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Title: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola

Author: Victor Mindeleff
Cosmos Mindeleff

Illustrator: Hobart Nichols

Release date: November 17, 2006 [eBook #19856]

Language: English

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A few words in this e-text use the uncommon letters “Ĕ”, “ĭ”, “ŏ” (vowel with
breve or “short” mark); they have been given popup transliterations. If the
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Some words in the text have variant spellings that were left unchanged. The
main ones are:
nyumu: sometimes hyphenated as nyu-mu
Mashongnavi, Shupaulovi, Sichumovi (names): sometimes written with
accents as Mashóngnavi, Shupaúlovi, Sichúmovi
Brackets and parenthetical question marks are as in the original. A few
typographical errors have been corrected. They are marked in the text with
mouse-hover popups.

A STUDY
OF

PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE:

T US AYAN AND CI BOL A.
BY

VICTOR MINDELEFF.

CONTENTS.

Page.
Introduction 13
Chapter I.— Traditionary history of Tusayan 16
Explanatory 16
Summary of traditions 16
List of traditionary gentes 38
Supplementary legend 40
Chapter II.— Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42
Physical features of the province 42
Methods of survey 44
Plans and description of ruins 45
Walpi ruins 46
Old Mashongnavi 47
Shitaimuvi 48
Awatubi 49
Horn House 50
Small ruin near Horn House 51
Bat House 52

Mishiptonga 52
Moen-kopi 53
Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54
Kwaituki 56
Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57
Chukubi 59
Payupki 59
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61
Hano 61
Sichumovi 62
Walpi 63
Mashongnavi 66
Shupaulovi 71
Shumopavi 73
Oraibi 76
Moen-kopi 77
Chapter III.— Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80
Physical features of the province 80
Plans and descriptions of ruins 80
Hawikuh 80
Ketchipauan 81
Chalowe 83
Hampassawan 84
K’iakima 85
Matsaki 86
Pinawa 86
Halona 88
Tâaaiyalana ruins 89
Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94
Nutria 94
Pescado 95

Ojo Caliente 96
Zuñi 97
Chapter IV.— Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola
compared by constructional details 100
Introduction 100
Housebuilding 100
Rites and methods 100
Localization of gentes 104
Interior arrangement 108
Kivas in Tusayan 111
General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111
Origin of the name 111
Antiquity of the kiva 111
Excavation of the kiva 112
Access 113
Masonry 114
Orientation 115
The ancient form of kiva 116
Native explanations of position 117
Methods of kiva building and rites 118
Typical plans 118
Work by women 129
Consecration 129
Various uses of kivas 130
Kiva ownership 133
Motives for building a kiva 134
Significance of structural plan 135
Typical measurements 136
List of Tusayan Kivas 136
Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137
Walls 137
Roofs and floors 148

Wall copings and roof drains 151
Ladders and steps 156
Cooking pits and ovens 162
Oven-shaped structures 167
Fireplaces and chimneys 167
Gateways and covered passages 180
Doors 182
Windows 194
Roof openings 201
Furniture 208
Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214
“Kisi” construction 217
Architectural nomenclature 220
Concluding remarks 223

Footnotes
Index
About the Illustrations

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Illustrations have been placed as close as practicable to their discussion in the
text. The printed page numbers show the original location. Multi-part Figures are
sometimes shown vertically (one drawing above the other) where the original
layout was horizontal.
The Map and most site plans are shown as thumbnails linked to larger versions.

Page.
Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and
Cibola 12
II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14
III. General view of Awatubi 16
IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18
V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20

VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22
VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24
VIII. Bat House 26
IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28
X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30
XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-
House, detail 32
XII. Chukubi, plan 34
XIII. Payupki, plan 36
XIV. General view of Payupki 38
XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40
XVI. Plan of Hano 42
XVII. View of Hano 44
XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46
XIX. View of Sichumovi 48
XX. Plan of Walpi 50
XXI. View of Walpi 52
XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54
XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56
XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58
XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60
XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62
XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in
distance 64
XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66
XXIX. West side of a principal row in
Mashongnavi 68
XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70
XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72
XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74
XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76
XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78

XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80
XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket.
XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing
localization of gentes 82
XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84
XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86
XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88
XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90
XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92
XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94
XLIV. Moen-kopi 96
XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98
XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100
XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102
XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104
XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106
L. Ketchipauan 108
LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110
LII. K’iakima, plan 112
LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana 114
LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima 116
LV. Matsaki, plan 118
LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120
LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi 122
LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124
LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi 126
LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan 128
LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins 130
LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana 132
LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing
excavations) 134
LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136

LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138
LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140
LXVII. Nutria, plan 142
LXVIII. Nutria, view 144
LXIX. Pescado, plan 146
LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148
LXXI. Pescado houses 150
LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in
Pescado 152
LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket.
LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154
LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156
LXXVI. Zuñi, plan In pocket.
LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing
distribution of oblique openings 158
LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking
west 160
LXXIX. Zuñi terraces 162
LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi 164
LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi 166
LXXXII. A Zuñi court 168
LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house 170
LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172
LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174
LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior 176
LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178
LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the
northeast 180
LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182
XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi. 184
XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186

XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at
Ojo Caliente 188
XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an
ancient pueblo wall 190
XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in
southwestern Colorado 192
XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194
XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi 196
XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi 198
XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders 200
XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202
C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204
CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi 206
CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208
CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210
CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212
CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214
CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of
Nutria 216
CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
Oraibi, converting it into a
doorway 218
CVIII. Large openings reduced to small
windows, Oraibi 220
CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222
CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224
CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage 226

Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43
2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47
3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51
4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53
5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55

6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56
7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58
8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64
9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66
10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67
11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68
12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69
13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71
14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75
15. Hampassawan, plan 84
16. Pinawa, plan 87
17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94
18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95
19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103
20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108
21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114
22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122
23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123
24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124
25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126
28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127
29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128
30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131
31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132
32. A Zuñi chