Japan is now as "constitutional" as that of
Germany or Great Britain. The government is in other ways
thoroughly modern. Education, for example, is almost as well
looked after as in Germany or New England. There are 220
kindergartens established, 97 technical schools, and 49 normal
schools for the training of teachers (one being for the training of
more than that of Great Britain and Ireland. The population per
square mile is 286, which, though large, is not quite so large as
that of Great Britain. If, however, we do not take into
consideration the northern island (Yezo), which is still partly
inhabited by uncivilised aborigines, the population per square
mile is 375, which is considerably in excess of that of both China
and Great Britain and Ireland, though still considerably less than
that of England alone. The above statistics do not include the
island of Formosa (area 13,500 miles, population almost
2,000,000), which was transferred from China to Japan in 1895,
at the close of the late Chino-Japanese war.
JAPAN'S WONDERFUL TRANSFORMATION
The significant thing about Japan is the rapidity with which it
has become transformed from a semi-civilised nation into one of
the great nations of the modern world. Until the year 1868 Japan
was an unprogressive, unenlightened country of the usual Asiatic
type, scarcely differing in any way from an inland province of
China of to-day. In that year a revolution took place which put
the whole power of the empire into the hands of the present
Mikado, or Emperor. Immediately Japan began to assimilate
Western ideas of civilisation and to adopt Western methods of
trade, commerce, manufacture, government, and education. Until
1889 the government remained an absolute monarchy. In that
year the Mikado voluntarily promulgated a constitution by which
a legislative Parliament, or "Imperial Diet," and an executive
Cabinet of State Ministers were instituted, so that the
government of Japan is now as "constitutional" as that of
Germany or Great Britain. The government is in other ways
thoroughly modern. Education, for example, is almost as well
looked after as in Germany or New England. There are 220
kindergartens established, 97 technical schools, and 49 normal
schools for the training of teachers (one being for the training of
Page 154
high-school teachers), besides elementary schools, middle
schools, high schools, special schools (1263 of these), and
universities. The University of Tokio is an imperial institution,
supported entirely by the government, with colleges in law,
science, medicine, literature, engineering, and agriculture.
Education, between the ages of six and fourteen, is compulsory.
The army, too, is wholly a modern affair. It consists of 285,000
men, and an idea of its modernness may be gathered from the
fact that an important part of its organisation is its training
schools and colleges. Even the non-commissioned officers are
specially trained and educated. Altogether the students in the
military schools and colleges of Japan number 2400. The navy,
too, as is well known, is both modern and efficient. It consists of
5 battleships and 15 high-class cruisers, besides 46 other vessels,
—torpedo craft, gunboats, convoy ships, etc.,—and it is intended
to build an immense fleet of 19 battleships and cruisers, and 100
torpedo craft in addition.
JAPAN'S AGRICULTURE
Japan being of volcanic origin, much of its soil is unfit for
cultivation. The total productive area amounts to less than thirty
per cent., and even of this only a small portion is capable of
being tilled by modern methods. At present only twelve per cent.
of the whole surface of the country is devoted to agriculture,
even including pasturing. There is, however, but little pasturing,
and the principal implement of cultivation is the spade. The
modern plough is unknown. But manure (principally domestic
manure and fish refuse) is very generously used, and by this
means the returns are abundant. The principal food crop is rice.
Other food crops are wheat, barley, and the soya bean, but these
not numerously so. The principal cultivated products for
purposes of commerce are the mulberry tree (for supporting the
silkworm), the tea plant, the lacquer tree, and the camphor tree.
Rice also is grown for export as well as for home consumption,
schools, high schools, special schools (1263 of these), and
universities. The University of Tokio is an imperial institution,
supported entirely by the government, with colleges in law,
science, medicine, literature, engineering, and agriculture.
Education, between the ages of six and fourteen, is compulsory.
The army, too, is wholly a modern affair. It consists of 285,000
men, and an idea of its modernness may be gathered from the
fact that an important part of its organisation is its training
schools and colleges. Even the non-commissioned officers are
specially trained and educated. Altogether the students in the
military schools and colleges of Japan number 2400. The navy,
too, as is well known, is both modern and efficient. It consists of
5 battleships and 15 high-class cruisers, besides 46 other vessels,
—torpedo craft, gunboats, convoy ships, etc.,—and it is intended
to build an immense fleet of 19 battleships and cruisers, and 100
torpedo craft in addition.
JAPAN'S AGRICULTURE
Japan being of volcanic origin, much of its soil is unfit for
cultivation. The total productive area amounts to less than thirty
per cent., and even of this only a small portion is capable of
being tilled by modern methods. At present only twelve per cent.
of the whole surface of the country is devoted to agriculture,
even including pasturing. There is, however, but little pasturing,
and the principal implement of cultivation is the spade. The
modern plough is unknown. But manure (principally domestic
manure and fish refuse) is very generously used, and by this
means the returns are abundant. The principal food crop is rice.
Other food crops are wheat, barley, and the soya bean, but these
not numerously so. The principal cultivated products for
purposes of commerce are the mulberry tree (for supporting the
silkworm), the tea plant, the lacquer tree, and the camphor tree.
Rice also is grown for export as well as for home consumption,
Page 155
and cotton is very largely grown for home manufacture. No
milk, butter, or cheese is produced, scarcely any meat, no wood,
and scarcely any leather. (For boots and shoes paper is used
instead of leather.) Of cattle there are only 1,000,000, as
compared with 10,000,000 in the British Isles, although the
population of Japan is considerably the greater. Of horses there
are 1,500,000, and the raising of horses is much encouraged by
the government, but principally for military purposes. Horses,
indeed, are but little employed. In cities, for purposes of carriage
and cartage, men are used instead of horses. Even in rural
districts horses are unknown for farming purposes, and not even
the hand-cart or wheelbarrow is used. Everything is carried. Fruit
is much raised,—oranges, apples, walnuts, plums, peaches, and
grapes,—but Japanese fruits are of very inferior quality. Flowers
are raised everywhere in great variety and in great abundance,
and the chrysanthemum is the emblem of the country and is used
on postage stamps.
JAPAN'S MANUFACTURES: THEIR FUTURE
POSSIBILITIES
The future of Japan depends upon its manufactures, but these
also are not without their difficulties. The mineral wealth of the
country is very great, principally in coal and iron. On the
northern island alone (Yezo) the coal deposits are two thirds
those of all Great Britain. Unfortunately, however, owing to the
mountainous character of the country, railways in Japan are
difficult to construct, and the transportation of coal or of ore is
difficult and expensive. As the coal deposits and iron deposits
are not near together charcoal has been used for smelting
purposes. Iron, therefore, so far, has not been produced
profitably, and its production has decreased. But silver is mined
abundantly, and also kaolin, or the raw material used in the
manufacture of the beautiful porcelain of the country. Copper
and antimony are also large articles of export. The principal
milk, butter, or cheese is produced, scarcely any meat, no wood,
and scarcely any leather. (For boots and shoes paper is used
instead of leather.) Of cattle there are only 1,000,000, as
compared with 10,000,000 in the British Isles, although the
population of Japan is considerably the greater. Of horses there
are 1,500,000, and the raising of horses is much encouraged by
the government, but principally for military purposes. Horses,
indeed, are but little employed. In cities, for purposes of carriage
and cartage, men are used instead of horses. Even in rural
districts horses are unknown for farming purposes, and not even
the hand-cart or wheelbarrow is used. Everything is carried. Fruit
is much raised,—oranges, apples, walnuts, plums, peaches, and
grapes,—but Japanese fruits are of very inferior quality. Flowers
are raised everywhere in great variety and in great abundance,
and the chrysanthemum is the emblem of the country and is used
on postage stamps.
JAPAN'S MANUFACTURES: THEIR FUTURE
POSSIBILITIES
The future of Japan depends upon its manufactures, but these
also are not without their difficulties. The mineral wealth of the
country is very great, principally in coal and iron. On the
northern island alone (Yezo) the coal deposits are two thirds
those of all Great Britain. Unfortunately, however, owing to the
mountainous character of the country, railways in Japan are
difficult to construct, and the transportation of coal or of ore is
difficult and expensive. As the coal deposits and iron deposits
are not near together charcoal has been used for smelting
purposes. Iron, therefore, so far, has not been produced
profitably, and its production has decreased. But silver is mined
abundantly, and also kaolin, or the raw material used in the
manufacture of the beautiful porcelain of the country. Copper
and antimony are also large articles of export. The principal
Page 156
manufactures of Japan as yet are the textiles, especially silk and
cotton. In these modern methods are used, although so far the
productions of the native domestic looms are superior to those of
the factory looms. The production of textiles by machinery has
increased fourfold in ten years, and now amounts to about
$40,000,000 annually. This, however, is not a large amount,
being less than the textile production of any important state in
Europe, even Switzerland, or Sweden and Norway, and is only
one twentieth that of the United States. Until recently the factory
owner in Japan has had the advantage of cheap labour. But the
Japanese artisan is also becoming "modernised," and is now
demanding higher wages, and enforcing his demand by "strikes."
And for all their deftness in domestic manufacture Japanese
workmen are not yet as skilful in machine labour as British or
American workmen. It follows, therefore, that textile
manufacturing in Japan, especially the manufacture of cotton and
wool, is not yet out of its tentative or probationary stage. But
Japan, having the advantage of an extensive home market for
cotton goods (like the Chinese, the Japanese common people
wear cotton garments all the year round, in winter padding them
for warmth), and having the raw material at her own door (she
already grows a large proportion of all the raw cotton she needs),
and having, too, an abundance of coal at hand, must needs
become a great cotton-manufacturing country. The same
conditions hold with regard to the possibilities of Japan's silk
manufactures.
POSSIBILITIES OF INCREASED FOREIGN TRADE
WITH JAPAN
As in the case of China, the possibilities of increased trade with
Japan lie principally in woollen manufactures and in
breadstuffs. In addition there is a fair chance of increased trade
in metal manufactures. The use of woollen garments in Japan in
winter is extending even to the middle and working classes. And
cotton. In these modern methods are used, although so far the
productions of the native domestic looms are superior to those of
the factory looms. The production of textiles by machinery has
increased fourfold in ten years, and now amounts to about
$40,000,000 annually. This, however, is not a large amount,
being less than the textile production of any important state in
Europe, even Switzerland, or Sweden and Norway, and is only
one twentieth that of the United States. Until recently the factory
owner in Japan has had the advantage of cheap labour. But the
Japanese artisan is also becoming "modernised," and is now
demanding higher wages, and enforcing his demand by "strikes."
And for all their deftness in domestic manufacture Japanese
workmen are not yet as skilful in machine labour as British or
American workmen. It follows, therefore, that textile
manufacturing in Japan, especially the manufacture of cotton and
wool, is not yet out of its tentative or probationary stage. But
Japan, having the advantage of an extensive home market for
cotton goods (like the Chinese, the Japanese common people
wear cotton garments all the year round, in winter padding them
for warmth), and having the raw material at her own door (she
already grows a large proportion of all the raw cotton she needs),
and having, too, an abundance of coal at hand, must needs
become a great cotton-manufacturing country. The same
conditions hold with regard to the possibilities of Japan's silk
manufactures.
POSSIBILITIES OF INCREASED FOREIGN TRADE
WITH JAPAN
As in the case of China, the possibilities of increased trade with
Japan lie principally in woollen manufactures and in
breadstuffs. In addition there is a fair chance of increased trade
in metal manufactures. The use of woollen garments in Japan in
winter is extending even to the middle and working classes. And
Page 157
inasmuch as the country does not raise sheep, and is, indeed, not
well able to raise sheep, such woollen clothing, woollen cloth, or
raw wool as is used must be imported. Hitherto the woollen
manufactures which have been established in the country have
not been very successful, and the probability is that Japan's
import trade in woollen clothing and woollen cloths will increase
year by year. Similarly, from the fact that the agriculture of the
country is not adapted to the growth of wheat, nor seems ever
likely to be so adapted, and also from the fact that both the
higher and the middle classes of Japan are rapidly adopting
European and American habits of living, it is very probable that
the importation of wheat and wheat flour into Japan will also
continue to increase year by year. And from the difficulty there is
of smelting iron cheaply it is probable that the importation of
iron and iron goods (which in raw iron, iron and steel rails, iron
small wares and nails, spinning and other machinery, and steel
ships, already amounts to $8,000,000 a year) is likewise likely to
increase greatly year by year also.
JAPAN'S MODERN TRADE FACILITIES
Owing to the irregular conformation of the surface of the
country, good roads in Japan can scarcely be said to exist. But
20,000 miles of roads have been built, of which the state
maintains about one fourth. There are also 2505 miles of railway,
of which the state owns and maintains about one fourth also.
There are 11,720 miles of telegraph routes, with 37,000 miles of
wire; 520 miles of telephone routes, with 6347 miles of wire; and
387 miles of submarine cable routes, with 1481 miles of wire.
The country also has a merchant navy of 827 steam vessels of
modern type and 702 sailing-vessels of modern type, besides 668
native craft. Owing to the irregular and rocky nature of the coast-
line and the great number of small islands which exist, numerous
lighthouses are needed; but Japan's lighthouse system is one of
the best in the world.
well able to raise sheep, such woollen clothing, woollen cloth, or
raw wool as is used must be imported. Hitherto the woollen
manufactures which have been established in the country have
not been very successful, and the probability is that Japan's
import trade in woollen clothing and woollen cloths will increase
year by year. Similarly, from the fact that the agriculture of the
country is not adapted to the growth of wheat, nor seems ever
likely to be so adapted, and also from the fact that both the
higher and the middle classes of Japan are rapidly adopting
European and American habits of living, it is very probable that
the importation of wheat and wheat flour into Japan will also
continue to increase year by year. And from the difficulty there is
of smelting iron cheaply it is probable that the importation of
iron and iron goods (which in raw iron, iron and steel rails, iron
small wares and nails, spinning and other machinery, and steel
ships, already amounts to $8,000,000 a year) is likewise likely to
increase greatly year by year also.
JAPAN'S MODERN TRADE FACILITIES
Owing to the irregular conformation of the surface of the
country, good roads in Japan can scarcely be said to exist. But
20,000 miles of roads have been built, of which the state
maintains about one fourth. There are also 2505 miles of railway,
of which the state owns and maintains about one fourth also.
There are 11,720 miles of telegraph routes, with 37,000 miles of
wire; 520 miles of telephone routes, with 6347 miles of wire; and
387 miles of submarine cable routes, with 1481 miles of wire.
The country also has a merchant navy of 827 steam vessels of
modern type and 702 sailing-vessels of modern type, besides 668
native craft. Owing to the irregular and rocky nature of the coast-
line and the great number of small islands which exist, numerous
lighthouses are needed; but Japan's lighthouse system is one of
the best in the world.
Page 158
JAPAN'S FOREIGN TRADE
Japan has a foreign trade of $60,000,000 annually in exports and
$86,000,000 annually in imports. Of the export trade the
principal part, running from a fourth to a third, is with the United
States. The next largest part is with France, the next with
Hongkong, the next with China, and the next with Great Britain.
But Great Britain's direct share is not more than a twelfth. Of the
import trade the principal part, almost one third, is with Great
Britain. The United States' share is about a twelfth, and that of
France about one twenty-fifth. The principal exports are raw silk
(about one third of the whole), silk goods (about one tenth of the
whole), tea, coal, copper, rice, and matches. The export of
matches amounts to $2,500,000 annually. Characteristic exports,
though they do not figure largely in the total amount, are floor
rugs, lacquered ware, porcelain ware, fans, umbrellas, bronze
ware, repoussé work, paper ware and papier-mâché, fibre
carpets, and camphor. There is also a large export of fish,
shellfish, cuttlefish, edible seaweed, and mushrooms to China
and other Asiatic countries. The chief import is raw cotton
(almost one fifth of the whole). Other important imports are
sugar (although she raises almost 100,000,000 pounds of sugar
herself annually), cotton yarn, cotton goods, woollen cloths,
flannels and blankets, kerosene oil, watches, and articles of iron
and steel as above enumerated. The fishing industry is a very
important one and over 2,500,000 people are engaged in it. The
number of fishing-boats is about 400,000. The fish trade, which
includes seaweed, is (when not for home consumption)
principally with China.
Japan has a foreign trade of $60,000,000 annually in exports and
$86,000,000 annually in imports. Of the export trade the
principal part, running from a fourth to a third, is with the United
States. The next largest part is with France, the next with
Hongkong, the next with China, and the next with Great Britain.
But Great Britain's direct share is not more than a twelfth. Of the
import trade the principal part, almost one third, is with Great
Britain. The United States' share is about a twelfth, and that of
France about one twenty-fifth. The principal exports are raw silk
(about one third of the whole), silk goods (about one tenth of the
whole), tea, coal, copper, rice, and matches. The export of
matches amounts to $2,500,000 annually. Characteristic exports,
though they do not figure largely in the total amount, are floor
rugs, lacquered ware, porcelain ware, fans, umbrellas, bronze
ware, repoussé work, paper ware and papier-mâché, fibre
carpets, and camphor. There is also a large export of fish,
shellfish, cuttlefish, edible seaweed, and mushrooms to China
and other Asiatic countries. The chief import is raw cotton
(almost one fifth of the whole). Other important imports are
sugar (although she raises almost 100,000,000 pounds of sugar
herself annually), cotton yarn, cotton goods, woollen cloths,
flannels and blankets, kerosene oil, watches, and articles of iron
and steel as above enumerated. The fishing industry is a very
important one and over 2,500,000 people are engaged in it. The
number of fishing-boats is about 400,000. The fish trade, which
includes seaweed, is (when not for home consumption)
principally with China.
Page 159
Japan's relation to eastern Asia.
JAPAN'S SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES
JAPAN'S SPECIAL TRADE CENTRES
Page 160
The foreign commerce of Japan, like that of China, is allowed to
be carried on only at certain ports, called "treaty ports," of which
there are nineteen, the principal being Yokohama, Osaka,
Nagasaki, Hakodate, Niigata, and Kobe. The two principal cities,
not treaty ports, are Tokio and Kioto. Tokio (1,300,000) is the
capital and chief centre of the political, commercial, and literary
activity of the empire. In many respects Tokio is a "modern" city.
Its educational features are excellent. Its sanitation also is good.
Kioto (340,000) was formerly the capital, but after the
revolution of 1868 it was superseded in this respect by Tokio.
Yokohama (170,000), distant from Tokio eighteen miles, is the
chief place of the empire for foreign trade. Its foreign trade,
indeed, is more than half that of the whole empire, being about
$75,000,000 annually. Osaka (487,000) is in respect to
population the second city of the empire, but its foreign trade is
not large and is carried on principally at Hiogo, a port near it.
Niigata (50,000) is the only treaty port on the west side of Japan,
the surf caused by the winter monsoon making the flat west coast
of the country very dangerous for shipping for half the year.
Other important ports are Kobe (161,000) and Nagasaki
(72,000). Nagoya (215,000) is an important inland town.
IX. THE TRADE FEATURES OF AFRICA
AFRICA FIFTEEN YEARS AGO
Within a period of about fifteen years the continent of Africa has
been the scene of a vast partition. At the beginning of that period
the amount of African territory that was subject to European
control was comparatively small. The British were firmly
established in South Africa, and had possessions along the coasts
elsewhere principally in the west. The French were firmly
established in Algeria and in Senegal. The Portuguese had their
be carried on only at certain ports, called "treaty ports," of which
there are nineteen, the principal being Yokohama, Osaka,
Nagasaki, Hakodate, Niigata, and Kobe. The two principal cities,
not treaty ports, are Tokio and Kioto. Tokio (1,300,000) is the
capital and chief centre of the political, commercial, and literary
activity of the empire. In many respects Tokio is a "modern" city.
Its educational features are excellent. Its sanitation also is good.
Kioto (340,000) was formerly the capital, but after the
revolution of 1868 it was superseded in this respect by Tokio.
Yokohama (170,000), distant from Tokio eighteen miles, is the
chief place of the empire for foreign trade. Its foreign trade,
indeed, is more than half that of the whole empire, being about
$75,000,000 annually. Osaka (487,000) is in respect to
population the second city of the empire, but its foreign trade is
not large and is carried on principally at Hiogo, a port near it.
Niigata (50,000) is the only treaty port on the west side of Japan,
the surf caused by the winter monsoon making the flat west coast
of the country very dangerous for shipping for half the year.
Other important ports are Kobe (161,000) and Nagasaki
(72,000). Nagoya (215,000) is an important inland town.
IX. THE TRADE FEATURES OF AFRICA
AFRICA FIFTEEN YEARS AGO
Within a period of about fifteen years the continent of Africa has
been the scene of a vast partition. At the beginning of that period
the amount of African territory that was subject to European
control was comparatively small. The British were firmly
established in South Africa, and had possessions along the coasts
elsewhere principally in the west. The French were firmly
established in Algeria and in Senegal. The Portuguese had their
Page 161
ancient settlements in Mozambique and Lower Guinea. Morocco
on the northwest and Abyssinia in the northeast were more or
less well-established governments that were independent. Egypt
in the extreme northeast, with tributary possessions extending
along the Nile into the far interior of the continent, was also a
more or less well-established government that possessed a quasi-
independence, though it was nominally dependent upon Turkey.
But elsewhere, except in a few other places controlled by
European authority, the whole continent may be described as
having been in its original state of savagery or semi-savagery.
No government existed anywhere that was either beneficent or
stable. The slave-traffic abounded everywhere.
EUROPEAN SPHERES OF INFLUENCE IN AFRICA
The European governments that had possessions in Africa were
all doing their best to suppress the slave-traffic. But they could
not take very salutary steps in this direction without exercising
authority beyond the territorial limits they were supposed to
occupy. Gradually, for these reasons, and also for the reason that
they were all anxious to extend their commercial dealings in
Africa, they began to exercise authority beyond their old-time
territorial limits. In this way began the establishment on the part
of European nations of what are known as "spheres of influence"
in Africa. At first England and France were the only nations that
were at all active in establishing these spheres of influence. Later
on Germany and Italy and other nations began to establish them
also. Beginning, therefore, with the years 1883 and 1884 there
has been a general establishment and gradual extension of these
spheres until now the whole continent has been practically
parcelled out among a few European powers.
THE GREAT PARTITION OF AFRICA
on the northwest and Abyssinia in the northeast were more or
less well-established governments that were independent. Egypt
in the extreme northeast, with tributary possessions extending
along the Nile into the far interior of the continent, was also a
more or less well-established government that possessed a quasi-
independence, though it was nominally dependent upon Turkey.
But elsewhere, except in a few other places controlled by
European authority, the whole continent may be described as
having been in its original state of savagery or semi-savagery.
No government existed anywhere that was either beneficent or
stable. The slave-traffic abounded everywhere.
EUROPEAN SPHERES OF INFLUENCE IN AFRICA
The European governments that had possessions in Africa were
all doing their best to suppress the slave-traffic. But they could
not take very salutary steps in this direction without exercising
authority beyond the territorial limits they were supposed to
occupy. Gradually, for these reasons, and also for the reason that
they were all anxious to extend their commercial dealings in
Africa, they began to exercise authority beyond their old-time
territorial limits. In this way began the establishment on the part
of European nations of what are known as "spheres of influence"
in Africa. At first England and France were the only nations that
were at all active in establishing these spheres of influence. Later
on Germany and Italy and other nations began to establish them
also. Beginning, therefore, with the years 1883 and 1884 there
has been a general establishment and gradual extension of these
spheres until now the whole continent has been practically
parcelled out among a few European powers.
THE GREAT PARTITION OF AFRICA
Page 162
The partition of Africa.
The ancient empire of Morocco still exists in an independent
state. Abyssinia, though Italy attempted to subjugate it, is again
also independent. The little republic of Liberia is nominally
independent. Some territory in the very heart of the Sahara or
Great Desert is yet in its aboriginal independence. But
elsewhere, throughout the whole continent, Africa is either
British, or French, or German, or Belgian, or Portuguese, or
The ancient empire of Morocco still exists in an independent
state. Abyssinia, though Italy attempted to subjugate it, is again
also independent. The little republic of Liberia is nominally
independent. Some territory in the very heart of the Sahara or
Great Desert is yet in its aboriginal independence. But
elsewhere, throughout the whole continent, Africa is either
British, or French, or German, or Belgian, or Portuguese, or
Page 163
Italian. Spain's holding is not worth mentioning. Italy's holding
also is scarcely worth mentioning. Portugal's holding has not
been increased in the recent "scramble"—only made more
definite. France's holding, however, has been enormously
increased, and is now the largest (3,300,000 square miles),
although much of the French area is barren desert, and much of
the rest of it uninhabitable by white people. Great Britain's
holding also has been greatly increased, but not nearly so much
so as it would have been if in the earlier years of the scramble
the British government had not been singularly blind to the
actions of other governments in the matter. Germany, too, has
got a substantial holding (925,000 square miles). The Kongo
Free State, which, though nominally independent, is practically
under the suzerainty of Belgium, and must look to Belgium for
the funds with which to promote its development, is also a
substantial possession, being a little less than Germany's holding
—900,000 square miles.
GREAT BRITAIN IN AFRICA
Great Britain's holding, however, in the partitioned continent
comprises its best portions. Much of Africa is uninhabitable by
white men. Wherever, however, white men can live—except in
northern Africa—there Great Britain has managed to get control.
Excluding the shore of the Mediterranean, the best part of Africa,
considered from the view points of colonisation and commerce,
is what is now known as "British South Africa." This is an
immense area—an area of almost 1,000,000 square miles. It
comprises (1) that whole southern portion of the continent
known as Cape Colony, and (2) that portion of the great central
plateau of the continent which extends from Cape Colony
northward to Lakes Nyassa and Tanganyika—all except the two
Boer republics, the Orange Free State and the South African
Republic. British East Africa (800,000 square miles) includes the
territory of Uganda, north of Lake Victoria, a territory which
also is scarcely worth mentioning. Portugal's holding has not
been increased in the recent "scramble"—only made more
definite. France's holding, however, has been enormously
increased, and is now the largest (3,300,000 square miles),
although much of the French area is barren desert, and much of
the rest of it uninhabitable by white people. Great Britain's
holding also has been greatly increased, but not nearly so much
so as it would have been if in the earlier years of the scramble
the British government had not been singularly blind to the
actions of other governments in the matter. Germany, too, has
got a substantial holding (925,000 square miles). The Kongo
Free State, which, though nominally independent, is practically
under the suzerainty of Belgium, and must look to Belgium for
the funds with which to promote its development, is also a
substantial possession, being a little less than Germany's holding
—900,000 square miles.
GREAT BRITAIN IN AFRICA
Great Britain's holding, however, in the partitioned continent
comprises its best portions. Much of Africa is uninhabitable by
white men. Wherever, however, white men can live—except in
northern Africa—there Great Britain has managed to get control.
Excluding the shore of the Mediterranean, the best part of Africa,
considered from the view points of colonisation and commerce,
is what is now known as "British South Africa." This is an
immense area—an area of almost 1,000,000 square miles. It
comprises (1) that whole southern portion of the continent
known as Cape Colony, and (2) that portion of the great central
plateau of the continent which extends from Cape Colony
northward to Lakes Nyassa and Tanganyika—all except the two
Boer republics, the Orange Free State and the South African
Republic. British East Africa (800,000 square miles) includes the
territory of Uganda, north of Lake Victoria, a territory which
Page 164
from the character of its native population and its possibilities of
trade has been called the "pearl of Africa." British West Africa
(500,000 square miles) includes the basin of the lower Niger, the
most densely peopled area in all Africa, the seat of the great
Fula-Hausa empire of Sokoto-Gandu, the wealthiest and greatest
trading nation in the continent. Furthermore, in the northeast,
Great Britain exercises "protectorate control" over Egypt—a
control that is likely to be instrumental in reclaiming for Egypt,
and thus for civilisation and commerce under British authority,
the whole of Egypt's ancient possessions along the Nile as far at
least as Uganda. The total area of the British possessions in
Africa, exclusive of the two Boer republics and Egypt, is over
2,300,000 square miles.
THE "DOMINION OF SOUTH AFRICA"
"South Africa" is practically "British South Africa." The German
portion is either largely barren or else inaccessible. The
Portuguese portion is only a narrow strip along the east coast,
much of which is too unhealthy for habitation other than by
natives. The two Boer republics are rapidly filling up with
British people, are being developed by British capital, and must
in time become confederated with the states that environ them.
One of them, too, is already under British suzerainty. British
South Africa, however, is as yet only a name. It has no real
existence except in hope. The aspiration of statesmen in southern
Africa is that all the territories of southern Africa under British
control shall form one confederation, and that in this
confederation the Orange Free State and the South African
Republic shall join. The territories entering into this
confederation would therefore be as follows: The self-governing
colonies of Cape Colony and Natal, the crown colony of
Basutoland, the protectorates of Bechuanaland and Zululand, the
territory now administered by the British South Africa Company,
popularly known as "Rhodesia," and the British Central Africa
trade has been called the "pearl of Africa." British West Africa
(500,000 square miles) includes the basin of the lower Niger, the
most densely peopled area in all Africa, the seat of the great
Fula-Hausa empire of Sokoto-Gandu, the wealthiest and greatest
trading nation in the continent. Furthermore, in the northeast,
Great Britain exercises "protectorate control" over Egypt—a
control that is likely to be instrumental in reclaiming for Egypt,
and thus for civilisation and commerce under British authority,
the whole of Egypt's ancient possessions along the Nile as far at
least as Uganda. The total area of the British possessions in
Africa, exclusive of the two Boer republics and Egypt, is over
2,300,000 square miles.
THE "DOMINION OF SOUTH AFRICA"
"South Africa" is practically "British South Africa." The German
portion is either largely barren or else inaccessible. The
Portuguese portion is only a narrow strip along the east coast,
much of which is too unhealthy for habitation other than by
natives. The two Boer republics are rapidly filling up with
British people, are being developed by British capital, and must
in time become confederated with the states that environ them.
One of them, too, is already under British suzerainty. British
South Africa, however, is as yet only a name. It has no real
existence except in hope. The aspiration of statesmen in southern
Africa is that all the territories of southern Africa under British
control shall form one confederation, and that in this
confederation the Orange Free State and the South African
Republic shall join. The territories entering into this
confederation would therefore be as follows: The self-governing
colonies of Cape Colony and Natal, the crown colony of
Basutoland, the protectorates of Bechuanaland and Zululand, the
territory now administered by the British South Africa Company,
popularly known as "Rhodesia," and the British Central Africa
Page 165
protectorate, with in addition the two Boer republics previously
mentioned. The length of this proposed South African dominion
would be 1800 miles. Its width would be from 600 to 800 miles.
And, as said above, its area would be about 1,000,000 square
miles. Mr. Stanley predicts that in a hundred years the
"Dominion of South Africa" will have a white population of
8,000,000, and a coloured population of 16,000,000.
SOUTH AFRICA'S AGRICULTURAL POSSIBILITIES
Of South Africa as above defined Cape Colony and Natal are at
present the most important portions. Their climate is in some
respects the finest in the world. Their soil is of remarkable
richness. The number of distinct species of indigenous plants
found upon it is greater than for any other equal area on the
globe. The same remark was once true of the animals found in
South Africa, which again is testimony to the great fertility of the
soil. But a serious drawback is the insufficiency and uncertainty
of the rain supply. Irrigation, however, is practised, and wherever
irrigation is possible the land may be made to blossom like the
rose. Agriculture, however, is only indifferently pursued. The
vine in Cape Colony produces more abundantly, very much more
abundantly than anywhere else in the world, and yet neither
grape-raising nor wine-making can be said to be successful.
Pasturing is the principal occupation of the people in rural
districts. There are 17,000,000 sheep in Cape Colony, and
6,000,000 goats. Natal, which is warmer, has 500,000 sheep.
Another principal occupation is ostrich-farming. The ostrich,
once wild in South Africa, is now bred domestically. Cape
Colony has 230,000 ostriches. Ostrich feathers fetch from $150
to $300 a pound. The raising of cattle is another principal
occupation, and draught cattle are much used for transport
purposes. Cape Colony has 2,000,000 cattle; Natal, 1,000,000.
The principal food crops are wheat and maize, but little is raised
for export. In Natal, sugar is an important product, and also tea.
mentioned. The length of this proposed South African dominion
would be 1800 miles. Its width would be from 600 to 800 miles.
And, as said above, its area would be about 1,000,000 square
miles. Mr. Stanley predicts that in a hundred years the
"Dominion of South Africa" will have a white population of
8,000,000, and a coloured population of 16,000,000.
SOUTH AFRICA'S AGRICULTURAL POSSIBILITIES
Of South Africa as above defined Cape Colony and Natal are at
present the most important portions. Their climate is in some
respects the finest in the world. Their soil is of remarkable
richness. The number of distinct species of indigenous plants
found upon it is greater than for any other equal area on the
globe. The same remark was once true of the animals found in
South Africa, which again is testimony to the great fertility of the
soil. But a serious drawback is the insufficiency and uncertainty
of the rain supply. Irrigation, however, is practised, and wherever
irrigation is possible the land may be made to blossom like the
rose. Agriculture, however, is only indifferently pursued. The
vine in Cape Colony produces more abundantly, very much more
abundantly than anywhere else in the world, and yet neither
grape-raising nor wine-making can be said to be successful.
Pasturing is the principal occupation of the people in rural
districts. There are 17,000,000 sheep in Cape Colony, and
6,000,000 goats. Natal, which is warmer, has 500,000 sheep.
Another principal occupation is ostrich-farming. The ostrich,
once wild in South Africa, is now bred domestically. Cape
Colony has 230,000 ostriches. Ostrich feathers fetch from $150
to $300 a pound. The raising of cattle is another principal
occupation, and draught cattle are much used for transport
purposes. Cape Colony has 2,000,000 cattle; Natal, 1,000,000.
The principal food crops are wheat and maize, but little is raised
for export. In Natal, sugar is an important product, and also tea.
Page 166
Many magnificent timber woods are found, but the trees are
stunted and little timber is exported. Much has been wasted by
fires. The great agricultural possibilities of South Africa are
wool, mohair (the hair of the Angora goat), fruit, wine, and
skins. The breadstuffs of South Africa will probably all be
needed for home consumption.
SOUTH AFRICA'S GREAT MINERAL WEALTH
All the world over South Africa is famous for its diamond mines
and its gold-mines. The diamonds are found principally in
Griqualand, north of the Orange River, now a part of Cape
Colony, but they are also found in the Orange Free State. The
diamond areas are very circumscribed, the diamond-bearing
"pipes" being supposed to be craters of extinct volcanoes. The
principal "pipes" are at Kimberley (28,718), in Griqualand.
These constitute the richest diamond-fields in the world. It is
estimated that over $350,000,000 worth of diamonds have been
taken out of Kimberley since their first discovery there in 1867.
The largest South African diamond yet found was worth
$300,000, but many other large ones have been found. The
annual diamond export now is about $20,000,000. For 1896 the
export was $23,200,000; for 1897 a little less. The production
and export are strictly limited, so that prices may not depreciate.
Next in interest to the diamond-fields are the gold-mines. These
so far have been found principally in the South African Republic,
or "Transvaal" as it is popularly called, in the "rand," or "reef,"
near the far-famed town of Johannesburg (102,078). Since gold
was first discovered in the rand (1871) $250,000,000 worth has
been taken out. The annual output now is nearly $50,000,000,
but it is estimated that before the rand can be exhausted
$2,250,000,000 worth of gold must be taken out—an amount
much greater than the total public debt of the United States,
national, state, and municipal. But north of the Transvaal, in
Rhodesia, especially in Mashonaland, is a territory popularly
stunted and little timber is exported. Much has been wasted by
fires. The great agricultural possibilities of South Africa are
wool, mohair (the hair of the Angora goat), fruit, wine, and
skins. The breadstuffs of South Africa will probably all be
needed for home consumption.
SOUTH AFRICA'S GREAT MINERAL WEALTH
All the world over South Africa is famous for its diamond mines
and its gold-mines. The diamonds are found principally in
Griqualand, north of the Orange River, now a part of Cape
Colony, but they are also found in the Orange Free State. The
diamond areas are very circumscribed, the diamond-bearing
"pipes" being supposed to be craters of extinct volcanoes. The
principal "pipes" are at Kimberley (28,718), in Griqualand.
These constitute the richest diamond-fields in the world. It is
estimated that over $350,000,000 worth of diamonds have been
taken out of Kimberley since their first discovery there in 1867.
The largest South African diamond yet found was worth
$300,000, but many other large ones have been found. The
annual diamond export now is about $20,000,000. For 1896 the
export was $23,200,000; for 1897 a little less. The production
and export are strictly limited, so that prices may not depreciate.
Next in interest to the diamond-fields are the gold-mines. These
so far have been found principally in the South African Republic,
or "Transvaal" as it is popularly called, in the "rand," or "reef,"
near the far-famed town of Johannesburg (102,078). Since gold
was first discovered in the rand (1871) $250,000,000 worth has
been taken out. The annual output now is nearly $50,000,000,
but it is estimated that before the rand can be exhausted
$2,250,000,000 worth of gold must be taken out—an amount
much greater than the total public debt of the United States,
national, state, and municipal. But north of the Transvaal, in
Rhodesia, especially in Mashonaland, is a territory popularly
Page 167
called the "Land of Ophir," where mining operations are only
just begun, but where gold is supposed to be even more richly
stored than in the Transvaal. Of this district the newly built town
of Salisbury is the centre. Other mineral products of South
Africa are coal in Natal, mined at Newcastle, and copper in the
northwest of Cape Colony, shipped at Port Nolloth.
SOUTH AFRICA'S FOREIGN TRADE
The import trade of South Africa so far consists of almost
everything needed by the inhabitants except meat, flour,
vegetables, and fruit, for there are as yet almost no manufactures.
The principal exports are: (1) gold, $60,000,000 per annum,
including that from the Transvaal; (2) diamonds, $22,500,000;
(3) wool, $12,500,000; (4) mohair, the hair of the Angora goat,
$3,000,000; (5) ostrich feathers, over $2,500,000; (6) hides and
skins, $2,200,000; and (7) copper ore, $1,250,000. The export of
wine and fruit, for the production of which the country is so well
suited, and also of grain, is inconsiderable.
SHIPPING PORTS AND RAILWAYS OF SOUTH AFRICA
British South Africa, like all of Africa, is wanting in seaports. In
fact, it has but few. However, it has one, Walfish Bay, which
territorially does not belong to it, inasmuch as it is in the middle
of the coast of German Southwest Africa—the only port in that
coast. The principal port in British South Africa is Cape Town
(83,718), which is also the capital and principal place. The next
principal ports are, for Cape Colony, Port Elizabeth (23,266)
and East London, and for Natal, Durban. Lorenzo Marquez, on
Delagoa Bay, and Beira, at the mouth of the Pungwe, both in
Portuguese East Africa, are natural ports for northern British
just begun, but where gold is supposed to be even more richly
stored than in the Transvaal. Of this district the newly built town
of Salisbury is the centre. Other mineral products of South
Africa are coal in Natal, mined at Newcastle, and copper in the
northwest of Cape Colony, shipped at Port Nolloth.
SOUTH AFRICA'S FOREIGN TRADE
The import trade of South Africa so far consists of almost
everything needed by the inhabitants except meat, flour,
vegetables, and fruit, for there are as yet almost no manufactures.
The principal exports are: (1) gold, $60,000,000 per annum,
including that from the Transvaal; (2) diamonds, $22,500,000;
(3) wool, $12,500,000; (4) mohair, the hair of the Angora goat,
$3,000,000; (5) ostrich feathers, over $2,500,000; (6) hides and
skins, $2,200,000; and (7) copper ore, $1,250,000. The export of
wine and fruit, for the production of which the country is so well
suited, and also of grain, is inconsiderable.
SHIPPING PORTS AND RAILWAYS OF SOUTH AFRICA
British South Africa, like all of Africa, is wanting in seaports. In
fact, it has but few. However, it has one, Walfish Bay, which
territorially does not belong to it, inasmuch as it is in the middle
of the coast of German Southwest Africa—the only port in that
coast. The principal port in British South Africa is Cape Town
(83,718), which is also the capital and principal place. The next
principal ports are, for Cape Colony, Port Elizabeth (23,266)
and East London, and for Natal, Durban. Lorenzo Marquez, on
Delagoa Bay, and Beira, at the mouth of the Pungwe, both in
Portuguese East Africa, are natural ports for northern British
Page 168
South Africa, and are used as such, railways being constructed
from them into the interior. Railroad-making, indeed, is now the
all-important matter in South Africa. Lines are already built from
Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Durban, and Lorenzo
Marquez to the diamond-fields of Kimberley and the gold-mines
of Johannesburg. These also give to the pastoral and agricultural
parts of the interior facilities of access to the sea. But the line
from Cape Town to Kimberley is being rapidly extended
northward to Salisbury, the central point of the gold-fields of
Rhodesia, and already has reached Bulawayo, 1600 miles from
Cape Town. The line from Beira is also to end at Salisbury.
Already a telegraph line extending from Salisbury northward has
reached the west shore of Lake Nyassa, and by the close of this
year (1898) it will reach the south end of Lake Tanganyika. It is
proposed that the railroad from Bulawayo shall follow this same
route, and it is the dream (or shall we say the hope?) of the
empire-builders of South Africa that this railway shall before
many years be so far advanced northward that it will meet the
railway that is now being built from Cairo southward through the
continent along the Nile. Mr. Stanley predicts that the "Cape to
Cairo" railway will be an accomplished fact before 1925. The
white population of South Africa, even including the Boer
republics, is still less than 750,000.
X. THE TRADE FEATURES OF AUSTRALIA
AUSTRALIA AND AUSTRALASIA
The term Australasia, as now generally used, comprises
Australia (including Tasmania) and New Zealand, and a number
of small neighbouring islands. So used it practically denotes a
British possession; for such islands as are comprised by the term
and yet do not belong to Great Britain are comparatively
from them into the interior. Railroad-making, indeed, is now the
all-important matter in South Africa. Lines are already built from
Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Durban, and Lorenzo
Marquez to the diamond-fields of Kimberley and the gold-mines
of Johannesburg. These also give to the pastoral and agricultural
parts of the interior facilities of access to the sea. But the line
from Cape Town to Kimberley is being rapidly extended
northward to Salisbury, the central point of the gold-fields of
Rhodesia, and already has reached Bulawayo, 1600 miles from
Cape Town. The line from Beira is also to end at Salisbury.
Already a telegraph line extending from Salisbury northward has
reached the west shore of Lake Nyassa, and by the close of this
year (1898) it will reach the south end of Lake Tanganyika. It is
proposed that the railroad from Bulawayo shall follow this same
route, and it is the dream (or shall we say the hope?) of the
empire-builders of South Africa that this railway shall before
many years be so far advanced northward that it will meet the
railway that is now being built from Cairo southward through the
continent along the Nile. Mr. Stanley predicts that the "Cape to
Cairo" railway will be an accomplished fact before 1925. The
white population of South Africa, even including the Boer
republics, is still less than 750,000.
X. THE TRADE FEATURES OF AUSTRALIA
AUSTRALIA AND AUSTRALASIA
The term Australasia, as now generally used, comprises
Australia (including Tasmania) and New Zealand, and a number
of small neighbouring islands. So used it practically denotes a
British possession; for such islands as are comprised by the term
and yet do not belong to Great Britain are comparatively
Page 169
unimportant. But when we speak of Australasia, we are generally
thinking of Australia, for Australia is so large and important
that it seems to overshadow the other parts of Australasia. But in
respect to politics or commerce Australia is not one country; it is
divided into several self-governing colonies. These are, in order
of importance, Victoria, New South Wales, South Australia,
Queensland, and West Australia. But a movement is now being
made to unite all these colonies, and Tasmania as well, into one
"Australian Confederation," just as the several provinces of
Canada, which were once independent colonies, have been
united into one "Dominion of Canada." This confederation
scheme, however, has not yet been accomplished.[3] New
Zealand, because of its distance (1200 miles) from Australia, has
so far shown no desire to enter into this confederation.
FOOTNOTE:
[3]
Since the above was written the scheme has been
developed a very considerable way toward completion.
The name of the confederation is to be "The
Commonwealth of Australia."
THE AREA AND CLIMATE OF AUSTRALIA
Australia is a continent not only in name but in fact. Its area,
including Tasmania, is almost 3,000,000 square miles, which is
about the area of the United States exclusive of Alaska, and only
about one fourth less than the area of the continent of Europe.
Fully two fifths of this area lie within the torrid zone, and of the
rest, even in Victoria, the part farthest from the equator, the
climate is so warm that it corresponds with that of Spain,
southern France, and Italy. But over so vast a territory great
thinking of Australia, for Australia is so large and important
that it seems to overshadow the other parts of Australasia. But in
respect to politics or commerce Australia is not one country; it is
divided into several self-governing colonies. These are, in order
of importance, Victoria, New South Wales, South Australia,
Queensland, and West Australia. But a movement is now being
made to unite all these colonies, and Tasmania as well, into one
"Australian Confederation," just as the several provinces of
Canada, which were once independent colonies, have been
united into one "Dominion of Canada." This confederation
scheme, however, has not yet been accomplished.[3] New
Zealand, because of its distance (1200 miles) from Australia, has
so far shown no desire to enter into this confederation.
FOOTNOTE:
[3]
Since the above was written the scheme has been
developed a very considerable way toward completion.
The name of the confederation is to be "The
Commonwealth of Australia."
THE AREA AND CLIMATE OF AUSTRALIA
Australia is a continent not only in name but in fact. Its area,
including Tasmania, is almost 3,000,000 square miles, which is
about the area of the United States exclusive of Alaska, and only
about one fourth less than the area of the continent of Europe.
Fully two fifths of this area lie within the torrid zone, and of the
rest, even in Victoria, the part farthest from the equator, the
climate is so warm that it corresponds with that of Spain,
southern France, and Italy. But over so vast a territory great
Page 170
differences of climate must occur, and consequently of products
also. A general description of the climate and products of
Australia is therefore impossible. Yet there are several
characteristics which appertain to the whole continent. The chief
of these are (1) the great dryness of the atmosphere—not merely
its lack of rain, but its absolute freedom from moisture; (2) the
remarkable inequality, or want of regularity, in the rainfall.
Occasionally the rainfall is excessive, but a more frequent and
serious cause of trouble is excessive drought. The continent on
every side has a low coast region, where the rainfall is heavier
and the temperature generally hotter than in the corresponding
table-land interior to it. But the vast table-land of the interior has
comparatively little rain, and indeed in some parts of it,
especially in the centre and west, the rainfall is so slight that the
country is practically a desert.
But even when all the desert areas of Australia are excluded from
calculation there still remains in the interior plateau, toward the
east and south, an immense area of country of great fertility and
productiveness. The Murray River alone drains an area of
500,000 square miles, one sixth of the whole continent, a great
part of which is of exceeding richness. In these fertile parts
irrigation by artesian wells has been tried, and always with great
success. And it is thought that almost the whole continent can be
regained for agriculture, or at least for sheep-pasturing, by
similar means; for even in the arid and so-called desert parts of
the interior, there is very little soil that is not really fertile, for all
of it is covered with thick brushwood. Moisture alone is needed
to make it bear crops abundantly. And this dryness of the
atmosphere which prevails throughout the whole continent is not
without its compensations. It renders the climate exceedingly
healthful.
AUSTRALIA A CONTINENT OF PECULIARITIES
also. A general description of the climate and products of
Australia is therefore impossible. Yet there are several
characteristics which appertain to the whole continent. The chief
of these are (1) the great dryness of the atmosphere—not merely
its lack of rain, but its absolute freedom from moisture; (2) the
remarkable inequality, or want of regularity, in the rainfall.
Occasionally the rainfall is excessive, but a more frequent and
serious cause of trouble is excessive drought. The continent on
every side has a low coast region, where the rainfall is heavier
and the temperature generally hotter than in the corresponding
table-land interior to it. But the vast table-land of the interior has
comparatively little rain, and indeed in some parts of it,
especially in the centre and west, the rainfall is so slight that the
country is practically a desert.
But even when all the desert areas of Australia are excluded from
calculation there still remains in the interior plateau, toward the
east and south, an immense area of country of great fertility and
productiveness. The Murray River alone drains an area of
500,000 square miles, one sixth of the whole continent, a great
part of which is of exceeding richness. In these fertile parts
irrigation by artesian wells has been tried, and always with great
success. And it is thought that almost the whole continent can be
regained for agriculture, or at least for sheep-pasturing, by
similar means; for even in the arid and so-called desert parts of
the interior, there is very little soil that is not really fertile, for all
of it is covered with thick brushwood. Moisture alone is needed
to make it bear crops abundantly. And this dryness of the
atmosphere which prevails throughout the whole continent is not
without its compensations. It renders the climate exceedingly
healthful.
AUSTRALIA A CONTINENT OF PECULIARITIES
Page 171
Australia has many peculiarities. It has only one large river, and
even that in summer becomes a series of isolated pools. It has no
high mountain range, its principal mountains being only a series
of ramparts marking off the lower coast lands from the interior
plateau. Again, its native quadrupeds are entirely different from
those of other continents, being almost all, whether little or big,
"marsupials," or "pouch-bearers," like the kangaroo. Its birds are
mostly songless. Its flowers, for the most part, have no scent. Its
trees are leaved vertically and cast no shade. Its indigenous
inhabitants have made no progress toward civilisation. When
Europeans first came to the country they found no native animal
that could be put to any use, nor any native fruit, vegetable, or
grain that could be utilised for food. Still, all European domestic
animals thrive abundantly in the country, and so do all European
fruits, grasses, grains, and vegetables. The English rabbits,
indeed, have become a terrible pest. As many as 25,000,000 of
them have been killed in a year without any apparent diminution
in their numbers. Over $1,000,000 a year has at times been spent
to exterminate them, all to no effect.
VICTORIA
Victoria, the smallest of the Australian colonies, had until
recently the largest population (June, 1897, 1,177,304) and also
the largest trade. In both respects, however, it is at present
surpassed by New South Wales. Victoria has owed its past pre-
eminence to its gold production. Gold was discovered in the
colony in 1851, and for years the output of the precious mineral
was not less than $50,000,000 per annum. The present output of
gold in Victoria, however, is only $10,000,000 per annum.
Richer, however, than the gold-mines of Victoria is the fertility
of its soil. A large part of the soil is exceedingly fertile—with
irrigation one of the finest fruit-bearing soils in the world. The
arboreal vegetation of the country is magnificent. Trees thirty
feet in diameter rise to the height of 200 feet without a single
even that in summer becomes a series of isolated pools. It has no
high mountain range, its principal mountains being only a series
of ramparts marking off the lower coast lands from the interior
plateau. Again, its native quadrupeds are entirely different from
those of other continents, being almost all, whether little or big,
"marsupials," or "pouch-bearers," like the kangaroo. Its birds are
mostly songless. Its flowers, for the most part, have no scent. Its
trees are leaved vertically and cast no shade. Its indigenous
inhabitants have made no progress toward civilisation. When
Europeans first came to the country they found no native animal
that could be put to any use, nor any native fruit, vegetable, or
grain that could be utilised for food. Still, all European domestic
animals thrive abundantly in the country, and so do all European
fruits, grasses, grains, and vegetables. The English rabbits,
indeed, have become a terrible pest. As many as 25,000,000 of
them have been killed in a year without any apparent diminution
in their numbers. Over $1,000,000 a year has at times been spent
to exterminate them, all to no effect.
VICTORIA
Victoria, the smallest of the Australian colonies, had until
recently the largest population (June, 1897, 1,177,304) and also
the largest trade. In both respects, however, it is at present
surpassed by New South Wales. Victoria has owed its past pre-
eminence to its gold production. Gold was discovered in the
colony in 1851, and for years the output of the precious mineral
was not less than $50,000,000 per annum. The present output of
gold in Victoria, however, is only $10,000,000 per annum.
Richer, however, than the gold-mines of Victoria is the fertility
of its soil. A large part of the soil is exceedingly fertile—with
irrigation one of the finest fruit-bearing soils in the world. The
arboreal vegetation of the country is magnificent. Trees thirty
feet in diameter rise to the height of 200 feet without a single
Page 172
lateral branch, and then 100 feet to 200 feet higher still. Pear-
trees grow to the height of eighty feet, with trunks three feet in
diameter. But as yet wool-growing, wheat-raising, and vine-
growing are the principal agricultural occupations of the people.
The principal agricultural export is wool—$25,000,000 worth
per annum. But a considerable portion of this comes from New
South Wales. The sheep kept number 15,000,000, the cattle
2,000,000. But the colony still remains principally a mining
community. Five ninths of the population live in towns. Yet there
are few towns, and two fifths of the whole population live in
Melbourne—a city almost exactly as large as Boston.
MELBOURNE
Melbourne (451,110; with suburbs, 500,000), the capital city of
Victoria and the chief city in Australia, is also one of the most
beautiful cities in the world. Its parliament buildings, town hall,
post-office, treasury, mint, law courts, public libraries, picture
galleries, theatres, churches, and clubs are all edifices of
architectural magnificence and beauty, while its boulevards,
parks and gardens are equally splendid. At one time money
flowed freely and great commercial recklessness prevailed. But
though Melbourne has sustained several severe depressions its
present condition is prosperous and its future is assured. It is,
however, a pleasure-loving city, and it is as much on this account
as on account of its great beauty that it is called "the Paris of the
southern hemisphere." Nowhere else in the world, perhaps, are
indoor amusements—the theatre, concerts, etc.—or outdoor
amusements—cricket, football, horse-racing, etc.—more
devotedly patronised than in Melbourne. Other important places
in Victoria are Ballarat (40,000) and Sandhurst (37,000), both
mining towns, and Geelong (25,000) locally noted for its
manufacture of "tweeds."
trees grow to the height of eighty feet, with trunks three feet in
diameter. But as yet wool-growing, wheat-raising, and vine-
growing are the principal agricultural occupations of the people.
The principal agricultural export is wool—$25,000,000 worth
per annum. But a considerable portion of this comes from New
South Wales. The sheep kept number 15,000,000, the cattle
2,000,000. But the colony still remains principally a mining
community. Five ninths of the population live in towns. Yet there
are few towns, and two fifths of the whole population live in
Melbourne—a city almost exactly as large as Boston.
MELBOURNE
Melbourne (451,110; with suburbs, 500,000), the capital city of
Victoria and the chief city in Australia, is also one of the most
beautiful cities in the world. Its parliament buildings, town hall,
post-office, treasury, mint, law courts, public libraries, picture
galleries, theatres, churches, and clubs are all edifices of
architectural magnificence and beauty, while its boulevards,
parks and gardens are equally splendid. At one time money
flowed freely and great commercial recklessness prevailed. But
though Melbourne has sustained several severe depressions its
present condition is prosperous and its future is assured. It is,
however, a pleasure-loving city, and it is as much on this account
as on account of its great beauty that it is called "the Paris of the
southern hemisphere." Nowhere else in the world, perhaps, are
indoor amusements—the theatre, concerts, etc.—or outdoor
amusements—cricket, football, horse-racing, etc.—more
devotedly patronised than in Melbourne. Other important places
in Victoria are Ballarat (40,000) and Sandhurst (37,000), both
mining towns, and Geelong (25,000) locally noted for its
manufacture of "tweeds."
Page 173
NEW SOUTH WALES
Australia. Shaded portions show where the rainfall is sufficiently abundant.
New South Wales (population 1,311,440) is the oldest colony of
Australia and the parent of both Victoria and Queensland. Of all
the colonies, it has, perhaps, the greatest range of productions.
On the low coast lands its soil is of extraordinary fertility, and
even in the dry interior, when irrigation is employed, the fertility
is still extraordinary. As yet, however, but one acre out of every
two hundred is under cultivation, the chief agricultural
occupation being pasturing. Over 50,000,000 sheep are kept,
principally the merino. Grass grows everywhere, and even the
Australia. Shaded portions show where the rainfall is sufficiently abundant.
New South Wales (population 1,311,440) is the oldest colony of
Australia and the parent of both Victoria and Queensland. Of all
the colonies, it has, perhaps, the greatest range of productions.
On the low coast lands its soil is of extraordinary fertility, and
even in the dry interior, when irrigation is employed, the fertility
is still extraordinary. As yet, however, but one acre out of every
two hundred is under cultivation, the chief agricultural
occupation being pasturing. Over 50,000,000 sheep are kept,
principally the merino. Grass grows everywhere, and even the
Page 174
summits of the mountains are covered. Drought, however, is a
terrible drawback, and sometimes tremendous losses occur. In
1877 over 8,000,000 sheep perished, and in 1884 over
12,000,000. The total wool production is very large, averaging
$50,000,000 a year. The export of hides, skins, leather, and
chilled meat, principally mutton, amounts to $10,000,000
annually. Chilled mutton and beef are sent direct to London,
though the passage takes five or six weeks by steamer and
twelve to sixteen weeks by sailing-vessel. Scarcely less
important than its agricultural products are the mineral products
of New South Wales. Its coal-mines are the finest on the
continent, and $4,500,000 worth of coal is exported annually,
besides what is consumed locally. Its gold production, though
not very large, is general throughout the whole colony. Its silver-
mines in Silverton and Broken Hill are among the most famous
in the world, and its tin-bearing lands comprise over 5,500,000
acres. The foregoing comprise the staple products—the
production of industries already well established. But fruit-
growing, including all fruits, from apples, pears, and peaches, to
olives and oranges, is a rapidly developing industry, no country
in the world being better suited to it. Wine-making, too, is
quickly coming forward, the New South Wales wines equalling
in flavour those of France and Spain. Wheat-growing, cotton-
growing, and even rice-growing are also in their several districts
rapidly extending and prosperous pursuits. The development of
New South Wales has only just begun. Sydney (including
suburbs 410,000) is the capital and by far the largest city.
Sydney, like Melbourne, is a beautiful city, but its beauty is
natural rather than artificial, and it is well entitled to its name,
"Queen of the South." It is situated on Port Jackson, one of the
finest and most beautiful harbours on the globe. Sydney is the
headquarters of all the various lines of steamships—British,
American, French, Italian, etc.—that trade with Australia, and is
indeed one of the great seaports of the world.
terrible drawback, and sometimes tremendous losses occur. In
1877 over 8,000,000 sheep perished, and in 1884 over
12,000,000. The total wool production is very large, averaging
$50,000,000 a year. The export of hides, skins, leather, and
chilled meat, principally mutton, amounts to $10,000,000
annually. Chilled mutton and beef are sent direct to London,
though the passage takes five or six weeks by steamer and
twelve to sixteen weeks by sailing-vessel. Scarcely less
important than its agricultural products are the mineral products
of New South Wales. Its coal-mines are the finest on the
continent, and $4,500,000 worth of coal is exported annually,
besides what is consumed locally. Its gold production, though
not very large, is general throughout the whole colony. Its silver-
mines in Silverton and Broken Hill are among the most famous
in the world, and its tin-bearing lands comprise over 5,500,000
acres. The foregoing comprise the staple products—the
production of industries already well established. But fruit-
growing, including all fruits, from apples, pears, and peaches, to
olives and oranges, is a rapidly developing industry, no country
in the world being better suited to it. Wine-making, too, is
quickly coming forward, the New South Wales wines equalling
in flavour those of France and Spain. Wheat-growing, cotton-
growing, and even rice-growing are also in their several districts
rapidly extending and prosperous pursuits. The development of
New South Wales has only just begun. Sydney (including
suburbs 410,000) is the capital and by far the largest city.
Sydney, like Melbourne, is a beautiful city, but its beauty is
natural rather than artificial, and it is well entitled to its name,
"Queen of the South." It is situated on Port Jackson, one of the
finest and most beautiful harbours on the globe. Sydney is the
headquarters of all the various lines of steamships—British,
American, French, Italian, etc.—that trade with Australia, and is
indeed one of the great seaports of the world.
Page 175
SOUTH AUSTRALIA
South Australia (358,224 in 1897) occupies the whole central
part of the continent from north to south. But as only a very
small portion of this vast area is settled—the southeast corner—
it may be described as in characteristics resembling Victoria. Its
principal industry is wheat-growing. South Australia is indeed
the great granary of the continent, and is destined to be one of
the great granaries of the world. Like the other divisions of
Australia, South Australia, when once drought has been
overcome by irrigation, is destined to become a great fruit
country, its warm, moistureless climate being peculiarly well
suited to the ripening of fruits of exquisite flavours. Already its
olives are pronounced the finest in the world. The principal city
and chief port is Adelaide (with suburbs 144,352). Like other
Australian ports, Adelaide possesses excellent steamboat
shipping facilities. In the north, on the Timor Sea, is Port
Darwin, likely to be an important trade centre.
QUEENSLAND
The most interesting of all the Australian colonies is Queensland
(population 472,179), for it is a tropical country with a climate
so salubrious that white people can live in it and be comfortable
and healthy. The heat, instead of being enervating, is stimulating
and bracing. A great portion of its soil is of unsurpassed fertility.
The only drawback is the unequal distribution throughout the
year of the rainfall. But wherever irrigation wells are sunk the
climate becomes highly suitable for sheep-raising, and also for
the growing of many kinds of fruit. There are already
15,000,000 sheep and 5,000,000 cattle in the colony, and wool is
exported to the amount of $15,000,000 annually. Other
agricultural exports are frozen beef and mutton, and hides and
skins. Wool is the chief export. The second export in importance
South Australia (358,224 in 1897) occupies the whole central
part of the continent from north to south. But as only a very
small portion of this vast area is settled—the southeast corner—
it may be described as in characteristics resembling Victoria. Its
principal industry is wheat-growing. South Australia is indeed
the great granary of the continent, and is destined to be one of
the great granaries of the world. Like the other divisions of
Australia, South Australia, when once drought has been
overcome by irrigation, is destined to become a great fruit
country, its warm, moistureless climate being peculiarly well
suited to the ripening of fruits of exquisite flavours. Already its
olives are pronounced the finest in the world. The principal city
and chief port is Adelaide (with suburbs 144,352). Like other
Australian ports, Adelaide possesses excellent steamboat
shipping facilities. In the north, on the Timor Sea, is Port
Darwin, likely to be an important trade centre.
QUEENSLAND
The most interesting of all the Australian colonies is Queensland
(population 472,179), for it is a tropical country with a climate
so salubrious that white people can live in it and be comfortable
and healthy. The heat, instead of being enervating, is stimulating
and bracing. A great portion of its soil is of unsurpassed fertility.
The only drawback is the unequal distribution throughout the
year of the rainfall. But wherever irrigation wells are sunk the
climate becomes highly suitable for sheep-raising, and also for
the growing of many kinds of fruit. There are already
15,000,000 sheep and 5,000,000 cattle in the colony, and wool is
exported to the amount of $15,000,000 annually. Other
agricultural exports are frozen beef and mutton, and hides and
skins. Wool is the chief export. The second export in importance
Page 176
is gold, which reaches $10,000,000 per annum. Tin is also
exported, and coal, though little worked, is abundant.
Developing exports are sugar ($2,500,000 per annum),
arrowroot, cotton, tobacco, rice, and coffee. A difficulty,
however, in the development of these products is the labour
question. White men cannot work in the plantations. Chinese
prefer to work in the mines. The natives won't work anywhere.
No negroes are obtainable. As a consequence Polynesians have
to be imported. Brisbane (100,913) is the capital and chief city
and port.
WEST AUSTRALIA
West Australia (population 162,394), the largest of all the
Australian colonies, has only been recently settled, and its
constitution as a self-governing colony dates only from 1890. A
large part of its area has never been explored, and a large part is
known to be scrub desert. But there is scarcely any part of it,
even of its "scrub" areas, but that will support sheep when once
artesian wells have been sunk, and large portions of the colony,
especially along the coasts, are as fertile as need be. And the
climate, though very dry, is exceedingly healthful. Perth
(43,000) is the capital. Albany is the principal port.
THE IMMENSE RESOURCES OF AUSTRALIA. ITS
PROBABLE FUTURE
Australia is undoubtedly on the eve of a period of great
development. Its resources are known to be immense. Its climate
has been found most favourable to human health, and the
objectionable feature of the climate, the smallness and
irregularity of the rainfall, has been studied and become
exported, and coal, though little worked, is abundant.
Developing exports are sugar ($2,500,000 per annum),
arrowroot, cotton, tobacco, rice, and coffee. A difficulty,
however, in the development of these products is the labour
question. White men cannot work in the plantations. Chinese
prefer to work in the mines. The natives won't work anywhere.
No negroes are obtainable. As a consequence Polynesians have
to be imported. Brisbane (100,913) is the capital and chief city
and port.
WEST AUSTRALIA
West Australia (population 162,394), the largest of all the
Australian colonies, has only been recently settled, and its
constitution as a self-governing colony dates only from 1890. A
large part of its area has never been explored, and a large part is
known to be scrub desert. But there is scarcely any part of it,
even of its "scrub" areas, but that will support sheep when once
artesian wells have been sunk, and large portions of the colony,
especially along the coasts, are as fertile as need be. And the
climate, though very dry, is exceedingly healthful. Perth
(43,000) is the capital. Albany is the principal port.
THE IMMENSE RESOURCES OF AUSTRALIA. ITS
PROBABLE FUTURE
Australia is undoubtedly on the eve of a period of great
development. Its resources are known to be immense. Its climate
has been found most favourable to human health, and the
objectionable feature of the climate, the smallness and
irregularity of the rainfall, has been studied and become
Page 177
understood and found remediable. Once the confederation that is
now in process of formation takes place, there is no doubt that
Australia will enter upon a new and prosperous commercial era.
Owing to the fact that its chief opportunities for wealth lie in the
development of its natural resources, it is probable that for some
time to come almost all the manufactured goods Australia needs
will have to be imported. Already its importation amounts to
$275,000,000, of which, of course, Great Britain supplies the
principal share. This importation is principally clothing and
materials for clothing, but it also comprises hardware and
machinery, and in fact everything required by a highly civilised
and money-spending people, except breadstuffs and provisions.
The magnitude of this importation may be comprehended from
the fact that it is more than one third of the total exportation of
the United States for any year save one up to 1896, including our
immense export of breadstuffs, provisions, and cotton. And
besides the articles of export already mentioned—wool, meats,
hides, skins, minerals, fruits, etc.—there is one other Australian
resource that is capable of almost indefinite development. This is
its timber. The eucalyptus or gum-tree prevails almost
universally in Australia, and some of its commonest varieties,
being both strong and indestructible by insects, are of almost
unequalled value for ship-building, railway ties, and dock and
harbour construction. That the Australians are fully alive to the
importance of developing their foreign trade is seen in the efforts
they have made to provide facilities for bringing their products to
ocean ports. There are 11,980 miles of railway, almost every
mile of which has been built by the governments. This is one
mile of railway for every 300 inhabitants, as against one mile for
every 400 inhabitants in the United States. These railways run
wholly to and from the seaboard. There are no manufacturing
towns to be catered to. Australian trade consists wholly in
exchanging home-raised natural products for imported
manufactures. Equally remarkable with the railroad enterprise of
the Australians is their enterprise in telegraphic construction and
the establishment of cable communications. For example, a
telegraph line 2000 miles long, running across the continent from
now in process of formation takes place, there is no doubt that
Australia will enter upon a new and prosperous commercial era.
Owing to the fact that its chief opportunities for wealth lie in the
development of its natural resources, it is probable that for some
time to come almost all the manufactured goods Australia needs
will have to be imported. Already its importation amounts to
$275,000,000, of which, of course, Great Britain supplies the
principal share. This importation is principally clothing and
materials for clothing, but it also comprises hardware and
machinery, and in fact everything required by a highly civilised
and money-spending people, except breadstuffs and provisions.
The magnitude of this importation may be comprehended from
the fact that it is more than one third of the total exportation of
the United States for any year save one up to 1896, including our
immense export of breadstuffs, provisions, and cotton. And
besides the articles of export already mentioned—wool, meats,
hides, skins, minerals, fruits, etc.—there is one other Australian
resource that is capable of almost indefinite development. This is
its timber. The eucalyptus or gum-tree prevails almost
universally in Australia, and some of its commonest varieties,
being both strong and indestructible by insects, are of almost
unequalled value for ship-building, railway ties, and dock and
harbour construction. That the Australians are fully alive to the
importance of developing their foreign trade is seen in the efforts
they have made to provide facilities for bringing their products to
ocean ports. There are 11,980 miles of railway, almost every
mile of which has been built by the governments. This is one
mile of railway for every 300 inhabitants, as against one mile for
every 400 inhabitants in the United States. These railways run
wholly to and from the seaboard. There are no manufacturing
towns to be catered to. Australian trade consists wholly in
exchanging home-raised natural products for imported
manufactures. Equally remarkable with the railroad enterprise of
the Australians is their enterprise in telegraphic construction and
the establishment of cable communications. For example, a
telegraph line 2000 miles long, running across the continent from
Page 178
Adelaide to Port Darwin, has been built by the province of South
Australia so as to connect with a cable from Port Darwin to Java,
Singapore, etc., and thus with Europe and America. For at least
1500 miles this telegraph line runs through one of the most
desolate and inaccessible regions in the world.
XI. THE TRADE FEATURES OF SOUTH
AMERICA
SOUTH AMERICA, A FERTILE CONTINENT WITH
DRAWBACKS
South America is an immense but very fertile continent, whose
natural resources are as yet scarcely begun to be utilised. Though
not so large as North America, it has a far greater area of
productive soil—and, indeed, much of its soil is quite
unsurpassed in fertility. It suffers, however, from two great
drawbacks. 1. A great portion of its area (four fifths) lies within
the torrid zone. In the low coast regions of this torrid area, and
also in the low forest regions watered by the great flat rivers of
the interior, the climate is for the most part unendurable to white
men. 2. South America has been unfortunate in its settlement and
colonisation. Until in recent years colonisation as understood in
Anglo-Saxon communities has scarcely been attempted in South
America at all. All the earlier immigrations from the Old World
were prompted by the thought of getting gold and silver and
precious stones—if need were by the spoliation and enslavery of
the natives. Only a small proportion of the population—not more
than a quarter of the whole—consists of whites, and these are
principally from Spain and Portugal. These conquerors of the
continent have not in the main succeeded in establishing either
stable forms of government or high types of civilisation.
Australia so as to connect with a cable from Port Darwin to Java,
Singapore, etc., and thus with Europe and America. For at least
1500 miles this telegraph line runs through one of the most
desolate and inaccessible regions in the world.
XI. THE TRADE FEATURES OF SOUTH
AMERICA
SOUTH AMERICA, A FERTILE CONTINENT WITH
DRAWBACKS
South America is an immense but very fertile continent, whose
natural resources are as yet scarcely begun to be utilised. Though
not so large as North America, it has a far greater area of
productive soil—and, indeed, much of its soil is quite
unsurpassed in fertility. It suffers, however, from two great
drawbacks. 1. A great portion of its area (four fifths) lies within
the torrid zone. In the low coast regions of this torrid area, and
also in the low forest regions watered by the great flat rivers of
the interior, the climate is for the most part unendurable to white
men. 2. South America has been unfortunate in its settlement and
colonisation. Until in recent years colonisation as understood in
Anglo-Saxon communities has scarcely been attempted in South
America at all. All the earlier immigrations from the Old World
were prompted by the thought of getting gold and silver and
precious stones—if need were by the spoliation and enslavery of
the natives. Only a small proportion of the population—not more
than a quarter of the whole—consists of whites, and these are
principally from Spain and Portugal. These conquerors of the
continent have not in the main succeeded in establishing either
stable forms of government or high types of civilisation.
Page 179
Furthermore, the mixed races—the mestizos or metis, as they are
called, the descendants of the earlier Europeans and the natives
—instead of advancing in civilisation have for some time past
been retrograding. Then, again, there is a large negro element,
the descendants of Africans once imported as slaves, to still
further complicate the race question; and there is a considerable
element partly negro and partly Indian. In only one state,
Argentina, can affairs be said to be really prosperous, and even
in Argentina the civilisation developed by its prosperity is gross
and material rather than refined and intellectual. The next most
prosperous and important states are Brazil and Chile. Perhaps
Uruguay, though the smallest of all the states, should be placed
after Argentina. The remaining independent states of the
continent—Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and
Paraguay—are all states of the prevailing South American type.
Their governments are more or less unstable. They are terribly
burdened with debt, and their credit is such that they must pay
high rates of interest. The civilisation once introduced among
their native races by the zeal of Spanish missionaries is
deteriorating if not vanishing. And even among their leading
classes there is much to be desired in the observance of the
ordinary principles of right and wrong.
EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN SOUTH AMERICA
All the South American states enumerated above, with the
exception of Brazil, were first taken possession of and "settled"
by the Spanish, and the Spanish language still remains in them
the language of government, education, and society. Brazil was
first taken possession of and "settled" by the Portuguese, and in
Brazil the Portuguese language prevails, just as elsewhere in the
continent the Spanish language prevails. Among the natives
many different languages are found, but in Brazil a "common
language" is used, one introduced by the original Portuguese
missionaries, and understood by nearly all the tribes. Between
called, the descendants of the earlier Europeans and the natives
—instead of advancing in civilisation have for some time past
been retrograding. Then, again, there is a large negro element,
the descendants of Africans once imported as slaves, to still
further complicate the race question; and there is a considerable
element partly negro and partly Indian. In only one state,
Argentina, can affairs be said to be really prosperous, and even
in Argentina the civilisation developed by its prosperity is gross
and material rather than refined and intellectual. The next most
prosperous and important states are Brazil and Chile. Perhaps
Uruguay, though the smallest of all the states, should be placed
after Argentina. The remaining independent states of the
continent—Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and
Paraguay—are all states of the prevailing South American type.
Their governments are more or less unstable. They are terribly
burdened with debt, and their credit is such that they must pay
high rates of interest. The civilisation once introduced among
their native races by the zeal of Spanish missionaries is
deteriorating if not vanishing. And even among their leading
classes there is much to be desired in the observance of the
ordinary principles of right and wrong.
EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION IN SOUTH AMERICA
All the South American states enumerated above, with the
exception of Brazil, were first taken possession of and "settled"
by the Spanish, and the Spanish language still remains in them
the language of government, education, and society. Brazil was
first taken possession of and "settled" by the Portuguese, and in
Brazil the Portuguese language prevails, just as elsewhere in the
continent the Spanish language prevails. Among the natives
many different languages are found, but in Brazil a "common
language" is used, one introduced by the original Portuguese
missionaries, and understood by nearly all the tribes. Between
Page 180
Brazil and Venezuela is a triangular piece of country called
Guiana, which, unlike the rest of South America, is still under
the control of European powers. It consists of three parts—
French Guiana, Dutch Guiana, and British Guiana—colonies of
France, Holland, and Great Britain, respectively. Leaving out
Guiana, South America has received its entire civilisation from
Spain and Portugal, and, with the exception of Argentina,
Uruguay, and Brazil, there has been little or no emigration to any
South American country except from these two European
countries. To Argentina, however, there has been a large
emigration from Italy especially, but also from France, Great
Britain (mainly from Ireland and Wales), Germany, and Sweden.
A similar emigration has taken place to Uruguay, though the
foreigners in Uruguay are principally Basques, a people that live
on the border-land between Spain and France, but are neither
Spanish nor French. In Brazil the immigration, where it has not
been Portuguese, has been chiefly Italian and German, and in the
temperate region of the extreme south of Brazil a large German
population exists. Everywhere in South America the parts most
prosperous are the parts that have come most directly under the
influence of recent European emigration.
THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC
The Argentine Republic, or "Argentina," as it is popularly called,
is the most prosperous and most important of all the South
American states. Its area (1,319,247 square miles) is equal to the
total area of the States of the United States east of the
Mississippi and Missouri, including the Dakotas, Missouri,
Arkansas, and Louisiana. Although a portion of this vast area is
not of much value for agricultural purposes, especially in
Patagonia, a very large portion of it does consist of soil of great
fertility, while the climate, which for the most part is a temperate
one, is such as is well suited to Europeans and white people
generally. The population May 10, 1895, was 4,094,911. Of this
Guiana, which, unlike the rest of South America, is still under
the control of European powers. It consists of three parts—
French Guiana, Dutch Guiana, and British Guiana—colonies of
France, Holland, and Great Britain, respectively. Leaving out
Guiana, South America has received its entire civilisation from
Spain and Portugal, and, with the exception of Argentina,
Uruguay, and Brazil, there has been little or no emigration to any
South American country except from these two European
countries. To Argentina, however, there has been a large
emigration from Italy especially, but also from France, Great
Britain (mainly from Ireland and Wales), Germany, and Sweden.
A similar emigration has taken place to Uruguay, though the
foreigners in Uruguay are principally Basques, a people that live
on the border-land between Spain and France, but are neither
Spanish nor French. In Brazil the immigration, where it has not
been Portuguese, has been chiefly Italian and German, and in the
temperate region of the extreme south of Brazil a large German
population exists. Everywhere in South America the parts most
prosperous are the parts that have come most directly under the
influence of recent European emigration.
THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC
The Argentine Republic, or "Argentina," as it is popularly called,
is the most prosperous and most important of all the South
American states. Its area (1,319,247 square miles) is equal to the
total area of the States of the United States east of the
Mississippi and Missouri, including the Dakotas, Missouri,
Arkansas, and Louisiana. Although a portion of this vast area is
not of much value for agricultural purposes, especially in
Patagonia, a very large portion of it does consist of soil of great
fertility, while the climate, which for the most part is a temperate
one, is such as is well suited to Europeans and white people
generally. The population May 10, 1895, was 4,094,911. Of this
Page 181
population it is estimated that over 850,000 are Italians, 183,000
French, 161,000 recently emigrated Spaniards, 60,000 English,
and 54,000 Germans and Swedes. The language of the
government and of the schools is Spanish. At one time in
Argentina there was a disposition to take the United States as a
model in everything, but of late years there has been a tendency
toward taking France as a model in manners and customs. This
disposition to imitate European peoples is particularly true of the
wealthy classes.
ARGENTINA'S RAPID PROGRESS
The pride and boast of Argentina has been its rapid progress. In
the thirty years ending 1886 the immigration was over a million.
From 1886 to 1889 it was from 100,000 a year to 200,000 a year.
In 1890, owing to the financial crisis of that year, it fell away
almost to nothing. Since 1890 it has gradually increased until
now it is about 100,000 a year again. In 1869 the population was
only 1,837,000. Now it is over 4,000,000. Similarly the capital
city, Buenos Ayres, has made an increase not easily paralleled. In
1869 its population was only 187,126. In 1887 it was 423,996.
By the census of 1895 it was 663,854. To-day it is said to be
750,000. Of this number about one half are foreigners. The high
protective tariff established by Argentina in 1878 had the effect
of instituting many small industries in Buenos Ayres, and to this
cause the exceedingly rapid growth of its population is partly
attributable.
ARGENTINA'S AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES
The great prosperity of Argentina has been due to the extent and
immediate availability of its agricultural resources, for its forest
French, 161,000 recently emigrated Spaniards, 60,000 English,
and 54,000 Germans and Swedes. The language of the
government and of the schools is Spanish. At one time in
Argentina there was a disposition to take the United States as a
model in everything, but of late years there has been a tendency
toward taking France as a model in manners and customs. This
disposition to imitate European peoples is particularly true of the
wealthy classes.
ARGENTINA'S RAPID PROGRESS
The pride and boast of Argentina has been its rapid progress. In
the thirty years ending 1886 the immigration was over a million.
From 1886 to 1889 it was from 100,000 a year to 200,000 a year.
In 1890, owing to the financial crisis of that year, it fell away
almost to nothing. Since 1890 it has gradually increased until
now it is about 100,000 a year again. In 1869 the population was
only 1,837,000. Now it is over 4,000,000. Similarly the capital
city, Buenos Ayres, has made an increase not easily paralleled. In
1869 its population was only 187,126. In 1887 it was 423,996.
By the census of 1895 it was 663,854. To-day it is said to be
750,000. Of this number about one half are foreigners. The high
protective tariff established by Argentina in 1878 had the effect
of instituting many small industries in Buenos Ayres, and to this
cause the exceedingly rapid growth of its population is partly
attributable.
ARGENTINA'S AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES
The great prosperity of Argentina has been due to the extent and
immediate availability of its agricultural resources, for its forest
Page 182
wealth remains undeveloped, and its mineral resources are
comparatively scanty. Its vast treeless and stoneless plains have
needed no "improvements" to make them fit for settlement, and
the soil which covers them being of virgin richness bears crop
after crop without fertilising and with very little cultivation.
Immigrants arrive in the country without a dollar and in twenty
years are owners of estates of 5000 acres each. In no country in
the world has agricultural extension been more rapid. In twenty
years the acreage under cultivation increased 1400 per cent. The
amount under cultivation in wheat alone increased 2600 per cent.
The wheat production averages 40,000,000 bushels, which is not
far short of one fourth of the total wheat export of the United
States. The production for 1897 was 60,000,000 bushels,
although the amount exported was much less than that. The
wheat product is indeed very variable, owing to droughts and
locusts, for, like Australia, Argentina is uncertain in its rainfall.
The corn crop is steadier, and in 1896 amounted (for export
alone) to 60,000,000 bushels. More important in the aggregate
than the direct products of the soil are the indirect products.
There are 22,000,000 cattle kept in Argentina, 75,000,000
sheep, and 4,500,000 horses. The total exportation of animals
and animal products amounts to $70,-000,000. Of this
exportation the principal item is wool, the wool-clip of
Argentina being, in weight, one seventh of the total wool-clip of
the world. Unfortunately, however, Argentina wool is very dirty,
and when washed reduces to one third, while Australian wool
reduces only to two thirds or three fifths and is free from seeds.
The profit accruing to the Argentina wool-grower is thereby
lessened. But, nevertheless, wool-growing in Argentina is a very
profitable industry, and many farmers (principally Irish settlers)
have from 50,000 to 100,000 sheep each. Cattle-farming is
carried on mostly by native Argentines, and many cattle farms
are stocked with as many as 10,000 cattle and 2000 horses each.
The great exports of Argentina, therefore, after wheat and corn
and wool, are hides and skins, tallow, chilled beef, and mutton
and bones. There are five factories in Buenos Ayres engaged
wholly in chilling mutton, and the export of chilled mutton to
comparatively scanty. Its vast treeless and stoneless plains have
needed no "improvements" to make them fit for settlement, and
the soil which covers them being of virgin richness bears crop
after crop without fertilising and with very little cultivation.
Immigrants arrive in the country without a dollar and in twenty
years are owners of estates of 5000 acres each. In no country in
the world has agricultural extension been more rapid. In twenty
years the acreage under cultivation increased 1400 per cent. The
amount under cultivation in wheat alone increased 2600 per cent.
The wheat production averages 40,000,000 bushels, which is not
far short of one fourth of the total wheat export of the United
States. The production for 1897 was 60,000,000 bushels,
although the amount exported was much less than that. The
wheat product is indeed very variable, owing to droughts and
locusts, for, like Australia, Argentina is uncertain in its rainfall.
The corn crop is steadier, and in 1896 amounted (for export
alone) to 60,000,000 bushels. More important in the aggregate
than the direct products of the soil are the indirect products.
There are 22,000,000 cattle kept in Argentina, 75,000,000
sheep, and 4,500,000 horses. The total exportation of animals
and animal products amounts to $70,-000,000. Of this
exportation the principal item is wool, the wool-clip of
Argentina being, in weight, one seventh of the total wool-clip of
the world. Unfortunately, however, Argentina wool is very dirty,
and when washed reduces to one third, while Australian wool
reduces only to two thirds or three fifths and is free from seeds.
The profit accruing to the Argentina wool-grower is thereby
lessened. But, nevertheless, wool-growing in Argentina is a very
profitable industry, and many farmers (principally Irish settlers)
have from 50,000 to 100,000 sheep each. Cattle-farming is
carried on mostly by native Argentines, and many cattle farms
are stocked with as many as 10,000 cattle and 2000 horses each.
The great exports of Argentina, therefore, after wheat and corn
and wool, are hides and skins, tallow, chilled beef, and mutton
and bones. There are five factories in Buenos Ayres engaged
wholly in chilling mutton, and the export of chilled mutton to
Page 183
Great Britain alone is $5,000,000 a year. Another growing
agricultural product is wine, the yearly production being
1,500,000 gallons. Notwithstanding Argentina's magnificent
forest areas, but little timber is exported or even manufactured
for home consumption. The other principal manufacturing
industries are carriage-, cart-, and harness-making, cigarette- and
match-making, preserving and tinning meat, brewing, flour- and
corn-milling, and the making of macaroni.
BUENOS AYRES
The most prosperous part of South America.
agricultural product is wine, the yearly production being
1,500,000 gallons. Notwithstanding Argentina's magnificent
forest areas, but little timber is exported or even manufactured
for home consumption. The other principal manufacturing
industries are carriage-, cart-, and harness-making, cigarette- and
match-making, preserving and tinning meat, brewing, flour- and
corn-milling, and the making of macaroni.
BUENOS AYRES
The most prosperous part of South America.
Page 184
Buenos Ayres, the capital of Argentina, is the largest city not
only in South America but in the whole southern hemisphere.
The La Plata, at whose mouth it stands, affords navigation into
all the northern parts of the republic, as well as into the
neighbouring states of Uruguay, Paraguay, Brazil, and Bolivia.
The riverside at Buenos Ayres is at all times of the year a perfect
forest of masts and smoke-stacks belonging to the shipping that
supplies this navigation. Recently, at a cost of $25,000,000, the
river, which here is shallow, has been deepened and new wharves
and docks have been built, and ocean-going vessels of the
deepest draught (which formerly used to be lightened fourteen
miles away) can now unload or be loaded right in the very heart
of the city. The total commerce of the republic amounts to
$200,000,000 or $225,000,000 a year, and of this trade Buenos
Ayres transacts seven eighths in imports and three fifths in
exports. The amount of this trade secured by the United States is
about a tenth, running from $12,000,000 to $24,000,000. In 1896
it was only $12,500,000. The principal export trade is with
France ($24,000,000), Great Britain ($14,000,000), Germany
($13,000,000), and Belgium. Great Britain does not buy
Argentina wool. The principal import trade is with Great Britain
($45,000,000), Germany ($14,000,000), France ($12,000,000),
and Italy. The Buenos Ayreans are fond of display and of dress
and of ornamentation, and the importations from France and
Italy are principally of goods to gratify this fondness. There is a
considerable exportation of wheat, flour, tobacco, and maté
(Paraguay tea) to Brazil and other South American states.
Buenos Ayres is the centre of the Argentina railway system,
which consists of about 9000 miles of road. There are 25,500
miles of telegraph routes. The national debt amounts to
$430,000,000. The provincial debts amount to about
$140,000,000. The taxation amounts to nearly ten per cent. of the
earnings of the people, as against four and one half per cent. in
Canada and five per cent. in Australia.
only in South America but in the whole southern hemisphere.
The La Plata, at whose mouth it stands, affords navigation into
all the northern parts of the republic, as well as into the
neighbouring states of Uruguay, Paraguay, Brazil, and Bolivia.
The riverside at Buenos Ayres is at all times of the year a perfect
forest of masts and smoke-stacks belonging to the shipping that
supplies this navigation. Recently, at a cost of $25,000,000, the
river, which here is shallow, has been deepened and new wharves
and docks have been built, and ocean-going vessels of the
deepest draught (which formerly used to be lightened fourteen
miles away) can now unload or be loaded right in the very heart
of the city. The total commerce of the republic amounts to
$200,000,000 or $225,000,000 a year, and of this trade Buenos
Ayres transacts seven eighths in imports and three fifths in
exports. The amount of this trade secured by the United States is
about a tenth, running from $12,000,000 to $24,000,000. In 1896
it was only $12,500,000. The principal export trade is with
France ($24,000,000), Great Britain ($14,000,000), Germany
($13,000,000), and Belgium. Great Britain does not buy
Argentina wool. The principal import trade is with Great Britain
($45,000,000), Germany ($14,000,000), France ($12,000,000),
and Italy. The Buenos Ayreans are fond of display and of dress
and of ornamentation, and the importations from France and
Italy are principally of goods to gratify this fondness. There is a
considerable exportation of wheat, flour, tobacco, and maté
(Paraguay tea) to Brazil and other South American states.
Buenos Ayres is the centre of the Argentina railway system,
which consists of about 9000 miles of road. There are 25,500
miles of telegraph routes. The national debt amounts to
$430,000,000. The provincial debts amount to about
$140,000,000. The taxation amounts to nearly ten per cent. of the
earnings of the people, as against four and one half per cent. in
Canada and five per cent. in Australia.
Page 185
BRAZIL
Brazil is a much larger and more populous country than
Argentina. Its area (3,209,878 square miles) is as large as that of
all the United States, less half of Alaska. A great portion of this
area is of superlatively tropical richness of production. But,
unfortunately, the most fertile parts of Brazil are the parts least
fit for settlement by white men. The population by the last
census is approximately 14,500,000, but less than 4,000,000 of
this population are pure whites. The negroes that were lately
slaves number over 2,000,000, and there are supposed to be
about 1,000,000 Indians. Intermediate between the Indians and
negroes and the white population are the numerous mixed races
or half-breeds. Agriculture is the chief industry, but is of two
kinds: the tropical agriculture of the central and south central
seaboard, which is carried on principally by negro and mulatto
labour, and the agriculture of the temperate region of the extreme
south, which is carried on mainly by colonists from Europe, the
recent European emigration being almost wholly directed toward
that region. Almost the whole of the interior of Brazil still
remains unsettled and untilled. The coffee yield of Brazil is
enormous and is its principal product. The production amounts to
8,000,000 bags or over 1,000,000,000 pounds annually, which is
more than two thirds of the total amount of coffee used in the
world. Labour for coffee cultivation is scarce and dear, and in the
earlier stages of the production of the berry the Brazilian coffee
gets badly treated. But machinery is used wherever possible, and
in the later stages of the production the Brazilian coffee gets the
best attention that skill can devise. As a consequence the coffee
product of Brazil is rising in the estimation of coffee-users. The
shrubs are cultivated under palm-trees so as to keep them from
the intense heat of the sun. Three or four harvests of berries are
obtained in a year. Rio Janeiro and Santos are the two chief
centres of the coffee industry. Next to coffee the chief tropical
product is sugar, the export of which is about 250,000 tons
annually, principally from Pernambuco. Other products of the
Brazil is a much larger and more populous country than
Argentina. Its area (3,209,878 square miles) is as large as that of
all the United States, less half of Alaska. A great portion of this
area is of superlatively tropical richness of production. But,
unfortunately, the most fertile parts of Brazil are the parts least
fit for settlement by white men. The population by the last
census is approximately 14,500,000, but less than 4,000,000 of
this population are pure whites. The negroes that were lately
slaves number over 2,000,000, and there are supposed to be
about 1,000,000 Indians. Intermediate between the Indians and
negroes and the white population are the numerous mixed races
or half-breeds. Agriculture is the chief industry, but is of two
kinds: the tropical agriculture of the central and south central
seaboard, which is carried on principally by negro and mulatto
labour, and the agriculture of the temperate region of the extreme
south, which is carried on mainly by colonists from Europe, the
recent European emigration being almost wholly directed toward
that region. Almost the whole of the interior of Brazil still
remains unsettled and untilled. The coffee yield of Brazil is
enormous and is its principal product. The production amounts to
8,000,000 bags or over 1,000,000,000 pounds annually, which is
more than two thirds of the total amount of coffee used in the
world. Labour for coffee cultivation is scarce and dear, and in the
earlier stages of the production of the berry the Brazilian coffee
gets badly treated. But machinery is used wherever possible, and
in the later stages of the production the Brazilian coffee gets the
best attention that skill can devise. As a consequence the coffee
product of Brazil is rising in the estimation of coffee-users. The
shrubs are cultivated under palm-trees so as to keep them from
the intense heat of the sun. Three or four harvests of berries are
obtained in a year. Rio Janeiro and Santos are the two chief
centres of the coffee industry. Next to coffee the chief tropical
product is sugar, the export of which is about 250,000 tons
annually, principally from Pernambuco. Other products of the
Page 186
tropical area of Brazil are cocoa and cotton, from the cultivated
coast regions, and rubber and Brazil-nuts, from the dense forests
of the lower Amazon; also dyewoods and cabinet woods, drugs,
and diamonds. For many years Brazil was celebrated for its
diamonds—obtained chiefly from a town in the interior named
Diamantina. The present diamond production is not large. From
the temperate agricultural region of the south, dried beef, hides,
and tallow are the chief exports. The greatest customer of
Brazilian produce is the United States, which takes $70,000,000
worth. Great Britain is next, with $35,000,000 worth (in rubber
alone in 1896 $15,000,000). Brazil gets her goods principally
from Great Britain, the United States, France, and Germany—
from Great Britain $20,000,000, from the United States
$13,000,000. The imports include almost all articles needed for
domestic and manufacturing purposes—particularly cottons and
woollens, ironware, machinery, lumber, flour, rice, dried meats,
kerosene, butter, and fish. There are, however, 155 cotton
factories established in Brazil, with capital to the value of
$50,000,000, and cotton manufacturing is protected by very
heavy duties. But agricultural machinery and such like
manufactures are very lightly taxed. The principal food of the
people is manioc flour (tapioca).
RIO JANEIRO
Rio Janeiro (674,972), the capital and principal city, though a
poor-looking place, is situated on a magnificent harbour—one of
the very finest in the world. About 1500 vessels, with tonnage
amounting to 2,500,000 tons, enter Rio Janeiro with foreign
trade annually. Nine thousand miles of railway have been built in
Brazil and 3500 more are in course of construction, and 12,000
miles of telegraph routes have been built. Rio Janeiro is the chief
railway centre, but other centres are Rio Grande do Sul, in the
temperate regions of the south, and Bahia and Pernambuco, in
the tropical regions. The public (national) debt of Brazil is not
coast regions, and rubber and Brazil-nuts, from the dense forests
of the lower Amazon; also dyewoods and cabinet woods, drugs,
and diamonds. For many years Brazil was celebrated for its
diamonds—obtained chiefly from a town in the interior named
Diamantina. The present diamond production is not large. From
the temperate agricultural region of the south, dried beef, hides,
and tallow are the chief exports. The greatest customer of
Brazilian produce is the United States, which takes $70,000,000
worth. Great Britain is next, with $35,000,000 worth (in rubber
alone in 1896 $15,000,000). Brazil gets her goods principally
from Great Britain, the United States, France, and Germany—
from Great Britain $20,000,000, from the United States
$13,000,000. The imports include almost all articles needed for
domestic and manufacturing purposes—particularly cottons and
woollens, ironware, machinery, lumber, flour, rice, dried meats,
kerosene, butter, and fish. There are, however, 155 cotton
factories established in Brazil, with capital to the value of
$50,000,000, and cotton manufacturing is protected by very
heavy duties. But agricultural machinery and such like
manufactures are very lightly taxed. The principal food of the
people is manioc flour (tapioca).
RIO JANEIRO
Rio Janeiro (674,972), the capital and principal city, though a
poor-looking place, is situated on a magnificent harbour—one of
the very finest in the world. About 1500 vessels, with tonnage
amounting to 2,500,000 tons, enter Rio Janeiro with foreign
trade annually. Nine thousand miles of railway have been built in
Brazil and 3500 more are in course of construction, and 12,000
miles of telegraph routes have been built. Rio Janeiro is the chief
railway centre, but other centres are Rio Grande do Sul, in the
temperate regions of the south, and Bahia and Pernambuco, in
the tropical regions. The public (national) debt of Brazil is not
Page 187
far short of $1,000,000,000, bearing interest (a great part of it) at
from four to six per cent. per annum.
XII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF CANADA
CANADA, PRACTICALLY AN INDEPENDENT
FEDERAL REPUBLIC
The dominion of Canada comprises all that portion of the
continent of North America north of the United States—except
Alaska and Newfoundland and the coast of Labrador.
(Newfoundland and the Labrador coast is a colony in direct
relationship to Great Britain.) Canada is entirely self-governing
and self-maintaining, and its connection with Great Britain is
almost wholly a matter of loyalty and affection. It consists (1) of
seven Provinces: Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, and British
Columbia, which, in their self-governing powers and their
relation to the general government, correspond very closely to
our States; (2) of four Territories—Assiniboia, Alberta,
Saskatchewan, and Athabasca, which correspond somewhat to
our Territories; (3) of four other Territories—Ungava, Franklin,
Mackenzie, and Yukon, which are administered by the general
government; and (4) the District of Keewatin, which is under the
jurisdiction of the lieutenant-governor of Manitoba. The capital
of the whole dominion is Ottawa. Each province has its own
capital.
SIZE, SOIL, CLIMATE, AND POPULATION OF CANADA
from four to six per cent. per annum.
XII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF CANADA
CANADA, PRACTICALLY AN INDEPENDENT
FEDERAL REPUBLIC
The dominion of Canada comprises all that portion of the
continent of North America north of the United States—except
Alaska and Newfoundland and the coast of Labrador.
(Newfoundland and the Labrador coast is a colony in direct
relationship to Great Britain.) Canada is entirely self-governing
and self-maintaining, and its connection with Great Britain is
almost wholly a matter of loyalty and affection. It consists (1) of
seven Provinces: Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, and British
Columbia, which, in their self-governing powers and their
relation to the general government, correspond very closely to
our States; (2) of four Territories—Assiniboia, Alberta,
Saskatchewan, and Athabasca, which correspond somewhat to
our Territories; (3) of four other Territories—Ungava, Franklin,
Mackenzie, and Yukon, which are administered by the general
government; and (4) the District of Keewatin, which is under the
jurisdiction of the lieutenant-governor of Manitoba. The capital
of the whole dominion is Ottawa. Each province has its own
capital.
SIZE, SOIL, CLIMATE, AND POPULATION OF CANADA
Page 188
The area of Canada is immense. It figures up to 3,456,383 square
miles, which is almost 500,000 square miles more than the total
area of the United States exclusive of Alaska, and not far short of
being equal to the area of all Europe. But almost 150,000 square
miles of this area are taken up by lakes and rivers; and a much
greater portion than this, under present conditions of civilisation,
is wholly uninhabitable, being either too cold or too barren. Yet
when all the necessary allowances have been made there still
remains in Canada an immense area with soil fertile enough and
climate favourable enough for all the purposes of a highly
civilised population. Over 900,000 square miles are already
occupied, and of the occupied area fully one half has been
"improved." The older provinces are, acre for acre, as suitable
for agricultural pursuits as the adjoining States of the Union.
Manitoba, the "Prairie Province," is almost one vast wheat field,
with a productivity for wheat unequalled anywhere except in the
Red River valley of Minnesota and Dakota. The Manitoba grain
harvest foots up to 50,000,000 bushels. British Columbia is a
land of almost infinite possibilities, not only because of its
mineral and timber resources, but also because of its capabilities
for agriculture and fruit-growing. The Territories are so vast an
area that no general description of them is possible, but it may be
said that the great wheat valley of the Saskatchewan, the
sheltered grazing country of Alberta, and the great wheat plains
of the Peace River valley in Athabasca, are regions adapted in
soil and climate to sustain a hardy and vigorous people. The
population of Canada is comparatively small. It is estimated at
5,250,000. Over 1,000,000 people of Canadian birth reside in the
United States, and the number of Americans residing in Canada
is only 80,000. Out of the 2,425,000 persons who came to
Canada as immigrants in a period of forty years, no fewer than
1,310,000, or fifty four per cent., came over into the United
States. It is stated that this exodus has ceased, and that if any
great movement of population now exists it is toward Canada.
miles, which is almost 500,000 square miles more than the total
area of the United States exclusive of Alaska, and not far short of
being equal to the area of all Europe. But almost 150,000 square
miles of this area are taken up by lakes and rivers; and a much
greater portion than this, under present conditions of civilisation,
is wholly uninhabitable, being either too cold or too barren. Yet
when all the necessary allowances have been made there still
remains in Canada an immense area with soil fertile enough and
climate favourable enough for all the purposes of a highly
civilised population. Over 900,000 square miles are already
occupied, and of the occupied area fully one half has been
"improved." The older provinces are, acre for acre, as suitable
for agricultural pursuits as the adjoining States of the Union.
Manitoba, the "Prairie Province," is almost one vast wheat field,
with a productivity for wheat unequalled anywhere except in the
Red River valley of Minnesota and Dakota. The Manitoba grain
harvest foots up to 50,000,000 bushels. British Columbia is a
land of almost infinite possibilities, not only because of its
mineral and timber resources, but also because of its capabilities
for agriculture and fruit-growing. The Territories are so vast an
area that no general description of them is possible, but it may be
said that the great wheat valley of the Saskatchewan, the
sheltered grazing country of Alberta, and the great wheat plains
of the Peace River valley in Athabasca, are regions adapted in
soil and climate to sustain a hardy and vigorous people. The
population of Canada is comparatively small. It is estimated at
5,250,000. Over 1,000,000 people of Canadian birth reside in the
United States, and the number of Americans residing in Canada
is only 80,000. Out of the 2,425,000 persons who came to
Canada as immigrants in a period of forty years, no fewer than
1,310,000, or fifty four per cent., came over into the United
States. It is stated that this exodus has ceased, and that if any
great movement of population now exists it is toward Canada.
Page 189
CANADA'S FOREST WEALTH
Canada, like all new countries, depends for her prosperity upon
the development and exportation of her natural products. These
are of four great classes: (1), the products of her forests; (2), the
products of her mines; (3), the products of her fisheries; (4), her
agricultural products. Canada's forest resources, when both
extent and quality are considered, are the finest in the world. The
forest area uncut was in 1891 nearly 1,250,000 square miles, or
more than one third of the area of the whole country. The annual
value of the timber and lumber produced is about $82,500,000.
The annual value of the timber and lumber exported is about
$32,000,000. Two thirds of this goes to Great Britain, and over
$9,000,000 in lumber and logs goes to the United States. Quebec
and Ontario have unlimited supplies of spruce for wood-pulp
manufacture, the annual output of which reaches 200,000 tons.
The uncut lumber of British Columbia, which includes Douglas
pine, Menzies fir, spruce, red and yellow cedar, and hemlock, is
estimated to be 100,000,000,000 cubic feet.
CANADA'S MINERAL RESOURCES
Canada is just beginning to realise the largeness of her mineral
resources. The most talked of gold-mines are those of the
Klondike district, the extent of which is still uncertain. Much
more definitely known and almost as productive are the gold-
mines of British Columbia and the newly discovered gold-fields
of the Rainy River district in northern Ontario. More important
than the gold-mines of Canada are its coal-fields. These are
principally in Nova Scotia and British Columbia. The latter
province is destined to be the coal-supplying region for the
whole Pacific coast of North America. The yearly output at
present is about 1,000,000 tons; the yearly output of Nova Scotia
is about 2,000,000 tons, principally produced by American
Canada, like all new countries, depends for her prosperity upon
the development and exportation of her natural products. These
are of four great classes: (1), the products of her forests; (2), the
products of her mines; (3), the products of her fisheries; (4), her
agricultural products. Canada's forest resources, when both
extent and quality are considered, are the finest in the world. The
forest area uncut was in 1891 nearly 1,250,000 square miles, or
more than one third of the area of the whole country. The annual
value of the timber and lumber produced is about $82,500,000.
The annual value of the timber and lumber exported is about
$32,000,000. Two thirds of this goes to Great Britain, and over
$9,000,000 in lumber and logs goes to the United States. Quebec
and Ontario have unlimited supplies of spruce for wood-pulp
manufacture, the annual output of which reaches 200,000 tons.
The uncut lumber of British Columbia, which includes Douglas
pine, Menzies fir, spruce, red and yellow cedar, and hemlock, is
estimated to be 100,000,000,000 cubic feet.
CANADA'S MINERAL RESOURCES
Canada is just beginning to realise the largeness of her mineral
resources. The most talked of gold-mines are those of the
Klondike district, the extent of which is still uncertain. Much
more definitely known and almost as productive are the gold-
mines of British Columbia and the newly discovered gold-fields
of the Rainy River district in northern Ontario. More important
than the gold-mines of Canada are its coal-fields. These are
principally in Nova Scotia and British Columbia. The latter
province is destined to be the coal-supplying region for the
whole Pacific coast of North America. The yearly output at
present is about 1,000,000 tons; the yearly output of Nova Scotia
is about 2,000,000 tons, principally produced by American
Page 190
capital. In Alberta there are said to be coal-fields having an area
of 65,000 square miles. Iron is found in abundance in both
British Columbia and Ontario. Ontario has in its nickel-mines of
Sudbury a mineral treasure not found elsewhere in equal
abundance in the world. Experts have estimated that 650,000,000
tons of this ore are actually in sight. Ontario produces petroleum
and salt. Silver, copper, lead, asbestos, plumbago, mica, etc., are
found in varying quantities. Canada imports annually from the
United States nearly $10,000,000 worth of coal and coke.
CANADA'S FISHERIES
The fisheries of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and of the shallow
waters bordering on Nova Scotia and Newfoundland have for
centuries been the most productive in the world. The Canadian
fishing interest in these waters is very great. Cod, mackerel,
haddock, halibut, herring, smelts, and salmon, are the principal
fish, and the annual "take" is about $15,000,000. About
$2,500,000 worth of whitefish, salmon-trout, herring, pickerel,
and sturgeon are produced annually from the Canadian lakes.
The salmon-fishing of the rivers and great sea-inlets of British
Columbia brings about $4,500,000 annually. About one half of
the total product is exported to Great Britain and the United
States.
CANADA'S AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Agriculture, including stock-raising, dairying and fruit-growing,
is Canada's greatest industry. Over 23,000,000 acres are under
crop and about 20,000,000 under pasture. Over 3,000,000 acres
are under wheat cultivation. Ontario exports more than twice as
much cheese as the whole of the United States, and her cheese
of 65,000 square miles. Iron is found in abundance in both
British Columbia and Ontario. Ontario has in its nickel-mines of
Sudbury a mineral treasure not found elsewhere in equal
abundance in the world. Experts have estimated that 650,000,000
tons of this ore are actually in sight. Ontario produces petroleum
and salt. Silver, copper, lead, asbestos, plumbago, mica, etc., are
found in varying quantities. Canada imports annually from the
United States nearly $10,000,000 worth of coal and coke.
CANADA'S FISHERIES
The fisheries of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and of the shallow
waters bordering on Nova Scotia and Newfoundland have for
centuries been the most productive in the world. The Canadian
fishing interest in these waters is very great. Cod, mackerel,
haddock, halibut, herring, smelts, and salmon, are the principal
fish, and the annual "take" is about $15,000,000. About
$2,500,000 worth of whitefish, salmon-trout, herring, pickerel,
and sturgeon are produced annually from the Canadian lakes.
The salmon-fishing of the rivers and great sea-inlets of British
Columbia brings about $4,500,000 annually. About one half of
the total product is exported to Great Britain and the United
States.
CANADA'S AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Agriculture, including stock-raising, dairying and fruit-growing,
is Canada's greatest industry. Over 23,000,000 acres are under
crop and about 20,000,000 under pasture. Over 3,000,000 acres
are under wheat cultivation. Ontario exports more than twice as
much cheese as the whole of the United States, and her cheese
Page 191
product is recognised as the finest in the world. Canada exports
to Great Britain alone $15,000,000 worth of cheese annually. In
1896, in Ontario alone, 170 creameries turned out over
6,000,000 pounds of butter at an average net receipt of 18¼ cents
a pound. By the cold-storage facilities provided by the
government Canadian butter can be sent even from far inland
points to Liverpool or London without the slightest deterioration.
England buys $6,000,000 worth of Canadian bacon and hams
annually, and Canadian beef is already famous on the London
market. American corn for stock-feeding is admitted to Canada
free of duty and about $10,000,000 worth is imported annually.
A great deal of eastern and southern Canada is well adapted to
fruit-raising. The Niagara-St. Clair peninsula of Ontario is
especially famous for its peaches and grapes.
CANADA'S TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES
Canada has made a great effort in the direction of encouraging
home manufactures, but her most progressive and most staple
industries are those concerned in the conversion of the raw
products of the country into articles of common merchandise.
Her steam horse-power in proportion to population is the largest
in the world. The capital invested in factories as a whole
amounts to over $400,000,000, with an annual output of over
$500,000,000. Her total annual importation is now over
$130,000,000. More than half of this is from the United States.
Canada's total annual exportation is about $160,000,000. Of this
over one third goes to the United States. Canada's total trade
with the United States is about forty one per cent. of her total
trade with all countries, and almost equal to her total trade with
Great Britain. Canada's total trade with the United States is
exceeded only by that of Great Britain, Germany, and France,
and her import trade with the United States is exceeded only by
that of Great Britain and Germany.
to Great Britain alone $15,000,000 worth of cheese annually. In
1896, in Ontario alone, 170 creameries turned out over
6,000,000 pounds of butter at an average net receipt of 18¼ cents
a pound. By the cold-storage facilities provided by the
government Canadian butter can be sent even from far inland
points to Liverpool or London without the slightest deterioration.
England buys $6,000,000 worth of Canadian bacon and hams
annually, and Canadian beef is already famous on the London
market. American corn for stock-feeding is admitted to Canada
free of duty and about $10,000,000 worth is imported annually.
A great deal of eastern and southern Canada is well adapted to
fruit-raising. The Niagara-St. Clair peninsula of Ontario is
especially famous for its peaches and grapes.
CANADA'S TRADE WITH THE UNITED STATES
Canada has made a great effort in the direction of encouraging
home manufactures, but her most progressive and most staple
industries are those concerned in the conversion of the raw
products of the country into articles of common merchandise.
Her steam horse-power in proportion to population is the largest
in the world. The capital invested in factories as a whole
amounts to over $400,000,000, with an annual output of over
$500,000,000. Her total annual importation is now over
$130,000,000. More than half of this is from the United States.
Canada's total annual exportation is about $160,000,000. Of this
over one third goes to the United States. Canada's total trade
with the United States is about forty one per cent. of her total
trade with all countries, and almost equal to her total trade with
Great Britain. Canada's total trade with the United States is
exceeded only by that of Great Britain, Germany, and France,
and her import trade with the United States is exceeded only by
that of Great Britain and Germany.
Page 192
Trade centres of Canada and trunk railway lines.
CANADIAN CITIES
Montreal (250,000) is the commercial metropolis of Canada. It
is situated on an island in the St. Lawrence River, and, though
1000 miles from the open ocean, the largest sea-going vessels
reach its wharves with ease. It is the headquarters of Canada's
two great railways—the Canadian Pacific system, with its 8000
miles of road, and the Grand Trunk system, with its 5000 miles
of road. Through passenger-trains run from Montreal to
Vancouver on the Pacific coast, a distance of nearly 3000 miles.
Montreal is the centre also of the great inland navigation system
of Canada.
Toronto (200,000), the capital of the province of Ontario, is the
second city of Canada. While Toronto has a great local trade and
many important manufactures, it is specially noted as an
educational centre. Quebec (80,000) is the oldest city of Canada
and one of the oldest upon the continent. Halifax (50,000), the
eastern terminus of the Canadian railway system, has one of the
finest harbours in the world. Winnipeg (35,000) is destined to be
the centre of the great inland trade of Canada.
CANADIAN CITIES
Montreal (250,000) is the commercial metropolis of Canada. It
is situated on an island in the St. Lawrence River, and, though
1000 miles from the open ocean, the largest sea-going vessels
reach its wharves with ease. It is the headquarters of Canada's
two great railways—the Canadian Pacific system, with its 8000
miles of road, and the Grand Trunk system, with its 5000 miles
of road. Through passenger-trains run from Montreal to
Vancouver on the Pacific coast, a distance of nearly 3000 miles.
Montreal is the centre also of the great inland navigation system
of Canada.
Toronto (200,000), the capital of the province of Ontario, is the
second city of Canada. While Toronto has a great local trade and
many important manufactures, it is specially noted as an
educational centre. Quebec (80,000) is the oldest city of Canada
and one of the oldest upon the continent. Halifax (50,000), the
eastern terminus of the Canadian railway system, has one of the
finest harbours in the world. Winnipeg (35,000) is destined to be
the centre of the great inland trade of Canada.
Page 193
XIII. THE TRADE FEATURES OF THE UNITED
STATES
THE CHARACTER OF OUR EXPORT TRADE
Having reviewed the industrial and trading conditions of the
other great commercial nations of the world, it should now
remain for us to review these conditions in the United States. But
the United States is so large a country, and its trading and
industrial interests are so diversified and extensive, that it would
be impossible for us in the limits of our space even barely to
touch upon all these interests. So that with respect to the "Trade
Features of the United States" we shall simply confine ourselves
to one part of the subject—namely, the character, extent, and
importance of our foreign trade. And we shall, further, have to
restrict ourselves in the main to our exports. These will be found
to be principally not manufactures, but the products of our great
agricultural, mining, and forest industries. The total value of the
manufactures of the United States amounts in round numbers to
the immense sum of $10,000,000,000 annually, a sum
considerably more than a third (it is thirty five per cent.) of the
total value of the annual manufactures of the world. But only a
very small portion of this vast output is exported. The greater
portion of it is used to sustain the still vaster internal trade of our
country, a trade which amounts to more than $15,500,000,000
annually, an amount not far short of being one third of the total
internal trade of the world, and not far short of being twice the
internal trade of Great Britain and Ireland, the country whose
internal trade comes next to ours. Our exports, therefore, are not
in the main manufactured goods, but breadstuffs, provisions, and
raw materials, the production of our farms, our plantations, our
forests, and our mines. But principally they are the products of
our farms and our plantations, for with the exception of cotton
we do not export much raw material. Nearly all the raw material
STATES
THE CHARACTER OF OUR EXPORT TRADE
Having reviewed the industrial and trading conditions of the
other great commercial nations of the world, it should now
remain for us to review these conditions in the United States. But
the United States is so large a country, and its trading and
industrial interests are so diversified and extensive, that it would
be impossible for us in the limits of our space even barely to
touch upon all these interests. So that with respect to the "Trade
Features of the United States" we shall simply confine ourselves
to one part of the subject—namely, the character, extent, and
importance of our foreign trade. And we shall, further, have to
restrict ourselves in the main to our exports. These will be found
to be principally not manufactures, but the products of our great
agricultural, mining, and forest industries. The total value of the
manufactures of the United States amounts in round numbers to
the immense sum of $10,000,000,000 annually, a sum
considerably more than a third (it is thirty five per cent.) of the
total value of the annual manufactures of the world. But only a
very small portion of this vast output is exported. The greater
portion of it is used to sustain the still vaster internal trade of our
country, a trade which amounts to more than $15,500,000,000
annually, an amount not far short of being one third of the total
internal trade of the world, and not far short of being twice the
internal trade of Great Britain and Ireland, the country whose
internal trade comes next to ours. Our exports, therefore, are not
in the main manufactured goods, but breadstuffs, provisions, and
raw materials, the production of our farms, our plantations, our
forests, and our mines. But principally they are the products of
our farms and our plantations, for with the exception of cotton
we do not export much raw material. Nearly all the raw material
Page 194
we produce (other than cotton) we use in our own manufactures.
And even this is not enough, for in addition we have to import
considerable quantities of raw material for our manufactures
from other countries, the principal items being raw sugar, raw
silk, raw wool, chemicals of various kinds including dye-stuffs,
hides and skins, lumber, tin, nickel, and paper stock.
OUR EXPORT TRADE IN DETAIL
Our total exportation for the twelve months ended June 30, 1898,
amounted to the unprecedented sum of nearly $1,250,000,000
($1,231,329,950).[4] This is an amount almost a quarter of a
billion dollars greater than ever before, the only years when the
export even approximated this amount being 1897 and 1892,
when the exportation was slightly over a billion dollars in each
case. Of this exportation the sum of $855,000,000, or seventy
one per cent. of the whole, was for the products of agriculture,
the principal items being (1) "breadstuffs," including wheat and
wheat flour, corn and cornmeal, oats and oatmeal, rye and rye
flour, $335,000,000; (2) cotton, $231,000,000; (3) "provisions,"
including beef and tallow, bacon and hams, pork and lard,
oleomargarine, and butter and cheese, $166,000,000; (4)
animals, including cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs, $47,000,000;
(5) raw tobacco, $23,000,000; (6) oil-cake, $12,500,000, and (7)
fruits and nuts, $9,000,000. The exports of the products of our
mines amounted to only 1.6 per cent. of the total export, or
scarcely $20,000,000, the principal items being (1) coal and
coke, $12,500,000; (2) crude petroleum, $4,000,000, and (3)
copper ore. The exports of the products of the forest amounted to
only three per cent. of the total export, or $38,000,000, the
principal items being (1) sawed and hewn timber, logs, lumber,
shingles, and staves, $28,500,000, and (2) naval stores, including
resin, tar, turpentine, and pitch, $9,000,000. The exports of the
products of our fisheries amounted to only $4,500,000, or less
than one half of one per cent. of the total exports. The exports of
And even this is not enough, for in addition we have to import
considerable quantities of raw material for our manufactures
from other countries, the principal items being raw sugar, raw
silk, raw wool, chemicals of various kinds including dye-stuffs,
hides and skins, lumber, tin, nickel, and paper stock.
OUR EXPORT TRADE IN DETAIL
Our total exportation for the twelve months ended June 30, 1898,
amounted to the unprecedented sum of nearly $1,250,000,000
($1,231,329,950).[4] This is an amount almost a quarter of a
billion dollars greater than ever before, the only years when the
export even approximated this amount being 1897 and 1892,
when the exportation was slightly over a billion dollars in each
case. Of this exportation the sum of $855,000,000, or seventy
one per cent. of the whole, was for the products of agriculture,
the principal items being (1) "breadstuffs," including wheat and
wheat flour, corn and cornmeal, oats and oatmeal, rye and rye
flour, $335,000,000; (2) cotton, $231,000,000; (3) "provisions,"
including beef and tallow, bacon and hams, pork and lard,
oleomargarine, and butter and cheese, $166,000,000; (4)
animals, including cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs, $47,000,000;
(5) raw tobacco, $23,000,000; (6) oil-cake, $12,500,000, and (7)
fruits and nuts, $9,000,000. The exports of the products of our
mines amounted to only 1.6 per cent. of the total export, or
scarcely $20,000,000, the principal items being (1) coal and
coke, $12,500,000; (2) crude petroleum, $4,000,000, and (3)
copper ore. The exports of the products of the forest amounted to
only three per cent. of the total export, or $38,000,000, the
principal items being (1) sawed and hewn timber, logs, lumber,
shingles, and staves, $28,500,000, and (2) naval stores, including
resin, tar, turpentine, and pitch, $9,000,000. The exports of the
products of our fisheries amounted to only $4,500,000, or less
than one half of one per cent. of the total exports. The exports of
Page 195
the products of our manufactures, according to the official
returns, amounted to $289,000,000, or twenty four per cent. of
the total export. But this sum included many items which
represent raw natural products converted merely into material for
subsequent manufacture, as, for example, pig- and bar-iron,
planed boards, sole leather, ingot- and bar-copper, cotton-seed
oil, and pig- and bar-zinc. The principal items in the true
"manufactures" list are (1) machinery, including metal-working
machinery, steam-engines and locomotives, electrical machinery,
pumping machinery, sewing-machines, typewriting-machines
and printing-presses, and railway rails, hardware, and nails,
$65,000,000; (2) refined petroleum, $50,000,000; (3)
manufactures of cotton, $17,000,000; (4) vegetable oils and
essences, $12,000,000; (5) agricultural implements, $7,000,000;
(6) cycles, $7,000,000; (7) paper and stationery, $5,500,000; (8)
furniture and other manufactures of wood, $5,000,000; (9)
tobacco and cigarettes, $5,000,000; (10) fertilisers, $4,500,000;
(11) boots and shoes, harness, and rubber shoes, $3,500,000;
(12) telegraph, telephone, and other instruments, $3,000,000;
(13) bags, cordage, and twine, $2,500,000; (14) books and
pamphlets, $2,500,000; (15) sugar, syrup, molasses, candy, and
confectionery, $2,000,000; (16) spirits, including brandy and
whisky, $2,000,000; and (17) clocks and watches, $2,000,000.
FOOTNOTE:
[4]
For the year ending June 30, 1899, the total
exportation amounted to $1,204,123,134.
OUR EXPORTS AND THOSE OF GREAT BRITAIN
COMPARED
returns, amounted to $289,000,000, or twenty four per cent. of
the total export. But this sum included many items which
represent raw natural products converted merely into material for
subsequent manufacture, as, for example, pig- and bar-iron,
planed boards, sole leather, ingot- and bar-copper, cotton-seed
oil, and pig- and bar-zinc. The principal items in the true
"manufactures" list are (1) machinery, including metal-working
machinery, steam-engines and locomotives, electrical machinery,
pumping machinery, sewing-machines, typewriting-machines
and printing-presses, and railway rails, hardware, and nails,
$65,000,000; (2) refined petroleum, $50,000,000; (3)
manufactures of cotton, $17,000,000; (4) vegetable oils and
essences, $12,000,000; (5) agricultural implements, $7,000,000;
(6) cycles, $7,000,000; (7) paper and stationery, $5,500,000; (8)
furniture and other manufactures of wood, $5,000,000; (9)
tobacco and cigarettes, $5,000,000; (10) fertilisers, $4,500,000;
(11) boots and shoes, harness, and rubber shoes, $3,500,000;
(12) telegraph, telephone, and other instruments, $3,000,000;
(13) bags, cordage, and twine, $2,500,000; (14) books and
pamphlets, $2,500,000; (15) sugar, syrup, molasses, candy, and
confectionery, $2,000,000; (16) spirits, including brandy and
whisky, $2,000,000; and (17) clocks and watches, $2,000,000.
FOOTNOTE:
[4]
For the year ending June 30, 1899, the total
exportation amounted to $1,204,123,134.
OUR EXPORTS AND THOSE OF GREAT BRITAIN
COMPARED
Page 196
The significance of these figures descriptive of our export trade
will be better understood from a few comparisons. Our total
exportation for the year 1897-8 was, as said before, in round
numbers, $1,250,000,000. For the year previous it was over
$1,000,000,000. The exportation of Great Britain for the year
1896 was $1,500,000,000. For the year 1897 it was almost the
same amount. For the year 1895 it was $1,450,000,000. But
whereas our exportation of breadstuffs, provisions, animals,
fruit, etc., and of raw materials, such as cotton, lumber, ores, etc.,
amounts to probably 77 or 78 per cent. of our total exportation,
while our exportation of manufactured goods amounts to not
more than 22 or 23 per cent., the exportation of breadstuffs,
provisions, raw material, etc., which Great Britain makes is not
more than one sixth, or 17 per cent., of her total exportation,
while her exportation of manufactured goods is five sixths, or 83
per cent., of her total exportation. For example, Great Britain's
export of textiles alone amounts to over $500,000,000 a year (for
1896 $526,647,525), while our total export of textiles, including
cottons, woollens, silks, and fibres, is not more than $19,000,000
a year. Great Britain's total export of hardware and machinery
amounts to over $250,000,000 a year; our total export of these
articles does not amount to more than a third of this sum. On the
other hand, Great Britain's total export of raw materials of all
sorts is not more than $100,000,000 a year, while ours of cotton
alone is almost two and one-third times that sum. And while
Great Britain exports no breadstuffs or provisions to speak of,
our exportation of these articles (including animals) amounts to
the enormous sum of $855,000,000 a year.
OUR IMPORTS AND THOSE OF GREAT BRITAIN
COMPARED
will be better understood from a few comparisons. Our total
exportation for the year 1897-8 was, as said before, in round
numbers, $1,250,000,000. For the year previous it was over
$1,000,000,000. The exportation of Great Britain for the year
1896 was $1,500,000,000. For the year 1897 it was almost the
same amount. For the year 1895 it was $1,450,000,000. But
whereas our exportation of breadstuffs, provisions, animals,
fruit, etc., and of raw materials, such as cotton, lumber, ores, etc.,
amounts to probably 77 or 78 per cent. of our total exportation,
while our exportation of manufactured goods amounts to not
more than 22 or 23 per cent., the exportation of breadstuffs,
provisions, raw material, etc., which Great Britain makes is not
more than one sixth, or 17 per cent., of her total exportation,
while her exportation of manufactured goods is five sixths, or 83
per cent., of her total exportation. For example, Great Britain's
export of textiles alone amounts to over $500,000,000 a year (for
1896 $526,647,525), while our total export of textiles, including
cottons, woollens, silks, and fibres, is not more than $19,000,000
a year. Great Britain's total export of hardware and machinery
amounts to over $250,000,000 a year; our total export of these
articles does not amount to more than a third of this sum. On the
other hand, Great Britain's total export of raw materials of all
sorts is not more than $100,000,000 a year, while ours of cotton
alone is almost two and one-third times that sum. And while
Great Britain exports no breadstuffs or provisions to speak of,
our exportation of these articles (including animals) amounts to
the enormous sum of $855,000,000 a year.
OUR IMPORTS AND THOSE OF GREAT BRITAIN
COMPARED
Page 197
Export trade of the United States and Great Britain compared.
Similar differences with respect to our import trade and that of
Great Britain are observable. Our imports do not amount to more
than from $600,000,000 to $800,000,000 a year. For the year
ended June 30, 1897, they were $765,000,000. For the year
ended June 30, 1898, they were $616,000,000. The imports of
Great Britain, on the other hand, amount to over $2,000,000,000
a year. For the year 1896 they were $2,210,000,000. For the year
1897 they were $2,225,000,000. But, while our imports, with the
exception of coffee, sugar, tea, fruits, and fish, consist chiefly of
manufactured articles, such as woollen goods, cotton goods, silk
goods, and iron and steel goods, with only moderate amounts of
raw material (for example, hides, skins, and furs, $41,000,000;
raw silk, $32,000,000; raw wool, $17,000,000), Great Britain,
besides importing coffee, sugar, tea, fruits, and fish, the same as
we do, and manufactured goods to a far greater amount than we
do (not less than $500,000,000 annually), imports likewise an
enormous quantity of raw material for her manufactures, all duty
free, and a still more enormous quantity of breadstuffs,
provisions, etc., also all duty free. For example, for the year 1897
her imports of raw materials for her manufactures were not less
than $750,-000,000, while her imports of duty-free food products
Similar differences with respect to our import trade and that of
Great Britain are observable. Our imports do not amount to more
than from $600,000,000 to $800,000,000 a year. For the year
ended June 30, 1897, they were $765,000,000. For the year
ended June 30, 1898, they were $616,000,000. The imports of
Great Britain, on the other hand, amount to over $2,000,000,000
a year. For the year 1896 they were $2,210,000,000. For the year
1897 they were $2,225,000,000. But, while our imports, with the
exception of coffee, sugar, tea, fruits, and fish, consist chiefly of
manufactured articles, such as woollen goods, cotton goods, silk
goods, and iron and steel goods, with only moderate amounts of
raw material (for example, hides, skins, and furs, $41,000,000;
raw silk, $32,000,000; raw wool, $17,000,000), Great Britain,
besides importing coffee, sugar, tea, fruits, and fish, the same as
we do, and manufactured goods to a far greater amount than we
do (not less than $500,000,000 annually), imports likewise an
enormous quantity of raw material for her manufactures, all duty
free, and a still more enormous quantity of breadstuffs,
provisions, etc., also all duty free. For example, for the year 1897
her imports of raw materials for her manufactures were not less
than $750,-000,000, while her imports of duty-free food products
Page 198
were not less than $825,000,000. The difference between the two
countries, therefore, so far as their foreign trades are concerned
is simply this: The United States is an immense exporter of food-
stuffs, and also of raw materials for foreign manufacture; but for
the raw materials for her own manufacture she depends
principally upon her own products. In comparison she is only a
moderate exporter of manufactured goods. Great Britain, on the
other hand, is an enormous importer and consumer of food-stuffs
and also of raw materials for her manufactures. She, in fact,
depends very largely upon other countries for her food products
and her raw materials, and obtains them wherever she can, very
largely from the United States. She is also an enormous exporter
of manufactures.
The United States manufactures and internal trade compared with the
manufactures and internal trade of all other countries.
OUR COTTON PRODUCTION AND COTTON EXPORT
The one article of export that is of greatest importance in our
commerce is cotton. The production of cotton in the United
countries, therefore, so far as their foreign trades are concerned
is simply this: The United States is an immense exporter of food-
stuffs, and also of raw materials for foreign manufacture; but for
the raw materials for her own manufacture she depends
principally upon her own products. In comparison she is only a
moderate exporter of manufactured goods. Great Britain, on the
other hand, is an enormous importer and consumer of food-stuffs
and also of raw materials for her manufactures. She, in fact,
depends very largely upon other countries for her food products
and her raw materials, and obtains them wherever she can, very
largely from the United States. She is also an enormous exporter
of manufactures.
The United States manufactures and internal trade compared with the
manufactures and internal trade of all other countries.
OUR COTTON PRODUCTION AND COTTON EXPORT
The one article of export that is of greatest importance in our
commerce is cotton. The production of cotton in the United
Page 199
States is enormous. It is not far short of 5,000,000,000 pounds
per annum. This is probably four times the amount produced
upon the whole globe elsewhere. Our export amounts annually to
about 4,000,000,000 pounds, with a total value of about
$240,000,000. Our greatest competitors in the world's cotton
markets are Egypt and India. The export of cotton from Egypt
amounts to $50,000,000 annually. The export of cotton from
India amounts to $45,000,000 annually. At least one half of our
export of cotton goes to Great Britain. Our next greatest
customers are (in order) Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and
Russia. We send about $7,500,000 worth annually to Japan, and
$4,000,000 worth annually to Canada. All our southeastern
States produce cotton, but the States that produce it most
plentifully are (in order) Texas (about one third of the whole),
Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. The area under cultivation in
the whole country is about 21,000,000 acres, which is about one
sixth of the area devoted to corn, wheat, and oats, or one half the
area devoted to hay. The areas of greatest cotton production are
(1) the "Yazoo bottom," a strip on the left bank of the Mississippi
extending from Memphis to Vicksburg, and (2) the upper part of
the right bank of the Tombigbee. The productivity of cotton is
much higher in the United States than it is in India, averaging not
far short of 200 pounds per acre, as against less than 100 pounds
in India. In India, however, the cotton crop has been grown on
the same soil for ages, whereas in the United States the practice
is to substitute new soils for old ones as soon as crops begin to
fail. On the other hand, the United States cotton crop is much
less per acre than the crop in Egypt. There the yield per acre is
from 300 pounds to 500 pounds. The remedy for this defect of
productivity in our cotton crop as compared with that of Egypt is
manuring. Where the manuring is properly attended to our cotton
crop is comparable with Egypt's. But the cotton of Egypt is of
better quality than the great mass of the cotton crop of the United
States (the "upland" cotton crop). On the other hand in the low,
flat islands off the coast of Georgia and South Carolina a species
of cotton grows ("sea-island" cotton) which is the finest in the
world, its fibres being the longest, finest, and straightest, of all
per annum. This is probably four times the amount produced
upon the whole globe elsewhere. Our export amounts annually to
about 4,000,000,000 pounds, with a total value of about
$240,000,000. Our greatest competitors in the world's cotton
markets are Egypt and India. The export of cotton from Egypt
amounts to $50,000,000 annually. The export of cotton from
India amounts to $45,000,000 annually. At least one half of our
export of cotton goes to Great Britain. Our next greatest
customers are (in order) Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and
Russia. We send about $7,500,000 worth annually to Japan, and
$4,000,000 worth annually to Canada. All our southeastern
States produce cotton, but the States that produce it most
plentifully are (in order) Texas (about one third of the whole),
Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. The area under cultivation in
the whole country is about 21,000,000 acres, which is about one
sixth of the area devoted to corn, wheat, and oats, or one half the
area devoted to hay. The areas of greatest cotton production are
(1) the "Yazoo bottom," a strip on the left bank of the Mississippi
extending from Memphis to Vicksburg, and (2) the upper part of
the right bank of the Tombigbee. The productivity of cotton is
much higher in the United States than it is in India, averaging not
far short of 200 pounds per acre, as against less than 100 pounds
in India. In India, however, the cotton crop has been grown on
the same soil for ages, whereas in the United States the practice
is to substitute new soils for old ones as soon as crops begin to
fail. On the other hand, the United States cotton crop is much
less per acre than the crop in Egypt. There the yield per acre is
from 300 pounds to 500 pounds. The remedy for this defect of
productivity in our cotton crop as compared with that of Egypt is
manuring. Where the manuring is properly attended to our cotton
crop is comparable with Egypt's. But the cotton of Egypt is of
better quality than the great mass of the cotton crop of the United
States (the "upland" cotton crop). On the other hand in the low,
flat islands off the coast of Georgia and South Carolina a species
of cotton grows ("sea-island" cotton) which is the finest in the
world, its fibres being the longest, finest, and straightest, of all
Page 200
cotton fibres produced anywhere, and the most beautiful in
appearance in the mass. Of this "sea-island" cotton about three to
four million dollars' worth is exported annually at a price
averaging from two and one fourth to two and three fourth times
the value per pound of the "upland" cotton. The great cotton
ports of our country are (in order of amount of exportation) New
Orleans, Galveston, Savannah, New York, Charleston,
Mobile, and Wilmington. New Orleans' export is about a third of
the whole, and Galveston's about a fifth.
OUR PRODUCTION AND EXPORT OF BREADSTUFFS
The item in the official returns that figures largest for exports is
that which is set down as breadstuffs. This term includes wheat,
corn, oats, rye, and other grains, and the flours or meals made
from these. For the year ending June 30, 1898, our total export of
breadstuffs was $334,000,000. This is an enormous increase over
the year before, when the amount was not quite $200,000,000.[5]
A large part of this increase was due to the high prices for
breadstuffs which prevailed in the European markets during the
past autumn and winter, but a part of the increase was due to an
increased acreage and to good crops. The main products that
composed this vast exportation were: wheat, $146,000,000;
wheat flour, $70,000,000; corn, $75,000,000; cornmeal,
$2,000,000; oats and oatmeal, $22,500,000; rye and rye flour,
$9,000,000, and barley, $5,500,000. The magnitude of our
breadstuffs exportation can be judged from the magnitude and
importance of our exports of wheat and flour as compared with
those of other countries. Our average wheat export is two and
one half times that of Russia, four and one third times that of
Argentina, five and one half times that of India, and almost
twenty-five times that of Canada, while it is also four and one
half times that of all other countries in the world combined. Our
flour export ($70,000,000) is without a rival. The export from
Canada is now not much more than $1,500,000 a year, and the
appearance in the mass. Of this "sea-island" cotton about three to
four million dollars' worth is exported annually at a price
averaging from two and one fourth to two and three fourth times
the value per pound of the "upland" cotton. The great cotton
ports of our country are (in order of amount of exportation) New
Orleans, Galveston, Savannah, New York, Charleston,
Mobile, and Wilmington. New Orleans' export is about a third of
the whole, and Galveston's about a fifth.
OUR PRODUCTION AND EXPORT OF BREADSTUFFS
The item in the official returns that figures largest for exports is
that which is set down as breadstuffs. This term includes wheat,
corn, oats, rye, and other grains, and the flours or meals made
from these. For the year ending June 30, 1898, our total export of
breadstuffs was $334,000,000. This is an enormous increase over
the year before, when the amount was not quite $200,000,000.[5]
A large part of this increase was due to the high prices for
breadstuffs which prevailed in the European markets during the
past autumn and winter, but a part of the increase was due to an
increased acreage and to good crops. The main products that
composed this vast exportation were: wheat, $146,000,000;
wheat flour, $70,000,000; corn, $75,000,000; cornmeal,
$2,000,000; oats and oatmeal, $22,500,000; rye and rye flour,
$9,000,000, and barley, $5,500,000. The magnitude of our
breadstuffs exportation can be judged from the magnitude and
importance of our exports of wheat and flour as compared with
those of other countries. Our average wheat export is two and
one half times that of Russia, four and one third times that of
Argentina, five and one half times that of India, and almost
twenty-five times that of Canada, while it is also four and one
half times that of all other countries in the world combined. Our
flour export ($70,000,000) is without a rival. The export from
Canada is now not much more than $1,500,000 a year, and the
Page 201
export from Hungary not more than $2,500,000 a year, and these
are the only countries with which we have to compete in the
western European markets. Still it must be remembered that
Hungarian flour, owing to the dryness of the climate in which it
is made, is the best in the world, while the flour of Canada made
from Manitoba hard wheat is alike unsurpassed. As a rule much
more than one half of our total exports of breadstuffs goes to
Great Britain. Germany is our next best customer, but her
imports of our breadstuffs are not more that a fifth to a tenth of
those of Great Britain. France comes next, but her importation of
our breadstuffs is still more uncertain, ranging from a half to a
hundredth of that of Great Britain. Our other principal customers
for our breadstuffs are (1) the other states of Europe, (2) Canada,
(3) the countries of South America, (4) the West Indies, (5)
Hongkong, (6) the islands of the Pacific, and (7) British Africa.
Our exportation of breadstuffs to Japan and China (direct)[6] is
still inconsiderable. Since the close of the War of the Rebellion
our exportation of wheat has increased thirtyfold and our
exportation of flour fifteenfold. Our chief wheat-growing States
are Minnesota and California, each with about 50,000,000
bushels a year; then Kansas, North Dakota, Illinois, and South
Dakota, each with about 30,000,000 bushels a year; and then
Ohio, Indiana, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Michigan.
The best wheat is grown in the deep black soil, rich in organic
matter, of the Red River valley of Minnesota, and in the dry,
sunny climate of California. The total yield for 1897 was
530,000,000 bushels, which was about 70,000,000 bushels more
than recent averages. The estimate for this year (1898) is over
600,000,000 bushels, which was also the yield for 1891. The
total area sown to wheat was for several years about 35,000,000
acres, but the average is now increased to about 40,000,000
acres. Large as is the gross production of our wheat, however,
the yield per acre is somewhat small, being only from 12 to 13
bushels as against 18 bushels in Ontario, 20 in Manitoba, 26½ in
New Zealand, and 30 in Great Britain. In fact, the wheat yield
per acre is lowest in the United States of all the great wheat-
producing countries of the world, except Australia (7 to 11½),
are the only countries with which we have to compete in the
western European markets. Still it must be remembered that
Hungarian flour, owing to the dryness of the climate in which it
is made, is the best in the world, while the flour of Canada made
from Manitoba hard wheat is alike unsurpassed. As a rule much
more than one half of our total exports of breadstuffs goes to
Great Britain. Germany is our next best customer, but her
imports of our breadstuffs are not more that a fifth to a tenth of
those of Great Britain. France comes next, but her importation of
our breadstuffs is still more uncertain, ranging from a half to a
hundredth of that of Great Britain. Our other principal customers
for our breadstuffs are (1) the other states of Europe, (2) Canada,
(3) the countries of South America, (4) the West Indies, (5)
Hongkong, (6) the islands of the Pacific, and (7) British Africa.
Our exportation of breadstuffs to Japan and China (direct)[6] is
still inconsiderable. Since the close of the War of the Rebellion
our exportation of wheat has increased thirtyfold and our
exportation of flour fifteenfold. Our chief wheat-growing States
are Minnesota and California, each with about 50,000,000
bushels a year; then Kansas, North Dakota, Illinois, and South
Dakota, each with about 30,000,000 bushels a year; and then
Ohio, Indiana, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Michigan.
The best wheat is grown in the deep black soil, rich in organic
matter, of the Red River valley of Minnesota, and in the dry,
sunny climate of California. The total yield for 1897 was
530,000,000 bushels, which was about 70,000,000 bushels more
than recent averages. The estimate for this year (1898) is over
600,000,000 bushels, which was also the yield for 1891. The
total area sown to wheat was for several years about 35,000,000
acres, but the average is now increased to about 40,000,000
acres. Large as is the gross production of our wheat, however,
the yield per acre is somewhat small, being only from 12 to 13
bushels as against 18 bushels in Ontario, 20 in Manitoba, 26½ in
New Zealand, and 30 in Great Britain. In fact, the wheat yield
per acre is lowest in the United States of all the great wheat-
producing countries of the world, except Australia (7 to 11½),
Page 202
Italy (10½), Germany (10¼), India (9¼), and Russia (8). But far
greater than our production of wheat is our production of corn.
Of corn we have nearly 85,000,000 acres under cultivation and a
production of nearly 2,500,000,000 bushels. Our export of corn,
however, is proportionately not large, and figures only to about
210,000,000 bushels a year, with a value (including cornmeal) of
about $76,000,000. As is well known, Chicago is the great
commercial centre of the continent for breadstuffs. New York is
the great port of export for the Atlantic seaboard, San Francisco
for the Pacific seaboard. Duluth is the great receiving point for
the wheat of the Red River valley and the northern Mississippi.
Buffalo is the great point where the wheat brought down from
Chicago, Duluth, etc., in barges, "whale-backs," and immense
propellers, is trans-shipped to the small boats of the Erie Canal
for carriage to New York. Minneapolis is the great milling point
of the continent, its mills being the largest and most capacious in
the world.
FOOTNOTES:
[5]
For the year ending June 30, 1899, the amount was
$274,000,000.
[6]
A portion of the exportation of breadstuffs made to
Hongkong is no doubt intended for consumption in
China and Japan.
OUR EXPORT OF PROVISIONS AND ANIMALS
greater than our production of wheat is our production of corn.
Of corn we have nearly 85,000,000 acres under cultivation and a
production of nearly 2,500,000,000 bushels. Our export of corn,
however, is proportionately not large, and figures only to about
210,000,000 bushels a year, with a value (including cornmeal) of
about $76,000,000. As is well known, Chicago is the great
commercial centre of the continent for breadstuffs. New York is
the great port of export for the Atlantic seaboard, San Francisco
for the Pacific seaboard. Duluth is the great receiving point for
the wheat of the Red River valley and the northern Mississippi.
Buffalo is the great point where the wheat brought down from
Chicago, Duluth, etc., in barges, "whale-backs," and immense
propellers, is trans-shipped to the small boats of the Erie Canal
for carriage to New York. Minneapolis is the great milling point
of the continent, its mills being the largest and most capacious in
the world.
FOOTNOTES:
[5]
For the year ending June 30, 1899, the amount was
$274,000,000.
[6]
A portion of the exportation of breadstuffs made to
Hongkong is no doubt intended for consumption in
China and Japan.
OUR EXPORT OF PROVISIONS AND ANIMALS
Page 203
Principal articles of domestic exports of the United States.
[7]
FOOTNOTE:
[7]
For the year ended June 30, 1898.
The next most important item in our list of exports is provisions.
But, like "breadstuffs," "provisions" also is a composite term,
[7]
FOOTNOTE:
[7]
For the year ended June 30, 1898.
The next most important item in our list of exports is provisions.
But, like "breadstuffs," "provisions" also is a composite term,
Page 204
including two main divisions, "meat products" and "dairy
products." Practically there are three main divisions, "beef
products," "hog products," and "dairy products." We have in
these great products of our country an export trade of
$165,500,000 per annum, and if we add "animals," a similar
item, we have $46,500,000 more, or a total of $212,000,000 per
annum. Our export of fresh beef is nearly 300,000,000 pounds a
year. Almost the whole of this goes to Great Britain. Our export
of canned beef runs from 40,000,000 to 60,000,000 pounds a
year. About three fifths of this goes to Great Britain, the
remainder going principally to Germany and other parts of
Europe and to British Africa. We have about 50,000,000 cattle
upon our farms and ranches, and our production of beef is
estimated to be the enormous amount of 5,400,000,000 pounds a
year, which is between a third and a fourth of the total quantity
produced throughout the world. Of course the greater portion of
this is retained for our own home consumption, for we eat more
meat per inhabitant than any other people in the world except the
English. In addition to our beef we export about 400,000 cattle
annually, more than seven eighths of which are taken by Great
Britain, our other principal customers being the West Indies and
Canada. The principal export, however, among our "provisions"
is our hog products. We export annually of these products
100,000,000 pounds of pork, 850,000,000 pounds of bacon and
hams, and 700,000,000 pounds of lard, with a value greater than
$110,000,000. As with our beef products, so with our hog
products—by far the greatest share goes to Great Britain. Great
Britain, however, does not import largely of our pork or of our
lard. And though she purchases from us over four fifths of our
total export of bacon and hams, she does not pay for them so
much as she does for the bacon and hams of Ireland, Denmark,
and Canada. The reason for this is that as a rule our corn-fed
bacon and hams are too fat—a fault that could be easily
remedied. After Great Britain our next best customers for our
hog products are Germany (principally in lard), the Netherlands,
Sweden, and the West Indies (the latter principally in pork). We
keep on our farms from 40,000,000 to 50,000,000 hogs, and our
products." Practically there are three main divisions, "beef
products," "hog products," and "dairy products." We have in
these great products of our country an export trade of
$165,500,000 per annum, and if we add "animals," a similar
item, we have $46,500,000 more, or a total of $212,000,000 per
annum. Our export of fresh beef is nearly 300,000,000 pounds a
year. Almost the whole of this goes to Great Britain. Our export
of canned beef runs from 40,000,000 to 60,000,000 pounds a
year. About three fifths of this goes to Great Britain, the
remainder going principally to Germany and other parts of
Europe and to British Africa. We have about 50,000,000 cattle
upon our farms and ranches, and our production of beef is
estimated to be the enormous amount of 5,400,000,000 pounds a
year, which is between a third and a fourth of the total quantity
produced throughout the world. Of course the greater portion of
this is retained for our own home consumption, for we eat more
meat per inhabitant than any other people in the world except the
English. In addition to our beef we export about 400,000 cattle
annually, more than seven eighths of which are taken by Great
Britain, our other principal customers being the West Indies and
Canada. The principal export, however, among our "provisions"
is our hog products. We export annually of these products
100,000,000 pounds of pork, 850,000,000 pounds of bacon and
hams, and 700,000,000 pounds of lard, with a value greater than
$110,000,000. As with our beef products, so with our hog
products—by far the greatest share goes to Great Britain. Great
Britain, however, does not import largely of our pork or of our
lard. And though she purchases from us over four fifths of our
total export of bacon and hams, she does not pay for them so
much as she does for the bacon and hams of Ireland, Denmark,
and Canada. The reason for this is that as a rule our corn-fed
bacon and hams are too fat—a fault that could be easily
remedied. After Great Britain our next best customers for our
hog products are Germany (principally in lard), the Netherlands,
Sweden, and the West Indies (the latter principally in pork). We
keep on our farms from 40,000,000 to 50,000,000 hogs, and our
Page 205
production reaches nearly to 4,600,000,000 pounds of pork,
bacon, hams, lard, etc., per annum. A great drawback to our
swine-raising industry is the terrible swine plague which so
frequently devastates our swine herds. Were this plague stamped
out by thorough preventive measures our swine industry would
soon become very much larger and more profitable. The third
principal item in our provisions export trade is "dairy produce."
Our export of butter now amounts to 30,000,000 pounds a year.
Our cheese export, once much greater, is now about 50,000,000
pounds a year. As in our beef products and in our hog products
so again in our dairy products Great Britain is our chief
customer. But our butter export to Great Britain is only one
twelfth of her total importation of butter, and our cheese export
to Great Britain is only about one eighth of her total importation
of cheese. Our cheese has lost its hold on the English market
because of its relative deterioration of quality, and its export is
not more than a half or a third of what it once was. Much of our
butter also is not suited to the English taste. But both our cheese
and our butter are now improving in quality. Our great
competitor in the cheese export trade is Canada. Canada's export
of cheese to Great Britain is $15,000,000 annually, while ours is
only a fifth of that amount. Our great competitor in butter is
Denmark. Denmark's export of butter to Great Britain is
$32,000,000 while ours is not more than a fourteenth of that
sum. Our competitors in the markets of Britain for cattle are
Canada and Argentina, but their exports together, however, are
less than a third of ours. Our competitors in the British markets
for the sale of meats are principally the Australasian colonies and
Argentina, but their principal exportation so far is chilled
mutton, which they send to Britain to the amount of many
million dollars annually (Argentina alone $5,000,000 a year,
New Zealand alone $10,000,000 a year), while our exportation
of mutton is practically nil. We do, however, export $1,000,000
worth of sheep a year, but in this item we are frequently far
exceeded by Canada. Chicago is, of course, the great commercial
centre of the continent for "provisions" and "live stock," and
New York the great shipping port. Of the entire export trade of
bacon, hams, lard, etc., per annum. A great drawback to our
swine-raising industry is the terrible swine plague which so
frequently devastates our swine herds. Were this plague stamped
out by thorough preventive measures our swine industry would
soon become very much larger and more profitable. The third
principal item in our provisions export trade is "dairy produce."
Our export of butter now amounts to 30,000,000 pounds a year.
Our cheese export, once much greater, is now about 50,000,000
pounds a year. As in our beef products and in our hog products
so again in our dairy products Great Britain is our chief
customer. But our butter export to Great Britain is only one
twelfth of her total importation of butter, and our cheese export
to Great Britain is only about one eighth of her total importation
of cheese. Our cheese has lost its hold on the English market
because of its relative deterioration of quality, and its export is
not more than a half or a third of what it once was. Much of our
butter also is not suited to the English taste. But both our cheese
and our butter are now improving in quality. Our great
competitor in the cheese export trade is Canada. Canada's export
of cheese to Great Britain is $15,000,000 annually, while ours is
only a fifth of that amount. Our great competitor in butter is
Denmark. Denmark's export of butter to Great Britain is
$32,000,000 while ours is not more than a fourteenth of that
sum. Our competitors in the markets of Britain for cattle are
Canada and Argentina, but their exports together, however, are
less than a third of ours. Our competitors in the British markets
for the sale of meats are principally the Australasian colonies and
Argentina, but their principal exportation so far is chilled
mutton, which they send to Britain to the amount of many
million dollars annually (Argentina alone $5,000,000 a year,
New Zealand alone $10,000,000 a year), while our exportation
of mutton is practically nil. We do, however, export $1,000,000
worth of sheep a year, but in this item we are frequently far
exceeded by Canada. Chicago is, of course, the great commercial
centre of the continent for "provisions" and "live stock," and
New York the great shipping port. Of the entire export trade of
Page 206
the whole country New York does two fifths. Baltimore comes
next with about one ninth. Then (in order) come Philadelphia,
Boston, and New Orleans. The chief centres of our great
provision and live-stock trade, other than Chicago, are
Cincinnati, Kansas City, Indianapolis, Buffalo, and Omaha.
OUR FOREIGN CARRYING TRADE
One aspect of our foreign trade is not so well understood as it
ought to be. Our foreign commerce is carried on largely in
foreign ships. The reason is that no vessel is allowed to be
registered as belonging to a United States owner unless she is
built in the United States, and it therefore seems as if our ship-
builders could not compete (in price) in the building of steel and
iron ships with those of Great Britain and Germany. Formerly,
when wooden ships were used, our foreign trade was carried on
in our own vessels, and our "clipper" sailing vessels beat the
world. In 1859 seventy per cent. in value of our foreign trade
was carried in American vessels. Since that date the proportion
has decreased steadily until in 1896-97 it was only eleven per
cent., and for 1897-98 it was even less than this. During the five
years 1881-85 it averaged barely twenty per cent. Taking into
consideration tonnage only the proportion at present varies from
twenty five to thirty per cent., showing that the American vessels
are used for carrying the cheaper sorts of goods. The aggregate
tonnage burden of vessels belonging to the United States
registered as engaged in the foreign trade 1896 was for 792,870
tons. For the same year the aggregate tonnage burden of vessels
belonging to Great Britain engaged in the foreign trade was
considerably more than ten times that amount. Of our export
trade to Europe United States vessels carry only five and one
half per cent., and of our export trade to Africa only four and one
half per cent. But of our export trade to Asia and Oceanica our
own vessels carry twenty six and one half per cent., while of our
export trade to other countries on the American continent our
next with about one ninth. Then (in order) come Philadelphia,
Boston, and New Orleans. The chief centres of our great
provision and live-stock trade, other than Chicago, are
Cincinnati, Kansas City, Indianapolis, Buffalo, and Omaha.
OUR FOREIGN CARRYING TRADE
One aspect of our foreign trade is not so well understood as it
ought to be. Our foreign commerce is carried on largely in
foreign ships. The reason is that no vessel is allowed to be
registered as belonging to a United States owner unless she is
built in the United States, and it therefore seems as if our ship-
builders could not compete (in price) in the building of steel and
iron ships with those of Great Britain and Germany. Formerly,
when wooden ships were used, our foreign trade was carried on
in our own vessels, and our "clipper" sailing vessels beat the
world. In 1859 seventy per cent. in value of our foreign trade
was carried in American vessels. Since that date the proportion
has decreased steadily until in 1896-97 it was only eleven per
cent., and for 1897-98 it was even less than this. During the five
years 1881-85 it averaged barely twenty per cent. Taking into
consideration tonnage only the proportion at present varies from
twenty five to thirty per cent., showing that the American vessels
are used for carrying the cheaper sorts of goods. The aggregate
tonnage burden of vessels belonging to the United States
registered as engaged in the foreign trade 1896 was for 792,870
tons. For the same year the aggregate tonnage burden of vessels
belonging to Great Britain engaged in the foreign trade was
considerably more than ten times that amount. Of our export
trade to Europe United States vessels carry only five and one
half per cent., and of our export trade to Africa only four and one
half per cent. But of our export trade to Asia and Oceanica our
own vessels carry twenty six and one half per cent., while of our
export trade to other countries on the American continent our
Page 207
own vessels carry nearly forty per cent. But as our Atlantic trade
is seventy six per cent. of the whole, and as our trade elsewhere
than on the Atlantic is more than one third carried by sailing-
vessels, it is evident how largely our steamship ocean carrying
trade has been allowed to fall into the hands of foreigners. Seven
tenths of our total export trade, and nearly two thirds of our total
foreign trade, both export and import, are carried in British
vessels. The next greatest carriers of our foreign trade are, first,
the Germans, then ourselves, then the Norwegians, then the
Dutch, then the French, then the Belgians.
EXAMINATION PAPERS
Note.—The following questions are given for the purpose of
indicating to the student the sort of knowledge he ought to be
possessed of after he has made a careful study of the papers of the
course. The student is recommended to write out carefully the
answers to the questions asked. Only such answers need be attempted
as can be made from a careful study of the papers.
PART I
1. Great Britain. Give as full an account as you can of the
causes which have made London the great commercial
centre of the world.
2. Great Britain. England is said to be "a beehive of
mercantile and manufacturing industry." Give reasons for
this statement and also show how England has become
such.
3. Great Britain. (a) Describe the foreign trade of Great
Britain. (b) Describe the steps taken by Liverpool,
is seventy six per cent. of the whole, and as our trade elsewhere
than on the Atlantic is more than one third carried by sailing-
vessels, it is evident how largely our steamship ocean carrying
trade has been allowed to fall into the hands of foreigners. Seven
tenths of our total export trade, and nearly two thirds of our total
foreign trade, both export and import, are carried in British
vessels. The next greatest carriers of our foreign trade are, first,
the Germans, then ourselves, then the Norwegians, then the
Dutch, then the French, then the Belgians.
EXAMINATION PAPERS
Note.—The following questions are given for the purpose of
indicating to the student the sort of knowledge he ought to be
possessed of after he has made a careful study of the papers of the
course. The student is recommended to write out carefully the
answers to the questions asked. Only such answers need be attempted
as can be made from a careful study of the papers.
PART I
1. Great Britain. Give as full an account as you can of the
causes which have made London the great commercial
centre of the world.
2. Great Britain. England is said to be "a beehive of
mercantile and manufacturing industry." Give reasons for
this statement and also show how England has become
such.
3. Great Britain. (a) Describe the foreign trade of Great
Britain. (b) Describe the steps taken by Liverpool,
Page 208
Manchester, and Glasgow to improve their natural facilities
for external trade.
4. France. (a) Describe the conditions which (1) conduce
toward, and (2) militate against, France's being a great
commercial nation. (b) Give an account of the distinctive
manufactures of France.
5. Germany. (a) Give an account of what Germany has
accomplished in technical education. (b) Compare Germany
and France as commercial nations. (c) Give a brief account
of Germany's foreign trade.
6. Spain and Italy. (a) Why are Spain, Italy, and Turkey
sometimes called "the three decadent nations of Europe"?
(b) Give some account of Spain's foreign trade. (c) Give an
account of the conditions that militate against Italy's
prosperity as a trading nation.
7. Russia. (a) Describe the social condition of the Russian
people. (b) What are the "artels" of Russia? (c) Describe
Russia's export trade.
8. India. (a) Describe the present condition of the
manufactures of India. (b) Give a brief account of India's
trade—(1) external, (2) internal.
9. China. (a) Give an account of China's size, population, and
trade resources. (b) Give an account of China's present
foreign trade. (c) Give an account of the trade possibilities
of China, and show in what manner an increase of the
foreign trade of China is most likely first to occur.
10. Japan. (a) Describe the transformation which in recent times
has been witnessed in the Japanese nation. (b) Describe
Japan's manufactures. (c) Show in what respects an increase
in the foreign trade of Japan is presently possible.
for external trade.
4. France. (a) Describe the conditions which (1) conduce
toward, and (2) militate against, France's being a great
commercial nation. (b) Give an account of the distinctive
manufactures of France.
5. Germany. (a) Give an account of what Germany has
accomplished in technical education. (b) Compare Germany
and France as commercial nations. (c) Give a brief account
of Germany's foreign trade.
6. Spain and Italy. (a) Why are Spain, Italy, and Turkey
sometimes called "the three decadent nations of Europe"?
(b) Give some account of Spain's foreign trade. (c) Give an
account of the conditions that militate against Italy's
prosperity as a trading nation.
7. Russia. (a) Describe the social condition of the Russian
people. (b) What are the "artels" of Russia? (c) Describe
Russia's export trade.
8. India. (a) Describe the present condition of the
manufactures of India. (b) Give a brief account of India's
trade—(1) external, (2) internal.
9. China. (a) Give an account of China's size, population, and
trade resources. (b) Give an account of China's present
foreign trade. (c) Give an account of the trade possibilities
of China, and show in what manner an increase of the
foreign trade of China is most likely first to occur.
10. Japan. (a) Describe the transformation which in recent times
has been witnessed in the Japanese nation. (b) Describe
Japan's manufactures. (c) Show in what respects an increase
in the foreign trade of Japan is presently possible.
Page 209
PART II
1. Africa. (a) Describe the "partition of Africa." (b) Describe
more particularly Great Britain's possessions in Africa.
(c) Describe South Africa's mineral wealth.
2. Australia. (a) Describe Australia's "peculiarities." (b)
Enumerate the political divisions of Australia, and for each
describe briefly (1) its climate, (2) its resources and trade.
3. South America. (a) Describe the social and political
condition of the various peoples of South America.
(b) Describe the agricultural resources and export trade of
Argentina. (c) Describe (1) the resources, and (2) the export
and import trade, of Brazil.
4. Canada. (a) Describe Canada's resources (1) in forest
wealth, (2) in minerals, (3) in fisheries. (b) Describe
Canada's agricultural trade. (c) Describe Canada's trade
with the United States.
5. The United States. (a) Describe the export trade of the
United States. (b) Compare our export trade with that of
Great Britain. (c) Compare our import trade with that of
Great Britain.
6. The United States. (a) Describe our cotton production and
our cotton export trade. (b) Describe briefly our export trade
in "breadstuffs." (c) Describe briefly our export trade in
"provisions" and "animals."
1. Africa. (a) Describe the "partition of Africa." (b) Describe
more particularly Great Britain's possessions in Africa.
(c) Describe South Africa's mineral wealth.
2. Australia. (a) Describe Australia's "peculiarities." (b)
Enumerate the political divisions of Australia, and for each
describe briefly (1) its climate, (2) its resources and trade.
3. South America. (a) Describe the social and political
condition of the various peoples of South America.
(b) Describe the agricultural resources and export trade of
Argentina. (c) Describe (1) the resources, and (2) the export
and import trade, of Brazil.
4. Canada. (a) Describe Canada's resources (1) in forest
wealth, (2) in minerals, (3) in fisheries. (b) Describe
Canada's agricultural trade. (c) Describe Canada's trade
with the United States.
5. The United States. (a) Describe the export trade of the
United States. (b) Compare our export trade with that of
Great Britain. (c) Compare our import trade with that of
Great Britain.
6. The United States. (a) Describe our cotton production and
our cotton export trade. (b) Describe briefly our export trade
in "breadstuffs." (c) Describe briefly our export trade in
"provisions" and "animals."
Page 210
Page 211
FINANCE, TRADE, AND
TRANSPORTATION[8]
I. NATIONAL AND STATE BANKS
ORIGIN OF BANKING INSTITUTIONS
The Bank of England, showing the Threadneedle Street entrance.
TRANSPORTATION[8]
I. NATIONAL AND STATE BANKS
ORIGIN OF BANKING INSTITUTIONS
The Bank of England, showing the Threadneedle Street entrance.
Page 212
The world has had its bankers and money-changers for
thousands of years. Babylonian tablets have been found which
record banking transactions which took place in the reign of
Nebuchadnezzar. Modern banking institutions, however, had
their origin in the twelfth century. The first institution of this
character in Europe was the Bank of Venice, founded a. d. 1171.
It was based upon a forced loan of the republic. Funds deposited
in it could not be withdrawn, but were transferable on the books
at the pleasure of the owners. The Bank of Genoa was founded in
1407, and for many years was one of the principal banks of
Europe. It was the first to issue circulating notes; these were
negotiable only by indorsement—that is to say, they were not
made payable to bearer. This was a long step in advance of the
earlier system of deposit transfers which was also employed by
this bank. The Bank of Amsterdam, established in 1607, was the
earliest considerable institution of the kind which looked to the
promotion of commerce. The Bank of Hamburg, established in
1619, was a bank of deposit and circulation based upon fine
silver bars. The deposits were confined to silver. The Bank of
England is more than 200 years old and is to-day acknowledged
to be the greatest financial institution in the world. Nearly all the
paper money of England is issued by this bank. This currency is
based partly upon securities and partly upon deposits of coin.
There are three or four banks in the United States more than one
hundred years old. In 1781 Robert Morris, then superintendent of
finance, submitted to Congress a plan for the establishment of
the Bank of North America at Philadelphia. In 1784 the State of
Massachusetts incorporated the Massachusetts Bank. The Bank
of New York was chartered in 1791.
FOOTNOTE:
[8]
SUGGESTIONS AS TO METHOD OF STUDY
thousands of years. Babylonian tablets have been found which
record banking transactions which took place in the reign of
Nebuchadnezzar. Modern banking institutions, however, had
their origin in the twelfth century. The first institution of this
character in Europe was the Bank of Venice, founded a. d. 1171.
It was based upon a forced loan of the republic. Funds deposited
in it could not be withdrawn, but were transferable on the books
at the pleasure of the owners. The Bank of Genoa was founded in
1407, and for many years was one of the principal banks of
Europe. It was the first to issue circulating notes; these were
negotiable only by indorsement—that is to say, they were not
made payable to bearer. This was a long step in advance of the
earlier system of deposit transfers which was also employed by
this bank. The Bank of Amsterdam, established in 1607, was the
earliest considerable institution of the kind which looked to the
promotion of commerce. The Bank of Hamburg, established in
1619, was a bank of deposit and circulation based upon fine
silver bars. The deposits were confined to silver. The Bank of
England is more than 200 years old and is to-day acknowledged
to be the greatest financial institution in the world. Nearly all the
paper money of England is issued by this bank. This currency is
based partly upon securities and partly upon deposits of coin.
There are three or four banks in the United States more than one
hundred years old. In 1781 Robert Morris, then superintendent of
finance, submitted to Congress a plan for the establishment of
the Bank of North America at Philadelphia. In 1784 the State of
Massachusetts incorporated the Massachusetts Bank. The Bank
of New York was chartered in 1791.
FOOTNOTE:
[8]
SUGGESTIONS AS TO METHOD OF STUDY
Page 213
1. Read the lessons as printed very carefully. The aim will be to give
fundamental knowledge as to the organisation and conduct of
modern business.
2. Books will not be necessary. The student, however, who wishes to
make a more thorough study of the national banking system will find
excellent chapters on the subject in "Carroll's Principles and Practice
of Finance" (New York: Putnams) and "White's Money and Banking"
(Boston: Ginn & Co.).
3. Take up the papers of the course paragraph by paragraph and ask
yourself the reason why each is introduced. Discuss with your
friends the advantages or disadvantages of particular requirements.
OUR NATIONAL BANKING SYSTEM
The national banking system of the United States was
established by an act of Congress in 1863, revised in 1864, and
amended by later legislation. The great advantage of the system,
it is said, is the feature of uniformity, the fact that it brings the
banking business of the whole United States under one authority
and under the supervision of one set of administrative officers.
The note-issuing department is subordinate in its public
usefulness to the facilities afforded by banks and clearing-houses
for the interchange of credits. The essential features of national
banks are briefly set forth as follows:
1. There is a bureau of the Treasury Department having charge
of all matters relating to national banks, the chief officer of
which is the comptroller of the currency.
2. Any number of persons, not less than five, may form an
association for banking purposes, to continue not more than
twenty years, but renewable for twenty years with the
approval of the comptroller.
3. The powers of the bank are limited to the discounting of
promissory notes, drafts, bills of exchange, and other
evidences of debt; receiving deposits, dealing in exchange,
fundamental knowledge as to the organisation and conduct of
modern business.
2. Books will not be necessary. The student, however, who wishes to
make a more thorough study of the national banking system will find
excellent chapters on the subject in "Carroll's Principles and Practice
of Finance" (New York: Putnams) and "White's Money and Banking"
(Boston: Ginn & Co.).
3. Take up the papers of the course paragraph by paragraph and ask
yourself the reason why each is introduced. Discuss with your
friends the advantages or disadvantages of particular requirements.
OUR NATIONAL BANKING SYSTEM
The national banking system of the United States was
established by an act of Congress in 1863, revised in 1864, and
amended by later legislation. The great advantage of the system,
it is said, is the feature of uniformity, the fact that it brings the
banking business of the whole United States under one authority
and under the supervision of one set of administrative officers.
The note-issuing department is subordinate in its public
usefulness to the facilities afforded by banks and clearing-houses
for the interchange of credits. The essential features of national
banks are briefly set forth as follows:
1. There is a bureau of the Treasury Department having charge
of all matters relating to national banks, the chief officer of
which is the comptroller of the currency.
2. Any number of persons, not less than five, may form an
association for banking purposes, to continue not more than
twenty years, but renewable for twenty years with the
approval of the comptroller.
3. The powers of the bank are limited to the discounting of
promissory notes, drafts, bills of exchange, and other
evidences of debt; receiving deposits, dealing in exchange,
Page 214
coin, and bullion, loaning money on personal security, and
issuing circulating notes. It cannot hold real estate except
such as may be necessary for the transaction of its business,
or such as may have been taken as security for debts
previously contracted in good faith.
4. There can be no national banks anywhere of less capital
than $50,000, and these small ones are restricted to places
of not more than 6000 inhabitants. In cities of more than
6000 and less than 50,000 inhabitants there can be no bank
of less than $100,000 capital, and in cities of 50,000
inhabitants or more none of less than $200,000. One half of
the capital must be paid in before the bank can begin
business and the remainder must be paid in monthly
instalments of at least ten per cent. each.
5. Shareholders are liable for the debts of the bank to an
amount equal to the par value of their shares in addition to
the amount invested therein.
6. Each bank having a capital exceeding $150,000 must
deposit in the treasury of the United States registered
interest-bearing bonds to an amount not less than $50,000.
Those having a capital of $150,000 or less must deposit
bonds equal to one fourth of their capital stock. Each bank
may issue circulating notes to the amount of ninety per cent.
of the market value of the bonds deposited by it, but not
exceeding ninety per cent. of the par value of the same, and
not exceeding ninety per cent. of the paid-in capital of the
bank; but no bank is compelled to issue circulating notes.
No bank-notes shall be issued smaller than $5. The notes
are receivable at par for all dues to the United States except
duties on imports, and are payable for all debts owing by
the United States within the United States except interest on
the public debt and in redemption of the national currency.
7. Every bank in certain designated cities, called reserve cities,
must keep a reserve of lawful money equal to twenty five
issuing circulating notes. It cannot hold real estate except
such as may be necessary for the transaction of its business,
or such as may have been taken as security for debts
previously contracted in good faith.
4. There can be no national banks anywhere of less capital
than $50,000, and these small ones are restricted to places
of not more than 6000 inhabitants. In cities of more than
6000 and less than 50,000 inhabitants there can be no bank
of less than $100,000 capital, and in cities of 50,000
inhabitants or more none of less than $200,000. One half of
the capital must be paid in before the bank can begin
business and the remainder must be paid in monthly
instalments of at least ten per cent. each.
5. Shareholders are liable for the debts of the bank to an
amount equal to the par value of their shares in addition to
the amount invested therein.
6. Each bank having a capital exceeding $150,000 must
deposit in the treasury of the United States registered
interest-bearing bonds to an amount not less than $50,000.
Those having a capital of $150,000 or less must deposit
bonds equal to one fourth of their capital stock. Each bank
may issue circulating notes to the amount of ninety per cent.
of the market value of the bonds deposited by it, but not
exceeding ninety per cent. of the par value of the same, and
not exceeding ninety per cent. of the paid-in capital of the
bank; but no bank is compelled to issue circulating notes.
No bank-notes shall be issued smaller than $5. The notes
are receivable at par for all dues to the United States except
duties on imports, and are payable for all debts owing by
the United States within the United States except interest on
the public debt and in redemption of the national currency.
7. Every bank in certain designated cities, called reserve cities,
must keep a reserve of lawful money equal to twenty five
Page 215
per cent. of its deposits. All other banks must keep a like
reserve of fifteen per cent., but three fifths of the said
fifteen per cent. may consist of balances on deposit in banks
approved by the comptroller in the reserve cities.
8. Each bank must keep on deposit in the treasury of the
United States lawful money equal to five per cent. of its
circulation as a fund for redeeming the same. This five per
cent. may be counted as part of its lawful reserve. This does
not relieve banks from the duty of redeeming their notes at
their own counters on demand.
9. One tenth of the net profits must be carried to the surplus
fund until it is equal to twenty per cent. of the capital.
10. A bank must not lend more than one tenth of its capital to
one person, corporation or firm, directly or indirectly, nor
lend money on the security of its own shares, nor be the
purchaser or holder of its own shares unless taken as
security for a debt previously contracted in good faith, and
if so taken they must be sold within six months under
penalty of being put in liquidation.
11. Each bank must make to the comptroller not less than five
reports each year, showing its condition at times to be
designated by him, and he may call for special reports from
any particular bank whenever he chooses to do so.
12. Each bank must pay to the treasurer of the United States a
tax equal to one per cent. per annum on the average amount
of its notes in circulation. The shares are liable to taxation
by the States in which they are situated at the same rate as
other moneyed capital owned by the citizens of such States.
13. Any gain arising from lost and destroyed notes inures to the
benefit of the United States.
reserve of fifteen per cent., but three fifths of the said
fifteen per cent. may consist of balances on deposit in banks
approved by the comptroller in the reserve cities.
8. Each bank must keep on deposit in the treasury of the
United States lawful money equal to five per cent. of its
circulation as a fund for redeeming the same. This five per
cent. may be counted as part of its lawful reserve. This does
not relieve banks from the duty of redeeming their notes at
their own counters on demand.
9. One tenth of the net profits must be carried to the surplus
fund until it is equal to twenty per cent. of the capital.
10. A bank must not lend more than one tenth of its capital to
one person, corporation or firm, directly or indirectly, nor
lend money on the security of its own shares, nor be the
purchaser or holder of its own shares unless taken as
security for a debt previously contracted in good faith, and
if so taken they must be sold within six months under
penalty of being put in liquidation.
11. Each bank must make to the comptroller not less than five
reports each year, showing its condition at times to be
designated by him, and he may call for special reports from
any particular bank whenever he chooses to do so.
12. Each bank must pay to the treasurer of the United States a
tax equal to one per cent. per annum on the average amount
of its notes in circulation. The shares are liable to taxation
by the States in which they are situated at the same rate as
other moneyed capital owned by the citizens of such States.
13. Any gain arising from lost and destroyed notes inures to the
benefit of the United States.
Page 216
14. The comptroller has the absolute appointment of all
receivers and fixes their compensation. All moneys realised
from the assets are paid into the treasury to the credit of the
comptroller, and all dividends are paid out by him.
15. Over-certification of cheques is strictly prohibited,
rendering officers or clerks liable to imprisonment.
16. National bank directors are by law individually liable for
the full amount of losses resulting from violations of the
national banking laws.
STATE BANKS
Upon the establishment of the national banking system the
greater number of the banks incorporated under the laws of the
several States were organised as national banks. With others,
however, the rights of issue did not outweigh some
inconveniences of the national system, and as a result there is
now an important class of banks, and loan and trust companies,
organised under State legislation and carrying on a deposit and
loan business. The regulations under which they work are
necessarily diverse, and the amount of public supervision over
them varies in different states. The State banks in existence when
the national banking system was organised were obliged to retire
their note circulation, owing to the fact that the government
imposed a tax of ten per cent. on their circulation. The object of
the tax was to secure the retirement of the State bank-notes to
make room for the circulation of the national banks. The internal
mechanism of State banks differs but slightly from that of
national banks.
II. SAVINGS BANKS AND TRUST COMPANIES
receivers and fixes their compensation. All moneys realised
from the assets are paid into the treasury to the credit of the
comptroller, and all dividends are paid out by him.
15. Over-certification of cheques is strictly prohibited,
rendering officers or clerks liable to imprisonment.
16. National bank directors are by law individually liable for
the full amount of losses resulting from violations of the
national banking laws.
STATE BANKS
Upon the establishment of the national banking system the
greater number of the banks incorporated under the laws of the
several States were organised as national banks. With others,
however, the rights of issue did not outweigh some
inconveniences of the national system, and as a result there is
now an important class of banks, and loan and trust companies,
organised under State legislation and carrying on a deposit and
loan business. The regulations under which they work are
necessarily diverse, and the amount of public supervision over
them varies in different states. The State banks in existence when
the national banking system was organised were obliged to retire
their note circulation, owing to the fact that the government
imposed a tax of ten per cent. on their circulation. The object of
the tax was to secure the retirement of the State bank-notes to
make room for the circulation of the national banks. The internal
mechanism of State banks differs but slightly from that of
national banks.
II. SAVINGS BANKS AND TRUST COMPANIES
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SAVINGS BANKS
Nearly $2,000,000,000 is deposited in the savings banks of the
United States. This large sum represents the savings of about
5,000,000 people. The primary idea of a savings bank and of the
post-office and other forms of saving institutions in foreign
countries is to encourage thrift among the masses of the people.
The older savings banks, especially those in the eastern States,
have no capital stock. That is to say, they are mutual in their
form of organisation. Their capital is the accumulated deposits of
a large number of people. The depositors are the owners. When
taxes and other expenses are paid and a proper reserve set aside,
the remaining profits go in the form of interest to the depositors.
Many of the savings banks in the western States are capitalised
as are other financial institutions, and on the Pacific coast they
have capital stock or its equivalent in the form of a reserve fund
in which the majority of the depositors are not interested
otherwise than so far as it affords security for their deposits.
As these banks are the custodians of the surplus savings of large
numbers of people the laws of the several States have hedged
them about with many safeguards, not only for the protection of
the depositors but of the institutions themselves. It is eminently
right and proper that the State, through its bank commissioners
or otherwise, should so far supervise the operations of savings
banks as to see that they perform their part of their contract with
depositors.
Safety, at best, is relative only; there is no absolute safety for the
twenty-dollar piece a man has in his pocket, whether he is on the
street, at his office, or by his own fireside. We are reminded that
'riches take to themselves wings' and that 'thieves break through and
steal.' No savings bank can keep money on hand or deposit it or loan
it with absolute safety. All is comparative. It is a peculiarity of money
that each dollar requires watching; general supervision is insufficient;
hence it is that the safety of moneyed institutions depends upon the
capacity and honesty of those in control, and not upon adherence to
arbitrary rules. No set of rules can be adopted that will bind dishonest
Nearly $2,000,000,000 is deposited in the savings banks of the
United States. This large sum represents the savings of about
5,000,000 people. The primary idea of a savings bank and of the
post-office and other forms of saving institutions in foreign
countries is to encourage thrift among the masses of the people.
The older savings banks, especially those in the eastern States,
have no capital stock. That is to say, they are mutual in their
form of organisation. Their capital is the accumulated deposits of
a large number of people. The depositors are the owners. When
taxes and other expenses are paid and a proper reserve set aside,
the remaining profits go in the form of interest to the depositors.
Many of the savings banks in the western States are capitalised
as are other financial institutions, and on the Pacific coast they
have capital stock or its equivalent in the form of a reserve fund
in which the majority of the depositors are not interested
otherwise than so far as it affords security for their deposits.
As these banks are the custodians of the surplus savings of large
numbers of people the laws of the several States have hedged
them about with many safeguards, not only for the protection of
the depositors but of the institutions themselves. It is eminently
right and proper that the State, through its bank commissioners
or otherwise, should so far supervise the operations of savings
banks as to see that they perform their part of their contract with
depositors.
Safety, at best, is relative only; there is no absolute safety for the
twenty-dollar piece a man has in his pocket, whether he is on the
street, at his office, or by his own fireside. We are reminded that
'riches take to themselves wings' and that 'thieves break through and
steal.' No savings bank can keep money on hand or deposit it or loan
it with absolute safety. All is comparative. It is a peculiarity of money
that each dollar requires watching; general supervision is insufficient;
hence it is that the safety of moneyed institutions depends upon the
capacity and honesty of those in control, and not upon adherence to
arbitrary rules. No set of rules can be adopted that will bind dishonest
Page 218
men nor that will compensate for want of experience and ability of
honest ones.
There is really no conflict between commercial and savings
banks. In fact, a large number of the commercial banks of a
country allow interest upon average balances and standing
deposits in the same manner as savings banks. Primarily the
savings bank creates wealth, while the commercial bank handles
it; the savings banks are creative, while the commercial banks
are administrative. The aim of the savings bank is to gather
money and invest it safely and thus bring profit to the depositor;
the aim of the commercial bank is to lend money at fixed charges
and thus bring profit to the institution. The former opens its
doors to savers, the latter to borrowers. One serves by receiving
and keeping and the other by lending. The savings bank aims at
making men savers as well as producers. It offers the aid of the
strong, who can manage well, to the weak and inexperienced. If
the 5,000,000 depositors of savings in the United States were to
hide away their own savings nearly $2,000,000,000 would be
withdrawn from circulation. The savings bank invests its money.
Its managers are as a rule intelligent men, competent to make
safe investments in solid securities. The best savings banks are
conservative and do not encourage speculation.
The rules and regulations of savings banks differ largely. In some
institutions deposits of a dime at a time are accepted; in others a
dollar is the limit. Deposits usually begin to draw interest on the
first day of each quarter, but they are entitled to it only if they
remain until the end of the half-year. Thus money deposited on
the 1st of January is entitled to six months' interest on the 1st of
July, though it is not entitled to any interest if withdrawn in June.
Some few banks allow interest to begin on the 1st of each month.
Most savings banks do not permit money to be withdrawn short
of thirty days' notice. Students of this course who are interested
in securing definite information upon this subject regarding any
particular bank should apply to that bank for a set of its rules and
regulations for the information of depositors.
honest ones.
There is really no conflict between commercial and savings
banks. In fact, a large number of the commercial banks of a
country allow interest upon average balances and standing
deposits in the same manner as savings banks. Primarily the
savings bank creates wealth, while the commercial bank handles
it; the savings banks are creative, while the commercial banks
are administrative. The aim of the savings bank is to gather
money and invest it safely and thus bring profit to the depositor;
the aim of the commercial bank is to lend money at fixed charges
and thus bring profit to the institution. The former opens its
doors to savers, the latter to borrowers. One serves by receiving
and keeping and the other by lending. The savings bank aims at
making men savers as well as producers. It offers the aid of the
strong, who can manage well, to the weak and inexperienced. If
the 5,000,000 depositors of savings in the United States were to
hide away their own savings nearly $2,000,000,000 would be
withdrawn from circulation. The savings bank invests its money.
Its managers are as a rule intelligent men, competent to make
safe investments in solid securities. The best savings banks are
conservative and do not encourage speculation.
The rules and regulations of savings banks differ largely. In some
institutions deposits of a dime at a time are accepted; in others a
dollar is the limit. Deposits usually begin to draw interest on the
first day of each quarter, but they are entitled to it only if they
remain until the end of the half-year. Thus money deposited on
the 1st of January is entitled to six months' interest on the 1st of
July, though it is not entitled to any interest if withdrawn in June.
Some few banks allow interest to begin on the 1st of each month.
Most savings banks do not permit money to be withdrawn short
of thirty days' notice. Students of this course who are interested
in securing definite information upon this subject regarding any
particular bank should apply to that bank for a set of its rules and
regulations for the information of depositors.
Page 219
TRUST COMPANIES
There has grown up in this country a class of financial
institutions which take a sort of middle ground between the
commercial bank and the savings bank, so far as their service to
the public is concerned. These are what are known as trust
companies. National banks are prohibited by law from making
loans on real estate, and though State banks are not hedged in
this way, as a matter of good banking they usually avoid loans of
this character. The policy of commercial banks is to make a great
many comparatively small loans on short-time paper, while that
of the trust company is to make large loans on long-time
securities. The deposits of trust companies consist largely of
undisturbed sums such as might be set aside by administrators,
executors, trustees, committees, societies, or from private estates.
They are such as are not likely to fluctuate greatly in amount.
From the very nature of their deposits trust companies find it
convenient and profitable to make larger loans and at longer
periods than do ordinary banks. Trust companies not only receive
moneys upon deposit subject to cheque and for savings, and loan
money on commercial paper and other securities, as do
commercial banks; but they also act as agents, trustees,
executors, administrators, assignees, receivers for individual
properties, and corporations. They frequently assist as promoters
or reorganisers of corporations and in the sale of stocks, bonds,
and securities. They act also as agents for the payment of
obligations maturing at future dates, such as the premiums on
insurance, interest on mortgages and bonds, etc. Trust companies
are organised under the laws of the State in which they exist and
are usually subject to all the supervision required in the case of
State banks.
III. CORPORATIONS AND STOCK COMPANIES[9]
There has grown up in this country a class of financial
institutions which take a sort of middle ground between the
commercial bank and the savings bank, so far as their service to
the public is concerned. These are what are known as trust
companies. National banks are prohibited by law from making
loans on real estate, and though State banks are not hedged in
this way, as a matter of good banking they usually avoid loans of
this character. The policy of commercial banks is to make a great
many comparatively small loans on short-time paper, while that
of the trust company is to make large loans on long-time
securities. The deposits of trust companies consist largely of
undisturbed sums such as might be set aside by administrators,
executors, trustees, committees, societies, or from private estates.
They are such as are not likely to fluctuate greatly in amount.
From the very nature of their deposits trust companies find it
convenient and profitable to make larger loans and at longer
periods than do ordinary banks. Trust companies not only receive
moneys upon deposit subject to cheque and for savings, and loan
money on commercial paper and other securities, as do
commercial banks; but they also act as agents, trustees,
executors, administrators, assignees, receivers for individual
properties, and corporations. They frequently assist as promoters
or reorganisers of corporations and in the sale of stocks, bonds,
and securities. They act also as agents for the payment of
obligations maturing at future dates, such as the premiums on
insurance, interest on mortgages and bonds, etc. Trust companies
are organised under the laws of the State in which they exist and
are usually subject to all the supervision required in the case of
State banks.
III. CORPORATIONS AND STOCK COMPANIES[9]
Page 220
CORPORATIONS
Stock companies are usually referred to as corporations, though
all corporations are not stock companies. A corporation is a body
consisting usually of several persons empowered by law to act as
one individual. There are two principal classes—(1) public
corporations and (2) private corporations. Public corporations are
not stock companies; private corporations usually are. Public
corporations are created for the public interest, such as cities,
towns, universities, hospitals, etc.; private corporations, such as
railways, banks, manufacturing companies, etc., are created
usually for the profit of the members. Corporate bodies whose
members at discretion fill by appointment all vacancies
occurring in their membership are sometimes called close
corporations.
POWER TO BE A CORPORATION IS A FRANCHISE
In the United States the power to be a corporation is a franchise
which can only exist through the legislature. There are two
distinct methods in which corporations may be called into being:
First, by a specific grant of the franchise to the members, and,
second, by a general grant which becomes operative in favour of
particular persons when they organise for the purpose of availing
themselves of its provisions. When the specific grant is made it
is called a charter. In the case of private corporations the charter
must be accepted by the members, since corporate powers cannot
be forced upon them against their will; but the charter is
sufficiently accepted by their acting under it. When special
charters are not granted individuals may voluntarily associate,
and by complying with the provisions of certain State laws may
take to themselves corporate powers. In some of the States
private corporations are not suffered to be created otherwise than
Stock companies are usually referred to as corporations, though
all corporations are not stock companies. A corporation is a body
consisting usually of several persons empowered by law to act as
one individual. There are two principal classes—(1) public
corporations and (2) private corporations. Public corporations are
not stock companies; private corporations usually are. Public
corporations are created for the public interest, such as cities,
towns, universities, hospitals, etc.; private corporations, such as
railways, banks, manufacturing companies, etc., are created
usually for the profit of the members. Corporate bodies whose
members at discretion fill by appointment all vacancies
occurring in their membership are sometimes called close
corporations.
POWER TO BE A CORPORATION IS A FRANCHISE
In the United States the power to be a corporation is a franchise
which can only exist through the legislature. There are two
distinct methods in which corporations may be called into being:
First, by a specific grant of the franchise to the members, and,
second, by a general grant which becomes operative in favour of
particular persons when they organise for the purpose of availing
themselves of its provisions. When the specific grant is made it
is called a charter. In the case of private corporations the charter
must be accepted by the members, since corporate powers cannot
be forced upon them against their will; but the charter is
sufficiently accepted by their acting under it. When special
charters are not granted individuals may voluntarily associate,
and by complying with the provisions of certain State laws may
take to themselves corporate powers. In some of the States
private corporations are not suffered to be created otherwise than
Page 221
under general laws, and in others public corporations are created
in the same way.
FOOTNOTE:
[9]
For a preliminary treatment of the subject of this
lesson the student is referred to Part I. of this book,
entitled "General Business Information," especially
Lessons XII. and XV.
A CORPORATION MUST HAVE A NAME
A corporation must have a name by which it shall be known in
law and in the transaction of its business. The name is given to it
in its charter or articles of association and must be adhered to.
The necessity for the use of the corporate name in the transaction
of business follows from the fact that in corporate affairs the law
knows the corporation as an individual and takes no notice of the
constituent members.
CORPORATE INTERESTS
In municipal corporations in the United States the members are
the citizens; the number is indefinite; one ceases to be a member
when he moves from the town or city, while every new resident
becomes a member when by law he becomes entitled to the
privileges of local citizenship. In corporations created for the
emolument of their members interests are represented by shares,
which may be transferred by their owners, and the assignee
becomes entitled to the rights of membership when the transfer is
in the same way.
FOOTNOTE:
[9]
For a preliminary treatment of the subject of this
lesson the student is referred to Part I. of this book,
entitled "General Business Information," especially
Lessons XII. and XV.
A CORPORATION MUST HAVE A NAME
A corporation must have a name by which it shall be known in
law and in the transaction of its business. The name is given to it
in its charter or articles of association and must be adhered to.
The necessity for the use of the corporate name in the transaction
of business follows from the fact that in corporate affairs the law
knows the corporation as an individual and takes no notice of the
constituent members.
CORPORATE INTERESTS
In municipal corporations in the United States the members are
the citizens; the number is indefinite; one ceases to be a member
when he moves from the town or city, while every new resident
becomes a member when by law he becomes entitled to the
privileges of local citizenship. In corporations created for the
emolument of their members interests are represented by shares,
which may be transferred by their owners, and the assignee
becomes entitled to the rights of membership when the transfer is
Page 222
recorded; and if the owner dies his personal representative
becomes a member for the time being. In such corporations also
shares may be sold in satisfaction of debts against their owners.
ADVANTAGES OF CORPORATIONS AND JOINT-STOCK
COMPANIES OVER PARTNERSHIPS
The following are given as a few of the advantages which are
claimed for corporations and joint-stock companies over
partnerships:
1. Union of capital without the active service of the investors.
2. Better facilities for borrowing. It is a common thing for a
partnership to be changed to a stock company for the
express purpose of raising money by the issue of bonds or
stock.
3. Limited agency of directors. A partner may pledge and sell
the partnership property, may buy goods on account of the
partnership, may borrow money and contract debts in the
name and on the account of the partnership. Directors of a
joint-stock company must act in accordance with the
provisions of the by-laws of the company.
4. The continuous existence of a company.
5. New shareholders are admitted more easily than new
partners.
6. A retiring partner is still liable for existing debts. A
shareholder may retire absolutely by selling his stock and
having it legally transferred.
becomes a member for the time being. In such corporations also
shares may be sold in satisfaction of debts against their owners.
ADVANTAGES OF CORPORATIONS AND JOINT-STOCK
COMPANIES OVER PARTNERSHIPS
The following are given as a few of the advantages which are
claimed for corporations and joint-stock companies over
partnerships:
1. Union of capital without the active service of the investors.
2. Better facilities for borrowing. It is a common thing for a
partnership to be changed to a stock company for the
express purpose of raising money by the issue of bonds or
stock.
3. Limited agency of directors. A partner may pledge and sell
the partnership property, may buy goods on account of the
partnership, may borrow money and contract debts in the
name and on the account of the partnership. Directors of a
joint-stock company must act in accordance with the
provisions of the by-laws of the company.
4. The continuous existence of a company.
5. New shareholders are admitted more easily than new
partners.
6. A retiring partner is still liable for existing debts. A
shareholder may retire absolutely by selling his stock and
having it legally transferred.
Page 223
IV. BORROWING AND LOANING MONEY[10]
THE MONEY MARKET
Money, like other articles of commerce, has for hundreds of
years had its fields for the production of the raw products, its
manufacturing establishments, its markets and exchange centres,
its sellers and buyers, its wholesale and retail dealers, and its
brokers and commission merchants. Out of this trade in actual
coin has grown a trade in paper notes, which are really only
promises to pay coin, and out of this latter trade has grown up
during recent years a still further enormous trade in securities
representing all kinds of property. Very often these securities are
based solely upon the credit of the names attached to them, so
that our modern system of borrowing and loaning money is
really a system of borrowing and loaning credit. When our
government borrows $100,000,000, as it did a few years ago, it
gives "its bond" that the money will be paid. When States, or
cities, or railroads, or other corporations borrow money they
issue bonds guaranteeing payment at a particular time. When an
individual borrows money he gives his "bond" in the form of a
promissory note. These bonds pass from hand to hand and have a
fairly constant value in the money market. They really represent
the money trade to a much larger extent than does actual coin, so
that the borrowing or loaning of money really means, to a very
large extent, simply the borrowing or loaning of credit. If we
borrow a $10 gold piece we borrow money; if we borrow a $10
bill or an indorser's name for the back of our note we simply
borrow credit—in the one instance the credit of the United States
and in the other the credit of the man who indorses our paper.
FOOTNOTE:
THE MONEY MARKET
Money, like other articles of commerce, has for hundreds of
years had its fields for the production of the raw products, its
manufacturing establishments, its markets and exchange centres,
its sellers and buyers, its wholesale and retail dealers, and its
brokers and commission merchants. Out of this trade in actual
coin has grown a trade in paper notes, which are really only
promises to pay coin, and out of this latter trade has grown up
during recent years a still further enormous trade in securities
representing all kinds of property. Very often these securities are
based solely upon the credit of the names attached to them, so
that our modern system of borrowing and loaning money is
really a system of borrowing and loaning credit. When our
government borrows $100,000,000, as it did a few years ago, it
gives "its bond" that the money will be paid. When States, or
cities, or railroads, or other corporations borrow money they
issue bonds guaranteeing payment at a particular time. When an
individual borrows money he gives his "bond" in the form of a
promissory note. These bonds pass from hand to hand and have a
fairly constant value in the money market. They really represent
the money trade to a much larger extent than does actual coin, so
that the borrowing or loaning of money really means, to a very
large extent, simply the borrowing or loaning of credit. If we
borrow a $10 gold piece we borrow money; if we borrow a $10
bill or an indorser's name for the back of our note we simply
borrow credit—in the one instance the credit of the United States
and in the other the credit of the man who indorses our paper.
FOOTNOTE:
Page 224
[10]
The student is also referred to Part I. ("General
Business Information"), Lesson IX.
BORROWING FROM BANKS
It is the business of a bank to loan money to responsible persons
within reasonable limits. The regular customer of the bank is
entitled to and will receive the first consideration if the demand
is larger than the bank can safely meet. A business man should
not hesitate, when occasion requires, to offer his bank any paper
he may want discounted, if in his opinion it is good, nor should
he be offended if his banker refuses to take it even without
giving reasons. A portion of the loans of many banks consists of
investments in solid bonds, but the bulk of the loans of banks is
made on commercial paper. Time and demand loans are made
upon collaterals of many descriptions. The larger banks loan on
an average from $50,000 to $100,000 a day. Banks discount
paper for their depositors—and simply term the operation
discounting; but when they go outside of their line of depositors
in making investments in time paper they call it buying paper.
They generally buy from private bankers and note brokers.
National banks are prohibited from loaning over ten per cent. of
their capital to any one individual or corporation except upon
paper representing actually existing merchandise.
WHAT ARE COLLATERALS?
If a business man borrow $1000 from a bank on his note and
give ten shares of stock to the bank, to be held by it simply as
security, the stock thus given would be termed collateral. These
collaterals are not the bank's property and the bank is responsible
for their safe keeping. If coupons mature while bonds are being
The student is also referred to Part I. ("General
Business Information"), Lesson IX.
BORROWING FROM BANKS
It is the business of a bank to loan money to responsible persons
within reasonable limits. The regular customer of the bank is
entitled to and will receive the first consideration if the demand
is larger than the bank can safely meet. A business man should
not hesitate, when occasion requires, to offer his bank any paper
he may want discounted, if in his opinion it is good, nor should
he be offended if his banker refuses to take it even without
giving reasons. A portion of the loans of many banks consists of
investments in solid bonds, but the bulk of the loans of banks is
made on commercial paper. Time and demand loans are made
upon collaterals of many descriptions. The larger banks loan on
an average from $50,000 to $100,000 a day. Banks discount
paper for their depositors—and simply term the operation
discounting; but when they go outside of their line of depositors
in making investments in time paper they call it buying paper.
They generally buy from private bankers and note brokers.
National banks are prohibited from loaning over ten per cent. of
their capital to any one individual or corporation except upon
paper representing actually existing merchandise.
WHAT ARE COLLATERALS?
If a business man borrow $1000 from a bank on his note and
give ten shares of stock to the bank, to be held by it simply as
security, the stock thus given would be termed collateral. These
collaterals are not the bank's property and the bank is responsible
for their safe keeping. If coupons mature while bonds are being
Page 225
held as collateral, the owners are usually allowed to collect the
amount for which they sell. Sometimes one note is given as
collateral security for another which is discounted.
ACCOMMODATION PAPER
Notes and acceptances that are made in settlement of genuine
business transactions come under the head of regular, legitimate
business paper. An accommodation note or acceptance is one
which is signed or indorsed or accepted simply as an
accommodation and not in settlement of an account or in
payment of an indebtedness. With banks accommodation paper
has a deservedly hard reputation. However, there are all grades
and shades of accommodation paper, though it represents no
actual business transaction between the parties to it and rests
upon no other foundation than that of mutual agreement. No
contract is good without a consideration, but this is only true
between the original parties to a note. The third party, or
innocent receiver or holder of a note, has a good title and can
recover its value even though it was originally given without a
valuable consideration. An innocent holder of a note which had
been originally lost or stolen has a good title to it if he received it
for value, the law justly protecting such a holder against the fault
or carelessness of others.
NOTE BROKERS
Merchants sell a great many of their notes in the open market—
that is, to note brokers. The banks buy these notes from the note
brokers. The assistance of the broker who handles commercial
paper is a necessary and valuable aid to the purchasing bank.
Fully three fourths of all the paper purchased by banks in large
amount for which they sell. Sometimes one note is given as
collateral security for another which is discounted.
ACCOMMODATION PAPER
Notes and acceptances that are made in settlement of genuine
business transactions come under the head of regular, legitimate
business paper. An accommodation note or acceptance is one
which is signed or indorsed or accepted simply as an
accommodation and not in settlement of an account or in
payment of an indebtedness. With banks accommodation paper
has a deservedly hard reputation. However, there are all grades
and shades of accommodation paper, though it represents no
actual business transaction between the parties to it and rests
upon no other foundation than that of mutual agreement. No
contract is good without a consideration, but this is only true
between the original parties to a note. The third party, or
innocent receiver or holder of a note, has a good title and can
recover its value even though it was originally given without a
valuable consideration. An innocent holder of a note which had
been originally lost or stolen has a good title to it if he received it
for value, the law justly protecting such a holder against the fault
or carelessness of others.
NOTE BROKERS
Merchants sell a great many of their notes in the open market—
that is, to note brokers. The banks buy these notes from the note
brokers. The assistance of the broker who handles commercial
paper is a necessary and valuable aid to the purchasing bank.
Fully three fourths of all the paper purchased by banks in large
Page 226
cities is purchased upon the simple recommendation of the note
brokers. As a rule these brokers simply transfer the paper without
guaranteeing by indorsement its payment. Notes bought by
banks from note brokers without their indorsement are held to be
guaranteed by them to be all right in all points except that which
covers the question of whether they will be paid or not. The bank
uses its best judgment in taking the risk. If the note dealer in
selling notes to a bank makes what he believes to be fair and
honest representations regarding any particular paper—
statements of such a straightforward type that upon them no
charge of false pretenses can be made to rest—he simply
guarantees the note genuine as to names, date, amount, etc., and
that in selling it he conveys a good title to the paper. As business
men, however, they are very cautious and are exceedingly
anxious that the paper they sell shall be paid, and as a rule they
make good any losses which grow out of apparent
misrepresentations on their part.
BANKERS' RATES FOR LOANS
In loaning money on demand, when it is strictly understood
between bank and borrower that the money so advanced is
positively minute money—money returnable at any minute when
the bank calls for it—banks usually charge low rates of interest.
When interest rates are high bankers prefer to deal in long-time
paper. This general rule is reversed when the situation is
reversed. Bankers aim also to scatter and locate their maturities
so that as the seasons roll around they will not have very large
amounts maturing at one time and very small amounts at another.
They plan also to be "in funds" at those seasons when there is
always a large and profitable demand for money. For instance, in
the centres of the cotton-manufacturing interest the banks count
on a large demand for money between October and January,
when the bulk of the purchases to supply the mills are made.
Again, among those who operate and deal in wool there is an
brokers. As a rule these brokers simply transfer the paper without
guaranteeing by indorsement its payment. Notes bought by
banks from note brokers without their indorsement are held to be
guaranteed by them to be all right in all points except that which
covers the question of whether they will be paid or not. The bank
uses its best judgment in taking the risk. If the note dealer in
selling notes to a bank makes what he believes to be fair and
honest representations regarding any particular paper—
statements of such a straightforward type that upon them no
charge of false pretenses can be made to rest—he simply
guarantees the note genuine as to names, date, amount, etc., and
that in selling it he conveys a good title to the paper. As business
men, however, they are very cautious and are exceedingly
anxious that the paper they sell shall be paid, and as a rule they
make good any losses which grow out of apparent
misrepresentations on their part.
BANKERS' RATES FOR LOANS
In loaning money on demand, when it is strictly understood
between bank and borrower that the money so advanced is
positively minute money—money returnable at any minute when
the bank calls for it—banks usually charge low rates of interest.
When interest rates are high bankers prefer to deal in long-time
paper. This general rule is reversed when the situation is
reversed. Bankers aim also to scatter and locate their maturities
so that as the seasons roll around they will not have very large
amounts maturing at one time and very small amounts at another.
They plan also to be "in funds" at those seasons when there is
always a large and profitable demand for money. For instance, in
the centres of the cotton-manufacturing interest the banks count
on a large demand for money between October and January,
when the bulk of the purchases to supply the mills are made.
Again, among those who operate and deal in wool there is an
Page 227
active demand for money in the wool-clip in the spring months.
The wheat and corn crops are autumn consumers of money.
Midwinter and midsummer in the north are usually periods of
comparative stagnation in the money market. All these things
affect rates, and the successful banker is he who from
observation and large experience shows the most skill in timing
his money supply.
V. COLLATERALS AND SECURITIES
TWO DISTINCT CLASSES OF SECURITIES
There are two distinct classes of mortgage securities—one class
based upon the actual value and the other upon the earning value
of the property. When a man lends money upon a dwelling-house
he bases his estimate of security upon (1) the cost of the
property, (2) its location, (3) the average value of adjoining
properties, and (4) the general character of the locality; that is to
say, the value of the property is the basis of the security. On the
other hand, the lender of money upon railway mortgages, for
instance (that is, the buyer of securities known as railway
mortgages), considers the general earnings of the road rather
than the cost of building and equipping the road as the correct
basis upon which to estimate the value of the security. These two
classes of securities differ in other particulars. The value of the
mortgage upon ordinary real estate is constant and the security
itself is not so likely to change ownership, while the value of the
railway mortgage may vary with the success or failure of the
road, and the security itself is in the market constantly as a
speculative property. The whole property of a railroad company,
considered simply as real estate and equipment, is usually worth
but a small fraction of the amount for which it is mortgaged. The
The wheat and corn crops are autumn consumers of money.
Midwinter and midsummer in the north are usually periods of
comparative stagnation in the money market. All these things
affect rates, and the successful banker is he who from
observation and large experience shows the most skill in timing
his money supply.
V. COLLATERALS AND SECURITIES
TWO DISTINCT CLASSES OF SECURITIES
There are two distinct classes of mortgage securities—one class
based upon the actual value and the other upon the earning value
of the property. When a man lends money upon a dwelling-house
he bases his estimate of security upon (1) the cost of the
property, (2) its location, (3) the average value of adjoining
properties, and (4) the general character of the locality; that is to
say, the value of the property is the basis of the security. On the
other hand, the lender of money upon railway mortgages, for
instance (that is, the buyer of securities known as railway
mortgages), considers the general earnings of the road rather
than the cost of building and equipping the road as the correct
basis upon which to estimate the value of the security. These two
classes of securities differ in other particulars. The value of the
mortgage upon ordinary real estate is constant and the security
itself is not so likely to change ownership, while the value of the
railway mortgage may vary with the success or failure of the
road, and the security itself is in the market constantly as a
speculative property. The whole property of a railroad company,
considered simply as real estate and equipment, is usually worth
but a small fraction of the amount for which it is mortgaged. The
Page 228
creditors, as a rule, depend for the security of their money upon
the business of the company.
We have already learned that collaterals are mortgages, stocks,
bonds, etc., placed temporarily in the hands of lenders as
additional security for money borrowed. The student will note,
further, that the borrowing value of such securities depends very
largely upon the character of the property represented.
MORTGAGES AS SECURITIES
A mortgage is a conveyance of property for the purpose of
securing debt, with the condition that if the debt is paid the
conveyance is to become void. A mortgage in form is really a
deed of the land, with a special clause stating that the grant is not
absolute but only for the security of the debt. It is usual for the
debtor at the time of executing the mortgage to execute also a
bond or promissory note in favour of the creditor for the amount
of the debt. This is called a mortgage note. Mortgages are
frequently given in cases where there is a debt existing to secure
or indemnify the mortgagee against some liability which he may
possibly incur on behalf or for the benefit of the mortgagor. For
instance, when a man has indorsed another's note for the latter's
accommodation or gone on his bond as surety the latter may
execute to the former a mortgage of indemnity. The power of a
corporation to mortgage its property is usually regulated by its
character or by the general law under which it is organised. All
mortgages must be recorded in the office of the register of deeds
for the county in which the property is located. The object of
recording is to give notice of the existence of the mortgage to
any one who might wish to purchase the land or to take a
mortgage upon it. There may be several mortgages upon the
same property. The first mortgagee is entitled to be paid in full
first, then the second, and so on. The mortgagee may use his
mortgage as security for loans or he may assign it as he pleases.
the business of the company.
We have already learned that collaterals are mortgages, stocks,
bonds, etc., placed temporarily in the hands of lenders as
additional security for money borrowed. The student will note,
further, that the borrowing value of such securities depends very
largely upon the character of the property represented.
MORTGAGES AS SECURITIES
A mortgage is a conveyance of property for the purpose of
securing debt, with the condition that if the debt is paid the
conveyance is to become void. A mortgage in form is really a
deed of the land, with a special clause stating that the grant is not
absolute but only for the security of the debt. It is usual for the
debtor at the time of executing the mortgage to execute also a
bond or promissory note in favour of the creditor for the amount
of the debt. This is called a mortgage note. Mortgages are
frequently given in cases where there is a debt existing to secure
or indemnify the mortgagee against some liability which he may
possibly incur on behalf or for the benefit of the mortgagor. For
instance, when a man has indorsed another's note for the latter's
accommodation or gone on his bond as surety the latter may
execute to the former a mortgage of indemnity. The power of a
corporation to mortgage its property is usually regulated by its
character or by the general law under which it is organised. All
mortgages must be recorded in the office of the register of deeds
for the county in which the property is located. The object of
recording is to give notice of the existence of the mortgage to
any one who might wish to purchase the land or to take a
mortgage upon it. There may be several mortgages upon the
same property. The first mortgagee is entitled to be paid in full
first, then the second, and so on. The mortgagee may use his
mortgage as security for loans or he may assign it as he pleases.
Page 229
When the requirements of a mortgage are not met the holder has
under certain conditions the right to foreclose—that is, to
advertise the property for sale and, within a time fixed by law, to
sell it to satisfy the mortgage. It is usual for the mortgagor to
insure the property for the benefit of the mortgagee.
Although the terms of corporation mortgages are similar to those
on real estate such as is represented by dwelling-houses, the
commercial conditions make it inconvenient or impossible to
foreclose and sell such properties. To stop all business of a
railway or to shut down the work of a manufacturing concern
would not only result in injury to the public but would reduce
largely the earning value of the property. To overcome this
difficulty where an active concern is financially embarrassed, the
court appoints a receiver, who is responsible for the proper
conduct of the business until a satisfactory reorganisation or sale
is accomplished.
Mortgages upon improved property, if properly graduated in
amount, should be safe and profitable investments. The buyer,
however, must exercise great care and good judgment. Should
there be collusion between the loaning agent and the land-owner,
the money advanced may be largely in excess of the actual
property value. Villages with less than a dozen houses are often
the sites of investment companies doing business under
pretentious names and offering mortgage investments at interest
rates which by the local conditions are impossible. One of the
devices of these enterprising companies is to offer their own
guarantees as to both principal and interest of all mortgages
negotiated by them. The investor should be sure of two things:
(1) The safety of the principal, and (2) regularity in the payment
of the interest. There is great danger of default from causes not
anticipated by the mortgagor and over which he has no control.
STOCKS AS SECURITIES
under certain conditions the right to foreclose—that is, to
advertise the property for sale and, within a time fixed by law, to
sell it to satisfy the mortgage. It is usual for the mortgagor to
insure the property for the benefit of the mortgagee.
Although the terms of corporation mortgages are similar to those
on real estate such as is represented by dwelling-houses, the
commercial conditions make it inconvenient or impossible to
foreclose and sell such properties. To stop all business of a
railway or to shut down the work of a manufacturing concern
would not only result in injury to the public but would reduce
largely the earning value of the property. To overcome this
difficulty where an active concern is financially embarrassed, the
court appoints a receiver, who is responsible for the proper
conduct of the business until a satisfactory reorganisation or sale
is accomplished.
Mortgages upon improved property, if properly graduated in
amount, should be safe and profitable investments. The buyer,
however, must exercise great care and good judgment. Should
there be collusion between the loaning agent and the land-owner,
the money advanced may be largely in excess of the actual
property value. Villages with less than a dozen houses are often
the sites of investment companies doing business under
pretentious names and offering mortgage investments at interest
rates which by the local conditions are impossible. One of the
devices of these enterprising companies is to offer their own
guarantees as to both principal and interest of all mortgages
negotiated by them. The investor should be sure of two things:
(1) The safety of the principal, and (2) regularity in the payment
of the interest. There is great danger of default from causes not
anticipated by the mortgagor and over which he has no control.
STOCKS AS SECURITIES
Page 230
To make a profitable investment in stocks the buyer must
anticipate the future. A mill that may be working day and night
this year may be obliged to shut down entirely next year. A
business which is open to public competition must take its
chances on its future success. The greater the earnings, the more
certain the competition. Many corporations owning monopolies
by virtue of patent rights have made large fortunes, but there is
always the possibility of new discovery. Electricity has
succeeded gas; the telephone is competing with the telegraph;
the trolley is cutting into the profits of railways. A good thing in
stocks to-day does not necessarily mean a good thing next year.
Railroad stocks are of such varied character that it is impossible
here to make more than general statements. Many of our railroad
stocks bring prices far above par and pay liberal interest on
investments. Some of them are so profitable that they are really
not on the market and cannot easily be bought. Others represent
roads loaded down with mortgages and other obligations so
heavy as to make the stock really a liability rather than a
resource to its owner. The stock quotations represent in a general
way the comparative value of these securities. Of recent stock
electric-railway stock is the most popular and in many instances
the most profitable. The introduction of electric power has
reduced the working expense one half and in most instances has
doubled the traffic without any reduction in fares. The buyer
should make sure that the road is in a busy community able to
sustain it, that its franchise will protect it from dangerous
competition, and that the securities have been legally issued.
SUBSTITUTION SECURITIES
There have recently been formed several large companies whose
business it is to issue bonds on the security of other bonds. The
idea is similar to that of real-estate title insurance. Such
companies are supposed to have superior facilities for
investigating securities. They purchase those which they
anticipate the future. A mill that may be working day and night
this year may be obliged to shut down entirely next year. A
business which is open to public competition must take its
chances on its future success. The greater the earnings, the more
certain the competition. Many corporations owning monopolies
by virtue of patent rights have made large fortunes, but there is
always the possibility of new discovery. Electricity has
succeeded gas; the telephone is competing with the telegraph;
the trolley is cutting into the profits of railways. A good thing in
stocks to-day does not necessarily mean a good thing next year.
Railroad stocks are of such varied character that it is impossible
here to make more than general statements. Many of our railroad
stocks bring prices far above par and pay liberal interest on
investments. Some of them are so profitable that they are really
not on the market and cannot easily be bought. Others represent
roads loaded down with mortgages and other obligations so
heavy as to make the stock really a liability rather than a
resource to its owner. The stock quotations represent in a general
way the comparative value of these securities. Of recent stock
electric-railway stock is the most popular and in many instances
the most profitable. The introduction of electric power has
reduced the working expense one half and in most instances has
doubled the traffic without any reduction in fares. The buyer
should make sure that the road is in a busy community able to
sustain it, that its franchise will protect it from dangerous
competition, and that the securities have been legally issued.
SUBSTITUTION SECURITIES
There have recently been formed several large companies whose
business it is to issue bonds on the security of other bonds. The
idea is similar to that of real-estate title insurance. Such
companies are supposed to have superior facilities for
investigating securities. They purchase those which they
Page 231
consider good and at the best prices possible. These they deposit
with some trust company or banking institution. With these
bonds which they buy as their original property they issue new
bonds of their own, which they sell to the public and which they
guarantee. The differences in prices and in interest make up their
profits.
LOANS AND INVESTMENTS
With the growth of wealth we find increasing numbers of
persons who want to invest their means in good securities. To do
this successfully and safely is a very difficult question. It is even
more difficult to keep money profitably employed than to make
it. Changes and innovations are of continual occurrence. Not
only are new securities constantly coming upon the market, but
new subjects as a basis of their production are industriously
sought after. Every newly discovered force or process in
mechanics means the appearance of another detachment of paper
securities. The War of the Rebellion popularised the coupon
bond, in consequence of its adoption by the government, and
made it the favourite form of investment paper. Railroads and
other corporations soon availed themselves of the confidence
which that species of paper inspired, and States, cities, and
counties were soon flooding the country with obligations
carrying long coupon attachments. Many persons have purchased
and paid good prices for mortgage coupon bonds, giving them no
control over their security, who would have rejected share
certificates standing for an equal interest in the property pledged
and giving them the right to participate in its management, with
the possibility of a greater return for their money. Many of the
States through careless legislation have permitted corporations to
decide for themselves the amounts of obligations they might put
out, and the privilege has been very much abused. We now have
stocks and bonds upon the market representing nearly all
conceivable kinds of property—telegraph and telephone
with some trust company or banking institution. With these
bonds which they buy as their original property they issue new
bonds of their own, which they sell to the public and which they
guarantee. The differences in prices and in interest make up their
profits.
LOANS AND INVESTMENTS
With the growth of wealth we find increasing numbers of
persons who want to invest their means in good securities. To do
this successfully and safely is a very difficult question. It is even
more difficult to keep money profitably employed than to make
it. Changes and innovations are of continual occurrence. Not
only are new securities constantly coming upon the market, but
new subjects as a basis of their production are industriously
sought after. Every newly discovered force or process in
mechanics means the appearance of another detachment of paper
securities. The War of the Rebellion popularised the coupon
bond, in consequence of its adoption by the government, and
made it the favourite form of investment paper. Railroads and
other corporations soon availed themselves of the confidence
which that species of paper inspired, and States, cities, and
counties were soon flooding the country with obligations
carrying long coupon attachments. Many persons have purchased
and paid good prices for mortgage coupon bonds, giving them no
control over their security, who would have rejected share
certificates standing for an equal interest in the property pledged
and giving them the right to participate in its management, with
the possibility of a greater return for their money. Many of the
States through careless legislation have permitted corporations to
decide for themselves the amounts of obligations they might put
out, and the privilege has been very much abused. We now have
stocks and bonds upon the market representing nearly all
conceivable kinds of property—telegraph and telephone
Page 232
companies, mining companies, cattle ranches, grain farms,
water-works, canals, bridges, oil- and gas-wells, electric lighting,
trolley companies, factories and mills, patent rights, steamboat
lines, apartment-houses, etc. Not only are properties of many
kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are
often issued upon the same properties. One issue of bonds is
sometimes made the basis of other issues. Some one has said that
there never was a time in the history of the world when it was so
easy to invest money—and to lose it. Of the securities that are
offered with first-class recommendations it is probable that about
one third are actually good, one third have some value, and one
third are practically worthless. In making investments the first
and main thing to be studied is safety. Never buy a security of
any kind without having read it. Do not buy what are commonly
known as cheap securities. Do not rely solely upon the advice of
a broker; he may have personal interest to serve. By far the
greater number of losses to investors have been in securities
purchased exclusively on the recommendation of interested
commission men. It is a mistake to give preference to listed
securities—that is, those reported on the stock-exchange lists.
Stocks are too often listed simply for speculative purposes, and
the price represents not so much the value of the property as the
pitch of the speculation at the time. Securities in the long run
must stand upon their merits. As a rule the best time for an
experienced investor to buy is when others are unloading.
VI. CHEQUES, DRAFTS, AND BILLS OF
EXCHANGE[11]
BANK CHEQUES
water-works, canals, bridges, oil- and gas-wells, electric lighting,
trolley companies, factories and mills, patent rights, steamboat
lines, apartment-houses, etc. Not only are properties of many
kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are
often issued upon the same properties. One issue of bonds is
sometimes made the basis of other issues. Some one has said that
there never was a time in the history of the world when it was so
easy to invest money—and to lose it. Of the securities that are
offered with first-class recommendations it is probable that about
one third are actually good, one third have some value, and one
third are practically worthless. In making investments the first
and main thing to be studied is safety. Never buy a security of
any kind without having read it. Do not buy what are commonly
known as cheap securities. Do not rely solely upon the advice of
a broker; he may have personal interest to serve. By far the
greater number of losses to investors have been in securities
purchased exclusively on the recommendation of interested
commission men. It is a mistake to give preference to listed
securities—that is, those reported on the stock-exchange lists.
Stocks are too often listed simply for speculative purposes, and
the price represents not so much the value of the property as the
pitch of the speculation at the time. Securities in the long run
must stand upon their merits. As a rule the best time for an
experienced investor to buy is when others are unloading.
VI. CHEQUES, DRAFTS, AND BILLS OF
EXCHANGE[11]
BANK CHEQUES
Page 233
Showing cheque raised from $7.50 to $70.50.
A cheque is an order for money, drawn by one who has funds in
the bank, payable on demand. Banks provide blank cheques for
their customers and it is a very simple matter to fill them out
properly. In writing in the amount begin at the extreme left of the
line. The illustrations given here show a poorly-written cheque
and a copy of the same cheque after it has been "raised." The
original cheque was for $7.50 and shows very careless
arrangement. It was a very easy matter for the fraudulent
receiver to change the "seven" to "seventy" and to add a cipher
to the amount in figures. The running line was written in on the
A cheque is an order for money, drawn by one who has funds in
the bank, payable on demand. Banks provide blank cheques for
their customers and it is a very simple matter to fill them out
properly. In writing in the amount begin at the extreme left of the
line. The illustrations given here show a poorly-written cheque
and a copy of the same cheque after it has been "raised." The
original cheque was for $7.50 and shows very careless
arrangement. It was a very easy matter for the fraudulent
receiver to change the "seven" to "seventy" and to add a cipher
to the amount in figures. The running line was written in on the
Page 234
raised cheque to deceive the bank. In this case Mr. Carter and not
the bank must suffer the loss. Mr. Carter cannot hold the bank
responsible for his carelessness. Drawers of cheques should
exercise the greatest care in writing in the amount to prevent
changes or additions. Draw a running line, thus: ~~~Nine~~~ before
and after the amount written in words. If the words are
commenced close to the left margin the running line will be
necessary only at the right. The signature should be in your usual
style familiar to the paying teller. The plain, freely written
signature is the most difficult to forge. Usually cheques are
drawn "to order." The words "Pay to the order of John Brown"
mean that the money is to be paid to John Brown or to any
person he "orders" it paid to. By indorsing the cheque in blank
(see indorsements) he makes it payable to bearer. If a cheque is
drawn "Pay to bearer" any person—that is, the bearer—can
collect it. The paying teller may ask the person cashing the
cheque to write his name on the back, simply to have it for
reference. Safety devices to prevent the fraudulent alteration of
cheques are of almost endless variety, but there has not been a
preventive against forgery and alterations yet invented, which
has not been successfully overcome by swindlers. A machine for
punching out the figures is in common use, but the swindler has
successfully filled in the holes with paper-pulp and punched
other figures to suit his purposes. The safest cheques are those
carefully written upon what is known as safety paper.
FOOTNOTE:
[11]
A part of the matter of this lesson has already
appeared in Part I. of this book ("General Business
Information"), but it is here repeated to preserve the
connection.
the bank must suffer the loss. Mr. Carter cannot hold the bank
responsible for his carelessness. Drawers of cheques should
exercise the greatest care in writing in the amount to prevent
changes or additions. Draw a running line, thus: ~~~Nine~~~ before
and after the amount written in words. If the words are
commenced close to the left margin the running line will be
necessary only at the right. The signature should be in your usual
style familiar to the paying teller. The plain, freely written
signature is the most difficult to forge. Usually cheques are
drawn "to order." The words "Pay to the order of John Brown"
mean that the money is to be paid to John Brown or to any
person he "orders" it paid to. By indorsing the cheque in blank
(see indorsements) he makes it payable to bearer. If a cheque is
drawn "Pay to bearer" any person—that is, the bearer—can
collect it. The paying teller may ask the person cashing the
cheque to write his name on the back, simply to have it for
reference. Safety devices to prevent the fraudulent alteration of
cheques are of almost endless variety, but there has not been a
preventive against forgery and alterations yet invented, which
has not been successfully overcome by swindlers. A machine for
punching out the figures is in common use, but the swindler has
successfully filled in the holes with paper-pulp and punched
other figures to suit his purposes. The safest cheques are those
carefully written upon what is known as safety paper.
FOOTNOTE:
[11]
A part of the matter of this lesson has already
appeared in Part I. of this book ("General Business
Information"), but it is here repeated to preserve the
connection.
Page 235
IDENTIFICATION WHEN CHEQUES ARE PAID
The banks of this country make it a rule not to cash a cheque that
is drawn payable to order unless the person presenting the
cheque is known at the bank—or unless he satisfies the paying
teller that he is really the person to whom the money is to be
paid. It must be remembered, however, that a cheque drawn to
order and then indorsed in blank by the payee is really payable to
bearer, and if the paying teller is satisfied that the payee's
signature is genuine he probably will not hesitate to cash the
cheque. In England all cheques apparently properly indorsed are
paid without identification. In drawing a cheque in favour of a
person not likely to be well known in banking circles, write his
address or his business after his name on the face of the cheque.
For instance, if you should send a cheque to John Smith, Boston,
it may possibly fall into the hands of the wrong John Smith; but
if you write the cheque in favour of "John Smith, 849 Tremont
Street, Boston," it is more than likely that the right person will
collect it. If you wish to get a cheque cashed where you are
unknown, and it is not convenient for a friend who has an
account at the bank to go with you for the purpose of
identification, ask him to place his signature on the back of your
cheque and it is likely you will not have trouble in getting it
cashed. By placing his signature on the back of the cheque he
guarantees the bank against loss. A bank is responsible for the
signatures of its depositors, but it cannot be supposed to know
the signatures of indorsers. The reliable identifier is in reality the
person who is responsible.
CHEQUES FOR SPECIAL PURPOSES
If you wish to draw money from your own account the most
approved form of cheque is written "Pay to the order of cash."
This differs from a cheque drawn to "bearer." The paying teller
The banks of this country make it a rule not to cash a cheque that
is drawn payable to order unless the person presenting the
cheque is known at the bank—or unless he satisfies the paying
teller that he is really the person to whom the money is to be
paid. It must be remembered, however, that a cheque drawn to
order and then indorsed in blank by the payee is really payable to
bearer, and if the paying teller is satisfied that the payee's
signature is genuine he probably will not hesitate to cash the
cheque. In England all cheques apparently properly indorsed are
paid without identification. In drawing a cheque in favour of a
person not likely to be well known in banking circles, write his
address or his business after his name on the face of the cheque.
For instance, if you should send a cheque to John Smith, Boston,
it may possibly fall into the hands of the wrong John Smith; but
if you write the cheque in favour of "John Smith, 849 Tremont
Street, Boston," it is more than likely that the right person will
collect it. If you wish to get a cheque cashed where you are
unknown, and it is not convenient for a friend who has an
account at the bank to go with you for the purpose of
identification, ask him to place his signature on the back of your
cheque and it is likely you will not have trouble in getting it
cashed. By placing his signature on the back of the cheque he
guarantees the bank against loss. A bank is responsible for the
signatures of its depositors, but it cannot be supposed to know
the signatures of indorsers. The reliable identifier is in reality the
person who is responsible.
CHEQUES FOR SPECIAL PURPOSES
If you wish to draw money from your own account the most
approved form of cheque is written "Pay to the order of cash."
This differs from a cheque drawn to "bearer." The paying teller
Page 236
expects to see you yourself or some one well known to him as
your representative when you write "cash." If you write "Pay to
the order of (your own name)" you will be required to indorse
your own cheque before you can get it cashed. If you wish to
draw a cheque to pay a note write "Pay to the order of bills
payable." If you wish to write a cheque to draw money for wages
write "Pay to the order of pay-roll." If you wish to write a cheque
to pay for a draft which you are buying write "Pay to the order of
N. Y. draft and exchange," or whatever the circumstances may
call for.
CHEQUE INDORSEMENTS
In indorsing a cheque remember that the left end of the face is
the top when you turn it over. Write your name as you are
accustomed to write it. If you are depositing the cheque, a blank
indorsement—that is, an indorsement with simply your name—
will answer; or you can write or stamp "Pay to the order of (the
bank in which you deposit)" and follow with your signature.
Either indorsement makes the cheque the absolute property of
the bank. If you wish to transfer the cheque by indorsement to
some particular person write "Pay to the order of (naming the
person)" and follow with your own signature; or you may simply
write your name on the back. The latter form would be
considered unwise if you were sending the cheque through the
mail, for the reason that a blank indorsement makes the cheque
payable to bearer. An authorised stamped indorsement is as good
as a written one. Whether such indorsements are accepted or not
depends upon the regulations of the clearing-house in the
particular city in which they are offered for deposit.
THE NUMBERING OF CHEQUES
your representative when you write "cash." If you write "Pay to
the order of (your own name)" you will be required to indorse
your own cheque before you can get it cashed. If you wish to
draw a cheque to pay a note write "Pay to the order of bills
payable." If you wish to write a cheque to draw money for wages
write "Pay to the order of pay-roll." If you wish to write a cheque
to pay for a draft which you are buying write "Pay to the order of
N. Y. draft and exchange," or whatever the circumstances may
call for.
CHEQUE INDORSEMENTS
In indorsing a cheque remember that the left end of the face is
the top when you turn it over. Write your name as you are
accustomed to write it. If you are depositing the cheque, a blank
indorsement—that is, an indorsement with simply your name—
will answer; or you can write or stamp "Pay to the order of (the
bank in which you deposit)" and follow with your signature.
Either indorsement makes the cheque the absolute property of
the bank. If you wish to transfer the cheque by indorsement to
some particular person write "Pay to the order of (naming the
person)" and follow with your own signature; or you may simply
write your name on the back. The latter form would be
considered unwise if you were sending the cheque through the
mail, for the reason that a blank indorsement makes the cheque
payable to bearer. An authorised stamped indorsement is as good
as a written one. Whether such indorsements are accepted or not
depends upon the regulations of the clearing-house in the
particular city in which they are offered for deposit.
THE NUMBERING OF CHEQUES
Page 237
A certified cheque.
Cheques should be numbered, so that each can be accounted for.
The numbers are for your convenience and not for the
convenience of the bank. It is important that your cheque-book
be correctly kept, so that you can tell at any time how much
money you have in the bank. At the end of each month your
small bank-book should be left at the bank, so that the
bookkeeper may balance it. It may happen that your bank-book
will show a larger balance than your cheque-book. You will
understand by this, if both have been correctly kept, that there
are cheques outstanding which have not yet been presented at
your bank for payment. You can find out which these are by
checking over the paid cheques that have been returned to you
with your bank-book. The unpaid cheques may be presented at
any time, so that your actual balance is that shown by your
cheque-book. Cheques should be presented for payment as soon
after date as possible.
CERTIFIED CHEQUES
Cheques should be numbered, so that each can be accounted for.
The numbers are for your convenience and not for the
convenience of the bank. It is important that your cheque-book
be correctly kept, so that you can tell at any time how much
money you have in the bank. At the end of each month your
small bank-book should be left at the bank, so that the
bookkeeper may balance it. It may happen that your bank-book
will show a larger balance than your cheque-book. You will
understand by this, if both have been correctly kept, that there
are cheques outstanding which have not yet been presented at
your bank for payment. You can find out which these are by
checking over the paid cheques that have been returned to you
with your bank-book. The unpaid cheques may be presented at
any time, so that your actual balance is that shown by your
cheque-book. Cheques should be presented for payment as soon
after date as possible.
CERTIFIED CHEQUES
Page 238
A bank draft.
If you wish to use your cheque to pay a note due at some other
bank than your own, or in buying real estate or stocks or bonds
you may find it necessary to get your cheque certified. This is
done by an officer of the bank, who writes or stamps across the
face of the cheque the words "Certified" or "Good when properly
indorsed" and signs his name. (See illustration, p. 244.) The
amount will immediately be deducted from your account, and the
bank by guaranteeing your cheque becomes responsible for its
payment. If you should get a cheque certified and then not use it
deposit it in your bank, otherwise your account will be short the
amount for which it is drawn.
BANK DRAFTS
If you wish to use your cheque to pay a note due at some other
bank than your own, or in buying real estate or stocks or bonds
you may find it necessary to get your cheque certified. This is
done by an officer of the bank, who writes or stamps across the
face of the cheque the words "Certified" or "Good when properly
indorsed" and signs his name. (See illustration, p. 244.) The
amount will immediately be deducted from your account, and the
bank by guaranteeing your cheque becomes responsible for its
payment. If you should get a cheque certified and then not use it
deposit it in your bank, otherwise your account will be short the
amount for which it is drawn.
BANK DRAFTS
Page 239
A bill of exchange.
Nearly all banks keep money on deposit in other banks in large
commercial centres—for instance, in New York or Chicago.
They call these banks their New York or Chicago
correspondents. A bank draft is simply the bank's cheque
drawing upon its deposit with some other bank. (See illustration,
p. 245.) Banks sell these cheques to their customers, and
merchants make large use of them in making remittances from
one part of the country to another. These drafts or cashiers'
cheques, as they are sometimes called, pass as cash anywhere
within a reasonable distance of the money centre upon which
they are drawn.
BILLS OF EXCHANGE
A draft on a foreign bank is commonly called a bill of exchange.
Bills of exchange are usually drawn in duplicate and sometimes
in triplicate. (See illustration, p. 246.) Only one bill is collected,
the others simply serving in the meantime as receipts. These bills
are used to pay accounts in foreign countries, just as drafts on
New York or Chicago are used to pay indebtedness at home.
Nearly all banks keep money on deposit in other banks in large
commercial centres—for instance, in New York or Chicago.
They call these banks their New York or Chicago
correspondents. A bank draft is simply the bank's cheque
drawing upon its deposit with some other bank. (See illustration,
p. 245.) Banks sell these cheques to their customers, and
merchants make large use of them in making remittances from
one part of the country to another. These drafts or cashiers'
cheques, as they are sometimes called, pass as cash anywhere
within a reasonable distance of the money centre upon which
they are drawn.
BILLS OF EXCHANGE
A draft on a foreign bank is commonly called a bill of exchange.
Bills of exchange are usually drawn in duplicate and sometimes
in triplicate. (See illustration, p. 246.) Only one bill is collected,
the others simply serving in the meantime as receipts. These bills
are used to pay accounts in foreign countries, just as drafts on
New York or Chicago are used to pay indebtedness at home.
Page 240
VII. THE CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM[12]
THE CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM A MODERN
INSTITUTION
The clearing-house is a comparatively modern institution, the
Edinburgh bankers claiming the credit of establishing the first
one. The earliest clearing-house of whose transactions we have
any record is that of London, founded about 1775. For fully
seventy-five years the London clearing-house and that of
Edinburgh were the only organisations of the kind known to
exist. The monetary systems of most European countries
centring around one great national bank located at the capital of
each, found in this a means of effecting mercantile settlements.
The New York clearing-house was established in 1853, from
which date the American clearing-house system has grown to
enormous proportions. No country in the world has so large a
need of clearing-houses, for in no country is the bank cheque so
generally used in the payment of ordinary accounts.
TRANSFER OF CREDITS IN CLEARING-HOUSES
The purpose of the clearing-house is largely to facilitate the
transfer of credits. This is explained by the following illustration:
Suppose that Brown and Smith keep their money on deposit in
Bank A and that Brown gives Smith his cheque for $100 and
Smith deposits it in the bank to his (Smith's) credit. The officers
of the bank will subtract $100 from Brown's account and add the
same amount to Smith's account. No actual money need be
touched. It is simply a matter of arithmetic and bookkeeping.
Credit has been transferred from Brown to Smith. If all the
people of a city kept their money in one central bank there would
THE CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM A MODERN
INSTITUTION
The clearing-house is a comparatively modern institution, the
Edinburgh bankers claiming the credit of establishing the first
one. The earliest clearing-house of whose transactions we have
any record is that of London, founded about 1775. For fully
seventy-five years the London clearing-house and that of
Edinburgh were the only organisations of the kind known to
exist. The monetary systems of most European countries
centring around one great national bank located at the capital of
each, found in this a means of effecting mercantile settlements.
The New York clearing-house was established in 1853, from
which date the American clearing-house system has grown to
enormous proportions. No country in the world has so large a
need of clearing-houses, for in no country is the bank cheque so
generally used in the payment of ordinary accounts.
TRANSFER OF CREDITS IN CLEARING-HOUSES
The purpose of the clearing-house is largely to facilitate the
transfer of credits. This is explained by the following illustration:
Suppose that Brown and Smith keep their money on deposit in
Bank A and that Brown gives Smith his cheque for $100 and
Smith deposits it in the bank to his (Smith's) credit. The officers
of the bank will subtract $100 from Brown's account and add the
same amount to Smith's account. No actual money need be
touched. It is simply a matter of arithmetic and bookkeeping.
Credit has been transferred from Brown to Smith. If all the
people of a city kept their money in one central bank there would
Page 241
be no need of a clearing-house. The bookkeepers of the bank
would be kept busy transferring credits from one customer to
another on the books of the bank. But if Brown keeps his money
in Bank A and Smith keeps his money in Bank B it is necessary
that Bank A and Bank B come together somewhere to
conveniently make the credit transfer, and this is practically what
they do in the clearing-house. Then, again, if Bank A should be
located in San Francisco and Bank B in Boston, the difficulty of
transfer of credit is greatly increased.
Through the agency of clearing-houses located in money centres
and of co-operation between banks at distant points, the transfer
of credits between business men located anywhere in the United
States, or for that matter in the world, has become a
comparatively simple matter. If it were not for the agency of this
system it would be utterly impossible for a great city to do the
business of a single day. All the actual money in all the banks
and stores and safes and pockets of New York City to-day would
fall far short if used to pay to-day's transactions. It is estimated
that the cash transactions of a single day are fifty times greater
than the actual cash changing hands in one day. So that the great
bulk of the business of the country, both cash and credit, is done
on a system of credit transfers made possible wholly through the
agency of our banking system.
FOOTNOTE:
[12]
See also Lesson VIII. of Part I. of this book
("General Business Information").
ORGANISATION OF CLEARING-HOUSES
would be kept busy transferring credits from one customer to
another on the books of the bank. But if Brown keeps his money
in Bank A and Smith keeps his money in Bank B it is necessary
that Bank A and Bank B come together somewhere to
conveniently make the credit transfer, and this is practically what
they do in the clearing-house. Then, again, if Bank A should be
located in San Francisco and Bank B in Boston, the difficulty of
transfer of credit is greatly increased.
Through the agency of clearing-houses located in money centres
and of co-operation between banks at distant points, the transfer
of credits between business men located anywhere in the United
States, or for that matter in the world, has become a
comparatively simple matter. If it were not for the agency of this
system it would be utterly impossible for a great city to do the
business of a single day. All the actual money in all the banks
and stores and safes and pockets of New York City to-day would
fall far short if used to pay to-day's transactions. It is estimated
that the cash transactions of a single day are fifty times greater
than the actual cash changing hands in one day. So that the great
bulk of the business of the country, both cash and credit, is done
on a system of credit transfers made possible wholly through the
agency of our banking system.
FOOTNOTE:
[12]
See also Lesson VIII. of Part I. of this book
("General Business Information").
ORGANISATION OF CLEARING-HOUSES
Page 242
Each large city has its clearing-house system. To establish a
clearing-house a number of banks associate themselves together,
under certain regulations, for the purpose of exchanging daily at
one time and place the cheques and other commercial paper
which they hold against each other. The usual officers are a
president, a secretary, a treasurer, and manager, and a clearing-
house committee. The cheques, etc., which the banks take to the
clearing-house are called the clearing-house exchanges, and the
total amount of paper exchanged is called the day's clearings.
Those banks which bring a less amount than they take away are
obliged to make the difference good in cash or its equivalent
within a fixed time upon the same day. Suppose, for illustration,
that a clearing-house association consists of five banks—A, B,
C, D, and E—and that Bank A took to the clearing-house
cheques against B, C, D, and E amounting to $20,000, and that
B, C, D, and E took to the clearing-house cheques against A
amounting to $21,000. Then A is on this particular day a debtor
bank, and owes the clearing-house, or the other banks through
the clearing-house, $1000. The payment of the balances by the
debtor banks and the receipt of the balances by the creditor
banks complete each day's transactions. As the total amount
brought to the clearing-house is always the same as the amount
taken away, so the balances due from the debtor banks must be
exactly equal to the amounts due the creditor banks. The
clearings in New York City in one day amount to from
$100,000,000 to $200,000,000, and the actual cash handled, if
any, need only be for the actual debit balances. Usually once a
week (in some cities oftener) the banks of a city make to their
clearing-house a report, based on daily balances, of their
condition. The clearing-house establishes a fellowship among
banks that has already proved in times of money panics of the
greatest service to themselves and the community.
PAYMENT OF BALANCES IN CLEARING-HOUSES
clearing-house a number of banks associate themselves together,
under certain regulations, for the purpose of exchanging daily at
one time and place the cheques and other commercial paper
which they hold against each other. The usual officers are a
president, a secretary, a treasurer, and manager, and a clearing-
house committee. The cheques, etc., which the banks take to the
clearing-house are called the clearing-house exchanges, and the
total amount of paper exchanged is called the day's clearings.
Those banks which bring a less amount than they take away are
obliged to make the difference good in cash or its equivalent
within a fixed time upon the same day. Suppose, for illustration,
that a clearing-house association consists of five banks—A, B,
C, D, and E—and that Bank A took to the clearing-house
cheques against B, C, D, and E amounting to $20,000, and that
B, C, D, and E took to the clearing-house cheques against A
amounting to $21,000. Then A is on this particular day a debtor
bank, and owes the clearing-house, or the other banks through
the clearing-house, $1000. The payment of the balances by the
debtor banks and the receipt of the balances by the creditor
banks complete each day's transactions. As the total amount
brought to the clearing-house is always the same as the amount
taken away, so the balances due from the debtor banks must be
exactly equal to the amounts due the creditor banks. The
clearings in New York City in one day amount to from
$100,000,000 to $200,000,000, and the actual cash handled, if
any, need only be for the actual debit balances. Usually once a
week (in some cities oftener) the banks of a city make to their
clearing-house a report, based on daily balances, of their
condition. The clearing-house establishes a fellowship among
banks that has already proved in times of money panics of the
greatest service to themselves and the community.
PAYMENT OF BALANCES IN CLEARING-HOUSES
Page 243
Clearing-house certificates are made use of in many cities for the
payment of balances by debtor banks. These are issued against
gold deposited with one of the associated banks. They are
numbered, registered, and countersigned by the proper officer,
and are used only in settlements between the banks. Various
methods of making settlements are in use. In some of the cities
the balances are paid by drafts on New York or other money
centres. The debtor bank sells some creditor bank New York
exchange, and receives in return a cheque or order on the
clearing-house, which when presented makes the debits and
credits balance. It is estimated that the actual cash employed in
New York clearings is less than one half of one per cent. of the
balances.
HOW DISTANT BANKS ARE CONNECTED BY THE
CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM
Illustrating cheque collections.
payment of balances by debtor banks. These are issued against
gold deposited with one of the associated banks. They are
numbered, registered, and countersigned by the proper officer,
and are used only in settlements between the banks. Various
methods of making settlements are in use. In some of the cities
the balances are paid by drafts on New York or other money
centres. The debtor bank sells some creditor bank New York
exchange, and receives in return a cheque or order on the
clearing-house, which when presented makes the debits and
credits balance. It is estimated that the actual cash employed in
New York clearings is less than one half of one per cent. of the
balances.
HOW DISTANT BANKS ARE CONNECTED BY THE
CLEARING-HOUSE SYSTEM
Illustrating cheque collections.
Page 244
To illustrate the connection between banks at distant points let us
suppose that B of Haverhill, Mass., who keeps his money on
deposit in the First National Bank of that city, sends a cheque to
S of Waconia, Wis., in payment of a bill. S deposits the cheque in
the Farmers' Bank of Waconia and receives immediate credit for
it in his bank-book, just the same as though the cheque were
drawn upon the same or a near-by bank. The Farmers' Bank
deposits the cheque, with other cheques, in, say, the First
National Bank of Minneapolis, or it may send the cheque to its
correspondent in New York—say the Ninth National—asking to
be credited with the amount. For sake of illustration, suppose
that the cheque is deposited with the First National of
Minneapolis. Now, this bank has a correspondent in Chicago—
the Commercial National—and a correspondent in New York—
the National Bank of the Republic. If sent to the Commercial
National, this bank has a correspondent in Boston—the Eliot
Bank, where the cheque would be sent. Now, the First National
of Haverhill has a correspondent in Boston—the National Revere
Bank. The Eliot Bank would likely take this cheque to the
Boston clearing-house as a charge against the Revere Bank. The
Revere Bank would deduct the amount from the First National of
Haverhill's deposit and send the paid cheque to the Haverhill
Bank, where at the close of the month it would be handed to B,
showing on the back the indorsement of S, and stamping
representing all the banks through whose hands it passed. If the
Farmers' Bank of Waconia had sent direct to its New York
correspondent, the Ninth National, this bank would have sent to
its Boston correspondent, the North National, and the cheque
would have been charged up through the clearing-house against
the Revere Bank. If the First National of Minneapolis had sent
direct to its New York correspondent, the National Bank of the
Republic, this bank would have sent to its Boston correspondent,
the Shawmut National, etc. As a rule, banks collect by whatever
route seems most convenient or advantageous. It is estimated
that millions of dollars are lost to the banks each year on account
of the time consumed by cheques en route.
suppose that B of Haverhill, Mass., who keeps his money on
deposit in the First National Bank of that city, sends a cheque to
S of Waconia, Wis., in payment of a bill. S deposits the cheque in
the Farmers' Bank of Waconia and receives immediate credit for
it in his bank-book, just the same as though the cheque were
drawn upon the same or a near-by bank. The Farmers' Bank
deposits the cheque, with other cheques, in, say, the First
National Bank of Minneapolis, or it may send the cheque to its
correspondent in New York—say the Ninth National—asking to
be credited with the amount. For sake of illustration, suppose
that the cheque is deposited with the First National of
Minneapolis. Now, this bank has a correspondent in Chicago—
the Commercial National—and a correspondent in New York—
the National Bank of the Republic. If sent to the Commercial
National, this bank has a correspondent in Boston—the Eliot
Bank, where the cheque would be sent. Now, the First National
of Haverhill has a correspondent in Boston—the National Revere
Bank. The Eliot Bank would likely take this cheque to the
Boston clearing-house as a charge against the Revere Bank. The
Revere Bank would deduct the amount from the First National of
Haverhill's deposit and send the paid cheque to the Haverhill
Bank, where at the close of the month it would be handed to B,
showing on the back the indorsement of S, and stamping
representing all the banks through whose hands it passed. If the
Farmers' Bank of Waconia had sent direct to its New York
correspondent, the Ninth National, this bank would have sent to
its Boston correspondent, the North National, and the cheque
would have been charged up through the clearing-house against
the Revere Bank. If the First National of Minneapolis had sent
direct to its New York correspondent, the National Bank of the
Republic, this bank would have sent to its Boston correspondent,
the Shawmut National, etc. As a rule, banks collect by whatever
route seems most convenient or advantageous. It is estimated
that millions of dollars are lost to the banks each year on account
of the time consumed by cheques en route.
Page 245
VIII. COMMERCIAL CREDITS AND
MERCANTILE AGENCIES
HOW THE WORLD'S TRADE IS LARGELY
TRANSACTED UPON CREDIT
It is estimated that about ninety per cent. of the world's trade is
transacted upon credit. And in no country of the world are
commercial credits so freely granted as in the United States. This
is a land of seemingly unlimited faith in humanity, and yet a land
in which hazardous speculation, extravagance, and bankruptcy
have often prevailed. Statistics show that about ninety-five per
cent. of our merchants "fail to succeed," and yet no other country
can boast of such wealth, industrial energy, and generous
confidence in business integrity. While credit is not money, in
that it cannot settle a debt, it must be considered a very powerful
agent in the creation of capital. Credit is another name for trust.
The business world bases its confidence or trust in men upon
their character and resources. And the extent of this trust
becomes the only limitation of the business man's purchasing
power. He who can show conclusively the ability and disposition
to fulfil obligations, has it within his power to command the
capital or merchandise of others. Credit is one of the fruits of a
higher civilisation and a settled condition of a country's business.
It bespeaks a quality of government, too, that is not to be
depreciated. The nations that are most successfully and equitably
governed and show the most stable conditions of currency also
show us the most extensive and efficient credit systems. It is
abundantly true that these same nations have on many occasions
passed through periods of great distress from failures widespread
and panics severe, but it must also be borne in mind that these
very bankruptcies are more often the abuse of prosperity than the
product of adversity. Over-confidence in men and things has
resulted in speculation and precipitated bankruptcy. And if it be
MERCANTILE AGENCIES
HOW THE WORLD'S TRADE IS LARGELY
TRANSACTED UPON CREDIT
It is estimated that about ninety per cent. of the world's trade is
transacted upon credit. And in no country of the world are
commercial credits so freely granted as in the United States. This
is a land of seemingly unlimited faith in humanity, and yet a land
in which hazardous speculation, extravagance, and bankruptcy
have often prevailed. Statistics show that about ninety-five per
cent. of our merchants "fail to succeed," and yet no other country
can boast of such wealth, industrial energy, and generous
confidence in business integrity. While credit is not money, in
that it cannot settle a debt, it must be considered a very powerful
agent in the creation of capital. Credit is another name for trust.
The business world bases its confidence or trust in men upon
their character and resources. And the extent of this trust
becomes the only limitation of the business man's purchasing
power. He who can show conclusively the ability and disposition
to fulfil obligations, has it within his power to command the
capital or merchandise of others. Credit is one of the fruits of a
higher civilisation and a settled condition of a country's business.
It bespeaks a quality of government, too, that is not to be
depreciated. The nations that are most successfully and equitably
governed and show the most stable conditions of currency also
show us the most extensive and efficient credit systems. It is
abundantly true that these same nations have on many occasions
passed through periods of great distress from failures widespread
and panics severe, but it must also be borne in mind that these
very bankruptcies are more often the abuse of prosperity than the
product of adversity. Over-confidence in men and things has
resulted in speculation and precipitated bankruptcy. And if it be
Page 246
urged that to the undue expansion of credit is traceable the
greater number of our financial disasters, it may be said with still
greater force that all our impetus to industrial achievement has
been and still is dependent upon the generous exercise of credit.
The construction of our railroads and canals, the operation of our
mines, the improvement of our great farm areas, the building of
our towns and cities, and the development of our extensive
manufacturing interests are all the result of the trust reposed in
men and the industrial interests they represent.
THE IMPORTANCE OF A HIGH STANDARD OF CREDIT
TO BUSINESS MEN
Reticence on the part of business men respecting their financial
position may seriously impair their credit. It is universally
regarded by the intelligent business man to be good policy to
make known his condition. A refusal to do so throws a suspicion
and doubt upon his financial ability, and at some future time
when confidence in his integrity may be essential to the very life
of his business, he may find the necessary help unobtainable. An
applicant for credit should be willing to prove himself worthy of
it. But the keen competition among merchants eager for sales
often enables the buyer to obtain credit without the necessity of
giving very much evidence as to his commercial standing. Since
some risks must be taken merchants frequently conclude to
accept an account because of its possible acceptance by some
competitor. If business is to be had risks must be taken, is the
theory.
When former customers apply for credit the merchant is guided
by the record made in previous dealings. A business man's ledger
is a very valuable history of credits. It is his compass in a sea of
doubt. If upon the inspection of an old account it be discovered
that in former years the customer paid cash and discounted his
bills, and that later his method of payment was by promissory
greater number of our financial disasters, it may be said with still
greater force that all our impetus to industrial achievement has
been and still is dependent upon the generous exercise of credit.
The construction of our railroads and canals, the operation of our
mines, the improvement of our great farm areas, the building of
our towns and cities, and the development of our extensive
manufacturing interests are all the result of the trust reposed in
men and the industrial interests they represent.
THE IMPORTANCE OF A HIGH STANDARD OF CREDIT
TO BUSINESS MEN
Reticence on the part of business men respecting their financial
position may seriously impair their credit. It is universally
regarded by the intelligent business man to be good policy to
make known his condition. A refusal to do so throws a suspicion
and doubt upon his financial ability, and at some future time
when confidence in his integrity may be essential to the very life
of his business, he may find the necessary help unobtainable. An
applicant for credit should be willing to prove himself worthy of
it. But the keen competition among merchants eager for sales
often enables the buyer to obtain credit without the necessity of
giving very much evidence as to his commercial standing. Since
some risks must be taken merchants frequently conclude to
accept an account because of its possible acceptance by some
competitor. If business is to be had risks must be taken, is the
theory.
When former customers apply for credit the merchant is guided
by the record made in previous dealings. A business man's ledger
is a very valuable history of credits. It is his compass in a sea of
doubt. If upon the inspection of an old account it be discovered
that in former years the customer paid cash and discounted his
bills, and that later his method of payment was by promissory
Page 247
notes, and that on several occasions he asked for special favours,
such as dating bills ahead or the privilege of renewal of notes,
one is able to read a certain unmistakable sign of degeneracy in
the customer's credit. New orders from such a customer will bear
scrutiny; and a closer attention to the present condition of the
account may save the firm from some bad debts.
While it is possible to-day to determine the average losses from
bad debts in the various lines of business, individual risks cannot
be accepted on that basis. Each requires special study. If an
applying customer paints his financial condition in roseate
colours, let him be willing to reduce his statement to writing, and
when his signature is affixed his statement is much more
reliable, because he knows of the impending liability of fraud if
he has misrepresented. Men averse to transforming an oral
statement to writing have discredited themselves immediately.
Men who mean to be honest may be optimistic in picturing
prospects and be inclined to set an unreasonable value upon their
property and extent of business. It may be easier to tell the
absolute truth about one's liabilities, because they are such
persistently real things; but assets have elastic qualities in many
men's minds and seem capable of any extension in an
emergency. Buyers who impress themselves most favourably
upon the business house are frank in their statements. The
explicit, candid man of few words will merit consideration. The
cringing or pleading kind predisposes one unfavourably. Stephen
Girard said of one who in tears asked for a loan: "The man who
cries when he comes to borrow will cry when he comes to pay."
To determine the right of a buyer to credit and the safe limit of
credit to be extended to him is the seller's serious problem. It is
customary to request references in order to discover how other
firms regard the applicant's credit. But these references may be
cautious of reply. A selfish desire to retain the customer for
themselves, or the higher motive of a desire to be true to the
interests of both the inquirer and the customer may produce
dubious or very incomplete reports. If a bank be among the
such as dating bills ahead or the privilege of renewal of notes,
one is able to read a certain unmistakable sign of degeneracy in
the customer's credit. New orders from such a customer will bear
scrutiny; and a closer attention to the present condition of the
account may save the firm from some bad debts.
While it is possible to-day to determine the average losses from
bad debts in the various lines of business, individual risks cannot
be accepted on that basis. Each requires special study. If an
applying customer paints his financial condition in roseate
colours, let him be willing to reduce his statement to writing, and
when his signature is affixed his statement is much more
reliable, because he knows of the impending liability of fraud if
he has misrepresented. Men averse to transforming an oral
statement to writing have discredited themselves immediately.
Men who mean to be honest may be optimistic in picturing
prospects and be inclined to set an unreasonable value upon their
property and extent of business. It may be easier to tell the
absolute truth about one's liabilities, because they are such
persistently real things; but assets have elastic qualities in many
men's minds and seem capable of any extension in an
emergency. Buyers who impress themselves most favourably
upon the business house are frank in their statements. The
explicit, candid man of few words will merit consideration. The
cringing or pleading kind predisposes one unfavourably. Stephen
Girard said of one who in tears asked for a loan: "The man who
cries when he comes to borrow will cry when he comes to pay."
To determine the right of a buyer to credit and the safe limit of
credit to be extended to him is the seller's serious problem. It is
customary to request references in order to discover how other
firms regard the applicant's credit. But these references may be
cautious of reply. A selfish desire to retain the customer for
themselves, or the higher motive of a desire to be true to the
interests of both the inquirer and the customer may produce
dubious or very incomplete reports. If a bank be among the
Page 248
references one does not place too much stress upon a very
favourable reply from it, because a merchant usually learns the
lesson of expediency in making a friend of his banker. And,
moreover, one endeavours to reveal only the best side of his
business affairs to the bank. Favourable replies from several
firms showing a uniform line of credit go a great way toward
reaching a safe conclusion. But in these days of vast and
multifarious interests there has developed, as a result of this
desire for adequate knowledge respecting men's credit, an
agency for the exclusive purpose of arriving at definite and
reliable evidence upon financial matters; and after years of
experience men have learned to depend upon these mercantile
agencies as the most valuable and trustworthy assistants.
MERCANTILE AGENCIES
Mercantile agencies had their origin in the system adopted by
several prominent firms of keeping on record all the information
obtainable relating to their customers. In 1841 "The Mercantile
Agency of New York City" began its history, and was the
forerunner of the present great agencies whose record books of
credits and ratings include the names of all the business houses
and corporations in this country and Canada. The pioneer
institution of this character in the United States was the one
bearing at present the name of "R. G. Dun & Co.," an outgrowth
of "The Mercantile Agency of New York City." Since 1860 it has
borne the name of Mr. Dun, who was formerly a partner with Mr.
Douglass when the agency was known as "B. Douglass & Co."
Another popular and influential concern is the one known as
"The Bradstreet Company," familiarly spoken of as
"Bradstreet's." Besides these two leaders there are many others,
whose reports on credits are limited to particular lines of trade.
The larger agencies soon found it necessary to establish branches
in all the business sections of the country. A particular field of
favourable reply from it, because a merchant usually learns the
lesson of expediency in making a friend of his banker. And,
moreover, one endeavours to reveal only the best side of his
business affairs to the bank. Favourable replies from several
firms showing a uniform line of credit go a great way toward
reaching a safe conclusion. But in these days of vast and
multifarious interests there has developed, as a result of this
desire for adequate knowledge respecting men's credit, an
agency for the exclusive purpose of arriving at definite and
reliable evidence upon financial matters; and after years of
experience men have learned to depend upon these mercantile
agencies as the most valuable and trustworthy assistants.
MERCANTILE AGENCIES
Mercantile agencies had their origin in the system adopted by
several prominent firms of keeping on record all the information
obtainable relating to their customers. In 1841 "The Mercantile
Agency of New York City" began its history, and was the
forerunner of the present great agencies whose record books of
credits and ratings include the names of all the business houses
and corporations in this country and Canada. The pioneer
institution of this character in the United States was the one
bearing at present the name of "R. G. Dun & Co.," an outgrowth
of "The Mercantile Agency of New York City." Since 1860 it has
borne the name of Mr. Dun, who was formerly a partner with Mr.
Douglass when the agency was known as "B. Douglass & Co."
Another popular and influential concern is the one known as
"The Bradstreet Company," familiarly spoken of as
"Bradstreet's." Besides these two leaders there are many others,
whose reports on credits are limited to particular lines of trade.
The larger agencies soon found it necessary to establish branches
in all the business sections of the country. A particular field of
Page 249
investigation is allotted to each branch, and an interchange of
information is in constant progress.
A mercantile agency inquiry form.
information is in constant progress.
A mercantile agency inquiry form.
Page 250
To be a recipient of the valuable information afforded by these
agencies business men, by paying an annual fee, are enrolled as
subscribers and furnished with books of ratings, as they are
called. Besides this book special type-written reports with
elaborate details respecting a firm's credit are sent upon the
request of the subscriber. The volume of information recorded in
these agencies concerning any one's credit is obtained through
the effort of officials of the agencies known as reporters. These
men of experience, integrity, and discernment are seekers after
truths. Usually each reporter has a distinct line of trade assigned
him for research and investigation. This brings him into intimate
acquaintanceship with every trader in his particular field. He is a
constant solicitor of the banker and merchant for facts. His
business is not merely to gather information respecting the
resources of business men, but to investigate rumours that in
themselves may be detrimental to one's credit, and to disprove
them where possible and sustain and support the credit of a
house. Too often it is supposed that the reporter is seeking
evidences of weakness when in reality his business is most
frequently that of discovering elements of strength. Information
is freely given him as he interviews men whose businesses and
experiences are the depositories for a wealth of credit
information. He soon becomes a confidant of the merchant
himself, who not only tells him all he knows about the customers
and their accounts upon his books, but his own business affairs
as well. Indeed, the relation becomes so very reciprocal that the
reporter often furnishes information to the merchant in the
interview on some matter of credit of pressing notice. In this way
a corroboration of facts or the denial of a rumour may be
effected. He inspects the books of the offices of public record to
find the evidence of mortgages, judgments, and transfers of
property, and have the same recorded on the agency's books. It is
the reporter who finally has gathered the information that
determines a firm's ability to have and to hold a line of credit.
It is essential to the life of the agency that its reports be honest
and free from any element of doubt. The public confidence in the
agencies business men, by paying an annual fee, are enrolled as
subscribers and furnished with books of ratings, as they are
called. Besides this book special type-written reports with
elaborate details respecting a firm's credit are sent upon the
request of the subscriber. The volume of information recorded in
these agencies concerning any one's credit is obtained through
the effort of officials of the agencies known as reporters. These
men of experience, integrity, and discernment are seekers after
truths. Usually each reporter has a distinct line of trade assigned
him for research and investigation. This brings him into intimate
acquaintanceship with every trader in his particular field. He is a
constant solicitor of the banker and merchant for facts. His
business is not merely to gather information respecting the
resources of business men, but to investigate rumours that in
themselves may be detrimental to one's credit, and to disprove
them where possible and sustain and support the credit of a
house. Too often it is supposed that the reporter is seeking
evidences of weakness when in reality his business is most
frequently that of discovering elements of strength. Information
is freely given him as he interviews men whose businesses and
experiences are the depositories for a wealth of credit
information. He soon becomes a confidant of the merchant
himself, who not only tells him all he knows about the customers
and their accounts upon his books, but his own business affairs
as well. Indeed, the relation becomes so very reciprocal that the
reporter often furnishes information to the merchant in the
interview on some matter of credit of pressing notice. In this way
a corroboration of facts or the denial of a rumour may be
effected. He inspects the books of the offices of public record to
find the evidence of mortgages, judgments, and transfers of
property, and have the same recorded on the agency's books. It is
the reporter who finally has gathered the information that
determines a firm's ability to have and to hold a line of credit.
It is essential to the life of the agency that its reports be honest
and free from any element of doubt. The public confidence in the
Page 251
reliability of the reports will determine the prosperity of the
company. Perhaps at first glance it would seem as if the system
of reporting financial information was a serious discrimination
against the men of smaller capital and in favour of the wealthy.
But mere capital is not the only element entering into an estimate
of one's ability to pay. Character and reputation are powerful
forces in assisting a merchant in determining credit. An agency
discloses facts and not opinions. And it is within the range of
possibility of any one to create and maintain his credit. Capital
may grow gradually but credit is sometimes established or
destroyed by a single act.
The facts obtained by mercantile agencies are not public
property. They are given in confidence and for the sole purpose
of aiding the business with respect to the propriety of granting
credit. The private reports are for the eyes of the interested
inquirer and not the curious. Whenever some particular item of
interest finds its way to an agency that would affect one's credit
seriously, such as the giving of chattel mortgage or the
confession of a judgment or the sale and transfer of property, it is
customary to send unsolicited a special report of these facts to all
subscribers on the agency's books who have ever at any time
made inquiry concerning the firm. One might expect that these
agencies expose themselves to risk of prosecution for libel, but
since no malice is ever intended in any report circulated, and
since it rarely occurs that damaging reports are sent out by these
institutions unless abundantly confirmed, there is little
opportunity for litigation of this sort.
Another field of usefulness of the mercantile agency is in the
exposure of the absconding debtor and his whereabouts, and also
the dishonest trader who in arranging a fraudulent failure may be
striving to open many new accounts. The unusual demands for
reports respecting such a one lead to careful investigation.
Instead of a restrictive tendency a mercantile agency promotes
the expansion of credit and yet permits of proper conservatism. It
opens to the trader as a market for his merchandise every new
company. Perhaps at first glance it would seem as if the system
of reporting financial information was a serious discrimination
against the men of smaller capital and in favour of the wealthy.
But mere capital is not the only element entering into an estimate
of one's ability to pay. Character and reputation are powerful
forces in assisting a merchant in determining credit. An agency
discloses facts and not opinions. And it is within the range of
possibility of any one to create and maintain his credit. Capital
may grow gradually but credit is sometimes established or
destroyed by a single act.
The facts obtained by mercantile agencies are not public
property. They are given in confidence and for the sole purpose
of aiding the business with respect to the propriety of granting
credit. The private reports are for the eyes of the interested
inquirer and not the curious. Whenever some particular item of
interest finds its way to an agency that would affect one's credit
seriously, such as the giving of chattel mortgage or the
confession of a judgment or the sale and transfer of property, it is
customary to send unsolicited a special report of these facts to all
subscribers on the agency's books who have ever at any time
made inquiry concerning the firm. One might expect that these
agencies expose themselves to risk of prosecution for libel, but
since no malice is ever intended in any report circulated, and
since it rarely occurs that damaging reports are sent out by these
institutions unless abundantly confirmed, there is little
opportunity for litigation of this sort.
Another field of usefulness of the mercantile agency is in the
exposure of the absconding debtor and his whereabouts, and also
the dishonest trader who in arranging a fraudulent failure may be
striving to open many new accounts. The unusual demands for
reports respecting such a one lead to careful investigation.
Instead of a restrictive tendency a mercantile agency promotes
the expansion of credit and yet permits of proper conservatism. It
opens to the trader as a market for his merchandise every new
Page 252
and trustworthy account. It curbs speculation, stimulates
diligence in business, habituates punctuality, and develops
character. When we remember that the present annual internal
commerce of our country is estimated at about 800,000,000 tons
of merchandise carried an average distance of 120 miles, and
that this volume of trade is worth over $10,000,000,000, we are
forced to admit that the unique system of these credit agencies
has done much to further and make possible this commercial
prosperity.
IX. BONDS
UNITED STATES, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL BONDS
When a country borrows money it gives a guaranty that the
money will be returned at a particular time and that interest will
be paid at regular intervals at a fixed rate. This guaranty is called
a bond. In actual practice, instead of borrowing the money
required and then giving bonds for its return, countries usually
issue the bonds first, and sell them to the highest bidder. For
instance, if our government needed to borrow $1,000,000 it
would issue bonds for this amount, stating definitely the rate of
interest to be paid, and call for bids. If the rate of interest were
four per cent. and a buyer paid more than $1000 for a $1000
bond he would, of course, make less than four per cent. upon his
investment. Such bonds are absolutely safe and always
marketable on account of our strong financial standing among
the nations of the world. Similar bonds are issued by States,
cities, towns, school districts, etc. They are not mortgages in the
ordinary sense, and their worth consists entirely in the ability of
the issuer through its taxing power to meet the obligations
incurred. Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other
municipalities to raise money for local improvements.
diligence in business, habituates punctuality, and develops
character. When we remember that the present annual internal
commerce of our country is estimated at about 800,000,000 tons
of merchandise carried an average distance of 120 miles, and
that this volume of trade is worth over $10,000,000,000, we are
forced to admit that the unique system of these credit agencies
has done much to further and make possible this commercial
prosperity.
IX. BONDS
UNITED STATES, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL BONDS
When a country borrows money it gives a guaranty that the
money will be returned at a particular time and that interest will
be paid at regular intervals at a fixed rate. This guaranty is called
a bond. In actual practice, instead of borrowing the money
required and then giving bonds for its return, countries usually
issue the bonds first, and sell them to the highest bidder. For
instance, if our government needed to borrow $1,000,000 it
would issue bonds for this amount, stating definitely the rate of
interest to be paid, and call for bids. If the rate of interest were
four per cent. and a buyer paid more than $1000 for a $1000
bond he would, of course, make less than four per cent. upon his
investment. Such bonds are absolutely safe and always
marketable on account of our strong financial standing among
the nations of the world. Similar bonds are issued by States,
cities, towns, school districts, etc. They are not mortgages in the
ordinary sense, and their worth consists entirely in the ability of
the issuer through its taxing power to meet the obligations
incurred. Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other
municipalities to raise money for local improvements.
Page 253
BONDS AND CERTIFICATES OF STOCK
A bond is evidence of debt, specifying the interest and stating
when the principal shall be paid; a certificate of stock is evidence
that the owner is a part owner in the company, not a creditor of
the company, and having no right to regain his money except by
the sale of the stock or the winding up of the company's
business. Bonds issued by stock companies and corporations are
really mortgages upon their resources. Such a bond is usually
secured by a mortgage upon the company's plant, franchises, and
assets, or some part thereof. Corporate bonds can only be issued
by the consent and direction of the shareholders of the company
or corporation.
At the present time a mortgage securing the payment of corporate
bonds is usually placed in the hands of a trustee—generally some
trust company—which is supposed to act in behalf of the
bondholders as a unit and which is empowered by the language of the
bond, in the event of the failure of the corporation to perform the
obligations it assumes in said bond, to foreclose the mortgage and
divide the proceeds of sale among the bondholders.—Carroll.
CLASSES OF CORPORATION BONDS
Corporation bonds are of many classes, differing widely in their
value as securities. Only a few of the more important classes can
be mentioned here. First mortgage bonds constitute, as the name
implies, a first lien upon the property of the company issuing
them. It is important in estimating the value of such securities to
know whether they include only the property of the corporation
at the time the bonds were issued or whether they are so worded
as to include all property owned or acquired by the corporation.
Second and third mortgage bonds are second and third liens. The
interest upon second and third mortgage bonds is paid only after
the interest upon first mortgage bonds is satisfied.
A bond is evidence of debt, specifying the interest and stating
when the principal shall be paid; a certificate of stock is evidence
that the owner is a part owner in the company, not a creditor of
the company, and having no right to regain his money except by
the sale of the stock or the winding up of the company's
business. Bonds issued by stock companies and corporations are
really mortgages upon their resources. Such a bond is usually
secured by a mortgage upon the company's plant, franchises, and
assets, or some part thereof. Corporate bonds can only be issued
by the consent and direction of the shareholders of the company
or corporation.
At the present time a mortgage securing the payment of corporate
bonds is usually placed in the hands of a trustee—generally some
trust company—which is supposed to act in behalf of the
bondholders as a unit and which is empowered by the language of the
bond, in the event of the failure of the corporation to perform the
obligations it assumes in said bond, to foreclose the mortgage and
divide the proceeds of sale among the bondholders.—Carroll.
CLASSES OF CORPORATION BONDS
Corporation bonds are of many classes, differing widely in their
value as securities. Only a few of the more important classes can
be mentioned here. First mortgage bonds constitute, as the name
implies, a first lien upon the property of the company issuing
them. It is important in estimating the value of such securities to
know whether they include only the property of the corporation
at the time the bonds were issued or whether they are so worded
as to include all property owned or acquired by the corporation.
Second and third mortgage bonds are second and third liens. The
interest upon second and third mortgage bonds is paid only after
the interest upon first mortgage bonds is satisfied.
Page 254
When bonds are issued to take up and put into one fund all
previously issued mortgage bonds, the new bonds are sometimes
called consolidated mortgage bonds. Holders of previously
issued bonds are not obliged to exchange them for any new
securities.
Income bonds are usually secured by a mortgage on the earnings
of the corporation issuing them. Interest on such bonds must be
paid before dividends are declared to stockholders. It is
customary when such bonds are issued to set aside a percentage
of the earnings as a sinking fund to meet the bonds at maturity.
Bonds are issued against all conceivable kinds of securities. Not
only are properties of many kinds used to issue bonds upon, but
many kinds of bonds are often issued upon the same properties.
This is especially true of railways, where mortgages of various
kinds often lap and overlap in almost endless confusion.
SINKING FUNDS
Money set aside by a municipality or corporation to sink a debt
at a certain future time is called a sinking fund. For instance, if a
city should issue twenty-year bonds for $100,000 to secure
money for street improvements the entire debt would fall due in
twenty years, but to avoid having such a large amount fall due in
one year, a proportional sum is set aside each year as a sinking
fund—that is, to sink, or reduce, or wipe out the indebtedness
when the bonds mature. Bonds are not paid in advance of
maturity.
INTEREST COUPONS
previously issued mortgage bonds, the new bonds are sometimes
called consolidated mortgage bonds. Holders of previously
issued bonds are not obliged to exchange them for any new
securities.
Income bonds are usually secured by a mortgage on the earnings
of the corporation issuing them. Interest on such bonds must be
paid before dividends are declared to stockholders. It is
customary when such bonds are issued to set aside a percentage
of the earnings as a sinking fund to meet the bonds at maturity.
Bonds are issued against all conceivable kinds of securities. Not
only are properties of many kinds used to issue bonds upon, but
many kinds of bonds are often issued upon the same properties.
This is especially true of railways, where mortgages of various
kinds often lap and overlap in almost endless confusion.
SINKING FUNDS
Money set aside by a municipality or corporation to sink a debt
at a certain future time is called a sinking fund. For instance, if a
city should issue twenty-year bonds for $100,000 to secure
money for street improvements the entire debt would fall due in
twenty years, but to avoid having such a large amount fall due in
one year, a proportional sum is set aside each year as a sinking
fund—that is, to sink, or reduce, or wipe out the indebtedness
when the bonds mature. Bonds are not paid in advance of
maturity.
INTEREST COUPONS
Page 255
Specimens of interest coupons.
Most bonds have interest coupons attached. These are cut off
and presented for payment as they mature. For instance, a four
per cent. bond for $1000 would draw $40 interest yearly. This
sum would be paid in two instalments of $20 each. If the bond
were for twenty years there would be at the date of issue forty
interest coupons, each calling for $20 and collectable at intervals
of six months.
Most bonds have interest coupons attached. These are cut off
and presented for payment as they mature. For instance, a four
per cent. bond for $1000 would draw $40 interest yearly. This
sum would be paid in two instalments of $20 each. If the bond
were for twenty years there would be at the date of issue forty
interest coupons, each calling for $20 and collectable at intervals
of six months.
Page 256
X. TRANSPORTATION BY RAIL
THE GROWTH OF OUR RAILROAD SYSTEM
A railway map of the United States shows that most parts of our
country have a thickly woven net of railroads. The mileage of
our railroad lines is now 184,000 miles, the actual length of track
on these roads being about 245,000 miles. The significance of
these large figures becomes more manifest when a comparison is
made between the length of our railroads and the length of those
of Europe and those of the world. The railroads in the United
States comprise over four ninths of the total railway mileage of
the world, and are considerably longer than the railroads of all
the countries of Europe combined. The facts are shown
graphically by the following diagram:
The history of the construction of American railroads covers a
period of seventy years. The greater part of our mileage has been
built since 1870. The following table and diagram illustrate the
growth of our railway net during each decade:
THE GROWTH OF OUR RAILROAD SYSTEM
A railway map of the United States shows that most parts of our
country have a thickly woven net of railroads. The mileage of
our railroad lines is now 184,000 miles, the actual length of track
on these roads being about 245,000 miles. The significance of
these large figures becomes more manifest when a comparison is
made between the length of our railroads and the length of those
of Europe and those of the world. The railroads in the United
States comprise over four ninths of the total railway mileage of
the world, and are considerably longer than the railroads of all
the countries of Europe combined. The facts are shown
graphically by the following diagram:
The history of the construction of American railroads covers a
period of seventy years. The greater part of our mileage has been
built since 1870. The following table and diagram illustrate the
growth of our railway net during each decade:
Page 257
It will be noted that the decades of most rapid railway
development were the one from 1850 to 1860, following the
discovery of gold in California, and the two between 1870 and
1890. We added 70,000 miles to our railway net between 1880
and 1890—a record that no other country has equalled. By 1892
we seem to have met the more urgent demands for new lines, and
we are now annually building less than 2000 miles of new roads.
The face value of the capital now invested in American railroads
is $11,000,000,000. The number of persons employed in the
railway service is 850,000.
THE RAILWAY CORPORATION
The agents that do the work of transportation by rail are the
railway corporations. These "artificial persons" are created by
the several States and intrusted with the performance of services
of a public nature. In all the German states and to a large degree
in many other European states, the governments themselves
provide the means of transportation by rail; but in the United
development were the one from 1850 to 1860, following the
discovery of gold in California, and the two between 1870 and
1890. We added 70,000 miles to our railway net between 1880
and 1890—a record that no other country has equalled. By 1892
we seem to have met the more urgent demands for new lines, and
we are now annually building less than 2000 miles of new roads.
The face value of the capital now invested in American railroads
is $11,000,000,000. The number of persons employed in the
railway service is 850,000.
THE RAILWAY CORPORATION
The agents that do the work of transportation by rail are the
railway corporations. These "artificial persons" are created by
the several States and intrusted with the performance of services
of a public nature. In all the German states and to a large degree
in many other European states, the governments themselves
provide the means of transportation by rail; but in the United
Page 258
States the ownership and management of the railroads is rightly
regarded to be a task of greater magnitude than the
administrative department of our government is as yet able to
cope with.
The growth of the railway corporations of the United States has
been typical of the evolution of industrial organisation in this
country. The early railway corporations were small. The
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, for instance,
comprised the lines of four companies. In 1850 the road
connecting Albany and Buffalo included the lines of seven
companies. During the last fifty years most of the small
companies have united to form the corporations which now
operate our large railway systems. Though the last statistical
report of the Interstate Commerce Commission—the one for the
year ended June 30, 1896—contains financial reports from 1985
companies, there were only 782 "independent operating roads,"
the remainder of the companies being subsidiary organisations.
This report shows that forty-four of these operating companies
have an aggregate mileage that equals nearly six tenths of the
total railway mileage of the United States. Indeed, the statistician
to the Interstate Commerce Commission declared in 1894 that
"over 83 per cent. of the business of the railways and 82 per cent.
of their earnings fall under the control of less than forty
associations of business men."
The Pennsylvania system affords a good concrete illustration of
railway consolidation. That corporation, with its 9000 miles of
road, was built up by the union of over 200 railroad companies,
and it now comprises within its organisation 177 corporations—
most, though not all, of which are subsidiary railroad companies.
This one railway system does one seventh of the entire freight
business performed by all the railroads of the United States and
handles one eighth of all the passenger traffic.
THE FREIGHT SERVICE OF RAILROADS
regarded to be a task of greater magnitude than the
administrative department of our government is as yet able to
cope with.
The growth of the railway corporations of the United States has
been typical of the evolution of industrial organisation in this
country. The early railway corporations were small. The
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, for instance,
comprised the lines of four companies. In 1850 the road
connecting Albany and Buffalo included the lines of seven
companies. During the last fifty years most of the small
companies have united to form the corporations which now
operate our large railway systems. Though the last statistical
report of the Interstate Commerce Commission—the one for the
year ended June 30, 1896—contains financial reports from 1985
companies, there were only 782 "independent operating roads,"
the remainder of the companies being subsidiary organisations.
This report shows that forty-four of these operating companies
have an aggregate mileage that equals nearly six tenths of the
total railway mileage of the United States. Indeed, the statistician
to the Interstate Commerce Commission declared in 1894 that
"over 83 per cent. of the business of the railways and 82 per cent.
of their earnings fall under the control of less than forty
associations of business men."
The Pennsylvania system affords a good concrete illustration of
railway consolidation. That corporation, with its 9000 miles of
road, was built up by the union of over 200 railroad companies,
and it now comprises within its organisation 177 corporations—
most, though not all, of which are subsidiary railroad companies.
This one railway system does one seventh of the entire freight
business performed by all the railroads of the United States and
handles one eighth of all the passenger traffic.
THE FREIGHT SERVICE OF RAILROADS
Page 259
The freight business of the railroads of the United States is much
larger than their passenger service, the earnings from freight
being nearly three times that from the passenger traffic. It is only
in some of the New England States, the most densely populated
parts of the United States, that the passenger receipts equal the
freight earnings. The industrial conditions of the United States
necessitate the movement of great quantities of bulky freight
long distances. Our principal grain-fields are from 1000 to 1500
miles from the manufacturing districts and seaboard cities. Our
richest iron deposits are in the States adjacent to Lake Superior
hundreds of miles from the coal-beds of Illinois, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania. Most of the cotton crop is moved long distances to
reach the mills of New England and Great Britain. In fact, most
of the products of our fields, forests, mines, and factories are
marketed over wide areas. The average distance travelled by
each ton of freight moved during the year ended June 30, 1896,
was 124.47 miles; and, as the railroads carried 765,891,385 tons
that year, the number of tons carried one mile was
95,328,360,278.
A comparison of the revenues received from the freight and
passenger services by the American, German, French, and
British railways is instructive. For each dollar received from the
passenger traffic the American railroads earn $2.95 from their
freight business, the German roads $2.40, the French $1.31 and
the British railways $1.17. The United Kingdom has the greatest
volume of passenger traffic per population of any country in the
world.
AMERICAN PASSENGER TRAFFIC ON RAILROADS
RELATIVELY UNDEVELOPED
The long distances of the United States necessitate a large freight
traffic but act as a hindrance to travel. It is a generally accepted
but erroneous supposition that Americans travel more than any
larger than their passenger service, the earnings from freight
being nearly three times that from the passenger traffic. It is only
in some of the New England States, the most densely populated
parts of the United States, that the passenger receipts equal the
freight earnings. The industrial conditions of the United States
necessitate the movement of great quantities of bulky freight
long distances. Our principal grain-fields are from 1000 to 1500
miles from the manufacturing districts and seaboard cities. Our
richest iron deposits are in the States adjacent to Lake Superior
hundreds of miles from the coal-beds of Illinois, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania. Most of the cotton crop is moved long distances to
reach the mills of New England and Great Britain. In fact, most
of the products of our fields, forests, mines, and factories are
marketed over wide areas. The average distance travelled by
each ton of freight moved during the year ended June 30, 1896,
was 124.47 miles; and, as the railroads carried 765,891,385 tons
that year, the number of tons carried one mile was
95,328,360,278.
A comparison of the revenues received from the freight and
passenger services by the American, German, French, and
British railways is instructive. For each dollar received from the
passenger traffic the American railroads earn $2.95 from their
freight business, the German roads $2.40, the French $1.31 and
the British railways $1.17. The United Kingdom has the greatest
volume of passenger traffic per population of any country in the
world.
AMERICAN PASSENGER TRAFFIC ON RAILROADS
RELATIVELY UNDEVELOPED
The long distances of the United States necessitate a large freight
traffic but act as a hindrance to travel. It is a generally accepted
but erroneous supposition that Americans travel more than any
Page 260
other people. A comparison of the passenger traffic in the United
States with that in the United Kingdom, Germany, and France
reveals some surprising facts. The figures are for 1896. The
number of passengers carried one mile per mile of road upon the
railroads of the United States was 71,705, in France the number
was 273,315, in Germany 315,399, and in the United Kingdom
440,000. The average distance which the Briton travels per year
by rail is 244 miles; for the American the distance is 209 miles,
for the Frenchman 176 miles, and for the German 165 miles. The
Englishman takes 24.4 trips per year on an average, the German
11.3, the Frenchman 9.6, and the American 8.2. Americans travel
extensively, but it is evident from the foregoing comparisons that
the possibility of developing the passenger service in this
country has by no means reached its limit.
RELATION OF TRANSPORTATION ON RAILROADS TO
ECONOMIC ORGANISATION
The economic changes which have accompanied the great
development of transportation that has taken place during the last
fifty years have revolutionised our industrial and social life.
Among the effects of developed transportation upon the
economic organisation may be noted: First, that relations of
producers and consumers have been fundamentally changed by
placing a larger market at the service of both. Many classes of
commodities are now bought and sold in a world market that
were formerly restricted to local trade. Second, improved
transportation has made the prices of commodities more uniform
for different producers and consumers. The variations due to
situation have been lessened. In a like manner there has been a
decrease in those time variations in prices that result from
changes in the supply of commodities. Improved transportation
also makes prices lower—not only because it reduces the costs
of moving the raw materials of manufacture and the finished
products of industry, but also because it enables the merchant to
States with that in the United Kingdom, Germany, and France
reveals some surprising facts. The figures are for 1896. The
number of passengers carried one mile per mile of road upon the
railroads of the United States was 71,705, in France the number
was 273,315, in Germany 315,399, and in the United Kingdom
440,000. The average distance which the Briton travels per year
by rail is 244 miles; for the American the distance is 209 miles,
for the Frenchman 176 miles, and for the German 165 miles. The
Englishman takes 24.4 trips per year on an average, the German
11.3, the Frenchman 9.6, and the American 8.2. Americans travel
extensively, but it is evident from the foregoing comparisons that
the possibility of developing the passenger service in this
country has by no means reached its limit.
RELATION OF TRANSPORTATION ON RAILROADS TO
ECONOMIC ORGANISATION
The economic changes which have accompanied the great
development of transportation that has taken place during the last
fifty years have revolutionised our industrial and social life.
Among the effects of developed transportation upon the
economic organisation may be noted: First, that relations of
producers and consumers have been fundamentally changed by
placing a larger market at the service of both. Many classes of
commodities are now bought and sold in a world market that
were formerly restricted to local trade. Second, improved
transportation has made the prices of commodities more uniform
for different producers and consumers. The variations due to
situation have been lessened. In a like manner there has been a
decrease in those time variations in prices that result from
changes in the supply of commodities. Improved transportation
also makes prices lower—not only because it reduces the costs
of moving the raw materials of manufacture and the finished
products of industry, but also because it enables the merchant to
Page 261
turn his stock oftener and thus do business with less expenses for
capital.
As a third effect of improved transportation may be mentioned
the acceleration which it has given to the growth of cities. Cheap
and efficient transportation has led manufacturers to locate their
plants where they can command a large supply of labour and
where they have the greatest advantages for the distribution of
their products. The great manufacturing establishments are now
located in Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the
other large cities. Conditions of transportation have become a
stronger factor than even the location of the sources of raw
materials in determining where an industry shall be established.
The effect of the railroad upon the location of agriculture has
been no less potent. The railroad has brought new agricultural
regions into cultivation and destroyed the profits of cereal
agriculture in many parts of the Eastern States.
Another important consequence of improved transportation and
communication has been that of bringing the nations of the world
into closer economic and social relations. With the growing
solidarity of the economic interests of the countries of the world,
with the multiplication of the intellectual and other social ties
that unite the nations, their political relations inevitably change,
and for the better. Nothing is doing more to advance the
attainments of the cherished ideal of international amity than is
the development of transportation.
XI. FREIGHT TRANSPORTATION BY RAIL
THE ORIGIN OF RAILROAD TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONS
capital.
As a third effect of improved transportation may be mentioned
the acceleration which it has given to the growth of cities. Cheap
and efficient transportation has led manufacturers to locate their
plants where they can command a large supply of labour and
where they have the greatest advantages for the distribution of
their products. The great manufacturing establishments are now
located in Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the
other large cities. Conditions of transportation have become a
stronger factor than even the location of the sources of raw
materials in determining where an industry shall be established.
The effect of the railroad upon the location of agriculture has
been no less potent. The railroad has brought new agricultural
regions into cultivation and destroyed the profits of cereal
agriculture in many parts of the Eastern States.
Another important consequence of improved transportation and
communication has been that of bringing the nations of the world
into closer economic and social relations. With the growing
solidarity of the economic interests of the countries of the world,
with the multiplication of the intellectual and other social ties
that unite the nations, their political relations inevitably change,
and for the better. Nothing is doing more to advance the
attainments of the cherished ideal of international amity than is
the development of transportation.
XI. FREIGHT TRANSPORTATION BY RAIL
THE ORIGIN OF RAILROAD TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONS
Page 262
The performance of the transportation services necessitates the
co-operation of carriers. When the government owns and
operates the railroads of a country they are managed by a single
authority, and the different parts of the railway system are fully
co-ordinated; but when the railroads are operated by a large
number of independent corporations, co-operation can be
secured only by means of traffic associations composed of
representatives of the railway companies, and intrusted with the
power of making arrangements affecting joint traffic, and settling
questions involving the interests of two or more companies.
Two distinct causes brought about the establishment of railway
traffic associations. The first cause was the necessity of co-
operation to facilitate the joint business of connecting lines.
Through tickets, joint fares and rates, through bills of lading, the
interchange of cars between connecting roads, and the settlement
of joint accounts led to the establishment of co-operative freight
lines, car-service associations, claim associations, and various
other general and local organisations for the promotion of the
joint transportation business.
The other cause of co-operation among the railways was the
necessity of regulating competition. This cause first became
potent after the process of consolidation had brought about the
formation of numerous large railway systems, and had
inaugurated the violent competition which led to discriminations
in transportation charges, rate wars, and the other evils which
have combined to produce "the railway question." The
competitive struggles of rival railway systems began to be
violent shortly after 1867, and soon led to the formation of
railway traffic associations, with enlarged powers. The
classification of freight, the determination of rates on
competitive traffic, and the apportionment of that traffic, or of
the earnings from it, among the competitors became functions of
the associations.
co-operation of carriers. When the government owns and
operates the railroads of a country they are managed by a single
authority, and the different parts of the railway system are fully
co-ordinated; but when the railroads are operated by a large
number of independent corporations, co-operation can be
secured only by means of traffic associations composed of
representatives of the railway companies, and intrusted with the
power of making arrangements affecting joint traffic, and settling
questions involving the interests of two or more companies.
Two distinct causes brought about the establishment of railway
traffic associations. The first cause was the necessity of co-
operation to facilitate the joint business of connecting lines.
Through tickets, joint fares and rates, through bills of lading, the
interchange of cars between connecting roads, and the settlement
of joint accounts led to the establishment of co-operative freight
lines, car-service associations, claim associations, and various
other general and local organisations for the promotion of the
joint transportation business.
The other cause of co-operation among the railways was the
necessity of regulating competition. This cause first became
potent after the process of consolidation had brought about the
formation of numerous large railway systems, and had
inaugurated the violent competition which led to discriminations
in transportation charges, rate wars, and the other evils which
have combined to produce "the railway question." The
competitive struggles of rival railway systems began to be
violent shortly after 1867, and soon led to the formation of
railway traffic associations, with enlarged powers. The
classification of freight, the determination of rates on
competitive traffic, and the apportionment of that traffic, or of
the earnings from it, among the competitors became functions of
the associations.
Page 263
THE WORK OF ALBERT FINK
The man who did more than any other person to develop traffic
associations and to promote the co-operation of competing
railroads was the late Albert Fink. It was his master mind that
organised and put into successful operation in 1876 the Southern
Railway and Steamship Association. The following year Albert
Fink succeeded in organising the great trunk lines connecting the
North Atlantic seaboard and the States north of the Ohio River.
Though smaller traffic associations similar to these two
organisations had been previously established where but few
obstacles had to be overcome, it was Fink who first organised
traffic associations including all the competing railroads serving
large sections of the country.
In discussing the work of traffic associations, which are to-day
concerns of really enormous magnitude, railway pooling and the
classification of freight especially demand consideration.
RAILROAD POOLING
Railroad pools are agreements entered into by competing
carriers, by which the railroads provide for the division with
each other of their competitive traffic, or of the earnings from
that traffic in accordance with stipulated ratios. Thus there are
traffic pools and money pools. During the decade preceding
1887, the year when the present interstate commerce law was
enacted, most traffic associations had the pooling feature, and
most of the competitive railway traffic was pooled, thus
eliminating all competition in rates.
Pooling agreements have never been legal in this country. Being
illegal by the common law, they could not be enforced in the
courts. Section 4 of the interstate commerce law made it
The man who did more than any other person to develop traffic
associations and to promote the co-operation of competing
railroads was the late Albert Fink. It was his master mind that
organised and put into successful operation in 1876 the Southern
Railway and Steamship Association. The following year Albert
Fink succeeded in organising the great trunk lines connecting the
North Atlantic seaboard and the States north of the Ohio River.
Though smaller traffic associations similar to these two
organisations had been previously established where but few
obstacles had to be overcome, it was Fink who first organised
traffic associations including all the competing railroads serving
large sections of the country.
In discussing the work of traffic associations, which are to-day
concerns of really enormous magnitude, railway pooling and the
classification of freight especially demand consideration.
RAILROAD POOLING
Railroad pools are agreements entered into by competing
carriers, by which the railroads provide for the division with
each other of their competitive traffic, or of the earnings from
that traffic in accordance with stipulated ratios. Thus there are
traffic pools and money pools. During the decade preceding
1887, the year when the present interstate commerce law was
enacted, most traffic associations had the pooling feature, and
most of the competitive railway traffic was pooled, thus
eliminating all competition in rates.
Pooling agreements have never been legal in this country. Being
illegal by the common law, they could not be enforced in the
courts. Section 4 of the interstate commerce law made it
Page 264
unlawful for the carriers subject to the act to pool their freights
or the earnings from their freight traffic, and made it necessary
for the traffic associations to reorganise without the pooling
agreements. Until March 22, 1897, it was supposed that the
associations, without pooling agreements, were legal; but, on
that date, in the case of the United States vs. the Trans-Missouri
Freight Association, the United States Supreme Court held that
the law of July 2, 1890, popularly known as the Sherman anti-
trust law, applied to railways, and made it illegal for railway
companies to contract with each other to maintain rates. Thus at
the present time traffic associations are permitted neither to
contain a pooling feature nor to provide arrangements for the
enforcement or maintenance of rates, although the charges may
be reasonable and be sanctioned by all the carriers interested.
The associations may now legally exercise those functions which
are connected with the joint business of their members, and they
may act as bureaus of information regarding the competitive
traffic. They have no power to make or to maintain rates.
TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONS INCLUDING POOLING
SHOULD BE LEGALISED
The best performance of the service of transportation by rail
requires the fullest possible co-ordination of the different parts of
our transportation system and the largest attainable measure of
co-operation among the agents who perform the service. Section
4 of the act of 1887 and the law of July, 1890, as far as the latter
relates to railways, are based on an unsound theory. Provision
having been made for that kind and measure of governmental
regulation of railway rates that will insure reasonable charges,
the railways should be permitted to co-operate in rate-making
and be given power to pool their competitive business.
or the earnings from their freight traffic, and made it necessary
for the traffic associations to reorganise without the pooling
agreements. Until March 22, 1897, it was supposed that the
associations, without pooling agreements, were legal; but, on
that date, in the case of the United States vs. the Trans-Missouri
Freight Association, the United States Supreme Court held that
the law of July 2, 1890, popularly known as the Sherman anti-
trust law, applied to railways, and made it illegal for railway
companies to contract with each other to maintain rates. Thus at
the present time traffic associations are permitted neither to
contain a pooling feature nor to provide arrangements for the
enforcement or maintenance of rates, although the charges may
be reasonable and be sanctioned by all the carriers interested.
The associations may now legally exercise those functions which
are connected with the joint business of their members, and they
may act as bureaus of information regarding the competitive
traffic. They have no power to make or to maintain rates.
TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONS INCLUDING POOLING
SHOULD BE LEGALISED
The best performance of the service of transportation by rail
requires the fullest possible co-ordination of the different parts of
our transportation system and the largest attainable measure of
co-operation among the agents who perform the service. Section
4 of the act of 1887 and the law of July, 1890, as far as the latter
relates to railways, are based on an unsound theory. Provision
having been made for that kind and measure of governmental
regulation of railway rates that will insure reasonable charges,
the railways should be permitted to co-operate in rate-making
and be given power to pool their competitive business.
Page 265
CLASSIFICATION OF RAILROAD FREIGHT
There are thousands of varieties of freight offered to the railroads
for transportation. If each class of commodities were charged the
same freight rate per ton per mile, the charges upon many
articles of prime necessity, such as coal, lumber, and grain,
would be so high as to prevent their being moved, while the rates
on goods of high value per bulk would be much lower than they
could readily pay. Classification must precede the fixing of rate
schedules. The railroads are interested in adjusting their charges
to services performed in such a manner as to insure the greatest
possible amount of traffic at rates that are properly remunerative.
The public is interested in having the necessary revenues of the
railroads so levied as to make the burdens as light as possible. To
accomplish this a careful grouping of commodities is necessary.
The goods are usually classified in five or six large divisions.
The official classification referred to below has six classes. The
first class consists of articles of high value, the sixth class of
bulky commodities of low value, such as iron ore, lumber, grain
in bulk, etc. In practice, however, the number of classes is at
least doubled. Goods of especially high value are made to pay
once and a half, double, treble or quadruple the regular first-class
rate. A commodity is also frequently placed in more than one
class, the rating of classification being lower for car-load lots
than for less than car-load shipments. The classification is further
extended by omitting certain articles from the list of those
classified. Live stock and coal are illustrations of articles to
which so-called "commodity," as distinct from "classification,"
rates are given. The individual shippers are constantly
endeavouring to have their goods given commodity rates, and the
effort of the railroad companies is to reduce the number of
articles excepted from classification. Commodity tariffs have
been a fruitful source of unjust discrimination.
From this description of freight classifications it will be
perceived that the main basis upon which the grouping of
There are thousands of varieties of freight offered to the railroads
for transportation. If each class of commodities were charged the
same freight rate per ton per mile, the charges upon many
articles of prime necessity, such as coal, lumber, and grain,
would be so high as to prevent their being moved, while the rates
on goods of high value per bulk would be much lower than they
could readily pay. Classification must precede the fixing of rate
schedules. The railroads are interested in adjusting their charges
to services performed in such a manner as to insure the greatest
possible amount of traffic at rates that are properly remunerative.
The public is interested in having the necessary revenues of the
railroads so levied as to make the burdens as light as possible. To
accomplish this a careful grouping of commodities is necessary.
The goods are usually classified in five or six large divisions.
The official classification referred to below has six classes. The
first class consists of articles of high value, the sixth class of
bulky commodities of low value, such as iron ore, lumber, grain
in bulk, etc. In practice, however, the number of classes is at
least doubled. Goods of especially high value are made to pay
once and a half, double, treble or quadruple the regular first-class
rate. A commodity is also frequently placed in more than one
class, the rating of classification being lower for car-load lots
than for less than car-load shipments. The classification is further
extended by omitting certain articles from the list of those
classified. Live stock and coal are illustrations of articles to
which so-called "commodity," as distinct from "classification,"
rates are given. The individual shippers are constantly
endeavouring to have their goods given commodity rates, and the
effort of the railroad companies is to reduce the number of
articles excepted from classification. Commodity tariffs have
been a fruitful source of unjust discrimination.
From this description of freight classifications it will be
perceived that the main basis upon which the grouping of
Page 266
commodities rests is the relative value of the goods. The
gradations cannot, however, be made strictly according to value.
The goods are frequently put into a lower class than their value
would warrant in order to stimulate their production and
shipment or to develop the industries depending upon those
articles.
At first each railroad worked out a classification of its own, and
there were practically as many classifications as there were
railway systems. The disadvantages of this soon became
apparent with the development of long-distance traffic. The
multiplicity of classifications made it difficult for shippers or
purchasers to ascertain in advance what the charges on
consignments would be; there was a constant tendency to
increase the number of commodity tariffs, and unjust personal
and local discriminations were in consequence made more
numerous. It became evident that there would be great
advantages in having one uniform classification for the whole
United States. This ideal has not been reached yet, but the
number of classifications has been practically reduced to three—
the official, applying to the traffic north of the Potomac and Ohio
and west of the Mississippi; the southern, in force among the
railroads in the Southern States, and the western, which obtains
in the territory west of the Mississippi River. This amalgamation
of the classifications has been brought about chiefly by the
traffic associations and as the result of the enactment of the
interstate commerce law. In order to avoid the discriminations
prohibited by that law it was necessary to abandon the system of
a separate classification for each railway. It is to be hoped that
the attainment of the ideal of uniform classification will not be
long delayed.
THE CONDUCT OF THE FREIGHT BUSINESS OF
RAILROADS—TRANSPORTATION PAPERS
gradations cannot, however, be made strictly according to value.
The goods are frequently put into a lower class than their value
would warrant in order to stimulate their production and
shipment or to develop the industries depending upon those
articles.
At first each railroad worked out a classification of its own, and
there were practically as many classifications as there were
railway systems. The disadvantages of this soon became
apparent with the development of long-distance traffic. The
multiplicity of classifications made it difficult for shippers or
purchasers to ascertain in advance what the charges on
consignments would be; there was a constant tendency to
increase the number of commodity tariffs, and unjust personal
and local discriminations were in consequence made more
numerous. It became evident that there would be great
advantages in having one uniform classification for the whole
United States. This ideal has not been reached yet, but the
number of classifications has been practically reduced to three—
the official, applying to the traffic north of the Potomac and Ohio
and west of the Mississippi; the southern, in force among the
railroads in the Southern States, and the western, which obtains
in the territory west of the Mississippi River. This amalgamation
of the classifications has been brought about chiefly by the
traffic associations and as the result of the enactment of the
interstate commerce law. In order to avoid the discriminations
prohibited by that law it was necessary to abandon the system of
a separate classification for each railway. It is to be hoped that
the attainment of the ideal of uniform classification will not be
long delayed.
THE CONDUCT OF THE FREIGHT BUSINESS OF
RAILROADS—TRANSPORTATION PAPERS
Page 267
The manner in which the freight business is conducted affords a
good illustration of the high degree of development to which
modern business methods have attained. Freight is accepted by
each railroad for shipment not only to all points on its own
system, but also practically to every railway station in the
country, and even to many foreign cities.
A waybill containing the initials of the number of the car used,
the name of the consignor, the name and address of the
consignee, the description and weight of the articles sent, the
freight class and rate of the goods, and the total amount of
freight charges, accompanies each shipment and is delivered to
the agent at the place to which the goods are shipped.
For the goods thus accepted for transportation, manifests, or
"bills of lading," are issued to the consignor, which, like other
representatives of property, may be transferred by the owner or
may be deposited in a bank subject to draft. Bills of lading are of
two general kinds—"straight consignment bills" and "order
bills." When a straight consignment bill of lading is issued the
goods must be delivered to the consignee or to the person to
whom he may order them delivered. An order bill of lading is
one that may be transferred upon indorsement. The following
concise description of an order bill of lading is taken from the
"Book of General Instructions to Freight Agents," issued by the
Pennsylvania Railroad Company:
When freight is consigned to "Order" it is, as a rule, for the purpose
of securing the payment at destination of a draft for the value of the
property. The draft is usually attached to the bill of lading and sent
through a bank for collection from the party at destination, who is to
be notified of the arrival of the freight. The payment of the draft
secures to the payer the possession of the bill of lading, which must
be indorsed by the party to whose order the property is consigned.
XII. RAILROAD RATES
good illustration of the high degree of development to which
modern business methods have attained. Freight is accepted by
each railroad for shipment not only to all points on its own
system, but also practically to every railway station in the
country, and even to many foreign cities.
A waybill containing the initials of the number of the car used,
the name of the consignor, the name and address of the
consignee, the description and weight of the articles sent, the
freight class and rate of the goods, and the total amount of
freight charges, accompanies each shipment and is delivered to
the agent at the place to which the goods are shipped.
For the goods thus accepted for transportation, manifests, or
"bills of lading," are issued to the consignor, which, like other
representatives of property, may be transferred by the owner or
may be deposited in a bank subject to draft. Bills of lading are of
two general kinds—"straight consignment bills" and "order
bills." When a straight consignment bill of lading is issued the
goods must be delivered to the consignee or to the person to
whom he may order them delivered. An order bill of lading is
one that may be transferred upon indorsement. The following
concise description of an order bill of lading is taken from the
"Book of General Instructions to Freight Agents," issued by the
Pennsylvania Railroad Company:
When freight is consigned to "Order" it is, as a rule, for the purpose
of securing the payment at destination of a draft for the value of the
property. The draft is usually attached to the bill of lading and sent
through a bank for collection from the party at destination, who is to
be notified of the arrival of the freight. The payment of the draft
secures to the payer the possession of the bill of lading, which must
be indorsed by the party to whose order the property is consigned.
XII. RAILROAD RATES
Page 268
Transportation charges have such a general and vital relation to
industrial and social welfare that the problem of the just and
equitable distribution of their assessment is one of paramount
economic and political consequence. A consideration of the main
factors which influence the railway companies in fixing charges
should precede a discussion of the regulation of transportation by
the government.
GENERAL FACTORS WHICH DETERMINE RAILROAD
RATES AND FARES
The factors which have most weight in fixing schedules of rates
and fares are what it will cost to perform the several services,
what the services are worth to those for whom they are to be
rendered, and the extent to which there is competition among
rival carriers to secure the traffic concerned. Though on the face
of things it would seem that the railways should fix the charges
for their various services in accordance with the costs of
performing those services, it is neither practicable for them to do
so nor is it desirable from the standpoint of public welfare that
such a criterion should be adopted. It is impracticable for the
railroads to base their charges upon cost of service, because it is
impossible to determine accurately the elements which enter into
the cost of performing the particular transportation service. The
modern railroad is a very complex mechanism, employed in the
performance of a multitude of different services. No railroad
official is able to say just how much of the company's total
expenses are to be charged against any one particular freight or
passenger service.
The cost of service would be an undesirable basis of rates,
because the railroads would derive such a small part of their total
necessary revenues from the carriage of goods having a high
value in proportion to bulk and weight, that they would be
obliged to charge much higher rates than they now do upon the
industrial and social welfare that the problem of the just and
equitable distribution of their assessment is one of paramount
economic and political consequence. A consideration of the main
factors which influence the railway companies in fixing charges
should precede a discussion of the regulation of transportation by
the government.
GENERAL FACTORS WHICH DETERMINE RAILROAD
RATES AND FARES
The factors which have most weight in fixing schedules of rates
and fares are what it will cost to perform the several services,
what the services are worth to those for whom they are to be
rendered, and the extent to which there is competition among
rival carriers to secure the traffic concerned. Though on the face
of things it would seem that the railways should fix the charges
for their various services in accordance with the costs of
performing those services, it is neither practicable for them to do
so nor is it desirable from the standpoint of public welfare that
such a criterion should be adopted. It is impracticable for the
railroads to base their charges upon cost of service, because it is
impossible to determine accurately the elements which enter into
the cost of performing the particular transportation service. The
modern railroad is a very complex mechanism, employed in the
performance of a multitude of different services. No railroad
official is able to say just how much of the company's total
expenses are to be charged against any one particular freight or
passenger service.
The cost of service would be an undesirable basis of rates,
because the railroads would derive such a small part of their total
necessary revenues from the carriage of goods having a high
value in proportion to bulk and weight, that they would be
obliged to charge much higher rates than they now do upon the
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cruder products of the farm, forest, and mine. These products are
the basic materials of industry, and the lowest possible rate for
their transportation is essential to social and economic progress.
VALUE OF SERVICE AND VALUE OF COMMODITIES
Value of service is a more desirable basis for rates and fares than
cost of service. By charging according to value of service is
meant that the shippers of commodities and the passengers who
travel shall contribute to the railroad's aggregate expenses in
proportion to the value which they derive from the transportation
service. The rates and fares may cover a part or all of the value
of the service obtained. In either case they are fixed with
reference to that value and not with regard to the cost involved in
performing the work of transportation. The levy of rates and
fares in accordance with this theory, which is usually called
"charging what the traffic will bear," is considered by most
people to distribute transportation charges properly, because it is
claimed that the true measure of a shipper's or a passenger's
ability to pay for a desired service is the value which he will
thereby derive. That this theory, nevertheless, does not afford an
altogether satisfactory basis of charges, particularly in the freight
traffic, may be readily shown.
While it is true that the amount of value added by transportation
to goods of low value is less for each unit of weight or bulk than
the amount of value which is acquired by an equal weight or
bulk of high-priced commodities, yet the percentage increase in
value is greater in the case of the goods of low cost. Expensive
articles can be carried long distances without adding very much
to their cost to the consumers. Measured in their percentages,
then, the value of the service of transportation is relatively much
lower in the case of the higher-priced commodities. The freight
charges on wheat range from twenty to forty per cent. of its farm
value, while the rate on shoes is possibly two per cent. of their
the basic materials of industry, and the lowest possible rate for
their transportation is essential to social and economic progress.
VALUE OF SERVICE AND VALUE OF COMMODITIES
Value of service is a more desirable basis for rates and fares than
cost of service. By charging according to value of service is
meant that the shippers of commodities and the passengers who
travel shall contribute to the railroad's aggregate expenses in
proportion to the value which they derive from the transportation
service. The rates and fares may cover a part or all of the value
of the service obtained. In either case they are fixed with
reference to that value and not with regard to the cost involved in
performing the work of transportation. The levy of rates and
fares in accordance with this theory, which is usually called
"charging what the traffic will bear," is considered by most
people to distribute transportation charges properly, because it is
claimed that the true measure of a shipper's or a passenger's
ability to pay for a desired service is the value which he will
thereby derive. That this theory, nevertheless, does not afford an
altogether satisfactory basis of charges, particularly in the freight
traffic, may be readily shown.
While it is true that the amount of value added by transportation
to goods of low value is less for each unit of weight or bulk than
the amount of value which is acquired by an equal weight or
bulk of high-priced commodities, yet the percentage increase in
value is greater in the case of the goods of low cost. Expensive
articles can be carried long distances without adding very much
to their cost to the consumers. Measured in their percentages,
then, the value of the service of transportation is relatively much
lower in the case of the higher-priced commodities. The freight
charges on wheat range from twenty to forty per cent. of its farm
value, while the rate on shoes is possibly two per cent. of their
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factory price. That these charges are levied in accordance with
the real ability of the articles to pay would be hard to establish.
A PARTIAL THEORY OF RAILROAD FREIGHT RATES
Without attempting in this connection to formulate a complete
theory of freight rates, it may be said that there are three factors
to which weight should be given in fixing charges: First, the cost
of service. The total costs of transportation, including a fair
return on invested capital, must be covered by total receipts.
Furthermore, the minimum rate charged any particular class of
commodities ought to be sufficient to pay the operating expenses
incurred in transporting the goods. Second, the value of the
service. This fixes the maximum rate that may be charged. Were
the railroads to charge more than the service is worth to the
shipper the service would not be desired. Third, the value of the
commodities. Between the minimum rate fixed by the operating
expenses and the maximum charge determined by the value of
the service actual rates may vary through a wide possible range.
In determining what rates within this range will be theoretically
most just and least discriminatory, consideration should be given
both to the value of the service and—more than is the case at
present—to the value of the articles transported. By doing this
rates will be paid by the various articles of freight more nearly in
proportion to their ability to pay.
THE EFFECT OF COMPETITION ON RAILROAD
RATES AND FARES
Whatever theory of rates may be accepted as ideally best, it
cannot be strictly adhered to under the existing conditions of
active competition obtaining in the United States. Actual charges
the real ability of the articles to pay would be hard to establish.
A PARTIAL THEORY OF RAILROAD FREIGHT RATES
Without attempting in this connection to formulate a complete
theory of freight rates, it may be said that there are three factors
to which weight should be given in fixing charges: First, the cost
of service. The total costs of transportation, including a fair
return on invested capital, must be covered by total receipts.
Furthermore, the minimum rate charged any particular class of
commodities ought to be sufficient to pay the operating expenses
incurred in transporting the goods. Second, the value of the
service. This fixes the maximum rate that may be charged. Were
the railroads to charge more than the service is worth to the
shipper the service would not be desired. Third, the value of the
commodities. Between the minimum rate fixed by the operating
expenses and the maximum charge determined by the value of
the service actual rates may vary through a wide possible range.
In determining what rates within this range will be theoretically
most just and least discriminatory, consideration should be given
both to the value of the service and—more than is the case at
present—to the value of the articles transported. By doing this
rates will be paid by the various articles of freight more nearly in
proportion to their ability to pay.
THE EFFECT OF COMPETITION ON RAILROAD
RATES AND FARES
Whatever theory of rates may be accepted as ideally best, it
cannot be strictly adhered to under the existing conditions of
active competition obtaining in the United States. Actual charges
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have to be fixed and revised to meet the varying circumstances
under which railway traffic is conducted. This competition takes
several distinct forms. One is that between railways and
waterways. A large part of the domestic traffic of the United
States has the choice of transportation by rail or by water on the
great lakes and the tributary canals, by the navigable rivers, or by
one of the many ocean routes followed by our coastwise
commerce. There is also the competition of rival railways
connecting common termini or serving the same cities. These
forms of competition are the ones most frequently noted; but
they perhaps exercise a less potent influence over rates than what
is known as competition through the markets or through the
channels of trade. The competition between rival centres of
commerce and industry—between the Atlantic cities and the gulf
ports, for instance, or between the manufactures of New York
and Philadelphia and those of Chicago or Cincinnati for the
markets of the Southern States, to cite another example—is a
force that must be considered in making rates and fares. Even
towns served by only one railway and by no waterway enjoy the
benefits of this industrial competition. Unless the railroad can
give the industries in these local towns rates that will enable
them to market their products, the industries will decline and the
railway will lose its traffic.
An interesting result of the competition of roads connecting
common termini or joining a common industrial region with
seaboard points is that the road whose line is the longest and
whose expenses of transportation are greatest is obliged to
charge the lowest rate. The short lines can charge more because
they compete for traffic under more favourable circumstances.
The lower charge of the longer line is called a differential rate,
and it is customary for the shorter or "standard" lines to agree to
allow the "differential" line a stipulated differential rate. This is
the concession which the standard lines are obliged to make to
temper competition and to prevent rate wars. The Grand Trunk,
running from Chicago to Boston by way of Montreal, is a good
under which railway traffic is conducted. This competition takes
several distinct forms. One is that between railways and
waterways. A large part of the domestic traffic of the United
States has the choice of transportation by rail or by water on the
great lakes and the tributary canals, by the navigable rivers, or by
one of the many ocean routes followed by our coastwise
commerce. There is also the competition of rival railways
connecting common termini or serving the same cities. These
forms of competition are the ones most frequently noted; but
they perhaps exercise a less potent influence over rates than what
is known as competition through the markets or through the
channels of trade. The competition between rival centres of
commerce and industry—between the Atlantic cities and the gulf
ports, for instance, or between the manufactures of New York
and Philadelphia and those of Chicago or Cincinnati for the
markets of the Southern States, to cite another example—is a
force that must be considered in making rates and fares. Even
towns served by only one railway and by no waterway enjoy the
benefits of this industrial competition. Unless the railroad can
give the industries in these local towns rates that will enable
them to market their products, the industries will decline and the
railway will lose its traffic.
An interesting result of the competition of roads connecting
common termini or joining a common industrial region with
seaboard points is that the road whose line is the longest and
whose expenses of transportation are greatest is obliged to
charge the lowest rate. The short lines can charge more because
they compete for traffic under more favourable circumstances.
The lower charge of the longer line is called a differential rate,
and it is customary for the shorter or "standard" lines to agree to
allow the "differential" line a stipulated differential rate. This is
the concession which the standard lines are obliged to make to
temper competition and to prevent rate wars. The Grand Trunk,
running from Chicago to Boston by way of Montreal, is a good
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example of a differential line, and the New York Central is a
good instance of a standard line.
GOVERNMENTAL REGULATION OF RAILROAD
TRANSPORTATION
It is a maxim of common law that transportation charges must be
reasonable, and the exaction of an unreasonable rate by a public
carrier is a common-law misdemeanour punishable by the courts.
But when, as the result of severe competition of railroads with
waterways and with each other, unjust discriminations between
persons, between places, and as regards classes of traffic—the
abuses which constitute the railway question—became prevalent,
the common-law provisions applying to railway charges were
given statutory form and were supplemented and extended by
such legislation as the circumstances peculiar to the situation
seemed to demand. The comprehensive railway- and canal-
traffic act passed by Great Britain in 1854 has been the model
adopted for much of the railway legislation in the United States.
The Constitution of the United States gives Congress power to
regulate commerce "among the several States," but the
jurisdiction over intrastate traffic lies with the State
governments. The States began to pass general laws for the
regulation of railroads fully twenty years before Congress acted,
and two thirds of the States have established commissions to
administer those laws.
THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAW
After fifteen years of agitation and investigation the existing
interstate commerce law was enacted in 1887. The law prohibits
unreasonable rates and unjust discriminations between persons,
good instance of a standard line.
GOVERNMENTAL REGULATION OF RAILROAD
TRANSPORTATION
It is a maxim of common law that transportation charges must be
reasonable, and the exaction of an unreasonable rate by a public
carrier is a common-law misdemeanour punishable by the courts.
But when, as the result of severe competition of railroads with
waterways and with each other, unjust discriminations between
persons, between places, and as regards classes of traffic—the
abuses which constitute the railway question—became prevalent,
the common-law provisions applying to railway charges were
given statutory form and were supplemented and extended by
such legislation as the circumstances peculiar to the situation
seemed to demand. The comprehensive railway- and canal-
traffic act passed by Great Britain in 1854 has been the model
adopted for much of the railway legislation in the United States.
The Constitution of the United States gives Congress power to
regulate commerce "among the several States," but the
jurisdiction over intrastate traffic lies with the State
governments. The States began to pass general laws for the
regulation of railroads fully twenty years before Congress acted,
and two thirds of the States have established commissions to
administer those laws.
THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAW
After fifteen years of agitation and investigation the existing
interstate commerce law was enacted in 1887. The law prohibits
unreasonable rates and unjust discriminations between persons,
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places, and classes of traffic, prohibits pooling agreements,
provides penalties for the violation of the law, and establishes a
commission of five men to administer and enforce the statute.
Fortunately for the commission and for the country the first
chairman of that body was the eminent jurist, Thomas M.
Cooley, whose master mind did much to give vitality to the law.
During the first five years after the law was passed it secured a
fairly efficient regulation of interstate railway commerce, but
recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court have so
weakened the law that at present the commission has very little
power. The commission can investigate complaints and make
reports, it can collect statistical information, it can and does
informally adjust many differences between shippers and
carriers; but, to quote from the last report of the commission, "it
has ceased to be a body for the regulation of interstate carriers."
Legislation to amend and strengthen the interstate commerce law
is urgently needed.
provides penalties for the violation of the law, and establishes a
commission of five men to administer and enforce the statute.
Fortunately for the commission and for the country the first
chairman of that body was the eminent jurist, Thomas M.
Cooley, whose master mind did much to give vitality to the law.
During the first five years after the law was passed it secured a
fairly efficient regulation of interstate railway commerce, but
recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court have so
weakened the law that at present the commission has very little
power. The commission can investigate complaints and make
reports, it can collect statistical information, it can and does
informally adjust many differences between shippers and
carriers; but, to quote from the last report of the commission, "it
has ceased to be a body for the regulation of interstate carriers."
Legislation to amend and strengthen the interstate commerce law
is urgently needed.
Page 274
Judge Thomas M. Cooley. (First chairman of
the interstate commerce commission.)
XIII. STOCK AND PRODUCE EXCHANGES
THE STOCK EXCHANGE
The stock exchanges of the world must not be considered simply
as noisy congregations of brokers speculating in securities under
the guise of legitimate business. They really play an important
and necessary part in the financial mechanism of the country,
and are instruments of enormous value in subdividing and
the interstate commerce commission.)
XIII. STOCK AND PRODUCE EXCHANGES
THE STOCK EXCHANGE
The stock exchanges of the world must not be considered simply
as noisy congregations of brokers speculating in securities under
the guise of legitimate business. They really play an important
and necessary part in the financial mechanism of the country,
and are instruments of enormous value in subdividing and
Page 275
distributing capital, and in directing its employment in great
commercial and industrial enterprises.
The largest stock exchange of the world is that of London. It is
not only the centre of the English market for stocks and
securities but, like the Bank of England, it is linked
internationally with nearly all the financial centres of the world.
Almost every reputable security is marketable in London, either
through the ordinary channels provided by arbitrage dealers, who
buy in the cheaper and sell in the dearer markets, or through the
agency of trusts and investment concerns. The magnitude and
extent of the financial resources of the London Stock Exchange
are enormous. Its advantages to the business public outweigh
altogether the drawbacks imposed by the too-speculative spirit of
mankind. It is a great business barometer, extremely sensitive to
all conditions likely to disturb the world's finances. The London
Stock Exchange has scarcely more than one hundred years of
history. In the early part of the century the elder Rothschild was
one of the giants "on 'change," and it was in this business that he
amassed the great fortune which makes the name of his house a
synonym for money power. The membership of the London
exchange is not limited to a fixed number, as in Paris and New
York. In the Paris Bourse all agents are strictly forbidden to trade
on their own account.
commercial and industrial enterprises.
The largest stock exchange of the world is that of London. It is
not only the centre of the English market for stocks and
securities but, like the Bank of England, it is linked
internationally with nearly all the financial centres of the world.
Almost every reputable security is marketable in London, either
through the ordinary channels provided by arbitrage dealers, who
buy in the cheaper and sell in the dearer markets, or through the
agency of trusts and investment concerns. The magnitude and
extent of the financial resources of the London Stock Exchange
are enormous. Its advantages to the business public outweigh
altogether the drawbacks imposed by the too-speculative spirit of
mankind. It is a great business barometer, extremely sensitive to
all conditions likely to disturb the world's finances. The London
Stock Exchange has scarcely more than one hundred years of
history. In the early part of the century the elder Rothschild was
one of the giants "on 'change," and it was in this business that he
amassed the great fortune which makes the name of his house a
synonym for money power. The membership of the London
exchange is not limited to a fixed number, as in Paris and New
York. In the Paris Bourse all agents are strictly forbidden to trade
on their own account.
Page 276
The Paris Bourse.
The New York Stock Exchange was formed in 1792. There are
1100 members. Members are elected and must be nominated by
two men who will say that they would accept the uncertified
cheque of the nominee for $20,000. The initiation fee is $20,000.
Memberships have sold as high as $32,500, and the market value
of a seat on the Exchange varies only slightly from year to year.
The New York Stock Exchange was formed in 1792. There are
1100 members. Members are elected and must be nominated by
two men who will say that they would accept the uncertified
cheque of the nominee for $20,000. The initiation fee is $20,000.
Memberships have sold as high as $32,500, and the market value
of a seat on the Exchange varies only slightly from year to year.
Page 277
Interior view of New York Stock Exchange.
There are stock exchanges in all large cities, and scattered
throughout the country in convenient centres are grain and
produce exchanges, cotton exchanges, petroleum exchanges, etc.
These exchanges are really the central markets for the
commodities they represent. Commodity exchanges deal in
actual products, even though the dealers handle nothing but
warehouse receipts or promises to deliver. Stock exchanges deal
in credits and securities, which may or may not have a tangible
value back of them.
There is no reason why bonds and shares should not be publicly
dealt in—and in large quantities—as well as dry goods, corn or
cotton; but, unfortunately, few stock exchanges confine their
transactions wholly to legitimate business. You will look in vain
in the quotations for the stock of dozens of corporations whose
There are stock exchanges in all large cities, and scattered
throughout the country in convenient centres are grain and
produce exchanges, cotton exchanges, petroleum exchanges, etc.
These exchanges are really the central markets for the
commodities they represent. Commodity exchanges deal in
actual products, even though the dealers handle nothing but
warehouse receipts or promises to deliver. Stock exchanges deal
in credits and securities, which may or may not have a tangible
value back of them.
There is no reason why bonds and shares should not be publicly
dealt in—and in large quantities—as well as dry goods, corn or
cotton; but, unfortunately, few stock exchanges confine their
transactions wholly to legitimate business. You will look in vain
in the quotations for the stock of dozens of corporations whose
Page 278
securities are among the choicest investments. It is upon
fluctuations that stock speculations prosper, and it is often true
that the largest profits are made on the poorest stocks.
Transactions are quickly collected and reported to the world. In
hundreds of offices in New York, Chicago, and other American
cities may be seen a little instrument called a ticker, which
automatically prints abbreviated names of stocks, with their
prices, on a narrow ribbon of paper. These tickers are rented to
these offices by the telegraph companies, and as fast as the sales
are made the quotations are ticked off in thousands of offices in
all parts of the United States.
TECHNICAL TERMS OF STOCK EXCHANGES
The term bull is applied to those who are purchasers of stock for
long account, with the purpose of advancing prices, as the
tendency of a bull is to elevate everything within his reach. The
term bear is applied to those who sell short stock, with the
purpose of depreciating values. The bear operates for a decline
in prices. The broker's charge for his services is called a
commission, which in the New York Stock Exchange is one
eighth of one per cent. each way on a par value of the security
purchased or sold. A point means one per cent. on the par value
of a stock or bond. Stock privileges or puts and calls are
extensively dealt in abroad and to some extent here. A put is an
agreement in the form of a written or printed contract filled out
to suit the case, whereby the signer of it agrees to accept upon
one day's notice, except on the day of expiration, a certain
number of shares of a given stock at a stipulated price. A call is
the reverse of a put, giving its owner the right to demand the
stock under the same conditions. A put may serve as an insurance
to an investor against a radical decline in the value of stocks he
owns; a call may be purchased by a man whose property is not
immediately available, but who may desire to be placed in a
fluctuations that stock speculations prosper, and it is often true
that the largest profits are made on the poorest stocks.
Transactions are quickly collected and reported to the world. In
hundreds of offices in New York, Chicago, and other American
cities may be seen a little instrument called a ticker, which
automatically prints abbreviated names of stocks, with their
prices, on a narrow ribbon of paper. These tickers are rented to
these offices by the telegraph companies, and as fast as the sales
are made the quotations are ticked off in thousands of offices in
all parts of the United States.
TECHNICAL TERMS OF STOCK EXCHANGES
The term bull is applied to those who are purchasers of stock for
long account, with the purpose of advancing prices, as the
tendency of a bull is to elevate everything within his reach. The
term bear is applied to those who sell short stock, with the
purpose of depreciating values. The bear operates for a decline
in prices. The broker's charge for his services is called a
commission, which in the New York Stock Exchange is one
eighth of one per cent. each way on a par value of the security
purchased or sold. A point means one per cent. on the par value
of a stock or bond. Stock privileges or puts and calls are
extensively dealt in abroad and to some extent here. A put is an
agreement in the form of a written or printed contract filled out
to suit the case, whereby the signer of it agrees to accept upon
one day's notice, except on the day of expiration, a certain
number of shares of a given stock at a stipulated price. A call is
the reverse of a put, giving its owner the right to demand the
stock under the same conditions. A put may serve as an insurance
to an investor against a radical decline in the value of stocks he
owns; a call may be purchased by a man whose property is not
immediately available, but who may desire to be placed in a
Page 279
position to procure the shares at the call price, if they are not
below that in the open market when he secures the necessary
funds. The speculator usually trades on margins. If he has $500
to invest he buys $5000 worth of stock, his $500 being ten per
cent. of the total amount. He expects to sell again before the
remaining amount falls due. The margin is usually placed by the
speculator in the hands of a broker as a guaranty against loss.
Although these brokers are really agents for others, yet on
'change they stand in the mutual relationship of principals. A
margin is merely a partial payment, but a broker buying stock for
a client on margin is compelled to wholly pay for it. If he has not
the necessary capital his usual custom is to borrow from banks or
money-lenders, pledging the stock as collateral security. In
foreign exchanges the element of credit enters more largely into
the conduct of business. Where the credit of the client in London
is established his broker does not, ordinarily, call on him for any
cash until the next "settlement day." A wash sale is a fictitious
transaction made by two members acting in collusion for the
purpose of swelling the volume of apparent business in a security
and thus giving a false impression of its value. Stocks sell
dividend-on between the time the dividend is declared and the
day the books of the company close for transfer; after that they
sell ex-dividend, in which case the dividend does not go to the
buyer. When a company decides not to declare a dividend it is
said to pass its dividend. To sell stock buyer 3 is to give the
buyer the privilege of taking it on the day of purchase or on any
of the three following days, without interest; and to sell stock
seller 3 is to give the seller the privilege of delivering it on the
day of purchase or on any one of the three following days
without interest. Buyer 3 is a little lower and seller 3 a little
higher than regular way when the market is in a normal
condition. Bucket shops are establishments conducted nominally
for the transaction of a stock-exchange business but really for the
registration of bets or wagers, usually for small amounts, on the
rise or fall of the prices of stocks, there being no transfer or
delivery of the commodities nominally dealt in. There are
thousands of these counterfeit concerns throughout the country
below that in the open market when he secures the necessary
funds. The speculator usually trades on margins. If he has $500
to invest he buys $5000 worth of stock, his $500 being ten per
cent. of the total amount. He expects to sell again before the
remaining amount falls due. The margin is usually placed by the
speculator in the hands of a broker as a guaranty against loss.
Although these brokers are really agents for others, yet on
'change they stand in the mutual relationship of principals. A
margin is merely a partial payment, but a broker buying stock for
a client on margin is compelled to wholly pay for it. If he has not
the necessary capital his usual custom is to borrow from banks or
money-lenders, pledging the stock as collateral security. In
foreign exchanges the element of credit enters more largely into
the conduct of business. Where the credit of the client in London
is established his broker does not, ordinarily, call on him for any
cash until the next "settlement day." A wash sale is a fictitious
transaction made by two members acting in collusion for the
purpose of swelling the volume of apparent business in a security
and thus giving a false impression of its value. Stocks sell
dividend-on between the time the dividend is declared and the
day the books of the company close for transfer; after that they
sell ex-dividend, in which case the dividend does not go to the
buyer. When a company decides not to declare a dividend it is
said to pass its dividend. To sell stock buyer 3 is to give the
buyer the privilege of taking it on the day of purchase or on any
of the three following days, without interest; and to sell stock
seller 3 is to give the seller the privilege of delivering it on the
day of purchase or on any one of the three following days
without interest. Buyer 3 is a little lower and seller 3 a little
higher than regular way when the market is in a normal
condition. Bucket shops are establishments conducted nominally
for the transaction of a stock-exchange business but really for the
registration of bets or wagers, usually for small amounts, on the
rise or fall of the prices of stocks, there being no transfer or
delivery of the commodities nominally dealt in. There are
thousands of these counterfeit concerns throughout the country
Page 280
conducted without any regard for legitimate commercial
enterprises.
FUTURE DELIVERY
Grain is stored in warehouses until needed for milling or
shipment. When we speak of December wheat we mean wheat
that is to be delivered to the buyer in December. The carrying
charges include storage, interest, and insurance, so that wheat
sold for May delivery would necessarily bring a higher price than
wheat sold for December delivery. Carrying charges are in
favour of the short seller. When sold for immediate delivery it is
known as cash grain.
XIV. STORAGE AND WAREHOUSING
BONDED WAREHOUSES
There is a government regulation that an importer who does not
wish to pay immediately the customs duties on his goods may
have them stored in a warehouse, provided he furnish a bond
with a surety that he will pay the duty within three years or
export the goods to some other country. It is also a requisite that
the goods be deposited in a bonded warehouse in the care and
custody of its proprietor, who also must furnish the government
with a bond of indemnity. The bond of the proprietor is a general
bond and usually covers what might be considered a fair amount
of total values due the government at any time. Officers of the
United States are stationed at the bonded warehouse during
business hours. These are there in evidence of the government's
enterprises.
FUTURE DELIVERY
Grain is stored in warehouses until needed for milling or
shipment. When we speak of December wheat we mean wheat
that is to be delivered to the buyer in December. The carrying
charges include storage, interest, and insurance, so that wheat
sold for May delivery would necessarily bring a higher price than
wheat sold for December delivery. Carrying charges are in
favour of the short seller. When sold for immediate delivery it is
known as cash grain.
XIV. STORAGE AND WAREHOUSING
BONDED WAREHOUSES
There is a government regulation that an importer who does not
wish to pay immediately the customs duties on his goods may
have them stored in a warehouse, provided he furnish a bond
with a surety that he will pay the duty within three years or
export the goods to some other country. It is also a requisite that
the goods be deposited in a bonded warehouse in the care and
custody of its proprietor, who also must furnish the government
with a bond of indemnity. The bond of the proprietor is a general
bond and usually covers what might be considered a fair amount
of total values due the government at any time. Officers of the
United States are stationed at the bonded warehouse during
business hours. These are there in evidence of the government's
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proprietary interest in the merchandise stored. When an importer
makes entry at the custom house for bonding his goods, he at
that time provides the security required.
By a recent decision of the Treasury Department at Washington
goods in bond are in the joint custody of the United States
government and the proprietor of the warehouse, and after the
government has received its customs duties for the goods they
are in the proprietor's sole possession. The government cannot
interfere to enforce delivery of the goods to the importer. The
claim of the warehouse proprietor for storage charges becomes a
first lien after the government's claim is satisfied. When the
importer has paid both customs and storage charges he is
privileged to remove his goods.
WAREHOUSE REGULATIONS
It is the duty of United States storekeepers to check off the goods
as they are received at the warehouse and to report the same to
the custom house; and when goods are to be withdrawn to see
that delivery is not made until a custom house permit is
presented. Upon payment of the import duty on goods in bond at
the custom house at any time after importation, the customs
officials issue a warehouse permit to the importer ordering the
United States storekeeper in charge of the bonded warehouse to
deliver the goods to the importer, and upon presentation of the
permit the goods are released unless the proprietor holds them
subject to storage charges.
Goods may be held in bond for three years with the duty unpaid,
but after that time either the duty must be paid or the goods
exported. If shipped to another country and afterward re-
imported the goods would again be entitled to the three-year
privilege. If goods are not exported and the customs charges are
makes entry at the custom house for bonding his goods, he at
that time provides the security required.
By a recent decision of the Treasury Department at Washington
goods in bond are in the joint custody of the United States
government and the proprietor of the warehouse, and after the
government has received its customs duties for the goods they
are in the proprietor's sole possession. The government cannot
interfere to enforce delivery of the goods to the importer. The
claim of the warehouse proprietor for storage charges becomes a
first lien after the government's claim is satisfied. When the
importer has paid both customs and storage charges he is
privileged to remove his goods.
WAREHOUSE REGULATIONS
It is the duty of United States storekeepers to check off the goods
as they are received at the warehouse and to report the same to
the custom house; and when goods are to be withdrawn to see
that delivery is not made until a custom house permit is
presented. Upon payment of the import duty on goods in bond at
the custom house at any time after importation, the customs
officials issue a warehouse permit to the importer ordering the
United States storekeeper in charge of the bonded warehouse to
deliver the goods to the importer, and upon presentation of the
permit the goods are released unless the proprietor holds them
subject to storage charges.
Goods may be held in bond for three years with the duty unpaid,
but after that time either the duty must be paid or the goods
exported. If shipped to another country and afterward re-
imported the goods would again be entitled to the three-year
privilege. If goods are not exported and the customs charges are
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due and unpaid, the government may dispose of the goods at
public sale to obtain its claim.
Goods arriving by steamer and unclaimed lie at the wharf forty-
eight hours. If the owner does not appear to make entry for them
within that time, after the entry for the vessel has been made, the
goods are sent to a bonded warehouse and remain there on what
is known as a general order, and if they stand there unclaimed for
a year they may, at the expiration of that time, be sold by the
government.
The capital of a warehouse is its storage space. The rates vary
from ¼ to ¾ of a cent per cubic foot. The charges may be based
on the amount of space consumed and the weight of the
merchandise. The latter often determines the floor elevation to
which the goods may be assigned. The more convenient of
access the storage location is, the greater the cost. Warehouse
receipts are issued as evidence of storage. All merchandise is
conveniently bulked for numbering and marking, and these
distinguishing marks appear on the receipts. Negotiable and non-
negotiable receipts are issued as the needs of the owner may
require. The former permit advances to be made by bankers upon
the merchandise as collateral security.
FREE WAREHOUSES
These differ from bonded warehouses only in the fact that the
government has no control or interest in them. They are only for
the storage of imported goods on which the customs duty has
been paid or for goods imported free of duty or for merchandise
of domestic production and manufacture. They are managed
entirely by the proprietor, and the contracts for storage are, of
course, between the proprietor of the warehouse and the owner
of the goods. The storage rates in free warehouses are
considerably lower than for goods stored in bonded warehouses
public sale to obtain its claim.
Goods arriving by steamer and unclaimed lie at the wharf forty-
eight hours. If the owner does not appear to make entry for them
within that time, after the entry for the vessel has been made, the
goods are sent to a bonded warehouse and remain there on what
is known as a general order, and if they stand there unclaimed for
a year they may, at the expiration of that time, be sold by the
government.
The capital of a warehouse is its storage space. The rates vary
from ¼ to ¾ of a cent per cubic foot. The charges may be based
on the amount of space consumed and the weight of the
merchandise. The latter often determines the floor elevation to
which the goods may be assigned. The more convenient of
access the storage location is, the greater the cost. Warehouse
receipts are issued as evidence of storage. All merchandise is
conveniently bulked for numbering and marking, and these
distinguishing marks appear on the receipts. Negotiable and non-
negotiable receipts are issued as the needs of the owner may
require. The former permit advances to be made by bankers upon
the merchandise as collateral security.
FREE WAREHOUSES
These differ from bonded warehouses only in the fact that the
government has no control or interest in them. They are only for
the storage of imported goods on which the customs duty has
been paid or for goods imported free of duty or for merchandise
of domestic production and manufacture. They are managed
entirely by the proprietor, and the contracts for storage are, of
course, between the proprietor of the warehouse and the owner
of the goods. The storage rates in free warehouses are
considerably lower than for goods stored in bonded warehouses
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—the latter being a much more expensive business to conduct.
There is no time limit in free warehouses. Goods may remain
indefinitely. When they remain from six months to a year the
charges are collected usually at certain periods to avoid
accumulation. Experience shows that goods in free warehouses
do not stay so long as those in bond. The articles commonly
found in these houses are domestic and imported wools, cotton,
canned goods, peanuts, yarns, cotton piece goods, mattings, dry
goods, etc. Perishable goods, of course, do not find their way
into bonded or free warehouses. These are placed in cold storage.
BANKING FEATURES OF WAREHOUSING
Many of the warehouses find it advantageous to do a banking
business in connection with the storage features. Very frequently,
for the convenience of the importer, goods are consigned to the
warehouse and sent subject to a sight draft for the amount of the
invoice. The warehouse company will pay the draft with the
exception of about twenty per cent., which the importer is
expected to furnish. If the duty is paid then the value upon which
a loan is estimated is based upon the market value of the goods
in this country. After the draft has been satisfied the goods are
placed in the stores of the warehouse company subject to the
customs and storage charges. The amount advanced by the
company bears interest at current money rates. In illustration let
us suppose bonded goods to be shipped and invoiced at $10,000,
customs duty $4000, and the goods consigned to a bonded
warehouse. The draft ($10,000) is sent to the warehousing
company, which advances $8000, and together with the $2000
received from the importer pays the draft. The $8000 loan made
by the company is then charged to the importer at the usual
interest rate, and when the borrower withdraws his merchandise
from storage he will have to pay the government the $4000
customs duty and pay back his loan of $8000 to the warehouse
company, together with interest and storage charges. If any
There is no time limit in free warehouses. Goods may remain
indefinitely. When they remain from six months to a year the
charges are collected usually at certain periods to avoid
accumulation. Experience shows that goods in free warehouses
do not stay so long as those in bond. The articles commonly
found in these houses are domestic and imported wools, cotton,
canned goods, peanuts, yarns, cotton piece goods, mattings, dry
goods, etc. Perishable goods, of course, do not find their way
into bonded or free warehouses. These are placed in cold storage.
BANKING FEATURES OF WAREHOUSING
Many of the warehouses find it advantageous to do a banking
business in connection with the storage features. Very frequently,
for the convenience of the importer, goods are consigned to the
warehouse and sent subject to a sight draft for the amount of the
invoice. The warehouse company will pay the draft with the
exception of about twenty per cent., which the importer is
expected to furnish. If the duty is paid then the value upon which
a loan is estimated is based upon the market value of the goods
in this country. After the draft has been satisfied the goods are
placed in the stores of the warehouse company subject to the
customs and storage charges. The amount advanced by the
company bears interest at current money rates. In illustration let
us suppose bonded goods to be shipped and invoiced at $10,000,
customs duty $4000, and the goods consigned to a bonded
warehouse. The draft ($10,000) is sent to the warehousing
company, which advances $8000, and together with the $2000
received from the importer pays the draft. The $8000 loan made
by the company is then charged to the importer at the usual
interest rate, and when the borrower withdraws his merchandise
from storage he will have to pay the government the $4000
customs duty and pay back his loan of $8000 to the warehouse
company, together with interest and storage charges. If any
Page 284
portion of the goods stored is withdrawn for use in the business
of the importer, the company will rebate a proportionate amount
of the interest. If goods decline in value as collateral in storage
the company will demand additional margin for its protection. If
goods appreciate in value the loan may be increased. The market
value of the goods is ascertained by the appraisement of some
expert, who receives a commission for his services.
COLD STORAGE
The cold-storage warehouse is the natural result of the
necessities of our great agricultural interests in the preservation
of perishable products so sensitive to the deteriorating effects of
temperature. The solution of the problem of the preservation of
dairy products, meats, fish, poultry, fruits, and vegetables has
developed a system that has eliminated the seasons and made
possible the equalisation of prices of the finer class of edibles.
The cornering of products and the creation of unreasonable
prices are avoided. No article becomes a glut on the market as
formerly. When there is a surplus of eggs and fruit, prices may
be maintained by putting them in cold storage for a few days and
offering them on the market when the conditions of trade
warrant.
TEMPERATURE REQUIREMENTS FOR COLD
STORAGE
Prior to the year 1890 cold storage was dependent upon the
employment of ice, but in the evolution of the cold-storage
warehouse ice is no longer a requisite. In fact, the temperature
obtained by the employment of ice precluded a thermometric
register much below the freezing point. The accepted
of the importer, the company will rebate a proportionate amount
of the interest. If goods decline in value as collateral in storage
the company will demand additional margin for its protection. If
goods appreciate in value the loan may be increased. The market
value of the goods is ascertained by the appraisement of some
expert, who receives a commission for his services.
COLD STORAGE
The cold-storage warehouse is the natural result of the
necessities of our great agricultural interests in the preservation
of perishable products so sensitive to the deteriorating effects of
temperature. The solution of the problem of the preservation of
dairy products, meats, fish, poultry, fruits, and vegetables has
developed a system that has eliminated the seasons and made
possible the equalisation of prices of the finer class of edibles.
The cornering of products and the creation of unreasonable
prices are avoided. No article becomes a glut on the market as
formerly. When there is a surplus of eggs and fruit, prices may
be maintained by putting them in cold storage for a few days and
offering them on the market when the conditions of trade
warrant.
TEMPERATURE REQUIREMENTS FOR COLD
STORAGE
Prior to the year 1890 cold storage was dependent upon the
employment of ice, but in the evolution of the cold-storage
warehouse ice is no longer a requisite. In fact, the temperature
obtained by the employment of ice precluded a thermometric
register much below the freezing point. The accepted
Page 285
temperature for butter and eggs was formerly 40° to 50°; but
through the introduction of mechanical refrigeration, which has
revolutionised the business economically as well as physically,
eggs now are held in storage at a temperature of 31° and butter
from 10° to 18°. Under the former method of ice storage, goods
that were offered on the market as "held goods"—that is, as
coming from a cold storage—always brought several cents under
the prices of fresh merchandise. But the remarkable modern
methods of cold storage permit the carrying of dairy products for
a number of months and their successful sale afterward in
competition with fresh goods. Eggs stored in March are taken
out in the following November and have commanded as high and
often higher prices than the fresh commodity. Eggs have been
kept two years and found perfectly sweet when used. In freezing
poultry and fish the temperature now frequently given is zero
and under. Poultry does not carry so well as other merchandise.
Although it is possible to keep it for two years, yet it loses its
flavour. Five or six months' storage is its usual average limit.
Certain temperatures are maintained in the various compartments
of a cold-storage warehouse according to the requirements of the
products, and these temperatures are made possible by forcing
through pipes arranged around each compartment a brine
composed of about ninety-five per cent. of pure salt whose
temperature has been reduced by the action of the chemicals.
When a shipper stores his goods there is an implied contract with
the storage company that the temperature required for the
product will be furnished and maintained. Failure to do this
renders the company liable for any damage to property. So vital
is this feature of the business, which is really the only liability
assumed by the company, that the custom prevails of taking the
temperature of each room as often as five times in every twenty-
four hours, and keeping the record in temperature books open to
the inspection of the shippers. A room filled with merchandise
may not vary in temperature one degree in six months.
through the introduction of mechanical refrigeration, which has
revolutionised the business economically as well as physically,
eggs now are held in storage at a temperature of 31° and butter
from 10° to 18°. Under the former method of ice storage, goods
that were offered on the market as "held goods"—that is, as
coming from a cold storage—always brought several cents under
the prices of fresh merchandise. But the remarkable modern
methods of cold storage permit the carrying of dairy products for
a number of months and their successful sale afterward in
competition with fresh goods. Eggs stored in March are taken
out in the following November and have commanded as high and
often higher prices than the fresh commodity. Eggs have been
kept two years and found perfectly sweet when used. In freezing
poultry and fish the temperature now frequently given is zero
and under. Poultry does not carry so well as other merchandise.
Although it is possible to keep it for two years, yet it loses its
flavour. Five or six months' storage is its usual average limit.
Certain temperatures are maintained in the various compartments
of a cold-storage warehouse according to the requirements of the
products, and these temperatures are made possible by forcing
through pipes arranged around each compartment a brine
composed of about ninety-five per cent. of pure salt whose
temperature has been reduced by the action of the chemicals.
When a shipper stores his goods there is an implied contract with
the storage company that the temperature required for the
product will be furnished and maintained. Failure to do this
renders the company liable for any damage to property. So vital
is this feature of the business, which is really the only liability
assumed by the company, that the custom prevails of taking the
temperature of each room as often as five times in every twenty-
four hours, and keeping the record in temperature books open to
the inspection of the shippers. A room filled with merchandise
may not vary in temperature one degree in six months.
Page 286
COLD-STORAGE CENTRES
Chicago very naturally is the leading cold-storage centre. Its
situation in the heart of the productive area and its advantages as
a distributing centre have given it its prestige. But in the last two
or three years the Eastern cities, New York, Philadelphia, and
Boston, have developed enormous cold-storage facilities, and
Chicago no longer is absolute in her dictation to the markets of
the world. When it is remembered that the dairy interests of our
country during the last three years averaged an annual value of
$650,000,000, and that the greater portion of this found its way
into cold-storage warehouses, the importance of this new and
very necessary business is readily appreciated.
COLD-STORAGE CHARGES
The cold-storage charges for eggs in thirty-dozen cases would be
about 15 cents per case for the first month and 9 cents for every
additional month. Butter in sixty-pound tubs would be charged at
the rate of 12 cents per tub for each month. Cheese would cost
one tenth of a cent a pound per month. The rates of Eastern cities
are usually higher than in the West. About ninety per cent. of the
storage business of the East is in goods shipped from the West.
The refrigerator car is a valuable adjunct to the business. The
temperature of the cars is about 45°.
Although no ice is used in the modern cold-storage plant, yet the
ice has become a very valuable by-product. Since all the
facilities for its manufacture are at hand it has become a matter
of commercial expediency to employ them to the company's
profit in the production and sale of a commodity indispensable to
modern life.
Chicago very naturally is the leading cold-storage centre. Its
situation in the heart of the productive area and its advantages as
a distributing centre have given it its prestige. But in the last two
or three years the Eastern cities, New York, Philadelphia, and
Boston, have developed enormous cold-storage facilities, and
Chicago no longer is absolute in her dictation to the markets of
the world. When it is remembered that the dairy interests of our
country during the last three years averaged an annual value of
$650,000,000, and that the greater portion of this found its way
into cold-storage warehouses, the importance of this new and
very necessary business is readily appreciated.
COLD-STORAGE CHARGES
The cold-storage charges for eggs in thirty-dozen cases would be
about 15 cents per case for the first month and 9 cents for every
additional month. Butter in sixty-pound tubs would be charged at
the rate of 12 cents per tub for each month. Cheese would cost
one tenth of a cent a pound per month. The rates of Eastern cities
are usually higher than in the West. About ninety per cent. of the
storage business of the East is in goods shipped from the West.
The refrigerator car is a valuable adjunct to the business. The
temperature of the cars is about 45°.
Although no ice is used in the modern cold-storage plant, yet the
ice has become a very valuable by-product. Since all the
facilities for its manufacture are at hand it has become a matter
of commercial expediency to employ them to the company's
profit in the production and sale of a commodity indispensable to
modern life.
Page 287
QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW
1. Give some particulars in which the Bank of England differs
from our larger national banks.
2. A bank cheque is a demand order for money drawn by one
who has funds in the bank. How does a cheque differ from
an order on A—— B—— to pay bearer a certain sum of
money?
3. You are sending a cheque through the mails to John Brown,
Chicago. How will you prevent the cheque from falling into
the hands of the wrong Brown?
4. You identify A—— B—— at your bank. The cheque A——
B—— presented turns out to be a forgery. Are you
responsible?
5. What is meant by power of attorney? How should an
attorney indorse cheques for any person for whom he is
acting?
6. What is a certified cheque? Brown gives A an ordinary
cheque for $1000, and B a certified cheque for $1000. He
fails before either cheque is presented. Why is B's security
for his claim considered better than A's?
7. Show how all the banks of the United States are connected
through the clearing-house system.
8. How do State and national banks differ as to their
organisation?
9. A national bank has a capital of half a million. A customer
asks for a loan of $62,000 on indorsed paper. Can the bank
legally grant the loan?
1. Give some particulars in which the Bank of England differs
from our larger national banks.
2. A bank cheque is a demand order for money drawn by one
who has funds in the bank. How does a cheque differ from
an order on A—— B—— to pay bearer a certain sum of
money?
3. You are sending a cheque through the mails to John Brown,
Chicago. How will you prevent the cheque from falling into
the hands of the wrong Brown?
4. You identify A—— B—— at your bank. The cheque A——
B—— presented turns out to be a forgery. Are you
responsible?
5. What is meant by power of attorney? How should an
attorney indorse cheques for any person for whom he is
acting?
6. What is a certified cheque? Brown gives A an ordinary
cheque for $1000, and B a certified cheque for $1000. He
fails before either cheque is presented. Why is B's security
for his claim considered better than A's?
7. Show how all the banks of the United States are connected
through the clearing-house system.
8. How do State and national banks differ as to their
organisation?
9. A national bank has a capital of half a million. A customer
asks for a loan of $62,000 on indorsed paper. Can the bank
legally grant the loan?
Page 288
10. Give some particulars of the liabilities of the officers and
directors of national banks.
11. What is meant by borrowing money on collaterals? How is
this done?
12. Tell how it is possible for a young man of good character,
but without friends who have financial standing, to secure
bonds for his faithful conduct in a responsible position.
13. When rates are high bankers prefer to deal in long-time
paper. Why?
14. Account for the fact that London is the financial centre of
the world.
15. Explain in detail the business of a note broker, giving some
particulars of his responsibility in connection with the paper
handled.
16. Enumerate the leading items of resource and liability in a
national-bank statement.
17. A bank receives from the comptroller of the treasury
$100,000 in new bank-notes of its own issue. What ledger
entry? A bank retires $10,000 of its own bank-notes. What
entry?
18. Discuss fully the points which should enter into a proper
estimate of the value of paper offered for discount.
19. Give the successive and necessary steps in the formation of
a joint stock company.
20. Why are companies which properly exist and belong in one
State sometimes organised under the laws of another State?
21. Explain very fully the difference as to resource and liability
between a bondholder and a stockholder.
directors of national banks.
11. What is meant by borrowing money on collaterals? How is
this done?
12. Tell how it is possible for a young man of good character,
but without friends who have financial standing, to secure
bonds for his faithful conduct in a responsible position.
13. When rates are high bankers prefer to deal in long-time
paper. Why?
14. Account for the fact that London is the financial centre of
the world.
15. Explain in detail the business of a note broker, giving some
particulars of his responsibility in connection with the paper
handled.
16. Enumerate the leading items of resource and liability in a
national-bank statement.
17. A bank receives from the comptroller of the treasury
$100,000 in new bank-notes of its own issue. What ledger
entry? A bank retires $10,000 of its own bank-notes. What
entry?
18. Discuss fully the points which should enter into a proper
estimate of the value of paper offered for discount.
19. Give the successive and necessary steps in the formation of
a joint stock company.
20. Why are companies which properly exist and belong in one
State sometimes organised under the laws of another State?
21. Explain very fully the difference as to resource and liability
between a bondholder and a stockholder.
Page 289
22. How may a stock company be dissolved?
23. What is the difference between a voluntary association,
such as a society or club, and a stock company?
24. Explain very fully the meaning of Limited when it forms
part of the legal title of a company.
25. Is it legal to sell shares of stock and issue mortgage bonds
upon the same property? What relationship do they bear one
to the other?
EXAMINATION PAPER
Note.—The following questions are given as a means by which the
student may test for himself whether he has attentively pursued the
lessons of the course or not. It is recommended that each student as
he finishes the course write out the answers to the questions in full.
Only such answers need be attempted as the student can frame from
a careful study of the course.
1. (a) Give some particulars in which the Bank of England
differs from our larger national banks. (b) Enumerate some
of the advantages afforded to the community and to
commerce in general by banking institutions. (c) How do
private banks and trust companies differ from national
banks?
2. (a) What is a stock certificate? How does it differ from a
mortgage bond? (b) At what rate must United States 4 per
cents be bought to net 3.2465 per cent.? (c) Give the
successive and necessary steps in the formation of a stock
company. How can the stock of a company or corporation
be increased?
23. What is the difference between a voluntary association,
such as a society or club, and a stock company?
24. Explain very fully the meaning of Limited when it forms
part of the legal title of a company.
25. Is it legal to sell shares of stock and issue mortgage bonds
upon the same property? What relationship do they bear one
to the other?
EXAMINATION PAPER
Note.—The following questions are given as a means by which the
student may test for himself whether he has attentively pursued the
lessons of the course or not. It is recommended that each student as
he finishes the course write out the answers to the questions in full.
Only such answers need be attempted as the student can frame from
a careful study of the course.
1. (a) Give some particulars in which the Bank of England
differs from our larger national banks. (b) Enumerate some
of the advantages afforded to the community and to
commerce in general by banking institutions. (c) How do
private banks and trust companies differ from national
banks?
2. (a) What is a stock certificate? How does it differ from a
mortgage bond? (b) At what rate must United States 4 per
cents be bought to net 3.2465 per cent.? (c) Give the
successive and necessary steps in the formation of a stock
company. How can the stock of a company or corporation
be increased?
Page 290
3. (a) What provision is usually made for the redemption of
municipal bonds which have a long period to run? (b) What
is meant when we say that a certain railway is in the hands
of a receiver? (c) Give some of the advantages which stock
companies have over partnerships.
4. (a) Tell how you would receipt for a payment on a note.
Why is not an ordinary separate receipt sufficient? (b)
Discuss fully the points which should enter into a proper
estimate of the value of paper offered for discount. (c)
Explain in detail the business of a note broker, giving some
particulars of his responsibility in connection with the paper
handled.
5. (a) What are the advantages to the banks of a city of their
central clearing-house? (b) Show by a diagram how
collections are made between distant points. (c) What is a
certified check?
6. (a) Enumerate some of the abuses of rate discrimination in
the United States and tell how they are met. (b) What are
the advantages to the public of freight organisations which
arrange for through service? (c) Explain in detail the
methods adopted by leading and competing railway lines to
regulate and adjust freight rates. (d) What are differentials?
How are (1) through and (2) local passenger rates
regulated?
7. (a) Give the particulars in which a warehouse receipt
resembles and differs from (1) a promissory note, (2) a bill
of lading. (b) What are the advantages to the importer of
bonded warehouses? (c) What are the duties of our foreign
consuls with reference to the importation of goods?
municipal bonds which have a long period to run? (b) What
is meant when we say that a certain railway is in the hands
of a receiver? (c) Give some of the advantages which stock
companies have over partnerships.
4. (a) Tell how you would receipt for a payment on a note.
Why is not an ordinary separate receipt sufficient? (b)
Discuss fully the points which should enter into a proper
estimate of the value of paper offered for discount. (c)
Explain in detail the business of a note broker, giving some
particulars of his responsibility in connection with the paper
handled.
5. (a) What are the advantages to the banks of a city of their
central clearing-house? (b) Show by a diagram how
collections are made between distant points. (c) What is a
certified check?
6. (a) Enumerate some of the abuses of rate discrimination in
the United States and tell how they are met. (b) What are
the advantages to the public of freight organisations which
arrange for through service? (c) Explain in detail the
methods adopted by leading and competing railway lines to
regulate and adjust freight rates. (d) What are differentials?
How are (1) through and (2) local passenger rates
regulated?
7. (a) Give the particulars in which a warehouse receipt
resembles and differs from (1) a promissory note, (2) a bill
of lading. (b) What are the advantages to the importer of
bonded warehouses? (c) What are the duties of our foreign
consuls with reference to the importation of goods?
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Page 292
COMMERCIAL LAW
I. THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF CONTRACTS
Commercial law relates to contracts. These are made by almost
every one. A person cannot ride in a street-car without making a
contract with the company for carrying him. If he goes into a
store and buys a cigar, a stick of candy, or a tin whistle, he has
made a contract with the man behind the counter, who owns the
store or is his salesman. Tramps and thieves are about the only
persons who live without making contracts. In that respect they
are like the birds of the air, getting whatever they desire
whenever the chance is seen.
A contract has been defined as an agreement to do or not to do
some particular thing. These are the words used by one of the
greatest of American judges. The reader may turn to his
dictionary and find other definitions that contain more, if he
pleases, but this will answer our purpose.
All contracts may be put into three classes, and each of these will
be briefly explained. First, sealed and unsealed contracts.
What do we mean by a contract that is sealed? It is one to which
the person who signs it adds, after his name, a seal. But what is a
seal? It may consist of sealing-wax, stamped in a peculiar
manner, or a wafer made of sealing-wax, or a paper wafer. In the
olden times when people could hunt and fight but were not able
to write their names, they put a seal at the end of a contract made
by them; in other words, the seal supplied the place of a name.
I. THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF CONTRACTS
Commercial law relates to contracts. These are made by almost
every one. A person cannot ride in a street-car without making a
contract with the company for carrying him. If he goes into a
store and buys a cigar, a stick of candy, or a tin whistle, he has
made a contract with the man behind the counter, who owns the
store or is his salesman. Tramps and thieves are about the only
persons who live without making contracts. In that respect they
are like the birds of the air, getting whatever they desire
whenever the chance is seen.
A contract has been defined as an agreement to do or not to do
some particular thing. These are the words used by one of the
greatest of American judges. The reader may turn to his
dictionary and find other definitions that contain more, if he
pleases, but this will answer our purpose.
All contracts may be put into three classes, and each of these will
be briefly explained. First, sealed and unsealed contracts.
What do we mean by a contract that is sealed? It is one to which
the person who signs it adds, after his name, a seal. But what is a
seal? It may consist of sealing-wax, stamped in a peculiar
manner, or a wafer made of sealing-wax, or a paper wafer. In the
olden times when people could hunt and fight but were not able
to write their names, they put a seal at the end of a contract made
by them; in other words, the seal supplied the place of a name.
Page 293
Each person's seal differed from the seal of every other. It had its
origin really in the ignorance of the people. As they were unable
to write their names these distinct signs or marks, called seals,
were put on instead of their signatures.
With the changes brought by time the form of this device or seal,
required by law, is much simpler than it was centuries ago.
Indeed, in every State persons use the letters "L. S.," with
brackets around them, instead of a seal. They mean "the place of
a seal," and are just as good in every way as any kind of seal that
might be used. Here are two of the forms of seals in most
common use:
Two seals in common use.
Any contract that has a seal after the name of the signer is a
sealed contract, and every other is called an unsealed, oral, or
verbal contract. If a contract was written and a seal was added
after the signer's name, and there was another exactly like it in
form, but without a seal, this would be called an unsealed or
verbal contract, and in law would differ in some important
respects from the other. This is true in every State except
origin really in the ignorance of the people. As they were unable
to write their names these distinct signs or marks, called seals,
were put on instead of their signatures.
With the changes brought by time the form of this device or seal,
required by law, is much simpler than it was centuries ago.
Indeed, in every State persons use the letters "L. S.," with
brackets around them, instead of a seal. They mean "the place of
a seal," and are just as good in every way as any kind of seal that
might be used. Here are two of the forms of seals in most
common use:
Two seals in common use.
Any contract that has a seal after the name of the signer is a
sealed contract, and every other is called an unsealed, oral, or
verbal contract. If a contract was written and a seal was added
after the signer's name, and there was another exactly like it in
form, but without a seal, this would be called an unsealed or
verbal contract, and in law would differ in some important
respects from the other. This is true in every State except
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California, where the difference between sealed and unsealed
contracts is no longer known.
The second class of contracts are called express and implied
contracts. By an express contract is meant one that is made
either in writing or in words. But the reader may ask, Are not all
contracts of this kind? By no means. Many contracts exist
between people which have not been put into words. Suppose A
should ask B for employment and it should be given to him, but
no word should pass between them about the price to be paid.
The law would imply that B must pay him whatever his work
was reasonably worth. If A should come at the end of the week
for his pay and B should say to him: "I never made any bargain
with you concerning the price, and I am unwilling to pay you
anything," A could, if he understood the law, say to B: "You told
me to work, and the law implies that you must pay me whatever
my work is worth." How much would the law give him for his
work? Just what the employer was paying other men for the
same kind of work.
Another class of contracts are called executed and executory.
An executed contract is one that is finished, done, completed.
If I should go into a store and ask the price of a book and say to
the salesman, "I will take it," and give him the money, and take
the book with me, this would be an executed contract. An
executory contract is one that is to be completed. Suppose the
salesman did not have the book and I should say to him, "Please
get it for me and I will come in next week and pay you for it,"
this would be an executory contract; and it would remain so until
I came in and got the book, as I had promised to do, and paid the
price.
These are the three most general classes of contracts made by
persons in daily life. Almost all persons make contracts of each
kind during their lives. Sealed contracts are not as common as
unsealed ones, yet they are frequently made. Every deed for the
sale of land or lease for the use of it is a sealed contract.
contracts is no longer known.
The second class of contracts are called express and implied
contracts. By an express contract is meant one that is made
either in writing or in words. But the reader may ask, Are not all
contracts of this kind? By no means. Many contracts exist
between people which have not been put into words. Suppose A
should ask B for employment and it should be given to him, but
no word should pass between them about the price to be paid.
The law would imply that B must pay him whatever his work
was reasonably worth. If A should come at the end of the week
for his pay and B should say to him: "I never made any bargain
with you concerning the price, and I am unwilling to pay you
anything," A could, if he understood the law, say to B: "You told
me to work, and the law implies that you must pay me whatever
my work is worth." How much would the law give him for his
work? Just what the employer was paying other men for the
same kind of work.
Another class of contracts are called executed and executory.
An executed contract is one that is finished, done, completed.
If I should go into a store and ask the price of a book and say to
the salesman, "I will take it," and give him the money, and take
the book with me, this would be an executed contract. An
executory contract is one that is to be completed. Suppose the
salesman did not have the book and I should say to him, "Please
get it for me and I will come in next week and pay you for it,"
this would be an executory contract; and it would remain so until
I came in and got the book, as I had promised to do, and paid the
price.
These are the three most general classes of contracts made by
persons in daily life. Almost all persons make contracts of each
kind during their lives. Sealed contracts are not as common as
unsealed ones, yet they are frequently made. Every deed for the
sale of land or lease for the use of it is a sealed contract.
Page 295
II. THE PARTIES TO A CONTRACT
To every contract there must be two or more persons or parties.
When Robinson Crusoe was on his island all alone, eating
breadfruit and entertaining himself by throwing stones at the
monkeys, he perhaps had a good time, but he could not make any
contracts. But as soon as Friday came along they could make
contracts, trade, and cheat each other as much as they pleased. A
contract, therefore, is one of the incidents of society. A person
sailing in a balloon alone could not make a contract, but if two
were in the basket they might amuse themselves by swapping
jack-knives or neckties, and these exchanges would be
completed or executed contracts and would possess, as we shall
soon see, every element of a contract.
Again, persons must be able, or competent, to make contracts.
What kind of ability or competency must a person have? Not
every person can make a contract, even though he may wish to
do so. A minor, or person less than twenty-one years of age,
though he may be very wise and weigh perhaps two hundred and
fifty pounds, can make very few contracts which the law regards
as binding. In fact, the only contracts that a minor can make for
which he is bound are for necessaries—clothing, food, and
shelter. Nor can he make contracts even for these things in
unlimited quantities. A minor could not go into a store and buy
six overcoats and bind himself to pay for them. The storekeeper
must have common sense in selling to him and keep within a
reasonable limit. In one of the well-known cases a minor bought
a dozen pairs of trousers, half a dozen hats, as many canes,
besides a large supply of other things, and, refusing afterward to
pay the bill, the merchant sued him, and the jury decided that he
must pay. The case, however, was appealed to a higher court,
which took a different view of his liability. The judge who wrote
the opinion for the court said that the merchant must have known
that the minor could not make any personal use of so many
trousers, canes, and hats, and ought not to have sold him so
To every contract there must be two or more persons or parties.
When Robinson Crusoe was on his island all alone, eating
breadfruit and entertaining himself by throwing stones at the
monkeys, he perhaps had a good time, but he could not make any
contracts. But as soon as Friday came along they could make
contracts, trade, and cheat each other as much as they pleased. A
contract, therefore, is one of the incidents of society. A person
sailing in a balloon alone could not make a contract, but if two
were in the basket they might amuse themselves by swapping
jack-knives or neckties, and these exchanges would be
completed or executed contracts and would possess, as we shall
soon see, every element of a contract.
Again, persons must be able, or competent, to make contracts.
What kind of ability or competency must a person have? Not
every person can make a contract, even though he may wish to
do so. A minor, or person less than twenty-one years of age,
though he may be very wise and weigh perhaps two hundred and
fifty pounds, can make very few contracts which the law regards
as binding. In fact, the only contracts that a minor can make for
which he is bound are for necessaries—clothing, food, and
shelter. Nor can he make contracts even for these things in
unlimited quantities. A minor could not go into a store and buy
six overcoats and bind himself to pay for them. The storekeeper
must have common sense in selling to him and keep within a
reasonable limit. In one of the well-known cases a minor bought
a dozen pairs of trousers, half a dozen hats, as many canes,
besides a large supply of other things, and, refusing afterward to
pay the bill, the merchant sued him, and the jury decided that he
must pay. The case, however, was appealed to a higher court,
which took a different view of his liability. The judge who wrote
the opinion for the court said that the merchant must have known
that the minor could not make any personal use of so many
trousers, canes, and hats, and ought not to have sold him so
Page 296
many. In short, the court thought that the merchant himself was a
young minor in intelligence and ought to have known better than
to sell such a bill to a person under age.
Of course it is not always easy to answer this question, What are
necessaries? Much depends on the condition of the person who
buys. A merchant would be safe in selling more to a minor living
in an affluent condition of life than to another living in a much
humbler way. Quite recently the question has been considered
whether a dentist's bill is a necessity, and the court decided that it
was a proper thing for a minor to preserve his teeth and to this
end use the arts of the dentist. Again, is a bicycle a necessity? If
one is using it daily in going to and from his work, surely it is a
necessity. But if one is using it merely for pleasure a different
rule would apply, and a minor could not be compelled to pay for
it. Cigars, liquors, theatre tickets are luxuries; so the courts have
said on many occasions.
The courts, in fact, regard a minor as hardly able to contract even
for necessaries, and he is required to pay for them for the reason
that as he needs them for his comfort and health he ought to pay
for them. In other words, his duty or obligation to pay rests
rather on the ground of an implied contract (which has been
already explained) than of an express one. The force of this
reasoning we shall immediately see.
Suppose a minor should say to a merchant who was unwilling to
sell to minors,—having had, perhaps, sad experience in the way
of not collecting bills of them,—"I am not a minor and so you
can safely trust me. I wish to go into business and wish you
would sell me some goods." Suppose that, relying on his
statement, the merchant should sell him hats or other
merchandise for which he would afterward decline to pay, on the
ground that he was a minor. Suppose he proved that he really
was one—could the merchant compel him to pay the bill? He
could not compel him to fulfil his contract, because, as we have
already said, the law does not permit a minor to make a contract
young minor in intelligence and ought to have known better than
to sell such a bill to a person under age.
Of course it is not always easy to answer this question, What are
necessaries? Much depends on the condition of the person who
buys. A merchant would be safe in selling more to a minor living
in an affluent condition of life than to another living in a much
humbler way. Quite recently the question has been considered
whether a dentist's bill is a necessity, and the court decided that it
was a proper thing for a minor to preserve his teeth and to this
end use the arts of the dentist. Again, is a bicycle a necessity? If
one is using it daily in going to and from his work, surely it is a
necessity. But if one is using it merely for pleasure a different
rule would apply, and a minor could not be compelled to pay for
it. Cigars, liquors, theatre tickets are luxuries; so the courts have
said on many occasions.
The courts, in fact, regard a minor as hardly able to contract even
for necessaries, and he is required to pay for them for the reason
that as he needs them for his comfort and health he ought to pay
for them. In other words, his duty or obligation to pay rests
rather on the ground of an implied contract (which has been
already explained) than of an express one. The force of this
reasoning we shall immediately see.
Suppose a minor should say to a merchant who was unwilling to
sell to minors,—having had, perhaps, sad experience in the way
of not collecting bills of them,—"I am not a minor and so you
can safely trust me. I wish to go into business and wish you
would sell me some goods." Suppose that, relying on his
statement, the merchant should sell him hats or other
merchandise for which he would afterward decline to pay, on the
ground that he was a minor. Suppose he proved that he really
was one—could the merchant compel him to pay the bill? He
could not compel him to fulfil his contract, because, as we have
already said, the law does not permit a minor to make a contract
Page 297
except for necessaries. The court, then, would say to the
merchant: "It is true that you sold the goods to this minor; he has
indeed lied to you; still the court cannot regard a contract as
existing between you and him." On the other hand, a court will
not permit a person to defraud another, and the merchant could
make the minor pay for the deceit or wrong that he had practised
on him; and the measure of this wrong would be the value of the
goods he had bought. Thus the court would render justice to the
merchant without admitting that the minor could make a legal
contract for the goods that he had actually bought and taken
away.
III. THE PARTIES TO A CONTRACT (Continued)
In the former article we told our readers that there were some
persons who could not make contracts, and among these were
infants or minors. In most of the States a person, male or female,
is a minor until he or she is twenty-one years old. In some of the
States, among them Illinois, a female ceases to be a minor at
eighteen years of age.
By the Roman law a minor did not reach his majority until the
end of his twenty-fourth year, and this rule has been adopted in
France, Spain, Holland, and some parts of Germany. The French
law, though, has been changed, with one noteworthy exception.
A woman cannot make a contract relating to her marriage
without the consent of her parents until she is twenty-five.
Among the Greeks and early Romans women never passed
beyond the period of minority, but were always subject to the
guardianship of their parents until they were married.
Married women are another class of persons who cannot make
every kind of a contract like a man. Once a married woman had
but very little power to make contracts. However great might
merchant: "It is true that you sold the goods to this minor; he has
indeed lied to you; still the court cannot regard a contract as
existing between you and him." On the other hand, a court will
not permit a person to defraud another, and the merchant could
make the minor pay for the deceit or wrong that he had practised
on him; and the measure of this wrong would be the value of the
goods he had bought. Thus the court would render justice to the
merchant without admitting that the minor could make a legal
contract for the goods that he had actually bought and taken
away.
III. THE PARTIES TO A CONTRACT (Continued)
In the former article we told our readers that there were some
persons who could not make contracts, and among these were
infants or minors. In most of the States a person, male or female,
is a minor until he or she is twenty-one years old. In some of the
States, among them Illinois, a female ceases to be a minor at
eighteen years of age.
By the Roman law a minor did not reach his majority until the
end of his twenty-fourth year, and this rule has been adopted in
France, Spain, Holland, and some parts of Germany. The French
law, though, has been changed, with one noteworthy exception.
A woman cannot make a contract relating to her marriage
without the consent of her parents until she is twenty-five.
Among the Greeks and early Romans women never passed
beyond the period of minority, but were always subject to the
guardianship of their parents until they were married.
Married women are another class of persons who cannot make
every kind of a contract like a man. Once a married woman had
but very little power to make contracts. However great might
Page 298
have been her wealth before marriage, as soon as she entered
into this blissful state the law kindly relieved her of all except
her real estate, giving it to her husband. On the other hand, he
was obliged to pay her bills, which was one of his great
pleasures, especially if she was a constant traveller to the silk
and diamond stores. She could still keep her real estate in her
own name, but that was about all. Her husband took everything
else; he could claim her pocket-book, if he pleased, and was
obliged to support her in sickness or health, in sweetness or in
any other "ness."
The law has been greatly changed in all civilised countries in this
regard, and to-day in most States she can make almost any kind
of a contract. In some States, however, it is even now said that
she cannot agree to pay the debt of another, but this is, perhaps,
the only limit on her power to contract. She can engage in
business, buy and sell, transfer notes, make contracts relating to
the sale and leasing of her real estate, insure it, build houses, and
do a thousand other things quite as freely as if there were no
husband around. The most of these changes widening her
authority to make contracts have come within the last fifty years.
Of course, unmarried women can make contracts like men, and
many of them know it.
Another class who cannot make contracts are drunken persons.
Once the law regarded a drunken man as fully responsible for his
acts, and if he made a contract he was obliged to execute or fulfil
it. He could not shield himself by saying he did not know what
he was doing at the time. The court sternly frowned on him and
said: "No matter what was your condition at the time of making
it, you must carry it out." This was the penalty for his misdeed. It
may be the courts thought that by requiring him to fulfil his
contracts he would be more careful and restrain his appetite.
Whatever the courts may have thought, they have changed their
opinions regarding his liability for his contracts made under such
conditions. Now they hold that he need not carry them out if he
desires to escape from them. There is, however, one exception to
into this blissful state the law kindly relieved her of all except
her real estate, giving it to her husband. On the other hand, he
was obliged to pay her bills, which was one of his great
pleasures, especially if she was a constant traveller to the silk
and diamond stores. She could still keep her real estate in her
own name, but that was about all. Her husband took everything
else; he could claim her pocket-book, if he pleased, and was
obliged to support her in sickness or health, in sweetness or in
any other "ness."
The law has been greatly changed in all civilised countries in this
regard, and to-day in most States she can make almost any kind
of a contract. In some States, however, it is even now said that
she cannot agree to pay the debt of another, but this is, perhaps,
the only limit on her power to contract. She can engage in
business, buy and sell, transfer notes, make contracts relating to
the sale and leasing of her real estate, insure it, build houses, and
do a thousand other things quite as freely as if there were no
husband around. The most of these changes widening her
authority to make contracts have come within the last fifty years.
Of course, unmarried women can make contracts like men, and
many of them know it.
Another class who cannot make contracts are drunken persons.
Once the law regarded a drunken man as fully responsible for his
acts, and if he made a contract he was obliged to execute or fulfil
it. He could not shield himself by saying he did not know what
he was doing at the time. The court sternly frowned on him and
said: "No matter what was your condition at the time of making
it, you must carry it out." This was the penalty for his misdeed. It
may be the courts thought that by requiring him to fulfil his
contracts he would be more careful and restrain his appetite.
Whatever the courts may have thought, they have changed their
opinions regarding his liability for his contracts made under such
conditions. Now they hold that he need not carry them out if he
desires to escape from them. There is, however, one exception to
Page 299
this rule. If he has given a note in the ordinary form, and this has
been taken by a third person in good faith who did not know of
the maker's condition at the time of making it, he must pay. But,
we repeat, the third person must act in good faith in taking it, for
if he knew that the maker was drunk at that time he cannot
require him to pay any more than the person to whom it was first
given.
One other class may be briefly mentioned—the insane. They are
regarded in the law quite the same as minors. For their own
protection the law does not hold them liable on any contracts
except those for necessaries. These are binding for the same
reasons as the contracts of minors, in order that they may be able
to get such things as they need for their health and comfort. For
if the law were otherwise, then, of course, merchants would be
afraid to sell to them. But as merchants can now safely sell to
them whatever they truly need in the way of clothing, food, etc.,
to make themselves comfortable, so, on the other hand, the
insane, like minors, must pay for these things, and it is right that
they should.
IV. THE CONSIDERATION IN CONTRACTS
Having explained who can make contracts, we are now ready to
take another step. Besides having parties, there must be a
consideration for every contract. This is rather a long word, but
no shorter can be found to put in its place. What do we mean by
this term? We mean that there must be some actual gain or loss
to one or both parties to a contract, otherwise it is not valid. If,
for example, A should say to B, "I will give you $100 to-
morrow," B, perhaps, might go away very happy, thinking that
with this money he could buy a bicycle or some other fine thing;
indeed, it was just the sum for which he was longing; so on the
morrow he goes to A for his money. He promptly appears, but A
been taken by a third person in good faith who did not know of
the maker's condition at the time of making it, he must pay. But,
we repeat, the third person must act in good faith in taking it, for
if he knew that the maker was drunk at that time he cannot
require him to pay any more than the person to whom it was first
given.
One other class may be briefly mentioned—the insane. They are
regarded in the law quite the same as minors. For their own
protection the law does not hold them liable on any contracts
except those for necessaries. These are binding for the same
reasons as the contracts of minors, in order that they may be able
to get such things as they need for their health and comfort. For
if the law were otherwise, then, of course, merchants would be
afraid to sell to them. But as merchants can now safely sell to
them whatever they truly need in the way of clothing, food, etc.,
to make themselves comfortable, so, on the other hand, the
insane, like minors, must pay for these things, and it is right that
they should.
IV. THE CONSIDERATION IN CONTRACTS
Having explained who can make contracts, we are now ready to
take another step. Besides having parties, there must be a
consideration for every contract. This is rather a long word, but
no shorter can be found to put in its place. What do we mean by
this term? We mean that there must be some actual gain or loss
to one or both parties to a contract, otherwise it is not valid. If,
for example, A should say to B, "I will give you $100 to-
morrow," B, perhaps, might go away very happy, thinking that
with this money he could buy a bicycle or some other fine thing;
indeed, it was just the sum for which he was longing; so on the
morrow he goes to A for his money. He promptly appears, but A
Page 300
says to him: "I have changed my mind, and will not give you the
$100." B asks: "Did you not promise to give me this money?"
"Certainly." "Well, why will you not fulfil your promise?" A
replies: "I was a fool when I made that promise; you are not
going to give me anything for it, so I am unwilling to give the
money to you." Suppose B in his sorrow should go to a lawyer,
thinking, perhaps, that he could compel A by some legal
proceeding to pay over the money. What would the lawyer tell
him? Why, he would say: "Did you promise to give A anything
for the $100?" "No, sir." "Then the law will not help you out.
You cannot get the money from him by any legal method.
Perhaps you can get $100 worth of fun in licking him for not
giving you the money, but you cannot get the cash. But, mind,
perhaps you had better not try to get your fun in that way, for this
is contrary to law, and he might get much more than $100 out of
you in the way of damages for licking him."
In every case, therefore, there must be something for something.
Now this something may be a thousand things. It may be money
or merchandise or work. In short, there is no end of the things
that may serve as a consideration of a contract. An example may
be given to explain what is meant by this. A man had been
speculating in stocks, and one of the rules of the stock board is
that a margin or sum of money that is to be paid for stock must
be paid in every case. It may be that an additional margin or sum
must be paid under some circumstances. The speculator in this
particular case was unwilling to pay this margin, and he said to
the broker: "If you will do as I wish, and not put up this margin, I
will save you from any loss that may result from such conduct."
It was contrary to the rules of that stock exchange for the broker
not to put up the margin, and the consequence was that he was
put off the floor; in other words, the board would not permit him
to act as a member. Of course, as he could not buy and sell any
more stock, he lost money; and he went to his customer, the
speculator, and told him that he was losing money in
consequence of carrying out his order about the margin. The
speculator said he was sorry, but he could not help it. The broker
$100." B asks: "Did you not promise to give me this money?"
"Certainly." "Well, why will you not fulfil your promise?" A
replies: "I was a fool when I made that promise; you are not
going to give me anything for it, so I am unwilling to give the
money to you." Suppose B in his sorrow should go to a lawyer,
thinking, perhaps, that he could compel A by some legal
proceeding to pay over the money. What would the lawyer tell
him? Why, he would say: "Did you promise to give A anything
for the $100?" "No, sir." "Then the law will not help you out.
You cannot get the money from him by any legal method.
Perhaps you can get $100 worth of fun in licking him for not
giving you the money, but you cannot get the cash. But, mind,
perhaps you had better not try to get your fun in that way, for this
is contrary to law, and he might get much more than $100 out of
you in the way of damages for licking him."
In every case, therefore, there must be something for something.
Now this something may be a thousand things. It may be money
or merchandise or work. In short, there is no end of the things
that may serve as a consideration of a contract. An example may
be given to explain what is meant by this. A man had been
speculating in stocks, and one of the rules of the stock board is
that a margin or sum of money that is to be paid for stock must
be paid in every case. It may be that an additional margin or sum
must be paid under some circumstances. The speculator in this
particular case was unwilling to pay this margin, and he said to
the broker: "If you will do as I wish, and not put up this margin, I
will save you from any loss that may result from such conduct."
It was contrary to the rules of that stock exchange for the broker
not to put up the margin, and the consequence was that he was
put off the floor; in other words, the board would not permit him
to act as a member. Of course, as he could not buy and sell any
more stock, he lost money; and he went to his customer, the
speculator, and told him that he was losing money in
consequence of carrying out his order about the margin. The
speculator said he was sorry, but he could not help it. The broker
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then insisted that the speculator must make good his daily loss in
consequence of doing as he had promised. This the speculator
would not do. The broker then sued him for the amount of his
loss. The speculator defended on the ground that there was no
consideration for the agreement he had made with the broker
about the margin. The court said that the loss which the broker
had suffered in consequence of carrying out his contract with the
speculator was a good consideration for the contract and must be
made good.
When a contract is sealed the law implies that there is
consideration, and there need not be an actual one consisting of
money, labour, or any other thing. This seems like an exception
to the rule requiring a consideration in all cases, but the reason is
this: When a sealed contract is made, the law supposes or
assumes that each party made it, clearly knowing its nature—
made it carefully, slowly, and, consequently, that either a
consideration had been or would be given. If, therefore, one of
the parties should refuse to fulfil it the other could sue him in a
court of law. The person who sought to have it carried out would
not be obliged to show that he had given any consideration on
his part for the undertaking, because the seal appended to his
name would imply that a consideration had been given. A deed
for a piece of land is a good illustration of a sealed instrument.
The law assumes whenever such a deed is given that the seller
received a consideration for his land. The money paid was a
consideration received by the seller, and the land was the
consideration received by the buyer. Each gives a consideration
of some kind for the consideration received from the other; and
this is true in all cases.
V. THE ESSENTIALS OF A CONTRACT
consequence of doing as he had promised. This the speculator
would not do. The broker then sued him for the amount of his
loss. The speculator defended on the ground that there was no
consideration for the agreement he had made with the broker
about the margin. The court said that the loss which the broker
had suffered in consequence of carrying out his contract with the
speculator was a good consideration for the contract and must be
made good.
When a contract is sealed the law implies that there is
consideration, and there need not be an actual one consisting of
money, labour, or any other thing. This seems like an exception
to the rule requiring a consideration in all cases, but the reason is
this: When a sealed contract is made, the law supposes or
assumes that each party made it, clearly knowing its nature—
made it carefully, slowly, and, consequently, that either a
consideration had been or would be given. If, therefore, one of
the parties should refuse to fulfil it the other could sue him in a
court of law. The person who sought to have it carried out would
not be obliged to show that he had given any consideration on
his part for the undertaking, because the seal appended to his
name would imply that a consideration had been given. A deed
for a piece of land is a good illustration of a sealed instrument.
The law assumes whenever such a deed is given that the seller
received a consideration for his land. The money paid was a
consideration received by the seller, and the land was the
consideration received by the buyer. Each gives a consideration
of some kind for the consideration received from the other; and
this is true in all cases.
V. THE ESSENTIALS OF A CONTRACT
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In our last paper we told our readers that there must be a
consideration in every contract. Sometimes this is illegal, and
when it is the effect is the same as would be the giving of no
consideration.
Suppose a robber having stolen money from a bank should
afterward offer to return a certain portion if he is assured that he
will not be arrested and compelled to change the style of his
clothing and his place of residence for a season. He cannot
endure the thought of missing a game of football; and as for
striped clothes, though very comfortable, perhaps, he is sure they
would not be becoming. Suppose this agreement to return a part
should be put in writing, and after fulfilling it he should be sued
by the bank for the remainder, and also prosecuted by the State
for committing the theft. Very naturally he would present the
writing in court to show that he had been discharged from the
crime and also from the payment of any more money. But this
writing would not clear him either from prosecution for the
criminal offence or from liability to return the rest of the money.
The bank would say that although he had returned a part, this
was not a proper consideration for its agreement not to sue him;
it had no right to make such an agreement, and consequently it
could sue the robber for the remainder of the money just as
though no agreement had ever been made.
Another illustration may be given. Suppose a person having
made a bet and lost is unable to pay the money and gives his note
for the amount. When the note becomes due the holder or owner
sues him for the money. He defends, as he is unwilling to pay, by
saying there was no legal consideration for the note. The money
he promised to pay was only a wager, which the law regards as
illegal. And this would be a good defence.
If the consideration is partly legal and partly illegal and can be
divided then there can be a recovery of the legal part. Suppose a
man owed another $1000 for borrowed money and also a wager
for the same amount, and had given his note for $2000. When it
consideration in every contract. Sometimes this is illegal, and
when it is the effect is the same as would be the giving of no
consideration.
Suppose a robber having stolen money from a bank should
afterward offer to return a certain portion if he is assured that he
will not be arrested and compelled to change the style of his
clothing and his place of residence for a season. He cannot
endure the thought of missing a game of football; and as for
striped clothes, though very comfortable, perhaps, he is sure they
would not be becoming. Suppose this agreement to return a part
should be put in writing, and after fulfilling it he should be sued
by the bank for the remainder, and also prosecuted by the State
for committing the theft. Very naturally he would present the
writing in court to show that he had been discharged from the
crime and also from the payment of any more money. But this
writing would not clear him either from prosecution for the
criminal offence or from liability to return the rest of the money.
The bank would say that although he had returned a part, this
was not a proper consideration for its agreement not to sue him;
it had no right to make such an agreement, and consequently it
could sue the robber for the remainder of the money just as
though no agreement had ever been made.
Another illustration may be given. Suppose a person having
made a bet and lost is unable to pay the money and gives his note
for the amount. When the note becomes due the holder or owner
sues him for the money. He defends, as he is unwilling to pay, by
saying there was no legal consideration for the note. The money
he promised to pay was only a wager, which the law regards as
illegal. And this would be a good defence.
If the consideration is partly legal and partly illegal and can be
divided then there can be a recovery of the legal part. Suppose a
man owed another $1000 for borrowed money and also a wager
for the same amount, and had given his note for $2000. When it
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became due if the owner sued him he could recover only the
$1000 of borrowed money; this much and no more, for the
reason that the consideration could be divided, the legal part
from the illegal part. If no separation was possible then the note
would be void and the owner could get nothing.
A person cannot recover for a voluntary service that he has
rendered to another. A man would be very mean indeed who
refused to pay another for any service rendered to him that was
truly valuable; yet if he would not do so the man rendering the
service could get nothing through the law. Suppose that a person
when walking along a road should see some cattle astray in a
corn-field having a good time with a farmer's corn. He knows
they are in the field for business and in a short time, unless
driven out, will get the best of nature and down her efforts in
corn-raising. In the kindness of his heart he jumps over the fence
and succeeds in driving them away. Suppose there happens to be
among the number an unruly animal which is unwilling to leave
such a tempting field of plunder and turns on him and gores him,
and he is taken to a hospital. The farmer finds out who drove out
the animals, and of his injury, but declines to give him any
reward whatever. Can the man recover anything? The law says
not, because the service is purely voluntary.
The question has often been asked whether a person who has
made a contract to work for another and has broken it can
recover for the worth of his service during the period he was
employed. Some courts have said that a person thus breaking his
contract cannot afterward recover anything, because he does not
come into court with clean hands. Other courts have said that
though he can recover nothing on the contract he has broken, he
can nevertheless recover on a contract which the law implies in
such a case for the worth of his service during the period of his
employment. On the other hand, the employer can set off against
his claim any injury that he may have sustained. Suppose he
could show that the service was of no worth to him; that he was
injured rather than benefited by what he did; then the employé
$1000 of borrowed money; this much and no more, for the
reason that the consideration could be divided, the legal part
from the illegal part. If no separation was possible then the note
would be void and the owner could get nothing.
A person cannot recover for a voluntary service that he has
rendered to another. A man would be very mean indeed who
refused to pay another for any service rendered to him that was
truly valuable; yet if he would not do so the man rendering the
service could get nothing through the law. Suppose that a person
when walking along a road should see some cattle astray in a
corn-field having a good time with a farmer's corn. He knows
they are in the field for business and in a short time, unless
driven out, will get the best of nature and down her efforts in
corn-raising. In the kindness of his heart he jumps over the fence
and succeeds in driving them away. Suppose there happens to be
among the number an unruly animal which is unwilling to leave
such a tempting field of plunder and turns on him and gores him,
and he is taken to a hospital. The farmer finds out who drove out
the animals, and of his injury, but declines to give him any
reward whatever. Can the man recover anything? The law says
not, because the service is purely voluntary.
The question has often been asked whether a person who has
made a contract to work for another and has broken it can
recover for the worth of his service during the period he was
employed. Some courts have said that a person thus breaking his
contract cannot afterward recover anything, because he does not
come into court with clean hands. Other courts have said that
though he can recover nothing on the contract he has broken, he
can nevertheless recover on a contract which the law implies in
such a case for the worth of his service during the period of his
employment. On the other hand, the employer can set off against
his claim any injury that he may have sustained. Suppose he
could show that the service was of no worth to him; that he was
injured rather than benefited by what he did; then the employé
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could get nothing. The courts have been inclined of late years to
uphold an employé in recovering whatever his service was worth
—not, however, as done by virtue of an express or actual
contract with the employer. He cannot sue on that; in other
words, he cannot take advantage of his own wrong to recover
anything from his employer, but he may recover on the contract
which the law implies, as we have explained, as much as his
service was worth to his employer, and no more.
Another element in a contract is the meeting of minds of both
parties. Both must understand the matter in the same sense. For
example, a person offered to sell another "good barley" for a
stated price, and the other offered to buy "fine barley" at the
price mentioned. There was no contract between these persons,
because it was shown that "good barley" and "fine barley" were
different things in the trade. This, therefore, is one of the
essential elements of a contract—the meeting of the minds of the
contracting parties. Whether they have assented or not is a
question of fact, to be found out like any other question of fact.
Sometimes offers are made on time, and when they are several
interesting questions may arise. Suppose A and B are negotiating
for the sale and purchase of a piece of land. A says to B: "I will
give you a week to think the matter over." Soon after parting A
meets C, to whom he mentions his offer to B. C says: "I will give
you a great deal more for the land and pay you now." "Very
well," says A; "the land is yours." And he at once writes a letter
to B saying that he has withdrawn his offer, as another person
has offered him more for the land and that he has sold it to him.
Now B might be very much surprised by this letter. Very likely
he would think A was a hard man and perhaps a dishonest one.
Perhaps he would go to a lawyer and ask him if he could compel
A to sell the land to him if he accepted his offer within the time
mentioned and paid to him the money. The lawyer would tell
him—if he understood his business—that A had a perfect right to
withdraw his offer, even though it was made on time. This would
uphold an employé in recovering whatever his service was worth
—not, however, as done by virtue of an express or actual
contract with the employer. He cannot sue on that; in other
words, he cannot take advantage of his own wrong to recover
anything from his employer, but he may recover on the contract
which the law implies, as we have explained, as much as his
service was worth to his employer, and no more.
Another element in a contract is the meeting of minds of both
parties. Both must understand the matter in the same sense. For
example, a person offered to sell another "good barley" for a
stated price, and the other offered to buy "fine barley" at the
price mentioned. There was no contract between these persons,
because it was shown that "good barley" and "fine barley" were
different things in the trade. This, therefore, is one of the
essential elements of a contract—the meeting of the minds of the
contracting parties. Whether they have assented or not is a
question of fact, to be found out like any other question of fact.
Sometimes offers are made on time, and when they are several
interesting questions may arise. Suppose A and B are negotiating
for the sale and purchase of a piece of land. A says to B: "I will
give you a week to think the matter over." Soon after parting A
meets C, to whom he mentions his offer to B. C says: "I will give
you a great deal more for the land and pay you now." "Very
well," says A; "the land is yours." And he at once writes a letter
to B saying that he has withdrawn his offer, as another person
has offered him more for the land and that he has sold it to him.
Now B might be very much surprised by this letter. Very likely
he would think A was a hard man and perhaps a dishonest one.
Perhaps he would go to a lawyer and ask him if he could compel
A to sell the land to him if he accepted his offer within the time
mentioned and paid to him the money. The lawyer would tell
him—if he understood his business—that A had a perfect right to
withdraw his offer, even though it was made on time. This would
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probably be brand-new knowledge to B, but he would know
what to do on the next occasion.
Is this true in all cases? It certainly is of all offers made in that
manner. How, then, can a person who makes an offer to another
on time be compelled to regard it? The way is simple enough.
The person to whom the offer is made should give something—a
consideration—to A, who makes the offer, for the delay. Then he
would be bound by it. But the courts would say to B, if nothing
were given: "Why should A's offer bind him so long as he is to
get no compensation or consideration for it?" And we shall see
again and again in these papers this element of consideration is
ever present, and must be to make transactions legal. So with
respect to an offer on time—if the person to whom it is made is
really desirous of having it continue, in order to find out whether
he can raise the money to pay, or for some reason, he can make
the offer binding by giving to the offerer a consideration for the
specified time, whatever that may be.
VI. CONTRACTS BY CORRESPONDENCE
A great many contracts are made by correspondence. A person
writes a letter to another offering to sell him merchandise at a
stated price. The other replies saying that he will accept the offer.
Is a contract made at the time of writing his letter and putting it
into the post-office, or not until it is received by the person who
made the offer? The law in this country is that a contract is made
between two persons in that way as soon as the answer is written
and put into the post-office beyond the reach of the acceptor.
The post-office usually is the agent of the person who uses it, but
when a person sends an offer to another by mail the post-office is
regarded a little differently. It is the agent of the person who
sends the offer and also his agent in bringing back the reply.
what to do on the next occasion.
Is this true in all cases? It certainly is of all offers made in that
manner. How, then, can a person who makes an offer to another
on time be compelled to regard it? The way is simple enough.
The person to whom the offer is made should give something—a
consideration—to A, who makes the offer, for the delay. Then he
would be bound by it. But the courts would say to B, if nothing
were given: "Why should A's offer bind him so long as he is to
get no compensation or consideration for it?" And we shall see
again and again in these papers this element of consideration is
ever present, and must be to make transactions legal. So with
respect to an offer on time—if the person to whom it is made is
really desirous of having it continue, in order to find out whether
he can raise the money to pay, or for some reason, he can make
the offer binding by giving to the offerer a consideration for the
specified time, whatever that may be.
VI. CONTRACTS BY CORRESPONDENCE
A great many contracts are made by correspondence. A person
writes a letter to another offering to sell him merchandise at a
stated price. The other replies saying that he will accept the offer.
Is a contract made at the time of writing his letter and putting it
into the post-office, or not until it is received by the person who
made the offer? The law in this country is that a contract is made
between two persons in that way as soon as the answer is written
and put into the post-office beyond the reach of the acceptor.
The post-office usually is the agent of the person who uses it, but
when a person sends an offer to another by mail the post-office is
regarded a little differently. It is the agent of the person who
sends the offer and also his agent in bringing back the reply.
Page 306
Consequently, when this is put into the hands of the agent the
law regards the offerer as bound by his offer. In like manner, if a
creditor should send a letter to his debtor asking him to send a
cheque for his debt and he should comply, the post-office would
be the agent of the creditor in carrying that cheque, because he
requested his debtor to use this means in sending his cheque to
him. But when a request is not made and a debtor sends a cheque
on his own account, the post-office is his agent for carrying it to
his creditor.
A person making an offer by letter can of course withdraw it
through the telephone or telegraph if he likes at any time before
the letter has been received by the other party. Suppose the price
of things is rising and A, finding that his goods are also
advancing, should, after making an offer of some of them by
letter, send a telegram stating what he had written and
withdrawing his offer. This would be a proper thing for him to
do. If, on the other hand, A's offer had been received by B before
his withdrawal and accepted, then A would be bound by it.
Can B, after mailing his letter of acceptance and before it has
been received by A, withdraw his acceptance? No, he cannot—
for the reason above given, that the post-office is the agent of A,
in carrying both his offer and B's reply. If this were not so, if the
post-office were the agent of B in sending his reply, then of
course it could be revoked or withdrawn at any time before it
reached A.
Suppose A should send an offer and afterward a withdrawal and
the withdrawal should be received first. Notwithstanding this,
however, if the person to whom the offer was sent should accept
the offer, could he not bind A? One can readily see that all the
proof would be in the possession of B, the acceptor. If he were a
man without regard for his honour and insisted that he received
the offer first, A might be unable to offer any proof to the
contrary and fail to win his case should B sue him. But the
principle of law is plain enough; the only difficulty is in its
law regards the offerer as bound by his offer. In like manner, if a
creditor should send a letter to his debtor asking him to send a
cheque for his debt and he should comply, the post-office would
be the agent of the creditor in carrying that cheque, because he
requested his debtor to use this means in sending his cheque to
him. But when a request is not made and a debtor sends a cheque
on his own account, the post-office is his agent for carrying it to
his creditor.
A person making an offer by letter can of course withdraw it
through the telephone or telegraph if he likes at any time before
the letter has been received by the other party. Suppose the price
of things is rising and A, finding that his goods are also
advancing, should, after making an offer of some of them by
letter, send a telegram stating what he had written and
withdrawing his offer. This would be a proper thing for him to
do. If, on the other hand, A's offer had been received by B before
his withdrawal and accepted, then A would be bound by it.
Can B, after mailing his letter of acceptance and before it has
been received by A, withdraw his acceptance? No, he cannot—
for the reason above given, that the post-office is the agent of A,
in carrying both his offer and B's reply. If this were not so, if the
post-office were the agent of B in sending his reply, then of
course it could be revoked or withdrawn at any time before it
reached A.
Suppose A should send an offer and afterward a withdrawal and
the withdrawal should be received first. Notwithstanding this,
however, if the person to whom the offer was sent should accept
the offer, could he not bind A? One can readily see that all the
proof would be in the possession of B, the acceptor. If he were a
man without regard for his honour and insisted that he received
the offer first, A might be unable to offer any proof to the
contrary and fail to win his case should B sue him. But the
principle of law is plain enough; the only difficulty is in its
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application. Doubtless cases of this kind constantly happen in
which the acceptor has taken advantage of the other to assent to
an offer actually received after its withdrawal.
Suppose B should in fact receive A's offer first in consequence of
the neglect of the telegraph company to deliver A's message of
withdrawal promptly, which if delivered as it should have been
would have reached B before the letter containing the offer, what
then? A doubtless would be bound by his offer, but perhaps he
could look to the telegraph company for any loss growing out of
the affair. If he could show that he had been injured by fulfilling
the contract the telegraph company might be obliged to pay this.
Let us carry the inquiry a little further. Suppose the messenger on
receiving the telegram took it to B's office and it was closed and
he made diligent inquiry concerning B's whereabouts and was
unable to find him. Suppose he had gone off to a horse race or to
a football game, would it be the duty of the messenger boy to
hunt him up at one of these places? By no means. If B was not at
his place of business when he ought to have been, the company
would not be bound to deliver the message to him elsewhere,
except at his house, unless he had left a special direction with the
company concerning its delivery. Generally a telegraph company
states very clearly its mode of delivering messages and the time
when it will do so, the place, etc., to which it will take them, and
it is not obliged to hunt all over creation to find the person to
whom a message is addressed. That would be a very
unreasonable rule to apply. Therefore, if the company did its
duty A could not recover anything from it. Would A, then, it may
be asked, be obliged to fulfil his contract with B? He has sent his
withdrawal, which if delivered in time would have been received
by B before the letter containing the offer. B, however, is away
from his place of business, and perhaps is where he ought not to
be—perhaps he is playing poker or doing something worse—
ought A under such circumstances to be held by his offer? This is
a closer question and one that we will leave our readers to think
which the acceptor has taken advantage of the other to assent to
an offer actually received after its withdrawal.
Suppose B should in fact receive A's offer first in consequence of
the neglect of the telegraph company to deliver A's message of
withdrawal promptly, which if delivered as it should have been
would have reached B before the letter containing the offer, what
then? A doubtless would be bound by his offer, but perhaps he
could look to the telegraph company for any loss growing out of
the affair. If he could show that he had been injured by fulfilling
the contract the telegraph company might be obliged to pay this.
Let us carry the inquiry a little further. Suppose the messenger on
receiving the telegram took it to B's office and it was closed and
he made diligent inquiry concerning B's whereabouts and was
unable to find him. Suppose he had gone off to a horse race or to
a football game, would it be the duty of the messenger boy to
hunt him up at one of these places? By no means. If B was not at
his place of business when he ought to have been, the company
would not be bound to deliver the message to him elsewhere,
except at his house, unless he had left a special direction with the
company concerning its delivery. Generally a telegraph company
states very clearly its mode of delivering messages and the time
when it will do so, the place, etc., to which it will take them, and
it is not obliged to hunt all over creation to find the person to
whom a message is addressed. That would be a very
unreasonable rule to apply. Therefore, if the company did its
duty A could not recover anything from it. Would A, then, it may
be asked, be obliged to fulfil his contract with B? He has sent his
withdrawal, which if delivered in time would have been received
by B before the letter containing the offer. B, however, is away
from his place of business, and perhaps is where he ought not to
be—perhaps he is playing poker or doing something worse—
ought A under such circumstances to be held by his offer? This is
a closer question and one that we will leave our readers to think
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over. Surely A would have a strong reason for claiming that he
ought not to be held under such conditions.
A person who makes an offer cannot turn it into an acceptance.
An old uncle offered by letter to buy his nephew's horse for
$100, adding: "If I hear no more about the matter I consider the
horse as mine." The uncle, not hearing from the nephew,
proceeded to take the horse. At this stage of the proceedings,
however, the nephew was not inclined to suffer his good old
uncle to make the contract entirely himself, and refused to give
up the horse. The court said that one person could not do all the
contracting himself, and this is what he virtually undertook to do.
If a person could, by correspondence or otherwise, make a
contract in this manner, one can readily see the dangers that
might follow. Some positive act must be put forth by the other
party showing or indicating his assent before it will be regarded
as given. A person, in truth, is not obliged to pay any attention to
an offer of this kind.
Rewards are often made. They are found almost every day
among the newspaper advertisements. These are binding under
various conditions. An interesting question has been raised in the
case of a runaway horse whose owner has made an offer to any
finder who returns him. Suppose a person at the time of catching
the animal did not know of the reward but does know of it when
returning the beast to his owner; can he claim the reward? This
question has somewhat puzzled the judges, but the more recent
opinion is that the catcher can claim the reward like a person
who knew at the time of stopping the pleasure of the runaway.
Of course, there is no question concerning these rewards when
they are known at the time of acting on them.
In one of the cases tried not long since, an old farmer offered a
reward of $15 to any one who would find the person who had
stolen his harness and also $100 to the man who would prosecute
the thief. The harness, in truth, was worth not even this small
sum and the thief still less. Yet he was caught and prosecuted,
ought not to be held under such conditions.
A person who makes an offer cannot turn it into an acceptance.
An old uncle offered by letter to buy his nephew's horse for
$100, adding: "If I hear no more about the matter I consider the
horse as mine." The uncle, not hearing from the nephew,
proceeded to take the horse. At this stage of the proceedings,
however, the nephew was not inclined to suffer his good old
uncle to make the contract entirely himself, and refused to give
up the horse. The court said that one person could not do all the
contracting himself, and this is what he virtually undertook to do.
If a person could, by correspondence or otherwise, make a
contract in this manner, one can readily see the dangers that
might follow. Some positive act must be put forth by the other
party showing or indicating his assent before it will be regarded
as given. A person, in truth, is not obliged to pay any attention to
an offer of this kind.
Rewards are often made. They are found almost every day
among the newspaper advertisements. These are binding under
various conditions. An interesting question has been raised in the
case of a runaway horse whose owner has made an offer to any
finder who returns him. Suppose a person at the time of catching
the animal did not know of the reward but does know of it when
returning the beast to his owner; can he claim the reward? This
question has somewhat puzzled the judges, but the more recent
opinion is that the catcher can claim the reward like a person
who knew at the time of stopping the pleasure of the runaway.
Of course, there is no question concerning these rewards when
they are known at the time of acting on them.
In one of the cases tried not long since, an old farmer offered a
reward of $15 to any one who would find the person who had
stolen his harness and also $100 to the man who would prosecute
the thief. The harness, in truth, was worth not even this small
sum and the thief still less. Yet he was caught and prosecuted,
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and then the prosecutor and finder claimed the rewards. The
farmer's excitement had cooled off by this time and he was not
so loud and liberal as he was at the time of finding out his loss.
He refused to pay, saying that he did not really mean to offer
these sums as rewards, and the court decided in his favour,
declaring that his offer of reward could not be regarded strictly
as one, but rather "as an explosion of wrath." In another case a
man's house was burning up and his wife was inside, and he
offered any one $5000 who would go in and bring her out
—"dead or alive." A brave fellow went in and rescued her. Then
he claimed the reward. Was the man who made the offer obliged
to pay, and could he not have escaped by insisting that this was
simply "an explosion of affection" and not strictly an offer or
promise of reward? He tried to hold on to his money, but the
court held that this was an offer he must pay. Possibly after the
recovery of his wife his valuation of her had changed somewhat
from what it was while his house was burning up.
One or two more cases may be given. Some persons who
prepared "carbolic-smoke balls" offered to pay £100 to any
person who contracted influenza after having used one of the
balls in the manner clearly set forth and for a stated period. This
offer was in the form of a newspaper advertisement. A person
bought one of them and followed carefully all the directions
about its use. The influenza, though, did not disappear as
advertised, so he sued to recover the offer; and, having proved
clearly that he had complied faithfully with the directions and
had not been cured, the court said that the owners must pay up
and compelled them to give him the £100 offered.
Another case may be briefly mentioned. A offered to sell B his
farm for $1000. B offered $950, which offer was declined. Then
B offered to pay $1000. By that time A had changed his mind
and declined to accept B's offer. Then B sued to get the farm,
offering to pay the money; but the court held that B had declined
A's offer and consequently that, as A had not made any other
offer, there was no contract.
farmer's excitement had cooled off by this time and he was not
so loud and liberal as he was at the time of finding out his loss.
He refused to pay, saying that he did not really mean to offer
these sums as rewards, and the court decided in his favour,
declaring that his offer of reward could not be regarded strictly
as one, but rather "as an explosion of wrath." In another case a
man's house was burning up and his wife was inside, and he
offered any one $5000 who would go in and bring her out
—"dead or alive." A brave fellow went in and rescued her. Then
he claimed the reward. Was the man who made the offer obliged
to pay, and could he not have escaped by insisting that this was
simply "an explosion of affection" and not strictly an offer or
promise of reward? He tried to hold on to his money, but the
court held that this was an offer he must pay. Possibly after the
recovery of his wife his valuation of her had changed somewhat
from what it was while his house was burning up.
One or two more cases may be given. Some persons who
prepared "carbolic-smoke balls" offered to pay £100 to any
person who contracted influenza after having used one of the
balls in the manner clearly set forth and for a stated period. This
offer was in the form of a newspaper advertisement. A person
bought one of them and followed carefully all the directions
about its use. The influenza, though, did not disappear as
advertised, so he sued to recover the offer; and, having proved
clearly that he had complied faithfully with the directions and
had not been cured, the court said that the owners must pay up
and compelled them to give him the £100 offered.
Another case may be briefly mentioned. A offered to sell B his
farm for $1000. B offered $950, which offer was declined. Then
B offered to pay $1000. By that time A had changed his mind
and declined to accept B's offer. Then B sued to get the farm,
offering to pay the money; but the court held that B had declined
A's offer and consequently that, as A had not made any other
offer, there was no contract.
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Finally, it may be added that the phrase "by return mail" does not
always mean by the next mail, although the person to whom the
offer is made cannot delay his answer long. On the other hand,
the person to whom such a letter may be addressed can bind the
other by an acceptance very quickly after the receipt of the offer,
although not literally by the first mail going out.
VII. WHAT CONTRACTS MUST BE IN WRITING
Some contracts must be in writing to be valid; for instance,
contracts relating to the sale and leasing of lands. This writing
must be signed by the person who is charged with having made
it. Suppose that A has sold his farm to B for an agreed sum and
refuses to give him a deed on his payment of the amount or offer
to pay, and B wishes to compel A to carry out or execute his
agreement. B must show a writing signed by A to that effect,
otherwise the court will not pay any attention to the matter. On
the other hand, if A claims that such an agreement has been made
with B, who is unwilling to pay the money and receive the deed,
he must show in court a writing signed by B that he has agreed to
purchase the farm at a stated price and to receive a deed of the
same. If such a writing is not forthcoming when required, he
cannot recover anything from him. This is the meaning of the
phrase, therefore, that a writing must be signed by the party
charged with having made the agreement.
The writing need not be very formal. It need not specify the
amount that is to be paid; in other words, it need not specify the
consideration. Some courts say, however, that it must contain this
fact or statement. It may be in pencil. I presume it would be
sufficient if written on a blackboard with chalk. But it must be a
writing of some kind signed by the party to be charged; that is
the essential thing. The courts have also said that this writing
need not be on a single piece of paper. If the two parties have
always mean by the next mail, although the person to whom the
offer is made cannot delay his answer long. On the other hand,
the person to whom such a letter may be addressed can bind the
other by an acceptance very quickly after the receipt of the offer,
although not literally by the first mail going out.
VII. WHAT CONTRACTS MUST BE IN WRITING
Some contracts must be in writing to be valid; for instance,
contracts relating to the sale and leasing of lands. This writing
must be signed by the person who is charged with having made
it. Suppose that A has sold his farm to B for an agreed sum and
refuses to give him a deed on his payment of the amount or offer
to pay, and B wishes to compel A to carry out or execute his
agreement. B must show a writing signed by A to that effect,
otherwise the court will not pay any attention to the matter. On
the other hand, if A claims that such an agreement has been made
with B, who is unwilling to pay the money and receive the deed,
he must show in court a writing signed by B that he has agreed to
purchase the farm at a stated price and to receive a deed of the
same. If such a writing is not forthcoming when required, he
cannot recover anything from him. This is the meaning of the
phrase, therefore, that a writing must be signed by the party
charged with having made the agreement.
The writing need not be very formal. It need not specify the
amount that is to be paid; in other words, it need not specify the
consideration. Some courts say, however, that it must contain this
fact or statement. It may be in pencil. I presume it would be
sufficient if written on a blackboard with chalk. But it must be a
writing of some kind signed by the party to be charged; that is
the essential thing. The courts have also said that this writing
need not be on a single piece of paper. If the two parties have
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made an agreement by a series of letters, an offer on the one side
and an acceptance on the other, and the agreement can be fully
shown from the series of letters, this is sufficient writing.
If a man buys a farm and pays a part of the price and goes away
saying that he will pay the remainder within a week, expecting
then to do so and receive a deed, the seller, if he chooses, can
escape giving that deed and parting with his farm. The payment
of a part of the money does not bind the bargain, nor will the
courts, though knowing this, compel the seller to give such a
deed. The reader may ask, if this is the law, cannot the farmer
practise a fraud on the buyer by receiving his money and keeping
it and the farm too? He cannot do both things. If he refuses to
give the deed he must, on the other hand, return the money; if he
refuses to do this the buyer can compel him by a proper legal
proceeding to refund the amount. In this way the buyer gets his
money back again, but not the farm that he bought.
It is said that this statute is as often used as a shield to protect
men in doing wrong as in preventing frauds. In numberless cases
persons, just like the farmer imagined, have used this statute as a
means to protect them in not carrying out their agreements. This
happens every day.
This statute also relates to other matters. One clause says that an
executor or administrator cannot be required to pay anything at
all out of his own pocket on any promise that he has made unless
it be in writing. Every one knows about the duties of an executor
or administrator. An executor is one who settles the estate of a
person who has died leaving a will directing what shall be done
with his wealth. An administrator is a person who settles the
estate of a deceased person leaving no will. He is appointed by
the law, which fully states his duties. Let us suppose that an
executor is employed to settle an estate, and that he employs a
carpenter to make some repairs on a house belonging to the
estate. The contract is fairly enough made between the carpenter
and the executor. Let us also suppose that he has no lien on the
and an acceptance on the other, and the agreement can be fully
shown from the series of letters, this is sufficient writing.
If a man buys a farm and pays a part of the price and goes away
saying that he will pay the remainder within a week, expecting
then to do so and receive a deed, the seller, if he chooses, can
escape giving that deed and parting with his farm. The payment
of a part of the money does not bind the bargain, nor will the
courts, though knowing this, compel the seller to give such a
deed. The reader may ask, if this is the law, cannot the farmer
practise a fraud on the buyer by receiving his money and keeping
it and the farm too? He cannot do both things. If he refuses to
give the deed he must, on the other hand, return the money; if he
refuses to do this the buyer can compel him by a proper legal
proceeding to refund the amount. In this way the buyer gets his
money back again, but not the farm that he bought.
It is said that this statute is as often used as a shield to protect
men in doing wrong as in preventing frauds. In numberless cases
persons, just like the farmer imagined, have used this statute as a
means to protect them in not carrying out their agreements. This
happens every day.
This statute also relates to other matters. One clause says that an
executor or administrator cannot be required to pay anything at
all out of his own pocket on any promise that he has made unless
it be in writing. Every one knows about the duties of an executor
or administrator. An executor is one who settles the estate of a
person who has died leaving a will directing what shall be done
with his wealth. An administrator is a person who settles the
estate of a deceased person leaving no will. He is appointed by
the law, which fully states his duties. Let us suppose that an
executor is employed to settle an estate, and that he employs a
carpenter to make some repairs on a house belonging to the
estate. The contract is fairly enough made between the carpenter
and the executor. Let us also suppose that he has no lien on the
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house for the work that he has done, or that he has lost his lien
by reason of not having filed it in time, as the law requires.
Afterward he goes to the executor and demands payment for the
repairs that he has made. Let us suppose that the estate is
insolvent and cannot pay all of its debts in full. At the time of
making this contract neither party supposed this would happen.
But, unhappily, debts have come to light so large and numerous
that there is not property enough to pay all the creditors
everything that is due them. The executor says to the carpenter:
"There is not property enough to pay all of the creditors and you,
unfortunately, must fare like all of the rest, and you cannot be
paid a larger percentage on your share than the others." To the
carpenter this would be unwelcome news, and he would
doubtless say to the executor: "I made this contract with you
expecting that you would pay me, and if the property of the
estate is not sufficient you ought to pay me this. I am a poor man
and cannot afford to lose any of my hard-earned money." The
executor might say to him: "I am as poor as you and I cannot
afford to pay you out of my own pocket, and in law you cannot
compel me to do this." And, in truth, the carpenter could not do
this unless the executor had made a contract in writing, agreeing
in any event to pay whether there was money enough belonging
to the estate or not.
Another clause says that a person cannot be required to pay the
debt of another unless the agreement is in writing. If A went into
a store to buy goods and B should be a little afraid to trust him,
and C, a friend of A's, should happen to be present and say to the
merchant, "Let A have these goods and if he does not pay you I
will," this would be the promise to pay the debt of another; and if
A should not pay it C could shield himself behind this statute and
escape without paying anything.
There is another clause relating to the sale of ordinary
merchandise. The law says that contracts for ordinary
merchandise must be in writing if the amount is over $50. In
some States the amount is $35. Long ago it was decided that this
by reason of not having filed it in time, as the law requires.
Afterward he goes to the executor and demands payment for the
repairs that he has made. Let us suppose that the estate is
insolvent and cannot pay all of its debts in full. At the time of
making this contract neither party supposed this would happen.
But, unhappily, debts have come to light so large and numerous
that there is not property enough to pay all the creditors
everything that is due them. The executor says to the carpenter:
"There is not property enough to pay all of the creditors and you,
unfortunately, must fare like all of the rest, and you cannot be
paid a larger percentage on your share than the others." To the
carpenter this would be unwelcome news, and he would
doubtless say to the executor: "I made this contract with you
expecting that you would pay me, and if the property of the
estate is not sufficient you ought to pay me this. I am a poor man
and cannot afford to lose any of my hard-earned money." The
executor might say to him: "I am as poor as you and I cannot
afford to pay you out of my own pocket, and in law you cannot
compel me to do this." And, in truth, the carpenter could not do
this unless the executor had made a contract in writing, agreeing
in any event to pay whether there was money enough belonging
to the estate or not.
Another clause says that a person cannot be required to pay the
debt of another unless the agreement is in writing. If A went into
a store to buy goods and B should be a little afraid to trust him,
and C, a friend of A's, should happen to be present and say to the
merchant, "Let A have these goods and if he does not pay you I
will," this would be the promise to pay the debt of another; and if
A should not pay it C could shield himself behind this statute and
escape without paying anything.
There is another clause relating to the sale of ordinary
merchandise. The law says that contracts for ordinary
merchandise must be in writing if the amount is over $50. In
some States the amount is $35. Long ago it was decided that this
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statute did not relate to contracts for work, and they therefore
must be carried out or fulfilled in the same manner as though no
statute existed, for work is not merchandise.
VIII. CONTRACTS FOR THE SALE OF
MERCHANDISE
To make a contract of sale there must be, as we have seen, two or
more parties, and a consideration must also be given. The sale is
complete when the property, or title, or ownership in the thing
bought passes from the seller to the buyer. It is not necessary in
order to make a valid sale to deliver the thing bought. If the title
or ownership in the thing is not transferred, the sale still remains
incomplete.
The law supposes or assumes that a person will always pay for a
thing purchased. If I should go into a store, inquire the price of a
book, and, after learning the price, should say to the salesman, "I
will take the book," and he should wrap it up and give it to me
and I should then walk out with the book under my arm, he
doubtless would come to me and say in his politest manner:
"Why, sir, you have forgotten to pay me for it." Suppose I should
say: "Oh, yes; but I will come in to-morrow and pay." But if I
happened to be a stranger, and especially if there was a
suspicious look about me, and he should say they did not give
credit in that store, and I was still inclined to walk out with my
book, he could insist that there had been no sale and that I must
give the book to him. The law would protect him in taking it
from me if he did not use undue force. The law assumes, unless
some different rule exists, that the buyer will always pay for the
thing purchased, yet in law there is no sale unless the purchase
money is actually paid.
must be carried out or fulfilled in the same manner as though no
statute existed, for work is not merchandise.
VIII. CONTRACTS FOR THE SALE OF
MERCHANDISE
To make a contract of sale there must be, as we have seen, two or
more parties, and a consideration must also be given. The sale is
complete when the property, or title, or ownership in the thing
bought passes from the seller to the buyer. It is not necessary in
order to make a valid sale to deliver the thing bought. If the title
or ownership in the thing is not transferred, the sale still remains
incomplete.
The law supposes or assumes that a person will always pay for a
thing purchased. If I should go into a store, inquire the price of a
book, and, after learning the price, should say to the salesman, "I
will take the book," and he should wrap it up and give it to me
and I should then walk out with the book under my arm, he
doubtless would come to me and say in his politest manner:
"Why, sir, you have forgotten to pay me for it." Suppose I should
say: "Oh, yes; but I will come in to-morrow and pay." But if I
happened to be a stranger, and especially if there was a
suspicious look about me, and he should say they did not give
credit in that store, and I was still inclined to walk out with my
book, he could insist that there had been no sale and that I must
give the book to him. The law would protect him in taking it
from me if he did not use undue force. The law assumes, unless
some different rule exists, that the buyer will always pay for the
thing purchased, yet in law there is no sale unless the purchase
money is actually paid.
Page 314
Of course, credit may be given in a store—that may be the
practice; and if it is understood between buyer and seller that
credit is to be given, then a sale is complete as soon as the
bargain is struck. Indeed, so complete is the sale that if the buyer
should say to the salesman, "I will leave this here and return and
take it in a short time," and during his absence the store should
be burned up and everything perish, the buyer would be obliged
to pay for the book. In other words, after it had been sold, if still
kept there the seller would be merely the keeper, or bailee, which
is the legal term, and he would be obliged to use only ordinary
care in keeping it. Suppose a thief should come in and take it
away—would the seller be responsible for the loss? Not if he had
used the same care in protecting it as in protecting his own
property.
Another illustration may be used to bring out the nature of a sale
more clearly. Suppose I have bought a particular work in a store,
either paying cash or buying it on credit, if that be the practice of
the store, and I should say to the salesman: "I am going down
street and on my return will call and take the book." During my
absence I meet a friend and tell him of my purchase, and he
should say to me: "I am very desirous to get that work; I am sure
there is no other copy in town. Will you not sell it to me?"
Suppose I gave him an order, directed to the seller, requesting
him to deliver the work to the person to whom I have sold it. If
he should take the order to the store he could claim the book as
his own and the original seller would be obliged to give it to him.
It is very important, however, in many cases to make a delivery
of the thing sold. As we have already stated, the title as between
the buyer and seller is actually changed or transferred at the time
of making the sale and it is therefore complete. But if a delivery
of the thing sold is not actually made and another person should
come along and wish to buy it, and the seller should prove to be,
as he sometimes is, deceitfully wicked, and should sell and
deliver it to him, the second buyer would get a good title and
could hold it just as securely as though it had not been previously
practice; and if it is understood between buyer and seller that
credit is to be given, then a sale is complete as soon as the
bargain is struck. Indeed, so complete is the sale that if the buyer
should say to the salesman, "I will leave this here and return and
take it in a short time," and during his absence the store should
be burned up and everything perish, the buyer would be obliged
to pay for the book. In other words, after it had been sold, if still
kept there the seller would be merely the keeper, or bailee, which
is the legal term, and he would be obliged to use only ordinary
care in keeping it. Suppose a thief should come in and take it
away—would the seller be responsible for the loss? Not if he had
used the same care in protecting it as in protecting his own
property.
Another illustration may be used to bring out the nature of a sale
more clearly. Suppose I have bought a particular work in a store,
either paying cash or buying it on credit, if that be the practice of
the store, and I should say to the salesman: "I am going down
street and on my return will call and take the book." During my
absence I meet a friend and tell him of my purchase, and he
should say to me: "I am very desirous to get that work; I am sure
there is no other copy in town. Will you not sell it to me?"
Suppose I gave him an order, directed to the seller, requesting
him to deliver the work to the person to whom I have sold it. If
he should take the order to the store he could claim the book as
his own and the original seller would be obliged to give it to him.
It is very important, however, in many cases to make a delivery
of the thing sold. As we have already stated, the title as between
the buyer and seller is actually changed or transferred at the time
of making the sale and it is therefore complete. But if a delivery
of the thing sold is not actually made and another person should
come along and wish to buy it, and the seller should prove to be,
as he sometimes is, deceitfully wicked, and should sell and
deliver it to him, the second buyer would get a good title and
could hold it just as securely as though it had not been previously
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sold to another. Of course, the second buyer must be an innocent
person, knowing nothing about the first or prior sale. If he did
not know and pays the money for the thing he has bought and
takes it away, he gets a perfectly good title as against the first
buyer. If he was not innocent the first buyer could claim it and
the second one would lose his money unless he was able to get it
back again from the seller. Of course, such a transaction is a
fraud on the part of the seller. Therefore it is safer in all ordinary
transactions for the buyer to take the thing he has purchased
unless he is sure that the seller is a perfectly honest man, who
will not practise any such fraud upon him.
Suppose the seller had things in his keeping that had been sold
but not taken away, and should fail in business, or that persons to
whom he owed money should sue him and try to hold not only
all of the goods still owned by him but even those which he had
sold. Could they succeed as against a person who had bought
them in perfectly good faith? It is said that the buyer in such
cases can get his goods after clearly showing that he had bought
them and paid for them; but the evidence of his purchase must be
perfectly clear, otherwise the court will not permit him to take
them away and he will lose them.
If a merchant is to deliver a thing as a part of the contract of sale,
then, of course, he must do this; otherwise he is liable for his
failure to carry out his contract. This rule applies to most
purchases that are made in stores. The merchant intends to
deliver the thing sold, the buyer purchases expecting this will be
done, and the price paid for them is enough to cover the cost of
taking them to the buyer's house; in other words, the price of the
goods, whatever it may be, is intended to be enough to pay the
merchant for his cost in delivering them, and in such cases the
contract is not complete until a delivery has actually taken place.
Again, if the thing purchased is a part of a mass of goods, a
separation must be made to complete the contract. If a man
should buy 100 barrels of oil which were a part of 1000 barrels, a
person, knowing nothing about the first or prior sale. If he did
not know and pays the money for the thing he has bought and
takes it away, he gets a perfectly good title as against the first
buyer. If he was not innocent the first buyer could claim it and
the second one would lose his money unless he was able to get it
back again from the seller. Of course, such a transaction is a
fraud on the part of the seller. Therefore it is safer in all ordinary
transactions for the buyer to take the thing he has purchased
unless he is sure that the seller is a perfectly honest man, who
will not practise any such fraud upon him.
Suppose the seller had things in his keeping that had been sold
but not taken away, and should fail in business, or that persons to
whom he owed money should sue him and try to hold not only
all of the goods still owned by him but even those which he had
sold. Could they succeed as against a person who had bought
them in perfectly good faith? It is said that the buyer in such
cases can get his goods after clearly showing that he had bought
them and paid for them; but the evidence of his purchase must be
perfectly clear, otherwise the court will not permit him to take
them away and he will lose them.
If a merchant is to deliver a thing as a part of the contract of sale,
then, of course, he must do this; otherwise he is liable for his
failure to carry out his contract. This rule applies to most
purchases that are made in stores. The merchant intends to
deliver the thing sold, the buyer purchases expecting this will be
done, and the price paid for them is enough to cover the cost of
taking them to the buyer's house; in other words, the price of the
goods, whatever it may be, is intended to be enough to pay the
merchant for his cost in delivering them, and in such cases the
contract is not complete until a delivery has actually taken place.
Again, if the thing purchased is a part of a mass of goods, a
separation must be made to complete the contract. If a man
should buy 100 barrels of oil which were a part of 1000 barrels, a
Page 316
separation of some kind must be made of the particular ones
sold. If one should buy trees in a nursery, to make the contract
complete the particular trees must in some way be known, either
by rows or every other tree—in short, in some way the trees
must be clearly set apart. If part of a mass of timber is bought,
the particular logs must be marked or in some way pointed out
from the other part of the mass. This rule applies to all things
bought that form a part of a large mass. The mode of pointing
them out depends on the nature of the thing; a different kind of
separation must be made in some cases from what is necessary in
others.
IX. THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANDISE
The rule of law in buying is, the buyer must look out for himself;
and if things are not what he supposed they were he has no
rightful claim against the seller. The maxim of the law is, "Let
the purchaser beware"—let him take care of himself. The rule of
the Roman law was different. It was the duty of the seller to tell
the buyer of all the defects known by him in the thing sold, and
if he did not he was responsible for any loss caused by any
defect or imperfection found after purchasing that was known by
the seller before.
The modern principle may be looked at from two points of view.
First, the seller need not make known any defects which the
buyer can find out himself. Suppose a man is thinking of buying
a horse that is (though he does not know it) blind in one eye. The
law says that the buyer ought to be able to see such a defect quite
as readily as the seller, and if he does not the fault is his own.
Blindness in one eye is quite as easily seen as would be the lack
of an ear or tail. And this principle applies very generally in all
purchases. It covers all visible defects. Nor can any one find
much fault with this rule, because the buyer generally has as
sold. If one should buy trees in a nursery, to make the contract
complete the particular trees must in some way be known, either
by rows or every other tree—in short, in some way the trees
must be clearly set apart. If part of a mass of timber is bought,
the particular logs must be marked or in some way pointed out
from the other part of the mass. This rule applies to all things
bought that form a part of a large mass. The mode of pointing
them out depends on the nature of the thing; a different kind of
separation must be made in some cases from what is necessary in
others.
IX. THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANDISE
The rule of law in buying is, the buyer must look out for himself;
and if things are not what he supposed they were he has no
rightful claim against the seller. The maxim of the law is, "Let
the purchaser beware"—let him take care of himself. The rule of
the Roman law was different. It was the duty of the seller to tell
the buyer of all the defects known by him in the thing sold, and
if he did not he was responsible for any loss caused by any
defect or imperfection found after purchasing that was known by
the seller before.
The modern principle may be looked at from two points of view.
First, the seller need not make known any defects which the
buyer can find out himself. Suppose a man is thinking of buying
a horse that is (though he does not know it) blind in one eye. The
law says that the buyer ought to be able to see such a defect quite
as readily as the seller, and if he does not the fault is his own.
Blindness in one eye is quite as easily seen as would be the lack
of an ear or tail. And this principle applies very generally in all
purchases. It covers all visible defects. Nor can any one find
much fault with this rule, because the buyer generally has as
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good eyesight as the seller, and if he takes pains, as he should, he
is able to discover all ordinary defects. Furthermore, the buyer
doubtless often knows quite as much about the things he
purchases as the seller.
But the courts also say that it applies to other defects. Suppose a
horse has the heaves or the rheumatism, which is known to the
seller but of which the buyer has no knowledge whatever. The
seller is not obliged to make known this defect to the buyer, and
if he is silly enough to purchase on his own wisdom he must
abide by the consequences. If he does inquire and is deceived,
that is another thing. But if he asks no questions, or the seller
does not deceive him in any way, the seller is not responsible for
defects known by him at the time of the sale. This also is a well-
understood rule.
The seller, we repeat, must not deceive the buyer. In one of the
well-known cases a man owned a ship that he was desirous of
selling. She was unsound in several places and the seller put her
in such a position that her defects could not be readily found out.
He did this for the purpose of deceiving the buyer and
succeeded. When the buyer learned how he had been tricked he
began a legal proceeding to get back a part of the money that he
had paid, and won his case. And rightfully, too, for the reason
that the seller had deceived him, which he had no right to do.
Another case may be stated of a man who was desirous of
purchasing a picture, supposing that it was once in the collection
of an eminent man. The seller knew perfectly well that the
picture did not come from that collection and that the buyer was
acting under a delusion. He did not say that the picture had
belonged to the collection or had not; he was silent, although he
knew that the buyer would not purchase it if he knew the truth
about its former ownership. For some reason or other the buyer
did not make any inquiry of the seller, or if he did was not told.
But after purchasing the picture the buyer learned that he was
mistaken and that the seller knew this at the time of making the
is able to discover all ordinary defects. Furthermore, the buyer
doubtless often knows quite as much about the things he
purchases as the seller.
But the courts also say that it applies to other defects. Suppose a
horse has the heaves or the rheumatism, which is known to the
seller but of which the buyer has no knowledge whatever. The
seller is not obliged to make known this defect to the buyer, and
if he is silly enough to purchase on his own wisdom he must
abide by the consequences. If he does inquire and is deceived,
that is another thing. But if he asks no questions, or the seller
does not deceive him in any way, the seller is not responsible for
defects known by him at the time of the sale. This also is a well-
understood rule.
The seller, we repeat, must not deceive the buyer. In one of the
well-known cases a man owned a ship that he was desirous of
selling. She was unsound in several places and the seller put her
in such a position that her defects could not be readily found out.
He did this for the purpose of deceiving the buyer and
succeeded. When the buyer learned how he had been tricked he
began a legal proceeding to get back a part of the money that he
had paid, and won his case. And rightfully, too, for the reason
that the seller had deceived him, which he had no right to do.
Another case may be stated of a man who was desirous of
purchasing a picture, supposing that it was once in the collection
of an eminent man. The seller knew perfectly well that the
picture did not come from that collection and that the buyer was
acting under a delusion. He did not say that the picture had
belonged to the collection or had not; he was silent, although he
knew that the buyer would not purchase it if he knew the truth
about its former ownership. For some reason or other the buyer
did not make any inquiry of the seller, or if he did was not told.
But after purchasing the picture the buyer learned that he was
mistaken and that the seller knew this at the time of making the
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sale. He sought to recover the money he had paid and succeeded,
the court saying that a fraud had been practised upon him; that it
was the duty of the seller, knowing what was passing in the mind
of the buyer, to have told him the truth about the former
ownership of the picture.
It will be seen, therefore, that the seller must not deceive the
buyer in any way or practise any fraud on him; if he does he will
be responsible for the loss or injury befalling the other.
What, then, ought a buyer to do in purchasing a horse, for
example, in order to guard himself against the unwelcome
discovery of disease or other defect? Clearly, he ought to require
the seller to give him a warranty. A proper way is, if the
transaction be an important one, to have the warranty in writing
and signed by the seller. It need not be very long; a few words
usually are enough.
There is a very important difference that every one ought to
understand between words that are spoken at a sale, which are
mere representations, and words that form a warranty of the
thing sold. If I should go into a store to buy a piece of flannel,
and ask the salesman if it was all wool, and he should assure me
that it was, and I, ignorant of the quality of the material, and
desirous of buying a piece of all-wool flannel, should say to him:
"I know nothing about it; I rely entirely on your statement," and
he should say: "It is all right; all wool, and no cotton," his words
would be a warranty, and if the flannel proved to be made partly
of straw or cotton, or something besides wool, I could sue the
seller on his warranty, and recover for the loss I had suffered,
whatever that might be. But suppose I were a flannel
manufacturer myself, and knew at the time he was saying this to
me that the flannel was partly cotton; in short, knew a great deal
more about it than he did, and was not deceived in any way by
what he said, his words would not be a warranty, because my
action in buying the flannel would not be influenced by them.
the court saying that a fraud had been practised upon him; that it
was the duty of the seller, knowing what was passing in the mind
of the buyer, to have told him the truth about the former
ownership of the picture.
It will be seen, therefore, that the seller must not deceive the
buyer in any way or practise any fraud on him; if he does he will
be responsible for the loss or injury befalling the other.
What, then, ought a buyer to do in purchasing a horse, for
example, in order to guard himself against the unwelcome
discovery of disease or other defect? Clearly, he ought to require
the seller to give him a warranty. A proper way is, if the
transaction be an important one, to have the warranty in writing
and signed by the seller. It need not be very long; a few words
usually are enough.
There is a very important difference that every one ought to
understand between words that are spoken at a sale, which are
mere representations, and words that form a warranty of the
thing sold. If I should go into a store to buy a piece of flannel,
and ask the salesman if it was all wool, and he should assure me
that it was, and I, ignorant of the quality of the material, and
desirous of buying a piece of all-wool flannel, should say to him:
"I know nothing about it; I rely entirely on your statement," and
he should say: "It is all right; all wool, and no cotton," his words
would be a warranty, and if the flannel proved to be made partly
of straw or cotton, or something besides wool, I could sue the
seller on his warranty, and recover for the loss I had suffered,
whatever that might be. But suppose I were a flannel
manufacturer myself, and knew at the time he was saying this to
me that the flannel was partly cotton; in short, knew a great deal
more about it than he did, and was not deceived in any way by
what he said, his words would not be a warranty, because my
action in buying the flannel would not be influenced by them.
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What test, then, is to be applied? Evidently whether or not the
buyer acts on the words spoken and is deceived by them. If,
relying on them, he buys and is deceived or misled to his loss or
injury, then the words will be taken as a warranty and protect the
buyer. If, on the other hand, he is not deceived by what is told
him, and he buys on his own knowledge and judgment, then the
words are not a warranty.
One or two other points may be briefly noticed. The law says
that the seller always warrants the title to the thing sold—in
other words, that he is the owner. He may not say one word
about the matter, but the law implies that he is the owner and
would not sell a thing that did not belong to him. If he should
prove not to be the owner, the buyer could recover for his loss.
Another point about adulterations. The common law does not
regard an article as adulterated, giving the buyer the right to
claim something back, unless it has been materially changed by
the foreign substance. All, or nearly all, of the States have made
statutes within recent years, or re-enacted old ones, holding
sellers strictly responsible for the quality, especially of
provisions, sold. These statutes generally require the seller to sell
absolutely pure articles, and he cannot shield himself by saying
that he was ignorant and innocent of their nature if they proved
to be other than pure articles. If a grocer should sell cotton-seed
oil for olive oil, even though doing so ignorantly, without any
intention to deceive, he would nevertheless be held liable under
the statutes that now exist in most of the States; and public
opinion strongly favours the strict execution of these statutes.
X. COMMON CARRIERS
What is meant by a common carrier? A person or company that
is obliged to carry merchandise or passengers for a price or
buyer acts on the words spoken and is deceived by them. If,
relying on them, he buys and is deceived or misled to his loss or
injury, then the words will be taken as a warranty and protect the
buyer. If, on the other hand, he is not deceived by what is told
him, and he buys on his own knowledge and judgment, then the
words are not a warranty.
One or two other points may be briefly noticed. The law says
that the seller always warrants the title to the thing sold—in
other words, that he is the owner. He may not say one word
about the matter, but the law implies that he is the owner and
would not sell a thing that did not belong to him. If he should
prove not to be the owner, the buyer could recover for his loss.
Another point about adulterations. The common law does not
regard an article as adulterated, giving the buyer the right to
claim something back, unless it has been materially changed by
the foreign substance. All, or nearly all, of the States have made
statutes within recent years, or re-enacted old ones, holding
sellers strictly responsible for the quality, especially of
provisions, sold. These statutes generally require the seller to sell
absolutely pure articles, and he cannot shield himself by saying
that he was ignorant and innocent of their nature if they proved
to be other than pure articles. If a grocer should sell cotton-seed
oil for olive oil, even though doing so ignorantly, without any
intention to deceive, he would nevertheless be held liable under
the statutes that now exist in most of the States; and public
opinion strongly favours the strict execution of these statutes.
X. COMMON CARRIERS
What is meant by a common carrier? A person or company that
is obliged to carry merchandise or passengers for a price or
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compensation from place to place. A common carrier cannot
select his business, like a private carrier, but must carry all
merchandise that is offered; or, if he is a carrier of persons, all
persons who desire to go and are willing to respect all reasonable
regulations that relate to carrying them. The principal common
carriers are railroads, steamboats, and canal companies.
The liability of common carriers is very important to all who
travel or send merchandise. A common carrier is liable for all
losses not happening by the act of God or by the public enemy.
By "act of God" is meant unavoidable calamity, such as lightning
and tempests, and by "public enemy" is meant a nation at war
with another. Once these were the only exceptions. Carriers were
therefore insurers of the goods left with them to be carried to
some other place.
This early rule of law fixing their liability has been greatly
changed. Carriers can now make a contract relieving themselves
of all liability for losses in carrying goods except those arising
from their own negligence. The courts in a few cases have said
that they can relieve themselves even from this, but this is not
generally the law. They can, though, by special contract relieve
themselves from all other liability. A railroad company, therefore,
can make a contract for carrying wheat from Chicago to New
York, relieving itself from all liability for loss by fire unless this
shall be caused by its negligence. If a fire should occur without
any negligence on the part of the company and goods on the way
should be destroyed, it could not be held responsible for the loss
if there was such a contract between the shipper and carrier. A
carrier is no longer an insurer for the safe carrying of goods.
The courts have permitted carriers to thus lessen their liability
because they are willing to take goods at lower prices than they
would if they were to be responsible for all losses. They now
virtually say to the shippers: "If you are willing to be your own
insurers, or insure in insurance companies, and hold us for no
losses except those arising from our own negligence, we are
select his business, like a private carrier, but must carry all
merchandise that is offered; or, if he is a carrier of persons, all
persons who desire to go and are willing to respect all reasonable
regulations that relate to carrying them. The principal common
carriers are railroads, steamboats, and canal companies.
The liability of common carriers is very important to all who
travel or send merchandise. A common carrier is liable for all
losses not happening by the act of God or by the public enemy.
By "act of God" is meant unavoidable calamity, such as lightning
and tempests, and by "public enemy" is meant a nation at war
with another. Once these were the only exceptions. Carriers were
therefore insurers of the goods left with them to be carried to
some other place.
This early rule of law fixing their liability has been greatly
changed. Carriers can now make a contract relieving themselves
of all liability for losses in carrying goods except those arising
from their own negligence. The courts in a few cases have said
that they can relieve themselves even from this, but this is not
generally the law. They can, though, by special contract relieve
themselves from all other liability. A railroad company, therefore,
can make a contract for carrying wheat from Chicago to New
York, relieving itself from all liability for loss by fire unless this
shall be caused by its negligence. If a fire should occur without
any negligence on the part of the company and goods on the way
should be destroyed, it could not be held responsible for the loss
if there was such a contract between the shipper and carrier. A
carrier is no longer an insurer for the safe carrying of goods.
The courts have permitted carriers to thus lessen their liability
because they are willing to take goods at lower prices than they
would if they were to be responsible for all losses. They now
virtually say to the shippers: "If you are willing to be your own
insurers, or insure in insurance companies, and hold us for no
losses except those arising from our own negligence, we are
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willing to carry your goods at a much lower rate." And, as
shippers are willing to take the risks themselves for the sake of
getting lower rates, the practice has become universal for
lessening the liability of carriers in the manner described.
Suppose that goods are burned up by fire. The shipper must be
the loser unless he can show that it was caused by the negligence
of the carrier. As he often can show this, he imagines that the
carrier is still living under the old law and is liable as he was in
the early days of railroad and steamboat companies. In truth, this
is not so. His liability is measured by his contract, and there can
be no recovery for any loss unless negligence on the carrier's part
is clearly shown, and in many cases this is not easily done.
Though common or public carriers are obliged to take and
transport almost everything, they may make reasonable
regulations about the packing, etc., of merchandise. Suppose a
shipper were to come to a railroad company's clerk with a
quantity of glass not in boxes, and should say to him, "I wish this
glass to be carried to New York"; and the clerk should say to him
that the rules of the company required all glass to be packed in
boxes lined with straw, and that the rule could not be set aside,
however short might be the distance. Very likely the shipper
would say to the agent: "This is expensive; I wish you to take it
as it is." And if he should say to the agent that he was willing to
run the risk of breakage, then, perhaps, the clerk might take it in;
yet, even on those terms, some carriers would not. At all events,
if the clerk should insist on following the rules, the shipper could
not justly complain, for this rule is a very reasonable one, as the
courts have many times declared.
Suppose a shipper should ask a carrier to take a load of potatoes
or apples to Montreal in very cold weather. The carrier says to
him: "There is danger of the apples being frozen. I am unwilling
to carry them unless you will take the risk of their freezing." He
could insist on these terms, because it would be unreasonable to
require carriers to transport such merchandise and keep their cars
shippers are willing to take the risks themselves for the sake of
getting lower rates, the practice has become universal for
lessening the liability of carriers in the manner described.
Suppose that goods are burned up by fire. The shipper must be
the loser unless he can show that it was caused by the negligence
of the carrier. As he often can show this, he imagines that the
carrier is still living under the old law and is liable as he was in
the early days of railroad and steamboat companies. In truth, this
is not so. His liability is measured by his contract, and there can
be no recovery for any loss unless negligence on the carrier's part
is clearly shown, and in many cases this is not easily done.
Though common or public carriers are obliged to take and
transport almost everything, they may make reasonable
regulations about the packing, etc., of merchandise. Suppose a
shipper were to come to a railroad company's clerk with a
quantity of glass not in boxes, and should say to him, "I wish this
glass to be carried to New York"; and the clerk should say to him
that the rules of the company required all glass to be packed in
boxes lined with straw, and that the rule could not be set aside,
however short might be the distance. Very likely the shipper
would say to the agent: "This is expensive; I wish you to take it
as it is." And if he should say to the agent that he was willing to
run the risk of breakage, then, perhaps, the clerk might take it in;
yet, even on those terms, some carriers would not. At all events,
if the clerk should insist on following the rules, the shipper could
not justly complain, for this rule is a very reasonable one, as the
courts have many times declared.
Suppose a shipper should ask a carrier to take a load of potatoes
or apples to Montreal in very cold weather. The carrier says to
him: "There is danger of the apples being frozen. I am unwilling
to carry them unless you will take the risk of their freezing." He
could insist on these terms, because it would be unreasonable to
require carriers to transport such merchandise and keep their cars
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heated. They are not made in that way and every shipper knows
it, nor are carriers required to heat them.
The courts have said that any reasonable regulations respecting
the merchandise to be carried, the packing, etc., must be
respected. A carrier could refuse positively to carry dynamite or
powder unless it was packed in a very careful manner. Doubtless
many things are carried in ways quite contrary to the regulations,
without the knowledge of the carrying companies. Packages are
rarely examined and things may be put within, out of sight, of
which carriers know nothing.
A carrier is not required to have cars enough to carry all goods
on unusual occasions. But it must have enough to carry without
delay all that come from day to day.
XI. THE CARRYING OF PASSENGERS
Millions ride on steamboats, in the street-cars, and by steam-
railways, and the question is an important one with them. What
are the rights and duties of company and passenger? First, it is
the duty of a company carrying passengers to provide every one
with a seat. This rule does not apply to street-cars but it does to
steam-railways. In some cases it is said of the street-car
passengers that those who use the straps pay the money from
which dividends are paid. But the rule is otherwise that applies to
railway companies. They must furnish seats for their passengers
and cannot demand fares until seats are secured.
Having taken him on board and seated him, what degree of care
must the company use in carrying the passenger? It may seem
strange to say that the company is not obliged to use as much
care as in carrying a barrel of apples or an animal. Goods must
be moved, kept dry, perhaps, and cared for in other ways. An
it, nor are carriers required to heat them.
The courts have said that any reasonable regulations respecting
the merchandise to be carried, the packing, etc., must be
respected. A carrier could refuse positively to carry dynamite or
powder unless it was packed in a very careful manner. Doubtless
many things are carried in ways quite contrary to the regulations,
without the knowledge of the carrying companies. Packages are
rarely examined and things may be put within, out of sight, of
which carriers know nothing.
A carrier is not required to have cars enough to carry all goods
on unusual occasions. But it must have enough to carry without
delay all that come from day to day.
XI. THE CARRYING OF PASSENGERS
Millions ride on steamboats, in the street-cars, and by steam-
railways, and the question is an important one with them. What
are the rights and duties of company and passenger? First, it is
the duty of a company carrying passengers to provide every one
with a seat. This rule does not apply to street-cars but it does to
steam-railways. In some cases it is said of the street-car
passengers that those who use the straps pay the money from
which dividends are paid. But the rule is otherwise that applies to
railway companies. They must furnish seats for their passengers
and cannot demand fares until seats are secured.
Having taken him on board and seated him, what degree of care
must the company use in carrying the passenger? It may seem
strange to say that the company is not obliged to use as much
care as in carrying a barrel of apples or an animal. Goods must
be moved, kept dry, perhaps, and cared for in other ways. An
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animal must be fed. In carrying cattle stops must be made for
rest. But the passenger takes care of himself. He gets in and out
and provides his own rations. Therefore the law puts on the
carrier the duty of using only a reasonable degree of care in
taking him from place to place. In other words, the railway is not
an insurer of life, as it is of goods or other merchandise. As
passengers are of themselves able to get around and use some
care with respect to their own movements, the law lessens the
responsibility.
Perhaps the reader would like to know what the company must
do in carrying a passenger's baggage. This is a very practical
question. If he takes his grip in the seat with him, he alone is
responsible for its safety. If some one should get in the seat
beside him and in going out should take the grip along with him,
the owner could not ask the company to make good his loss. On
the other hand, if he delivers his grip to the company, then the
company is bound by the same rule as when carrying other
goods and merchandise. The price paid for his ticket is also
enough to pay the cost of carrying his trunk or other baggage,
therefore the carrier cannot escape paying for its loss when
having possession of it on the ground that the service is purely
voluntary and without compensation. As the company gets
compensation it must pay for any loss while taking baggage from
one place to another unless the loss or damage should be due to
no fault or negligence of the company.
Every now and then we receive a cheque for a trunk or other
piece of baggage stating that in the event of loss the company
will not be responsible beyond a certain amount—$50, or $100,
or other sum. Is that statement on the cheque worth anything?
The courts have held that if one of these cheques is taken by a
passenger and he reads it he is bound thereby. This is a contract
between carrier and passenger, consequently he is bound by the
figures mentioned under ordinary circumstances. This rule is just
and is based on a good reason. As every one knows, whenever a
trunk is lost it is very difficult for the carrier to get any proof of
rest. But the passenger takes care of himself. He gets in and out
and provides his own rations. Therefore the law puts on the
carrier the duty of using only a reasonable degree of care in
taking him from place to place. In other words, the railway is not
an insurer of life, as it is of goods or other merchandise. As
passengers are of themselves able to get around and use some
care with respect to their own movements, the law lessens the
responsibility.
Perhaps the reader would like to know what the company must
do in carrying a passenger's baggage. This is a very practical
question. If he takes his grip in the seat with him, he alone is
responsible for its safety. If some one should get in the seat
beside him and in going out should take the grip along with him,
the owner could not ask the company to make good his loss. On
the other hand, if he delivers his grip to the company, then the
company is bound by the same rule as when carrying other
goods and merchandise. The price paid for his ticket is also
enough to pay the cost of carrying his trunk or other baggage,
therefore the carrier cannot escape paying for its loss when
having possession of it on the ground that the service is purely
voluntary and without compensation. As the company gets
compensation it must pay for any loss while taking baggage from
one place to another unless the loss or damage should be due to
no fault or negligence of the company.
Every now and then we receive a cheque for a trunk or other
piece of baggage stating that in the event of loss the company
will not be responsible beyond a certain amount—$50, or $100,
or other sum. Is that statement on the cheque worth anything?
The courts have held that if one of these cheques is taken by a
passenger and he reads it he is bound thereby. This is a contract
between carrier and passenger, consequently he is bound by the
figures mentioned under ordinary circumstances. This rule is just
and is based on a good reason. As every one knows, whenever a
trunk is lost it is very difficult for the carrier to get any proof of
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the real value of its contents. All the evidence is in the hands of
the passenger. If he is without a conscience and apparently
proves that the things in it were worth $200 or $300, he may
succeed in getting this much, although it might have been full of
shavings. It is because of much experience of this kind that
carriers have tried to limit the amount for which they will be
responsible, and so long as they do this in a fair, open way the
law regards their conduct with favour. If, however, a passenger
receives such a cheque and at once puts it in his pocket and does
not know its true nature, then the courts have held that he was
not bound by any limit of this kind.
Again, a person has no business to put diamonds and rubies and
jewellery and the like in his trunk. If he does and they are lost, he
cannot compel the carrier to pay for them. The courts have said
that passengers have no right to put such things in their trunks
expecting to make carriers pay for them when they are lost. If
there are things of unusual value in a trunk, the carrier should be
informed or else the owner should assume the risk.
One word more. An express company is a common carrier and is
bound by the same rules as other carriers except so far as such
rules may be changed by definite contract. When a definite
contract is made, then the rules of ordinary carriers do not apply.
XII. ON THE KEEPING OF THINGS
There are some principles of every-day importance relating to
the keeping of things.
In our last lecture was mentioned the carriage of merchandise by
common carriers. They not only carry merchandise—they also
keep it. When merchandise reaches its destination and shippers
have had a reasonable time to take it away, but neglect to do so, a
the passenger. If he is without a conscience and apparently
proves that the things in it were worth $200 or $300, he may
succeed in getting this much, although it might have been full of
shavings. It is because of much experience of this kind that
carriers have tried to limit the amount for which they will be
responsible, and so long as they do this in a fair, open way the
law regards their conduct with favour. If, however, a passenger
receives such a cheque and at once puts it in his pocket and does
not know its true nature, then the courts have held that he was
not bound by any limit of this kind.
Again, a person has no business to put diamonds and rubies and
jewellery and the like in his trunk. If he does and they are lost, he
cannot compel the carrier to pay for them. The courts have said
that passengers have no right to put such things in their trunks
expecting to make carriers pay for them when they are lost. If
there are things of unusual value in a trunk, the carrier should be
informed or else the owner should assume the risk.
One word more. An express company is a common carrier and is
bound by the same rules as other carriers except so far as such
rules may be changed by definite contract. When a definite
contract is made, then the rules of ordinary carriers do not apply.
XII. ON THE KEEPING OF THINGS
There are some principles of every-day importance relating to
the keeping of things.
In our last lecture was mentioned the carriage of merchandise by
common carriers. They not only carry merchandise—they also
keep it. When merchandise reaches its destination and shippers
have had a reasonable time to take it away, but neglect to do so, a
Page 325
common carrier is no longer liable for its safe keeping as a
common carrier but only as a warehouseman. What do we mean
by this? As we have seen, a common carrier, unless he makes a
special contract for carrying the merchandise, is liable for
everything lost or injured except "by the act of God or the public
enemy"; or, as we have already said, he is an insurer for safely
taking and keeping the merchandise while it is in his charge.
When the merchandise has reached the final station, and the
person to whom it is shipped or sent has had ample time to take
it away and does not do so, the carrier still keeps the
merchandise in his warehouse or depot, but he is no longer liable
as a carrier for keeping it but simply as a warehouseman. In
other words, if goods are kept by him for this longer period, he is
liable for their loss only in the event of gross negligence on his
part. If a fire should break out and the goods be burned, unless it
happened by his own gross negligence, he would not be liable
for the loss. So, too, if a thief should break into his warehouse
and steal the goods, he would not be liable for the theft unless it
was shown that he was grossly negligent in not providing a safer
building. If the rats and mice should destroy the goods while
they were in the common carrier's building, the same rule would
apply; or if they were injured or destroyed in any other manner,
he would not be responsible for the loss unless gross negligence
was shown.
Different rules apply, depending on whether the keeper, or
bailee, gets any compensation for storage. In our lecture relating
to sales we stated that the seller would not be liable for the loss
of anything intrusted to his keeping after it had been bought of
him unless he was grossly negligent, for the reason that no
reward or compensation is paid to him for storage. There are,
therefore, two rules which govern many cases. If a person keeps
a thing for a reward or compensation, then he is bound by a
stricter rule of diligence than in those cases in which he receives
nothing for his service. This accords with the common reason of
mankind. Evidently if a person keeps a thing simply as an act of
common carrier but only as a warehouseman. What do we mean
by this? As we have seen, a common carrier, unless he makes a
special contract for carrying the merchandise, is liable for
everything lost or injured except "by the act of God or the public
enemy"; or, as we have already said, he is an insurer for safely
taking and keeping the merchandise while it is in his charge.
When the merchandise has reached the final station, and the
person to whom it is shipped or sent has had ample time to take
it away and does not do so, the carrier still keeps the
merchandise in his warehouse or depot, but he is no longer liable
as a carrier for keeping it but simply as a warehouseman. In
other words, if goods are kept by him for this longer period, he is
liable for their loss only in the event of gross negligence on his
part. If a fire should break out and the goods be burned, unless it
happened by his own gross negligence, he would not be liable
for the loss. So, too, if a thief should break into his warehouse
and steal the goods, he would not be liable for the theft unless it
was shown that he was grossly negligent in not providing a safer
building. If the rats and mice should destroy the goods while
they were in the common carrier's building, the same rule would
apply; or if they were injured or destroyed in any other manner,
he would not be responsible for the loss unless gross negligence
was shown.
Different rules apply, depending on whether the keeper, or
bailee, gets any compensation for storage. In our lecture relating
to sales we stated that the seller would not be liable for the loss
of anything intrusted to his keeping after it had been bought of
him unless he was grossly negligent, for the reason that no
reward or compensation is paid to him for storage. There are,
therefore, two rules which govern many cases. If a person keeps
a thing for a reward or compensation, then he is bound by a
stricter rule of diligence than in those cases in which he receives
nothing for his service. This accords with the common reason of
mankind. Evidently if a person keeps a thing simply as an act of
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kindness, he ought not to be responsible in the same sense that
one is held responsible who is paid a fixed price for such service.
Another good illustration is that of a bank which keeps the bonds
of a depositor in its safe for his accommodation. The bank does
not pretend to be a safe-deposit company or anything of the kind,
but it has a large vault and wishes to accommodate its customers
by keeping their stocks and bonds and other articles for them
while they are off on vacations or for other reasons. It is a
common thing for a customer to go to his bank, especially in the
country, and ask the cashier to keep his valuables during his
absence. The cashier is willing to comply, and the things are
intrusted to him; but as the bank receives no compensation for
this service it is not responsible for their loss unless it is grossly
negligent in the matter. Suppose they are put in the safe among
other valuables belonging to the bank and a robber breaks in and
takes them away—is the bank responsible? Certainly not. On the
other hand, if the customer should leave his valuables at a safe-
deposit company, a different rule would apply, because that
company charges him for keeping the articles. It is therefore
bound by a stricter rule than the bank. It must use the greatest
care, and if neglectful in any respect it is responsible for the
consequences.
Suppose a person should say to me: "Will you be good enough to
leave this package with a jeweller on your way down street?" I
say to my friend: "Certainly, with the greatest pleasure." What
degree of care must I use in carrying that package? Only
ordinary care. Suppose in going along the street a thief, without
my knowledge, should walk beside me and slip his hand into my
pocket and take the package, and on my arrival at the jewellery
store I should find that it was gone. Should I be responsible for
the loss? Certainly not, because I had neither received nor
expected to receive any reward for taking the package to the
store. Of course, if it could be shown that I was unnecessarily
negligent in carrying the parcel, the owner might be justified in
claiming damages.
one is held responsible who is paid a fixed price for such service.
Another good illustration is that of a bank which keeps the bonds
of a depositor in its safe for his accommodation. The bank does
not pretend to be a safe-deposit company or anything of the kind,
but it has a large vault and wishes to accommodate its customers
by keeping their stocks and bonds and other articles for them
while they are off on vacations or for other reasons. It is a
common thing for a customer to go to his bank, especially in the
country, and ask the cashier to keep his valuables during his
absence. The cashier is willing to comply, and the things are
intrusted to him; but as the bank receives no compensation for
this service it is not responsible for their loss unless it is grossly
negligent in the matter. Suppose they are put in the safe among
other valuables belonging to the bank and a robber breaks in and
takes them away—is the bank responsible? Certainly not. On the
other hand, if the customer should leave his valuables at a safe-
deposit company, a different rule would apply, because that
company charges him for keeping the articles. It is therefore
bound by a stricter rule than the bank. It must use the greatest
care, and if neglectful in any respect it is responsible for the
consequences.
Suppose a person should say to me: "Will you be good enough to
leave this package with a jeweller on your way down street?" I
say to my friend: "Certainly, with the greatest pleasure." What
degree of care must I use in carrying that package? Only
ordinary care. Suppose in going along the street a thief, without
my knowledge, should walk beside me and slip his hand into my
pocket and take the package, and on my arrival at the jewellery
store I should find that it was gone. Should I be responsible for
the loss? Certainly not, because I had neither received nor
expected to receive any reward for taking the package to the
store. Of course, if it could be shown that I was unnecessarily
negligent in carrying the parcel, the owner might be justified in
claiming damages.
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One thing more may be added. If a bailee should be a scoundrel
and sell the thing left with him for safe-keeping and receive the
money, the true owner could, nevertheless, claim the thing
wherever he could find it. The owner would not get a good title.
This rule of law applies to everything except negotiable paper. A
person who buys that in good faith, honestly, not knowing that it
was stolen, and pays money, gets a good title. This is the only
exception to the above rule in the law.
XIII. CONCERNING AGENTS
Very many persons act as agents for others. Much of the business
of modern times is carried on by persons of this class. All the
managers of corporations are agents of the railways, banks,
manufacturing companies, and the like. They are to be seen
everywhere. Every salesman is an agent. In short, the larger part
of the modern commerce of the world is done by agents.
Agents are of two kinds, special and general; and there are
important differences between the two. A general agent is a
person who transacts all the business of the person hiring or
appointing him, called a principal, or all his business of a
particular kind. A principal might have several general agents for
the different kinds of business in which he was engaged.
Suppose he has a cotton-factory and a store and a farm; he might
have three general agents, each managing one of these
enterprises.
A general agent may be appointed in different ways. This may be
done by a written contract. Very often, however, no such contract
is made, and the person comes to act in a different way. A cashier
of a bank, for example, is a general agent to transact its business,
but the mode of appointing him rarely consists of anything more
than a resolution of the board of directors. More often than
and sell the thing left with him for safe-keeping and receive the
money, the true owner could, nevertheless, claim the thing
wherever he could find it. The owner would not get a good title.
This rule of law applies to everything except negotiable paper. A
person who buys that in good faith, honestly, not knowing that it
was stolen, and pays money, gets a good title. This is the only
exception to the above rule in the law.
XIII. CONCERNING AGENTS
Very many persons act as agents for others. Much of the business
of modern times is carried on by persons of this class. All the
managers of corporations are agents of the railways, banks,
manufacturing companies, and the like. They are to be seen
everywhere. Every salesman is an agent. In short, the larger part
of the modern commerce of the world is done by agents.
Agents are of two kinds, special and general; and there are
important differences between the two. A general agent is a
person who transacts all the business of the person hiring or
appointing him, called a principal, or all his business of a
particular kind. A principal might have several general agents for
the different kinds of business in which he was engaged.
Suppose he has a cotton-factory and a store and a farm; he might
have three general agents, each managing one of these
enterprises.
A general agent may be appointed in different ways. This may be
done by a written contract. Very often, however, no such contract
is made, and the person comes to act in a different way. A cashier
of a bank, for example, is a general agent to transact its business,
but the mode of appointing him rarely consists of anything more
than a resolution of the board of directors. More often than
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otherwise his appointment is purely verbal, by word of mouth.
And, again, the authority of an agent thus to act is often found
out by his acts, known and approved by his principal, or in other
ways. Suppose that A should manage B's store for him, buying
and selling merchandise with A's knowledge; by thus putting him
before the world as B's agent the law would say that he really
was so, and B would be bound by his acts within a limit soon to
be explained. This, perhaps, is the more common way in which
the world learns of the authority of an agent's act. He does a
great variety of things which it is well known must be within the
knowledge of his principal or employer and, as they are known
by the employer and the employer says nothing in the way of
disowning or repudiating these acts, he is bound by them.
Sometimes, indeed, persons pretend to be agents for others when
really they have no authority to act. When this is done, and the
person for whom they are pretending to act finds out what they
are doing, then it is his immediate duty to take such action as the
circumstances require to disown the acts of such pretenders. If
this is not done he may be bound by them. His action in adopting
or approving is called the ratifying of an agent's act; and when
this is done the agent's action is just as valid as though authority
had been given to him to act in the beginning. The principal's
conduct in thus ratifying an agent's acts relates back to the time
when the agent first began to act.
A special agent is appointed to do a particular thing and this is
more often done in writing. Perhaps the most common
illustration is the appointment of some one to act for another at
the annual meeting of a corporation to vote on stock. Such a
person is called a proxy, and persons often act as through
another in this manner. Sometimes one person serves as a proxy
or agent for a very large number of shareholders.
The liability of a principal for the acts of a general agent are very
different from his liability for the acts of a special agent. In the
former case the principal is said to be responsible for all the acts
And, again, the authority of an agent thus to act is often found
out by his acts, known and approved by his principal, or in other
ways. Suppose that A should manage B's store for him, buying
and selling merchandise with A's knowledge; by thus putting him
before the world as B's agent the law would say that he really
was so, and B would be bound by his acts within a limit soon to
be explained. This, perhaps, is the more common way in which
the world learns of the authority of an agent's act. He does a
great variety of things which it is well known must be within the
knowledge of his principal or employer and, as they are known
by the employer and the employer says nothing in the way of
disowning or repudiating these acts, he is bound by them.
Sometimes, indeed, persons pretend to be agents for others when
really they have no authority to act. When this is done, and the
person for whom they are pretending to act finds out what they
are doing, then it is his immediate duty to take such action as the
circumstances require to disown the acts of such pretenders. If
this is not done he may be bound by them. His action in adopting
or approving is called the ratifying of an agent's act; and when
this is done the agent's action is just as valid as though authority
had been given to him to act in the beginning. The principal's
conduct in thus ratifying an agent's acts relates back to the time
when the agent first began to act.
A special agent is appointed to do a particular thing and this is
more often done in writing. Perhaps the most common
illustration is the appointment of some one to act for another at
the annual meeting of a corporation to vote on stock. Such a
person is called a proxy, and persons often act as through
another in this manner. Sometimes one person serves as a proxy
or agent for a very large number of shareholders.
The liability of a principal for the acts of a general agent are very
different from his liability for the acts of a special agent. In the
former case the principal is said to be responsible for all the acts
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of his agent that are within the general scope of his business. In
other words, if it is generally known that A is acting as the
general agent of B in conducting his business,—we will say
managing his cotton-factory,—A will bind his principal B for
everything done by him as general agent in conducting that
business.
Suppose A was acting as a general agent of an insurance
company and, among other things, was told by the president or
board of directors of the company not to insure property in a
given place below a stated rate. Suppose a person should go to
this agent, desiring to have his property insured, but at a lower
rate, and suppose that the agent should finally yield and make a
lower rate as requested. Could his company repudiate the
contract? Clearly not, for it was A's duty to make contracts for
insuring properties. If the insured knew that the agent had been
expressly limited in the rates for insuring and that he was going
contrary to his instructions in making the lower rate, then,
indeed, the company would not be bound by the contract.
Otherwise it could not repudiate the act, for it would fall within
the general principle that a principal is bound by the acts of his
agent done within the general scope of his business or
employment; and such a contract clearly would be within the
limit. For, indeed, this is the very business of the agent—to effect
insurance.
The only thing necessary, therefore, for a person doing business
with a general agent is to find out whether he is such an agent;
and when this is learned then a person can safely transact
business with him, doing anything within the general scope of
his powers, unless the person actually knows that some limit or
restriction has been put upon the agent. It is not his duty to find
out what the powers of a general agent are, but simply whether
he is a general agent or not.
But the rule is very different that applies to the liability of a
principal who employs a special agent. In such cases it is the
other words, if it is generally known that A is acting as the
general agent of B in conducting his business,—we will say
managing his cotton-factory,—A will bind his principal B for
everything done by him as general agent in conducting that
business.
Suppose A was acting as a general agent of an insurance
company and, among other things, was told by the president or
board of directors of the company not to insure property in a
given place below a stated rate. Suppose a person should go to
this agent, desiring to have his property insured, but at a lower
rate, and suppose that the agent should finally yield and make a
lower rate as requested. Could his company repudiate the
contract? Clearly not, for it was A's duty to make contracts for
insuring properties. If the insured knew that the agent had been
expressly limited in the rates for insuring and that he was going
contrary to his instructions in making the lower rate, then,
indeed, the company would not be bound by the contract.
Otherwise it could not repudiate the act, for it would fall within
the general principle that a principal is bound by the acts of his
agent done within the general scope of his business or
employment; and such a contract clearly would be within the
limit. For, indeed, this is the very business of the agent—to effect
insurance.
The only thing necessary, therefore, for a person doing business
with a general agent is to find out whether he is such an agent;
and when this is learned then a person can safely transact
business with him, doing anything within the general scope of
his powers, unless the person actually knows that some limit or
restriction has been put upon the agent. It is not his duty to find
out what the powers of a general agent are, but simply whether
he is a general agent or not.
But the rule is very different that applies to the liability of a
principal who employs a special agent. In such cases it is the
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duty of the person doing business with him to inquire what his
powers are, for the principal will not be bound beyond these.
Such an inquiry, therefore, must be made. He must ask the agent
to show the authority under which he is appointed, or in some
way clearly convince the other what his powers are before any
business can be safely done.
The authority of a special agent is often stated in writing, and the
paper is called a power of attorney. In selling land an agent
should always have such a power, because a good title to land
can only be given in writing, and this power of attorney should
be copied in the records kept for this purpose with the deed itself
to show by what authority the agent acted in selling the land.
Every now and then when a person buys a piece of land and
examines the title to find out whether it is perfect or not, he
discovers that somewhere in the chain of title a deed was made
by the agent of the seller instead of the seller himself, and the
buyer had forgotten to put the power of attorney on record with
his deed. The omission to do this is often serious. It is in truth
just as important for an agent to have a proper power of attorney
in such a case as to give a proper deed for his principal, and the
one paper should be recorded quite as much as the other, as both
are parts of the same story.
Sometimes an agent appoints a subagent. This may be orally or
in writing. A good illustration is that of the collection of a cheque
deposited with a bank. Suppose a cheque is deposited in a bank
in Chicago drawn on a bank in Newark, N. J. The Chicago bank
is, in the first instance, the agent for collecting it. The bank
would send the cheque to another in New York, which would be
its subagent, and that bank in turn would send it to a third bank
in Newark, which would be a subagent of the New York bank.
Thus there would be two subagents, besides the agent, employed
in collecting the cheque.
There is an important question relating to the liability of one of
these agents or subagents in the event of the negligent
powers are, for the principal will not be bound beyond these.
Such an inquiry, therefore, must be made. He must ask the agent
to show the authority under which he is appointed, or in some
way clearly convince the other what his powers are before any
business can be safely done.
The authority of a special agent is often stated in writing, and the
paper is called a power of attorney. In selling land an agent
should always have such a power, because a good title to land
can only be given in writing, and this power of attorney should
be copied in the records kept for this purpose with the deed itself
to show by what authority the agent acted in selling the land.
Every now and then when a person buys a piece of land and
examines the title to find out whether it is perfect or not, he
discovers that somewhere in the chain of title a deed was made
by the agent of the seller instead of the seller himself, and the
buyer had forgotten to put the power of attorney on record with
his deed. The omission to do this is often serious. It is in truth
just as important for an agent to have a proper power of attorney
in such a case as to give a proper deed for his principal, and the
one paper should be recorded quite as much as the other, as both
are parts of the same story.
Sometimes an agent appoints a subagent. This may be orally or
in writing. A good illustration is that of the collection of a cheque
deposited with a bank. Suppose a cheque is deposited in a bank
in Chicago drawn on a bank in Newark, N. J. The Chicago bank
is, in the first instance, the agent for collecting it. The bank
would send the cheque to another in New York, which would be
its subagent, and that bank in turn would send it to a third bank
in Newark, which would be a subagent of the New York bank.
Thus there would be two subagents, besides the agent, employed
in collecting the cheque.
There is an important question relating to the liability of one of
these agents or subagents in the event of the negligent
Page 331
performance of the duty; which is responsible? Generally, it is
said, if the general agent appoints a subagent he is nevertheless
responsible for his act. Suppose a street contractor employs a
subagent to repair a street and he digs a hole and improperly
guards it and some one falls into the place and is injured, can the
person thus injured look to the contractor or to the subcontractor
for compensation for his injury? The contractor is liable in such
cases. It may be added, however, that although he is liable to the
person injured, he may be able to recover of the subcontractor or
subagent. But this rule does not apply to the banks in every State.
In some of them the first bank in which the cheque was
deposited is liable for the negligence of others that may be
afterward employed in collecting it, and this rule prevails in the
federal courts. In a larger number of States the first bank fully
performs its duty in selecting a proper or reputable agent, and in
sending the cheque to it for collection. Should the second or
subagent be neglectful, the depositor of the cheque could compel
that agent, and not the first, to make its loss good.
XIV. THE LAW RELATING TO BANK CHEQUES
A cheque has come to be one of the most common of all
writings. Almost everybody receives more or less of them. There
are some principles that ought to be understood by every holder
or receiver of a cheque which, we fear, are not as well known as
they should be.
First of all, a person ought to present his cheque for payment
soon after receiving it. Some people are quite negligent in this
matter and carry cheques around in their pocket-books for
several days before presenting them for payment. It may not be
convenient to take them to a bank, and so they are carried
around; perhaps their owners forget they have them. They ought
not to do so, for the reason that the maker of a cheque really says
said, if the general agent appoints a subagent he is nevertheless
responsible for his act. Suppose a street contractor employs a
subagent to repair a street and he digs a hole and improperly
guards it and some one falls into the place and is injured, can the
person thus injured look to the contractor or to the subcontractor
for compensation for his injury? The contractor is liable in such
cases. It may be added, however, that although he is liable to the
person injured, he may be able to recover of the subcontractor or
subagent. But this rule does not apply to the banks in every State.
In some of them the first bank in which the cheque was
deposited is liable for the negligence of others that may be
afterward employed in collecting it, and this rule prevails in the
federal courts. In a larger number of States the first bank fully
performs its duty in selecting a proper or reputable agent, and in
sending the cheque to it for collection. Should the second or
subagent be neglectful, the depositor of the cheque could compel
that agent, and not the first, to make its loss good.
XIV. THE LAW RELATING TO BANK CHEQUES
A cheque has come to be one of the most common of all
writings. Almost everybody receives more or less of them. There
are some principles that ought to be understood by every holder
or receiver of a cheque which, we fear, are not as well known as
they should be.
First of all, a person ought to present his cheque for payment
soon after receiving it. Some people are quite negligent in this
matter and carry cheques around in their pocket-books for
several days before presenting them for payment. It may not be
convenient to take them to a bank, and so they are carried
around; perhaps their owners forget they have them. They ought
not to do so, for the reason that the maker of a cheque really says
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to the holder: "This is an order that I give to you on my bank for
the money mentioned. If you go at once you can get payment,
but I do not promise to keep it there always for you—only for a
short time." Now if a person is willing to accept a cheque at all,
he ought to present it within the time the holder intended, and if
he does not and the bank fails, the loss falls on the holder and not
on the maker.
What time does the law fix for presenting cheques for payment?
The rule everywhere is that the holder must present a cheque
received by him, if drawn on a bank in the place where he lives,
on the day of receiving it or on the next day. If the cheque is
drawn on a bank at a distance, out of town, then he should send it
to that bank, either directly or by leaving it with another bank for
that purpose, on the same day as he received it or the next day. In
other words, he must take steps to collect the cheque either on
the day of receiving it or the following one.
A friend of mine gave a cheque to a merchant in payment of a
small bill. Both lived in the same town, where the bank on which
the cheque was drawn was also located. About a week afterward
the bank failed and the merchant wrote to him, stating the
unwelcome fact and that the cheque had not been collected and
desired him to send another. I asked my friend if he complied
with the request, and he said: "Certainly." I told him that he
ought not to have done so, for he was under no obligation either
in law or morals to do such a thing. Had he known the above rule
he would not have sent the second cheque, for it was pure
negligence on the part of the merchant in not presenting it—in
fact, on the same day it was received.
A person may, of course, hold a cheque for a much longer period
than the time above mentioned and present it and receive
payment, but the point that we are trying to make clear is that the
risk of holding it during this period is the holder's and not the
risk of the maker of the cheque. I suppose the merchant in the
above case had, perhaps, lost the cheque. Every now and then
the money mentioned. If you go at once you can get payment,
but I do not promise to keep it there always for you—only for a
short time." Now if a person is willing to accept a cheque at all,
he ought to present it within the time the holder intended, and if
he does not and the bank fails, the loss falls on the holder and not
on the maker.
What time does the law fix for presenting cheques for payment?
The rule everywhere is that the holder must present a cheque
received by him, if drawn on a bank in the place where he lives,
on the day of receiving it or on the next day. If the cheque is
drawn on a bank at a distance, out of town, then he should send it
to that bank, either directly or by leaving it with another bank for
that purpose, on the same day as he received it or the next day. In
other words, he must take steps to collect the cheque either on
the day of receiving it or the following one.
A friend of mine gave a cheque to a merchant in payment of a
small bill. Both lived in the same town, where the bank on which
the cheque was drawn was also located. About a week afterward
the bank failed and the merchant wrote to him, stating the
unwelcome fact and that the cheque had not been collected and
desired him to send another. I asked my friend if he complied
with the request, and he said: "Certainly." I told him that he
ought not to have done so, for he was under no obligation either
in law or morals to do such a thing. Had he known the above rule
he would not have sent the second cheque, for it was pure
negligence on the part of the merchant in not presenting it—in
fact, on the same day it was received.
A person may, of course, hold a cheque for a much longer period
than the time above mentioned and present it and receive
payment, but the point that we are trying to make clear is that the
risk of holding it during this period is the holder's and not the
risk of the maker of the cheque. I suppose the merchant in the
above case had, perhaps, lost the cheque. Every now and then
Page 333
one is mislaid and, consequently, is not presented for payment
when it should be, but the maker ought not to suffer for the
negligence of the receiver of his cheque. The rule of law that we
have given is founded on justice, and if the receiver is negligent
in not presenting it as he should, the holder ought not to suffer.
It is the duty of a bank to pay a cheque just as it is drawn, and if
it makes any mistakes it must suffer. The reason for this rule is
that the maker does not expect to see his cheque again after it
leaves his hand, and when he puts his money in a bank for safe-
keeping the bank virtually says to him that it will pay only on his
order just as he has written. It will guard his interests carefully
and pay no forged cheques or cheques that have been altered in
dates or amounts, to his injury. Now, it is quite a common thing
for cheques to be forged, and still more common for them to be
raised. A scoundrel gets a cheque that is genuine, ordering a bank
to pay $18, and changes it to $1800. He presents it for payment
and it is paid. By and by the depositor finds out that he has not as
much money in the bank as he supposed he had there. What has
happened? Some one has altered one of his cheques and drawn
out too much. He goes to the bank and makes inquiry, learns that
this is so, and then demands that it shall make the amount good
to him. Usually a bank is obliged to pay.
There is one limit to this rule. A man making a cheque must be
careful to write it in such a way that changes or alterations
cannot easily be made. If he is careless, leaving ample space so
that changes can be made in the amount, then he will be
considered negligent, and a bank would not be obliged to make
good his loss. If, on the other hand, he is careful in drawing his
cheques then a bank's duty to protect him is plain, and it is liable
in the event of neglecting to do so.
A few years ago a man drew a cheque for $250, dated it three
days ahead, and left it with his clerk, directing him to draw the
money on the day written in the cheque and pay the men who
worked for him, and went away. The clerk thought that he would
when it should be, but the maker ought not to suffer for the
negligence of the receiver of his cheque. The rule of law that we
have given is founded on justice, and if the receiver is negligent
in not presenting it as he should, the holder ought not to suffer.
It is the duty of a bank to pay a cheque just as it is drawn, and if
it makes any mistakes it must suffer. The reason for this rule is
that the maker does not expect to see his cheque again after it
leaves his hand, and when he puts his money in a bank for safe-
keeping the bank virtually says to him that it will pay only on his
order just as he has written. It will guard his interests carefully
and pay no forged cheques or cheques that have been altered in
dates or amounts, to his injury. Now, it is quite a common thing
for cheques to be forged, and still more common for them to be
raised. A scoundrel gets a cheque that is genuine, ordering a bank
to pay $18, and changes it to $1800. He presents it for payment
and it is paid. By and by the depositor finds out that he has not as
much money in the bank as he supposed he had there. What has
happened? Some one has altered one of his cheques and drawn
out too much. He goes to the bank and makes inquiry, learns that
this is so, and then demands that it shall make the amount good
to him. Usually a bank is obliged to pay.
There is one limit to this rule. A man making a cheque must be
careful to write it in such a way that changes or alterations
cannot easily be made. If he is careless, leaving ample space so
that changes can be made in the amount, then he will be
considered negligent, and a bank would not be obliged to make
good his loss. If, on the other hand, he is careful in drawing his
cheques then a bank's duty to protect him is plain, and it is liable
in the event of neglecting to do so.
A few years ago a man drew a cheque for $250, dated it three
days ahead, and left it with his clerk, directing him to draw the
money on the day written in the cheque and pay the men who
worked for him, and went away. The clerk thought that he would
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like to keep that money himself and take a little journey also, so
he changed the date to one day earlier, went into the bank on that
day and drew the money, and started for the Klondike or some
other place. The maker of the cheque soon found out what had
happened and demanded of the bank to make the amount good.
The bank said to him: "Suppose the clerk had waited one day
longer and then drawn the money, you would have been the loser
just the same." The man admitted all this, but replied,
nevertheless, that he had not changed the date; that the bank
ought to have seen the alteration before paying, and as it did not
it was negligent in that regard, and the bank was obliged to lose.
When a person takes a cheque he naturally supposes that the
bank on which it is drawn owes the money to him because he
can truly demand it. Suppose a bank refuses to pay, can the
holder then sue the bank for money? In six States—Illinois,
South Carolina, Missouri, Kentucky, Colorado, and Texas—the
holder of such a cheque can sue the bank and get his money. The
courts in those States say that a cheque is an assignment or
transfer of the amount of money stated to the holder of the
cheque from the time that the cheque was given him. The law in
all of the other States is otherwise, and a bank for a good reason
can decline to pay a cheque, and, in any event, the holder cannot
sue the bank for the amount. If it will not pay he must look to the
maker and not the bank for payment. Of course, a cheque must
always be drawn against a deposit, and it is a fraud on the part
of a person to draw a cheque on a bank when he has no money
there. Sometimes mistakes are made by banks in their
bookkeeping, and they think they have not the money to pay
when in truth they have. In such cases they sometimes decline to
pay, but even if they had the money the law says that there is no
contract between the holder of a cheque and the bank on which it
is drawn, and therefore the holder cannot sue it should it refuse
to pay. This rule, however, is rather losing ground and the other
is coming into more general favour—that a cheque does operate
to transfer the money of the maker to the holder and,
consequently, that he has a right to sue the bank for the money.
he changed the date to one day earlier, went into the bank on that
day and drew the money, and started for the Klondike or some
other place. The maker of the cheque soon found out what had
happened and demanded of the bank to make the amount good.
The bank said to him: "Suppose the clerk had waited one day
longer and then drawn the money, you would have been the loser
just the same." The man admitted all this, but replied,
nevertheless, that he had not changed the date; that the bank
ought to have seen the alteration before paying, and as it did not
it was negligent in that regard, and the bank was obliged to lose.
When a person takes a cheque he naturally supposes that the
bank on which it is drawn owes the money to him because he
can truly demand it. Suppose a bank refuses to pay, can the
holder then sue the bank for money? In six States—Illinois,
South Carolina, Missouri, Kentucky, Colorado, and Texas—the
holder of such a cheque can sue the bank and get his money. The
courts in those States say that a cheque is an assignment or
transfer of the amount of money stated to the holder of the
cheque from the time that the cheque was given him. The law in
all of the other States is otherwise, and a bank for a good reason
can decline to pay a cheque, and, in any event, the holder cannot
sue the bank for the amount. If it will not pay he must look to the
maker and not the bank for payment. Of course, a cheque must
always be drawn against a deposit, and it is a fraud on the part
of a person to draw a cheque on a bank when he has no money
there. Sometimes mistakes are made by banks in their
bookkeeping, and they think they have not the money to pay
when in truth they have. In such cases they sometimes decline to
pay, but even if they had the money the law says that there is no
contract between the holder of a cheque and the bank on which it
is drawn, and therefore the holder cannot sue it should it refuse
to pay. This rule, however, is rather losing ground and the other
is coming into more general favour—that a cheque does operate
to transfer the money of the maker to the holder and,
consequently, that he has a right to sue the bank for the money.
Page 335
Cheques are made payable either to bearer or order. If a cheque
is made payable to bearer it can be transferred from one person
to another simply by handing it to him—by delivery; but if a
cheque is made payable to order, then the person who receives it,
if wishing to transfer it to some one else, must write his name on
the back. If he writes his name on the back it is called a blank
indorsement, and this form is often used in transferring cheques.
If, however, a person intends to send a cheque through the mail
he should never write it payable to bearer, but always payable to
the order of a particular person, so as to require his name to be
written thereon in order to make a good transfer. This is a much
safer way of sending cheques than simply by making them
payable to bearer.
XV. THE LAW RELATING TO LEASES
A lease is an agreement, and, as every one knows, usually
relates to the hiring of lands and houses. If the agreement is to be
for a longer period than one year it should be in writing, for if it
be not either party can avoid it, not morally but in law. The
statute of frauds, which has been explained, would shield either
party in not carrying out such an agreement if it were not in
writing if by its terms it was to last for a longer period than one
year.
There is another very important reason for putting such an
agreement in writing. Much of the law relating to the two parties,
landlord and tenant, is one-sided and in favour of the landlord.
Our law on that subject is based on the English law. It was
imported in the early colonial days, and, though it has been
greatly changed by statute and by decisions of the courts, it is
still very one-sided, as we shall see before finishing this paper.
For this reason, especially, all leases relating to houses and stores
or other buildings, even for a short period, should be in writing,
is made payable to bearer it can be transferred from one person
to another simply by handing it to him—by delivery; but if a
cheque is made payable to order, then the person who receives it,
if wishing to transfer it to some one else, must write his name on
the back. If he writes his name on the back it is called a blank
indorsement, and this form is often used in transferring cheques.
If, however, a person intends to send a cheque through the mail
he should never write it payable to bearer, but always payable to
the order of a particular person, so as to require his name to be
written thereon in order to make a good transfer. This is a much
safer way of sending cheques than simply by making them
payable to bearer.
XV. THE LAW RELATING TO LEASES
A lease is an agreement, and, as every one knows, usually
relates to the hiring of lands and houses. If the agreement is to be
for a longer period than one year it should be in writing, for if it
be not either party can avoid it, not morally but in law. The
statute of frauds, which has been explained, would shield either
party in not carrying out such an agreement if it were not in
writing if by its terms it was to last for a longer period than one
year.
There is another very important reason for putting such an
agreement in writing. Much of the law relating to the two parties,
landlord and tenant, is one-sided and in favour of the landlord.
Our law on that subject is based on the English law. It was
imported in the early colonial days, and, though it has been
greatly changed by statute and by decisions of the courts, it is
still very one-sided, as we shall see before finishing this paper.
For this reason, especially, all leases relating to houses and stores
or other buildings, even for a short period, should be in writing,
Page 336
with the rights and duties of both parties fully stated, so that both
may clearly know what to do and to expect.
Unless something is said in the lease concerning repairs the
landlord is not obliged to make any. This statement shows at
once the need of having a written lease. If the house is out of
order—the locks, blinds, doors, and windows are not in good
order—the tenant cannot claim anything of the landlord or
require him to put them in good condition. Even if a house
should become unfit for habitation in consequence of fire, or is
blown down, or is flooded with water, the landlord is not bound
to do anything unless he has stated that he will in his lease.
A fire broke out not long since in a large warehouse and burned
it so completely as to render it wholly unfit for use; indeed, all
the merchandise in it was wholly consumed. Nevertheless, when
the lease expired and the tenants refused to pay as they had
agreed to do, the landlord brought a legal proceeding against
them to compel them to pay during the entire period, as though
they had been staying there and selling goods and making
money, and they were compelled to pay. This is the common law
on the subject, and every tenant is bound to pay in such cases
unless he has clearly stated in his lease that he is not to be holden
in the event of the destruction of the building by fire, flood,
lightning, or other cause.
Furthermore, it may be added that leases nowadays are often
furnished with blank spaces to be filled up with names, the
amounts to be paid, times of payment, etc., and persons often
sign them without even reading them. They should not do this.
They should be careful to read them over two or three times or
more, until they fully understand them and are sure of their
nature before signing or executing them. People are still more
negligent in taking out insurance policies without reading them.
They are very long and parts of them are printed in fine type and,
perhaps, are quite difficult, especially for old eyes, to read. In
truth some of the most important parts are put in the finest print
may clearly know what to do and to expect.
Unless something is said in the lease concerning repairs the
landlord is not obliged to make any. This statement shows at
once the need of having a written lease. If the house is out of
order—the locks, blinds, doors, and windows are not in good
order—the tenant cannot claim anything of the landlord or
require him to put them in good condition. Even if a house
should become unfit for habitation in consequence of fire, or is
blown down, or is flooded with water, the landlord is not bound
to do anything unless he has stated that he will in his lease.
A fire broke out not long since in a large warehouse and burned
it so completely as to render it wholly unfit for use; indeed, all
the merchandise in it was wholly consumed. Nevertheless, when
the lease expired and the tenants refused to pay as they had
agreed to do, the landlord brought a legal proceeding against
them to compel them to pay during the entire period, as though
they had been staying there and selling goods and making
money, and they were compelled to pay. This is the common law
on the subject, and every tenant is bound to pay in such cases
unless he has clearly stated in his lease that he is not to be holden
in the event of the destruction of the building by fire, flood,
lightning, or other cause.
Furthermore, it may be added that leases nowadays are often
furnished with blank spaces to be filled up with names, the
amounts to be paid, times of payment, etc., and persons often
sign them without even reading them. They should not do this.
They should be careful to read them over two or three times or
more, until they fully understand them and are sure of their
nature before signing or executing them. People are still more
negligent in taking out insurance policies without reading them.
They are very long and parts of them are printed in fine type and,
perhaps, are quite difficult, especially for old eyes, to read. In
truth some of the most important parts are put in the finest print
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—some of the exceptions against loss and other matters, which,
we are quite sure, if a person when taking out a policy should
read over and understand he would insist on having changed.
If a house becomes unfit for living therein by its own fault—for
example, if it is overrun with rats, or becomes so decayed that
the weather invades and is thereby rendered unfit—the tenant, so
the law says, has indeed the privilege of quitting, if he did not
know these things at the time of entering; but if he did, he would
be required to live there, however much he might dislike the
company of rats or the presence of the snow or rain, and also to
pay his rent; or, if quitting for that reason, he would still be
responsible for the rent as he would if living in the house. An
eminent legal writer has stated the principle in this way: The
tenant can leave if the defect was not known or anticipated by
him, or known or anticipated if he had made a reasonable
investigation or inquiry before he took the lease.
A tenant is not required to make general repairs without an
agreement, but he must make those that are necessary to preserve
the house from injury by rain and wind. If the shingles are blown
off or panes of glass are broken others must be put in their
places; and it is said that he would be bound even for ornamental
repairs, like paper and painting, if he made an agreement to
return the house in good order.
A tenant of a farm must manage and cultivate it by the same
rules of husbandry as are practised in his vicinity, and if his lease
ends by any event that is uncertain and could neither have been
foreseen nor foretold, he is entitled to the annual crop sowed or
planted by him while he was in possession.
As we have stated, if the house is wholly destroyed the tenant
must still pay the rent, for the reason, which to many may seem
absurd, that the law regards the land as the principal thing and
the house as secondary. It is true that a man, in the event of his
house burning down, might pitch a tent on the ground and live
there, but it would be a decidedly chilly way of living, especially
we are quite sure, if a person when taking out a policy should
read over and understand he would insist on having changed.
If a house becomes unfit for living therein by its own fault—for
example, if it is overrun with rats, or becomes so decayed that
the weather invades and is thereby rendered unfit—the tenant, so
the law says, has indeed the privilege of quitting, if he did not
know these things at the time of entering; but if he did, he would
be required to live there, however much he might dislike the
company of rats or the presence of the snow or rain, and also to
pay his rent; or, if quitting for that reason, he would still be
responsible for the rent as he would if living in the house. An
eminent legal writer has stated the principle in this way: The
tenant can leave if the defect was not known or anticipated by
him, or known or anticipated if he had made a reasonable
investigation or inquiry before he took the lease.
A tenant is not required to make general repairs without an
agreement, but he must make those that are necessary to preserve
the house from injury by rain and wind. If the shingles are blown
off or panes of glass are broken others must be put in their
places; and it is said that he would be bound even for ornamental
repairs, like paper and painting, if he made an agreement to
return the house in good order.
A tenant of a farm must manage and cultivate it by the same
rules of husbandry as are practised in his vicinity, and if his lease
ends by any event that is uncertain and could neither have been
foreseen nor foretold, he is entitled to the annual crop sowed or
planted by him while he was in possession.
As we have stated, if the house is wholly destroyed the tenant
must still pay the rent, for the reason, which to many may seem
absurd, that the law regards the land as the principal thing and
the house as secondary. It is true that a man, in the event of his
house burning down, might pitch a tent on the ground and live
there, but it would be a decidedly chilly way of living, especially
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in the winter-time, in the northern part of our country. If a tenant
should agree to return and deliver the house at the end of the
term in good order and condition, reasonable wear and tear only
excepted, he would be obliged to rebuild the house if it burned
down. Once more, we ask, in view of these things, ought he not
to make a written lease and well understand its terms before
signing it?
The times for paying rent are usually specified in the lease, if
one is made. When they are not the tenant is governed by the
usage of the country or place where he lives.
When nothing is said about underletting the whole or a part to
some one else the tenant has a right to do this, but remains bound
to the landlord for his rent. Generally when written leases are
made there is a clause stating that the tenant cannot underlet any
portion or all without the landlord's consent.
A tenant is not responsible for taxes unless it is expressly agreed
that he shall pay them.
If a lease be for a fixed time the tenant loses all right or interest
in the land as soon as the lease comes to an end, and he must
leave then or the landlord may turn him out at once, or, in other
language, eject him. If, however, he stays there longer with the
consent of the landlord he is then called a tenant at will and
cannot be turned out by the landlord without giving a notice to
him to quit. The statutes of the several States have fixed the
length of time that a notice must be given by the landlord to his
tenant before he can turn him out. In many States a notice of
thirty days must be given; sometimes sixty days' notice is
required, or even longer.
It is an important question what things a tenant may take away
with him at the expiration of his lease. Of course, there is no
question whatever with respect to many things. Besides his wife
and children he may take all his furniture and other movable
property. But there are many things fixed to the house by the
should agree to return and deliver the house at the end of the
term in good order and condition, reasonable wear and tear only
excepted, he would be obliged to rebuild the house if it burned
down. Once more, we ask, in view of these things, ought he not
to make a written lease and well understand its terms before
signing it?
The times for paying rent are usually specified in the lease, if
one is made. When they are not the tenant is governed by the
usage of the country or place where he lives.
When nothing is said about underletting the whole or a part to
some one else the tenant has a right to do this, but remains bound
to the landlord for his rent. Generally when written leases are
made there is a clause stating that the tenant cannot underlet any
portion or all without the landlord's consent.
A tenant is not responsible for taxes unless it is expressly agreed
that he shall pay them.
If a lease be for a fixed time the tenant loses all right or interest
in the land as soon as the lease comes to an end, and he must
leave then or the landlord may turn him out at once, or, in other
language, eject him. If, however, he stays there longer with the
consent of the landlord he is then called a tenant at will and
cannot be turned out by the landlord without giving a notice to
him to quit. The statutes of the several States have fixed the
length of time that a notice must be given by the landlord to his
tenant before he can turn him out. In many States a notice of
thirty days must be given; sometimes sixty days' notice is
required, or even longer.
It is an important question what things a tenant may take away
with him at the expiration of his lease. Of course, there is no
question whatever with respect to many things. Besides his wife
and children he may take all his furniture and other movable
property. But there are many things fixed to the house by the
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tenant that he desires to remove if he has the right to do so, and
many questions have been asked and decided by the courts
relating to this subject. The method of fastening them to the
house is the test usually applied to determine whether they can
be taken away or not. If they are fastened by screws in such a
way as to show that the tenant intended to take them away, he
can do so, otherwise he cannot.
In modern times the rule has been changed in favour of the
tenant, and whatever he can remove without injuring the house,
leaving it in as good condition as it would otherwise be, he can
take away; for example, ornamental chimney-pieces, coffee-
mills, cornices that are furnished with screws, furnaces, stoves,
looking-glasses, pumps, gates, fence rails, barns or stables on
blocks, etc. On the other hand, a barn placed on the ground
cannot be removed, nor benches fastened to the house, nor trees,
plants, and hedges not belonging to a gardener by trade, nor
locks and keys. Of course, all these things may be changed by
the written lease, and it should be clearly stated what things may
be removed concerning which any doubt may arise. We have
heard of a case in which a tenant put a pier-glass into a house,
fastening it by means of cement. He asked and was given the
landlord's permission to do this at the time of putting it in, but
when the lease ended the landlord would not allow him to take it
out, and an appeal was made to a court, which decided in favour
of the landlord. Doubtless this decision is correct. If the glass
could have been taken away without injuring the wall then it
belonged to the tenant. This shows the need of putting such
matters in writing; otherwise the tenant will suffer unless the
landlord be a man of the highest integrity.
XVI. LIABILITY OF EMPLOYER TO EMPLOYÉS
many questions have been asked and decided by the courts
relating to this subject. The method of fastening them to the
house is the test usually applied to determine whether they can
be taken away or not. If they are fastened by screws in such a
way as to show that the tenant intended to take them away, he
can do so, otherwise he cannot.
In modern times the rule has been changed in favour of the
tenant, and whatever he can remove without injuring the house,
leaving it in as good condition as it would otherwise be, he can
take away; for example, ornamental chimney-pieces, coffee-
mills, cornices that are furnished with screws, furnaces, stoves,
looking-glasses, pumps, gates, fence rails, barns or stables on
blocks, etc. On the other hand, a barn placed on the ground
cannot be removed, nor benches fastened to the house, nor trees,
plants, and hedges not belonging to a gardener by trade, nor
locks and keys. Of course, all these things may be changed by
the written lease, and it should be clearly stated what things may
be removed concerning which any doubt may arise. We have
heard of a case in which a tenant put a pier-glass into a house,
fastening it by means of cement. He asked and was given the
landlord's permission to do this at the time of putting it in, but
when the lease ended the landlord would not allow him to take it
out, and an appeal was made to a court, which decided in favour
of the landlord. Doubtless this decision is correct. If the glass
could have been taken away without injuring the wall then it
belonged to the tenant. This shows the need of putting such
matters in writing; otherwise the tenant will suffer unless the
landlord be a man of the highest integrity.
XVI. LIABILITY OF EMPLOYER TO EMPLOYÉS
Page 340
Persons who are employed in mills, in erecting buildings, by
railroad companies, and others, are frequently injured while
pursuing their employment, and the question has often arisen
whether the employer was liable for the injury thus suffered by
them. The more important of these questions we propose to
answer in this and the following lecture, as they are matters of
every-day importance to many people.
First of all, an employé to recover anything for the loss that may
have happened must show that in some way his employer was
negligent. He cannot get something simply because he has been
injured. The law in no country has ever said that he could. In all
cases he must show that his employer failed in his duty in some
way toward him to lay the foundation of an action against him.
This is the first principle to keep clearly in mind.
Again, it is said that an employé cannot recover if the injury has
happened to him in consequence of the negligence of a fellow-
servant. By this is meant a person engaged in the same common
employment. It is not always easy to determine whether two
persons employed by the same company are fellow-servants, as
we shall soon see, but the principle of law is plain enough that in
all cases where they are thus acting as fellow-servants they
cannot recover for any injury. The law says this is one of the
risks that a person takes when he enters the service of another.
Suppose a person is at work mining coal and is injured by
another person working by his side through his negligence.
However severely injured he may be he cannot get anything,
because the person through whose negligence he has been
injured is a fellow-workman.
But many employés may have the same common employer and
yet not be fellow-servants. For example, a brakeman would be a
fellow-servant with the conductor and engineer and other
persons running on the same train or on other trains belonging to
the same company, but he would not be a fellow-servant working
railroad companies, and others, are frequently injured while
pursuing their employment, and the question has often arisen
whether the employer was liable for the injury thus suffered by
them. The more important of these questions we propose to
answer in this and the following lecture, as they are matters of
every-day importance to many people.
First of all, an employé to recover anything for the loss that may
have happened must show that in some way his employer was
negligent. He cannot get something simply because he has been
injured. The law in no country has ever said that he could. In all
cases he must show that his employer failed in his duty in some
way toward him to lay the foundation of an action against him.
This is the first principle to keep clearly in mind.
Again, it is said that an employé cannot recover if the injury has
happened to him in consequence of the negligence of a fellow-
servant. By this is meant a person engaged in the same common
employment. It is not always easy to determine whether two
persons employed by the same company are fellow-servants, as
we shall soon see, but the principle of law is plain enough that in
all cases where they are thus acting as fellow-servants they
cannot recover for any injury. The law says this is one of the
risks that a person takes when he enters the service of another.
Suppose a person is at work mining coal and is injured by
another person working by his side through his negligence.
However severely injured he may be he cannot get anything,
because the person through whose negligence he has been
injured is a fellow-workman.
But many employés may have the same common employer and
yet not be fellow-servants. For example, a brakeman would be a
fellow-servant with the conductor and engineer and other
persons running on the same train or on other trains belonging to
the same company, but he would not be a fellow-servant working
Page 341
in the same line of employment with those who are engaged in
the repair-shop of the company.
This statement is quite sufficient to show the difficulty there is
sometimes in deciding whether a person is a fellow-servant or
not. If a person is injured through the negligence of another
employed by the same company who is not a fellow-servant,
then he can recover if there are no other difficulties in the way,
otherwise he cannot. It does not follow that fellow-servants are
of the same grade or rank; the test is whether they are acting in
the same line of employment. The brakeman's position is not so
high as that of the engineer or conductor, yet all three are acting
in the same line of employment, and if any one of them was
injured by another in that part of the service the employer would
not be liable.
In a very large number of cases, therefore, employers are not
liable for accidents happening to their employés, because they
are injured through the negligence of other employés engaged in
the same line or subdivision of the common service. Perhaps
employers escape more frequently on this ground than on any
other from paying anything for losses.
Yet there is another ground on which they often escape paying
anything. An employé is supposed when making his contract
with his employer to take on himself all the ordinary risks arising
from his employment. These in many cases are very numerous.
He does not assume extraordinary risks, but he does assume all
ordinary risks that are likely to happen to him. Employés are
injured every day and yet can recover nothing, because their
injury is simply a common one, the risk of which they have
assumed.
Would it not be possible to make an employer liable for them
all? Undoubtedly an employé could make a contract of this kind
if he wished and his employer was willing to do so, but if they
did the employer would be unwilling to pay as high wages. The
greater the risk assumed by the employé the larger is the
the repair-shop of the company.
This statement is quite sufficient to show the difficulty there is
sometimes in deciding whether a person is a fellow-servant or
not. If a person is injured through the negligence of another
employed by the same company who is not a fellow-servant,
then he can recover if there are no other difficulties in the way,
otherwise he cannot. It does not follow that fellow-servants are
of the same grade or rank; the test is whether they are acting in
the same line of employment. The brakeman's position is not so
high as that of the engineer or conductor, yet all three are acting
in the same line of employment, and if any one of them was
injured by another in that part of the service the employer would
not be liable.
In a very large number of cases, therefore, employers are not
liable for accidents happening to their employés, because they
are injured through the negligence of other employés engaged in
the same line or subdivision of the common service. Perhaps
employers escape more frequently on this ground than on any
other from paying anything for losses.
Yet there is another ground on which they often escape paying
anything. An employé is supposed when making his contract
with his employer to take on himself all the ordinary risks arising
from his employment. These in many cases are very numerous.
He does not assume extraordinary risks, but he does assume all
ordinary risks that are likely to happen to him. Employés are
injured every day and yet can recover nothing, because their
injury is simply a common one, the risk of which they have
assumed.
Would it not be possible to make an employer liable for them
all? Undoubtedly an employé could make a contract of this kind
if he wished and his employer was willing to do so, but if they
did the employer would be unwilling to pay as high wages. The
greater the risk assumed by the employé the larger is the
Page 342
compensation paid; the one thing is graded by the other. It was
stated when considering the rights and duties of common carriers
that they have been lessening their liabilities; on the other hand,
they are carrying for smaller prices than they once did. Doubtless
a carrier would be willing to assume more risks—every kind of
risk, in short—if he were paid enough for it, but shippers
ordinarily are willing to assume many risks for the sake of the
lower rates and insure their risks in insurance companies. Just so
the working-men prefer higher wages and assume many risks of
their employment. There is nothing unfair in this. For example,
the persons who are engaged in making white lead run an
unusual risk in pursuing their employment. It is said nowadays
that if they use the utmost care in protecting themselves from
inhaling the fumes that arise in some stages of this process, they
can live quite as long as other people. But unless they do
exercise every precaution their system finally becomes charged
with the poison that arises from this process and their lives are
shortened. They well understand this before beginning the work;
they are told of the risks and are paid high wages. If, therefore,
they undertake such employment, well knowing the risks, they
have no right to complain if their health after a time suffers. No
fraud has been practised on them, and we do not know that they
do complain if they suffer any ill effects from their work.
stated when considering the rights and duties of common carriers
that they have been lessening their liabilities; on the other hand,
they are carrying for smaller prices than they once did. Doubtless
a carrier would be willing to assume more risks—every kind of
risk, in short—if he were paid enough for it, but shippers
ordinarily are willing to assume many risks for the sake of the
lower rates and insure their risks in insurance companies. Just so
the working-men prefer higher wages and assume many risks of
their employment. There is nothing unfair in this. For example,
the persons who are engaged in making white lead run an
unusual risk in pursuing their employment. It is said nowadays
that if they use the utmost care in protecting themselves from
inhaling the fumes that arise in some stages of this process, they
can live quite as long as other people. But unless they do
exercise every precaution their system finally becomes charged
with the poison that arises from this process and their lives are
shortened. They well understand this before beginning the work;
they are told of the risks and are paid high wages. If, therefore,
they undertake such employment, well knowing the risks, they
have no right to complain if their health after a time suffers. No
fraud has been practised on them, and we do not know that they
do complain if they suffer any ill effects from their work.
Page 343
XVII. LIABILITY OF EMPLOYERS TO
EMPLOYÉS (Continued)
In our last lecture we stated some of the principles relating to the
liabilities of employers to their employés; in this lesson the
subject will be continued. An employer is bound to use some
care or precaution, and if he does not will be responsible for his
neglect. One of these is he must employ persons who are fit for
the work they are set to do. If an employer in mining should put
a man to work by the side of another to mine coal who he knew
was not a skilful workman, and, in consequence of this unskilful
workman's unskilfulness, other miners were injured, he would be
responsible for hiring such a man. Every one will see the justice
of this rule.
The employer must also give proper instructions to the person
employed whenever he does not understand his duties. If a
person is employed to run a laundry machine who does not
understand how to work it, and other employés are injured
through his ignorance, the employer would be liable. He must,
therefore, tell such a person what to do; he has no right to hazard
the lives of others by putting any one who has no knowledge of a
machine to work without instructing him properly. Again, if a
person pretends to be capable, and the employer, believing him,
engages him, and it is soon found out that he is not, then it is the
duty of the employer either to dismiss him or to give him proper
instructions. The rule, however, on this subject is not the same
everywhere. It is sometimes said that if an employé continues to
work by the side of another after knowing that this other is
incompetent, it is his duty to give notice to the employer, and if
the employer continues to employ him, to quit. If he does not he
assumes the greater risk arising from his knowledge of the
incompetency of the other.
EMPLOYÉS (Continued)
In our last lecture we stated some of the principles relating to the
liabilities of employers to their employés; in this lesson the
subject will be continued. An employer is bound to use some
care or precaution, and if he does not will be responsible for his
neglect. One of these is he must employ persons who are fit for
the work they are set to do. If an employer in mining should put
a man to work by the side of another to mine coal who he knew
was not a skilful workman, and, in consequence of this unskilful
workman's unskilfulness, other miners were injured, he would be
responsible for hiring such a man. Every one will see the justice
of this rule.
The employer must also give proper instructions to the person
employed whenever he does not understand his duties. If a
person is employed to run a laundry machine who does not
understand how to work it, and other employés are injured
through his ignorance, the employer would be liable. He must,
therefore, tell such a person what to do; he has no right to hazard
the lives of others by putting any one who has no knowledge of a
machine to work without instructing him properly. Again, if a
person pretends to be capable, and the employer, believing him,
engages him, and it is soon found out that he is not, then it is the
duty of the employer either to dismiss him or to give him proper
instructions. The rule, however, on this subject is not the same
everywhere. It is sometimes said that if an employé continues to
work by the side of another after knowing that this other is
incompetent, it is his duty to give notice to the employer, and if
the employer continues to employ him, to quit. If he does not he
assumes the greater risk arising from his knowledge of the
incompetency of the other.
Page 344
It is the duty of the employer to furnish proper appliances for his
workmen. He must furnish proper tools and machinery and safe
scaffolding, and in every respect must show a reasonable degree
of care in all these particulars. But the courts say that he is not
obliged to exercise the utmost care, because the employé takes
on himself some risk with respect to the tools and machinery he
uses. For example, it is said that employers are not obliged to use
the latest appliances that are known or appear in the market for
the use of their workmen. If an employer has an older one that
has been in use for years, and the employés have found out all
the dangers attending its use, and a new one appears that is less
dangerous to use, the law does not require the employer to throw
the older one away and get the other. It is true that in many
States within the last few years statutes have been passed by the
legislatures requiring employers to be much more careful than
they were formerly in protecting their machinery. Many injuries
have happened from the use of belting, and the statutes in many
cases have stated what must be done in the way of enclosing
belts, and of putting screens around machinery, and in various
ways of so protecting it that persons will be less liable to suffer.
Furthermore, inventors have been very busy in inventing
machinery with this end in view. The old-fashioned car-coupler
was a very dangerous device, and many a poor fellow has been
crushed between cars when trying to couple them. A coupler has
been made in which this danger no longer exists; in truth, there
has been a great advance in this direction.
An employer must also select suitable materials on which to
work. This is a well-known principle. If he does not, then he is
responsible for the consequences. In one of the cases a person
was injured while erecting a scaffolding from the breaking of a
knotty timber. The testimony was that the knot was visible on the
surface and if the stick had been examined the defect would have
been seen. That seemed a slight defect, surely, but the
consequence of using the timber was very serious, and the court
rightly held that as this defect could have been seen, had the
timber been properly examined, the employer was responsible
workmen. He must furnish proper tools and machinery and safe
scaffolding, and in every respect must show a reasonable degree
of care in all these particulars. But the courts say that he is not
obliged to exercise the utmost care, because the employé takes
on himself some risk with respect to the tools and machinery he
uses. For example, it is said that employers are not obliged to use
the latest appliances that are known or appear in the market for
the use of their workmen. If an employer has an older one that
has been in use for years, and the employés have found out all
the dangers attending its use, and a new one appears that is less
dangerous to use, the law does not require the employer to throw
the older one away and get the other. It is true that in many
States within the last few years statutes have been passed by the
legislatures requiring employers to be much more careful than
they were formerly in protecting their machinery. Many injuries
have happened from the use of belting, and the statutes in many
cases have stated what must be done in the way of enclosing
belts, and of putting screens around machinery, and in various
ways of so protecting it that persons will be less liable to suffer.
Furthermore, inventors have been very busy in inventing
machinery with this end in view. The old-fashioned car-coupler
was a very dangerous device, and many a poor fellow has been
crushed between cars when trying to couple them. A coupler has
been made in which this danger no longer exists; in truth, there
has been a great advance in this direction.
An employer must also select suitable materials on which to
work. This is a well-known principle. If he does not, then he is
responsible for the consequences. In one of the cases a person
was injured while erecting a scaffolding from the breaking of a
knotty timber. The testimony was that the knot was visible on the
surface and if the stick had been examined the defect would have
been seen. That seemed a slight defect, surely, but the
consequence of using the timber was very serious, and the court
rightly held that as this defect could have been seen, had the
timber been properly examined, the employer was responsible
Page 345
for the injury to a workman who was injured by the breaking of
it.
An employer must also select suitable places for his employés. In
one of the cases a court said a master does not warrant his
servant's safety. He does, however, agree to adopt and keep
proper means with which to carry on the business in which they
are employed. Among these is the providing of a suitable place
for doing his work without exposure to dangers that do not come
within the reasonable scope of his employment. In one of the
cases a company stored a quantity of dynamite so near a place
where an employé was working that he was killed by its
explosion. The court held that it was negligence on the part of
the company in requiring its employé to work so near the place
where this explosive material was kept.
It is said that if an employé knows that a machine which he is to
operate is defective when accepting employment he can recover
nothing for the consequences. He assumes the risk whenever he
thus engages to work. If the service be especially perilous and
yet he clearly understands the nature of it and is injured when
performing it, he can get nothing. Doubtless in many of these
cases he is paid a larger sum for working under such conditions.
Whatever may be the truth in this regard, the principle of law is
well understood that, if he has a full knowledge of the risk of his
situation and makes no complaint about the nature of the
machinery that he is to operate, he accepts the risks, however
great they may be. In one of the cases an employé was injured by
the kick of a horse belonging to his employer, but he recovered
nothing, because he understood the vicious nature of the animal.
The horse had kicked others; in fact, its reputation for kicking
was well known, and the employé began work with his eyes
wide open.
This rule also applies if tools, machinery, etc., become defective
and the employé continues to work after the defects are found
out. Of course, every one knows that tools wear out and
it.
An employer must also select suitable places for his employés. In
one of the cases a court said a master does not warrant his
servant's safety. He does, however, agree to adopt and keep
proper means with which to carry on the business in which they
are employed. Among these is the providing of a suitable place
for doing his work without exposure to dangers that do not come
within the reasonable scope of his employment. In one of the
cases a company stored a quantity of dynamite so near a place
where an employé was working that he was killed by its
explosion. The court held that it was negligence on the part of
the company in requiring its employé to work so near the place
where this explosive material was kept.
It is said that if an employé knows that a machine which he is to
operate is defective when accepting employment he can recover
nothing for the consequences. He assumes the risk whenever he
thus engages to work. If the service be especially perilous and
yet he clearly understands the nature of it and is injured when
performing it, he can get nothing. Doubtless in many of these
cases he is paid a larger sum for working under such conditions.
Whatever may be the truth in this regard, the principle of law is
well understood that, if he has a full knowledge of the risk of his
situation and makes no complaint about the nature of the
machinery that he is to operate, he accepts the risks, however
great they may be. In one of the cases an employé was injured by
the kick of a horse belonging to his employer, but he recovered
nothing, because he understood the vicious nature of the animal.
The horse had kicked others; in fact, its reputation for kicking
was well known, and the employé began work with his eyes
wide open.
This rule also applies if tools, machinery, etc., become defective
and the employé continues to work after the defects are found
out. Of course, every one knows that tools wear out and
Page 346
machinery becomes weaker, and that is one of the natural
consequences of using them. And so it is regarded as one of the
risks ordinarily taken by an employé, and therefore he can get
nothing whenever he is injured through the operation of a
defective machine caused by the natural wear and tear of time.
EXAMINATION PAPER
Note.—The following questions are given as an indication of the
sort of knowledge a student ought to possess after a careful study of
the course. The student is advised to write out the answers. Only such
answers need be attempted as can be framed from the lessons.
1. (a) What is a contract? (b) What is the difference between
a simple and a special contract? (c) What contracts can be
made by a minor? When and how can he ratify them? (d) If
a person makes a contract to work for one year and breaks it
after working six months can he collect six months' wages?
(e) Give illustrations of six different kinds of contracts.
2. (a) When is it necessary that contracts be in writing? (b) In
what case is a failure of consideration a good defence to a
contract? (c) Is a consideration required to make an offer
binding? (d) Is the delivery of goods essential to make a
sale complete?
3. (a) What are the different kinds of warranties? (b) Suppose
A should buy goods and pay for them, but not take them
away, and afterward B should buy them and take them away
—could A recover the goods from B?
4. (a) What is the difference between a public and a private
carrier? (b) Must a public carrier take everything offered?
(c) What rules of liability apply to common carriers, and
how can they be modified?
consequences of using them. And so it is regarded as one of the
risks ordinarily taken by an employé, and therefore he can get
nothing whenever he is injured through the operation of a
defective machine caused by the natural wear and tear of time.
EXAMINATION PAPER
Note.—The following questions are given as an indication of the
sort of knowledge a student ought to possess after a careful study of
the course. The student is advised to write out the answers. Only such
answers need be attempted as can be framed from the lessons.
1. (a) What is a contract? (b) What is the difference between
a simple and a special contract? (c) What contracts can be
made by a minor? When and how can he ratify them? (d) If
a person makes a contract to work for one year and breaks it
after working six months can he collect six months' wages?
(e) Give illustrations of six different kinds of contracts.
2. (a) When is it necessary that contracts be in writing? (b) In
what case is a failure of consideration a good defence to a
contract? (c) Is a consideration required to make an offer
binding? (d) Is the delivery of goods essential to make a
sale complete?
3. (a) What are the different kinds of warranties? (b) Suppose
A should buy goods and pay for them, but not take them
away, and afterward B should buy them and take them away
—could A recover the goods from B?
4. (a) What is the difference between a public and a private
carrier? (b) Must a public carrier take everything offered?
(c) What rules of liability apply to common carriers, and
how can they be modified?
Page 347
Page 348
PREPARING COPY FOR THE PRESS
AND PROOF-READING
I. PREPARING COPY
Our purpose in these few lessons is to give some explicit
directions as to the general make-up of manuscripts intended for
printing. Every person who has even a business card or a circular
to print should have a knowledge of the common phraseology of
a printing house.
As to paper, the size in most common use for manuscripts is
what is known as letter. The sheets in any case should be of
uniform size. Avoid all eccentricity and affectation in the
preparation of your manuscript, or "copy," as printers call it. The
more matter-of-fact and businesslike it is the better.
If at all possible have your manuscript type-written, and under
no circumstances should you roll the sheets when preparing them
for the mails. There are a number of large publishing houses
which positively refuse to touch rolled manuscripts. The very
first impression created by such a manuscript is one of extreme
irritation. A rolled proof is pretty nearly as discouraging, yet
many printers still follow the annoying practice of rolling their
proofs.
Every printing establishment of any note has its methods and
customs as regards orthography, the use of capitals and of
punctuation. As a rule it is best to leave doubtful points to the
AND PROOF-READING
I. PREPARING COPY
Our purpose in these few lessons is to give some explicit
directions as to the general make-up of manuscripts intended for
printing. Every person who has even a business card or a circular
to print should have a knowledge of the common phraseology of
a printing house.
As to paper, the size in most common use for manuscripts is
what is known as letter. The sheets in any case should be of
uniform size. Avoid all eccentricity and affectation in the
preparation of your manuscript, or "copy," as printers call it. The
more matter-of-fact and businesslike it is the better.
If at all possible have your manuscript type-written, and under
no circumstances should you roll the sheets when preparing them
for the mails. There are a number of large publishing houses
which positively refuse to touch rolled manuscripts. The very
first impression created by such a manuscript is one of extreme
irritation. A rolled proof is pretty nearly as discouraging, yet
many printers still follow the annoying practice of rolling their
proofs.
Every printing establishment of any note has its methods and
customs as regards orthography, the use of capitals and of
punctuation. As a rule it is best to leave doubtful points to the
Page 349
printer. Any little deviation desired may be easily remedied in
the proofs.
Paragraphs should be boldly indicated by setting the line well
back in the "copy." Extract matter included in the text should be
clearly shown, either by marking it down the side with a vertical
line from beginning to end or by setting the whole well back
within the compass of the text. Such matter is commonly set in
slightly smaller type.
With regard to the corrections in the proofs it must be
remembered that the more carefully an article is written the
smaller the expense for author's corrections. This charge is often
a great source of contention between the author and the printer,
and, altogether, is an unsatisfactory item. A printer is bound, with
certain reservations, to follow the "copy" supplied. If he does
that and the author does not make any alterations there is no
extra charge and nothing to wrangle about. A small correction,
trivial as it may seem to the inexperienced, may involve much
trouble to the printer. A word inserted or deleted may cause a
page to be altered throughout, line by line, and a few words may
possibly affect several pages. The charges made for corrections
are based on the time consumed in making the necessary
alterations.
II. ON THE NAMES AND SIZES OF TYPE
The beauty of printed matter depends very largely upon the
selection of a suitable style of type. For books and newspaper
work there are in use two general classes known as (a) old style,
(b) modern. These names refer to the shape of the letter and not
to its size. The several sizes of type commonly used in all plain
work are as follows:
the proofs.
Paragraphs should be boldly indicated by setting the line well
back in the "copy." Extract matter included in the text should be
clearly shown, either by marking it down the side with a vertical
line from beginning to end or by setting the whole well back
within the compass of the text. Such matter is commonly set in
slightly smaller type.
With regard to the corrections in the proofs it must be
remembered that the more carefully an article is written the
smaller the expense for author's corrections. This charge is often
a great source of contention between the author and the printer,
and, altogether, is an unsatisfactory item. A printer is bound, with
certain reservations, to follow the "copy" supplied. If he does
that and the author does not make any alterations there is no
extra charge and nothing to wrangle about. A small correction,
trivial as it may seem to the inexperienced, may involve much
trouble to the printer. A word inserted or deleted may cause a
page to be altered throughout, line by line, and a few words may
possibly affect several pages. The charges made for corrections
are based on the time consumed in making the necessary
alterations.
II. ON THE NAMES AND SIZES OF TYPE
The beauty of printed matter depends very largely upon the
selection of a suitable style of type. For books and newspaper
work there are in use two general classes known as (a) old style,
(b) modern. These names refer to the shape of the letter and not
to its size. The several sizes of type commonly used in all plain
work are as follows:
Page 350
1. pearl.
2. agate.
3. nonpareil.
4. minion.
5. brevier.
6. bourgeois.
7. long primer.
8. small pica.
9. pica.
10. english.
11. great primer.
Pica is universally considered as the standard type, just as the
foot is the standard of measurement. The twelfth part of a pica is
the unit, called a point, by which type bodies are measured. In
many printing offices the type is known as 6-point, 8-point, 10-
point, etc., instead of as nonpareil, brevier, long primer, etc. The
following specimens show the sizes of the type in common use:
2. agate.
3. nonpareil.
4. minion.
5. brevier.
6. bourgeois.
7. long primer.
8. small pica.
9. pica.
10. english.
11. great primer.
Pica is universally considered as the standard type, just as the
foot is the standard of measurement. The twelfth part of a pica is
the unit, called a point, by which type bodies are measured. In
many printing offices the type is known as 6-point, 8-point, 10-
point, etc., instead of as nonpareil, brevier, long primer, etc. The
following specimens show the sizes of the type in common use:
Page 351
The student must bear in mind the fact that these names refer to
the size of the type. For instance, there may be a dozen different
styles of brevier or of pica; a particular specimen of printing may
be entirely in long primer, yet some words may be capitals,
others italic, others boldface, and so on.
Agate is the size of type used in measuring advertisements.
There are fourteen agate lines in an inch.
A complete series of type of a particular size is called a font; as a
font of brevier, or of pica. Such a font would include:
CAPITALS
small capitals
the size of the type. For instance, there may be a dozen different
styles of brevier or of pica; a particular specimen of printing may
be entirely in long primer, yet some words may be capitals,
others italic, others boldface, and so on.
Agate is the size of type used in measuring advertisements.
There are fourteen agate lines in an inch.
A complete series of type of a particular size is called a font; as a
font of brevier, or of pica. Such a font would include:
CAPITALS
small capitals
Page 352
lower-case
ITALIC CAPITALS
italic lower-case.
Also figures, fractions, points, references, braces, signs, etc.
Printers divide a font of letters into two classes:
1. The upper-case sorts.
2. The lower-case }
The upper-case sorts are capitals, small capitals, references,
dashes, braces, signs, etc.
The lower-case sorts consist of small letters, figures, points,
spaces, etc.
Type lines are often bulked out by the insertion of thin strips of
lead, this being called leading. Where no leads are employed the
matter is said to be solid.
III. THE TERMS USED IN PRINTING
Composition. This is the name given by printers to the work of
setting the type. The compositor holds in his hand a composing-
stick, into which he places the type letter by letter, adding the
spaces where necessary. A great deal of the newspaper work of
the present day is set by type machines.
Distributing. The type of a particular page or article after it has
been used on the press or for electrotyping is distributed letter by
letter in the cases. This work is much more rapid than
composition. Type to be used a second time is said to be standing
or is called standing matter.
ITALIC CAPITALS
italic lower-case.
Also figures, fractions, points, references, braces, signs, etc.
Printers divide a font of letters into two classes:
1. The upper-case sorts.
2. The lower-case }
The upper-case sorts are capitals, small capitals, references,
dashes, braces, signs, etc.
The lower-case sorts consist of small letters, figures, points,
spaces, etc.
Type lines are often bulked out by the insertion of thin strips of
lead, this being called leading. Where no leads are employed the
matter is said to be solid.
III. THE TERMS USED IN PRINTING
Composition. This is the name given by printers to the work of
setting the type. The compositor holds in his hand a composing-
stick, into which he places the type letter by letter, adding the
spaces where necessary. A great deal of the newspaper work of
the present day is set by type machines.
Distributing. The type of a particular page or article after it has
been used on the press or for electrotyping is distributed letter by
letter in the cases. This work is much more rapid than
composition. Type to be used a second time is said to be standing
or is called standing matter.
Page 353
Spaces. Spaces are short blank types and are used to separate one
word from another. To enable a compositor to space evenly and
to "justify" properly, these spaces are cast to various thicknesses.
An em quadrat is a short blank type, in thickness equal to the
letter m of the font to which it belongs. Quadrats are of various
sizes.
Calendered Paper. This name is given to very highly rolled or
glazed paper such as is used in illustrated work. Laid paper has a
slightly ribbed surface. Antique paper is rough and usually
untrimmed at the edges. It is made in imitation of old styles.
Caps. and Lower-case. These names are used to designate
capitals and small letters.
Clarendon. This name is commonly given to a bold and black-
faced type, such as used in text-books to bring out prominently
particular words.
Dummy. An imitation in style and size of a book or pamphlet that
is wanted, usually made up with blank paper.
Electrotype. Electrotype or stereotype plates are made from
type. Books are usually printed from such plates.
Galley Proof. As the type is set up it is removed from the
composing-stick to long forms called galleys. A proof taken of
the whole galley at once is called a galley proof. Book work
should be revised in galleys before it is made up into pages.
Impression. A flat-pull or first impression is a simple proof
usually pulled in job offices by laying a sheet of damp paper on
the inked type and pounding with a flat-surfaced weight to get
the impression.
Indent. To set a line some distance forward, as in the case of a
new paragraph.
word from another. To enable a compositor to space evenly and
to "justify" properly, these spaces are cast to various thicknesses.
An em quadrat is a short blank type, in thickness equal to the
letter m of the font to which it belongs. Quadrats are of various
sizes.
Calendered Paper. This name is given to very highly rolled or
glazed paper such as is used in illustrated work. Laid paper has a
slightly ribbed surface. Antique paper is rough and usually
untrimmed at the edges. It is made in imitation of old styles.
Caps. and Lower-case. These names are used to designate
capitals and small letters.
Clarendon. This name is commonly given to a bold and black-
faced type, such as used in text-books to bring out prominently
particular words.
Dummy. An imitation in style and size of a book or pamphlet that
is wanted, usually made up with blank paper.
Electrotype. Electrotype or stereotype plates are made from
type. Books are usually printed from such plates.
Galley Proof. As the type is set up it is removed from the
composing-stick to long forms called galleys. A proof taken of
the whole galley at once is called a galley proof. Book work
should be revised in galleys before it is made up into pages.
Impression. A flat-pull or first impression is a simple proof
usually pulled in job offices by laying a sheet of damp paper on
the inked type and pounding with a flat-surfaced weight to get
the impression.
Indent. To set a line some distance forward, as in the case of a
new paragraph.
Page 354
Letterpress. Printed matter from type as distinguished from
plate printing.
Make-up. To measure off type matter into pages.
Off-set. It frequently occurs that as the result of insufficient
drying or from other causes the impression of one sheet appears
on the back of another; such work is said to off-set.
Overlays. In making ready for the press the pressman finds it
necessary to add here and there, by pasting, thicknesses of paper
to his roller to bring out properly the light and shade of an
illustration or to get an even ink impression from the type or
plates. This work is called making overlays. In expensive
illustrated work specialists are engaged solely for the purpose of
making overlays.
Press Proof. The final proof passed by the author or publisher.
Process-blocks. Blocks produced by the photoengraving and
other mechanical processes.
Query. A mark made on a proof by the printer to call attention to
a possible error, sometimes expressed by a note of interrogation
(?).
Register. The exact adjustment of pages back to back in printing
the second side of a sheet.
Signature. The letter or figure at the foot of a sheet to guide the
binder in folding; also used by printers to identify any particular
sheet.
The various marks and signs used by printers will be explained
in the lesson on proof-reading.
plate printing.
Make-up. To measure off type matter into pages.
Off-set. It frequently occurs that as the result of insufficient
drying or from other causes the impression of one sheet appears
on the back of another; such work is said to off-set.
Overlays. In making ready for the press the pressman finds it
necessary to add here and there, by pasting, thicknesses of paper
to his roller to bring out properly the light and shade of an
illustration or to get an even ink impression from the type or
plates. This work is called making overlays. In expensive
illustrated work specialists are engaged solely for the purpose of
making overlays.
Press Proof. The final proof passed by the author or publisher.
Process-blocks. Blocks produced by the photoengraving and
other mechanical processes.
Query. A mark made on a proof by the printer to call attention to
a possible error, sometimes expressed by a note of interrogation
(?).
Register. The exact adjustment of pages back to back in printing
the second side of a sheet.
Signature. The letter or figure at the foot of a sheet to guide the
binder in folding; also used by printers to identify any particular
sheet.
The various marks and signs used by printers will be explained
in the lesson on proof-reading.
Page 355
IV. MARKS USED IN PROOF-READING
The most important of the signs used in making corrections for
the printer are as follows:
1. Delete or expunge.
2. A turned letter.
3. Wrong-font letter.
4. Change capital to small letter, ("lower-case").
5. Insert period.
6. Transpose words or letters as indicated.
7. Change roman to italic.
8. Change italic to roman.
9. Space to be inserted.
10. Matter wrongly altered to remain as it was
originally. Dots are placed under the matter.
11. A bad or battered letter.
12. Space to be reduced.
13. Close up.
14. Push down space or lead.
15. New paragraph.
The most important of the signs used in making corrections for
the printer are as follows:
1. Delete or expunge.
2. A turned letter.
3. Wrong-font letter.
4. Change capital to small letter, ("lower-case").
5. Insert period.
6. Transpose words or letters as indicated.
7. Change roman to italic.
8. Change italic to roman.
9. Space to be inserted.
10. Matter wrongly altered to remain as it was
originally. Dots are placed under the matter.
11. A bad or battered letter.
12. Space to be reduced.
13. Close up.
14. Push down space or lead.
15. New paragraph.
Page 356
16. Something foreign between the lines, or a
wrong-font space making the type crooked.
17. Line to be indented one em of its own body.
When letters or words are set double or are required to be taken
out a line is drawn through the superfluous word or letter and the
mark No. 1, called dele, placed opposite on the margin. (Dele is
Latin for take out.)
A turned letter is noted by drawing a line through it and writing
the mark No. 2 on the margin.
If letters or words require to be altered to make them more
conspicuous a parallel line or lines must be made underneath the
word or letter—namely, for capitals, three lines; for small
capitals, two lines; and for italic, one line; and on the margin
opposite the line where the alteration occurs the sign caps., small
caps., or ital. must be written.
Where a letter of a different font is improperly introduced into
the page it is noted by drawing a line through it and writing w. f.
(wrong font) on the margin.
Where a word has been left out or is to be added a caret must be
made in the place where it should come in and the word written
on the margin. A caret is made thus: ^
Where letters stand crooked they are noted by a line, but where a
page hangs lines are drawn across the entire part affected.
Where a faulty letter appears it is denoted by making a cross
under it and placing a similar mark on the margin.
Where several words are left out or where new matter is to be
added the added matter is written wherever convenient, and a
line is drawn from the place of omission to the written words.
wrong-font space making the type crooked.
17. Line to be indented one em of its own body.
When letters or words are set double or are required to be taken
out a line is drawn through the superfluous word or letter and the
mark No. 1, called dele, placed opposite on the margin. (Dele is
Latin for take out.)
A turned letter is noted by drawing a line through it and writing
the mark No. 2 on the margin.
If letters or words require to be altered to make them more
conspicuous a parallel line or lines must be made underneath the
word or letter—namely, for capitals, three lines; for small
capitals, two lines; and for italic, one line; and on the margin
opposite the line where the alteration occurs the sign caps., small
caps., or ital. must be written.
Where a letter of a different font is improperly introduced into
the page it is noted by drawing a line through it and writing w. f.
(wrong font) on the margin.
Where a word has been left out or is to be added a caret must be
made in the place where it should come in and the word written
on the margin. A caret is made thus: ^
Where letters stand crooked they are noted by a line, but where a
page hangs lines are drawn across the entire part affected.
Where a faulty letter appears it is denoted by making a cross
under it and placing a similar mark on the margin.
Where several words are left out or where new matter is to be
added the added matter is written wherever convenient, and a
line is drawn from the place of omission to the written words.
Page 357
In making a correction in a proof always mark the wrong letter
or word through and insert the alteration in the margin, not in the
middle of the printed matter, because it is liable to be overlooked
if there is no marginal reference to the correction. To keep the
different corrections distinct finish each off with a stroke, thus /;
and to make the alterations more clear or less crowded mark
those relating to the left-hand portion on the left margin and
those relating to the right-hand portion on the right margin.
The hints given here are intended for the general public and not
for the printer, and to the student of these lessons let us say that
the first essential of good proof-reading is clearness. Be very
sure that the printer will understand the changes which you
desire him to make. Quite often it is an advantage if you wish a
particular style of type used to cut out a sample of that style and
paste it on your copy or on your proof, indicating that you want
it to be used. Instructions to the printer written either on the copy
or on the proof should be surrounded by a line to separate them
from the text, or to prevent any confusion with other written
matter intended as copy or as corrections.
When the corrections have been duly made and approved by the
author or editor it is customary to write the word "press" on the
top of the first page. If intermediate proofs are wanted, mark on
the proofs returned to the printer "Send revise." The final or
"press" proof is always retained by the printer in case of any
dispute. It is his voucher, and he retains it for future reference.
It is a good plan to make corrections in a different coloured ink
from that used by the printer's proof-reader. If you are having a
pamphlet or book printed the different proofs will reach you in
the following order:
1. Galley proofs.
2. Revised proofs (if any).
or word through and insert the alteration in the margin, not in the
middle of the printed matter, because it is liable to be overlooked
if there is no marginal reference to the correction. To keep the
different corrections distinct finish each off with a stroke, thus /;
and to make the alterations more clear or less crowded mark
those relating to the left-hand portion on the left margin and
those relating to the right-hand portion on the right margin.
The hints given here are intended for the general public and not
for the printer, and to the student of these lessons let us say that
the first essential of good proof-reading is clearness. Be very
sure that the printer will understand the changes which you
desire him to make. Quite often it is an advantage if you wish a
particular style of type used to cut out a sample of that style and
paste it on your copy or on your proof, indicating that you want
it to be used. Instructions to the printer written either on the copy
or on the proof should be surrounded by a line to separate them
from the text, or to prevent any confusion with other written
matter intended as copy or as corrections.
When the corrections have been duly made and approved by the
author or editor it is customary to write the word "press" on the
top of the first page. If intermediate proofs are wanted, mark on
the proofs returned to the printer "Send revise." The final or
"press" proof is always retained by the printer in case of any
dispute. It is his voucher, and he retains it for future reference.
It is a good plan to make corrections in a different coloured ink
from that used by the printer's proof-reader. If you are having a
pamphlet or book printed the different proofs will reach you in
the following order:
1. Galley proofs.
2. Revised proofs (if any).
Page 358
3. Page proofs.
4. Foundry proofs.
4. Foundry proofs.
Page 359
Page 360
A printer's proof.
So far as possible, make all the necessary changes while the type
is in galleys. Once made up into pages, a very slight change,
particularly such a change as the crossing out or addition of a
sentence, may make a great deal of trouble. When the pages are
passed upon they are sent to the foundry for casting. The foundry
proofs are the last proofs pulled. Corrections made on these
make it necessary to alter the electrotype plates, which is rather
an expensive process. To change a word, a piece of the metal
plate has to be cut out and another with the new word soldered
in.
So far as possible, make all the necessary changes while the type
is in galleys. Once made up into pages, a very slight change,
particularly such a change as the crossing out or addition of a
sentence, may make a great deal of trouble. When the pages are
passed upon they are sent to the foundry for casting. The foundry
proofs are the last proofs pulled. Corrections made on these
make it necessary to alter the electrotype plates, which is rather
an expensive process. To change a word, a piece of the metal
plate has to be cut out and another with the new word soldered
in.
Page 361
A printer's corrected proof.
A page is said to overrun if it is too long. If the space to be
occupied is limited it is a good plan to adapt your copy to it by
A page is said to overrun if it is too long. If the space to be
occupied is limited it is a good plan to adapt your copy to it by
Page 362
counting the words and by comparing the count with that of
some printed page in the same size of type.
Return proofs to your printer or publisher as promptly as
possible. As a rule printing houses cannot afford to keep type
locked up and unused waiting for the return of proofs. There are
many imperfections in typography, such as wrong-font and
inverted letters, awkward and irregular spacing, uneven pages or
columns, crooked words and lines, etc., which it is the business
of the printing house to correct. No book or pamphlet, therefore,
ought to go to press until it has been read and revised by an
experienced reader.
Strict uniformity should always be preserved in the use of
capitals, in spelling, and in punctuation.
Where authors have their manuscripts type-written and make two
or three revises upon the type-written sheets before their copy is
turned over to the publishing house, the labour of proof-reading
and the expenses of corrections are reduced to a minimum.
The errors shown in our illustration are more numerous than are
likely to appear in any proof sent out from a publishing house.
Transcriber's Notes
Page
• favorable changed to favourable 35
• favor changed to favour 49
• (5) changed to 5. 65
• contantly changed to constantly 115
some printed page in the same size of type.
Return proofs to your printer or publisher as promptly as
possible. As a rule printing houses cannot afford to keep type
locked up and unused waiting for the return of proofs. There are
many imperfections in typography, such as wrong-font and
inverted letters, awkward and irregular spacing, uneven pages or
columns, crooked words and lines, etc., which it is the business
of the printing house to correct. No book or pamphlet, therefore,
ought to go to press until it has been read and revised by an
experienced reader.
Strict uniformity should always be preserved in the use of
capitals, in spelling, and in punctuation.
Where authors have their manuscripts type-written and make two
or three revises upon the type-written sheets before their copy is
turned over to the publishing house, the labour of proof-reading
and the expenses of corrections are reduced to a minimum.
The errors shown in our illustration are more numerous than are
likely to appear in any proof sent out from a publishing house.
Transcriber's Notes
Page
• favorable changed to favourable 35
• favor changed to favour 49
• (5) changed to 5. 65
• contantly changed to constantly 115
Page 363
• Ierland changed to Ireland 130
• battle-ships changed to battleships 150
• BREAD-STUFFS changed to BREADSTAFFS 152
• duplicated "from" deleted 162
• bread-stuffs change to breadstuffs 163
• June, 1898 changed to June 30, 1898 205
• proportiona t changed to proportion at 208
• duplicated "in" deleted 223
• typewritten changed to type-written 259
• everyday changed to every-day 350
• comma added after figures 384
• colored changed to coloured 389
• nessary changed to necessary 390
Illustrations that appear on pages 117, 199, 216 and 241 in the
original publication do not coincide with page numbers in this
eBook due to the positioning of illustrations and footnotes at
beginning and/or end of paragraphs.
• battle-ships changed to battleships 150
• BREAD-STUFFS changed to BREADSTAFFS 152
• duplicated "from" deleted 162
• bread-stuffs change to breadstuffs 163
• June, 1898 changed to June 30, 1898 205
• proportiona t changed to proportion at 208
• duplicated "in" deleted 223
• typewritten changed to type-written 259
• everyday changed to every-day 350
• comma added after figures 384
• colored changed to coloured 389
• nessary changed to necessary 390
Illustrations that appear on pages 117, 199, 216 and 241 in the
original publication do not coincide with page numbers in this
eBook due to the positioning of illustrations and footnotes at
beginning and/or end of paragraphs.
Page 364
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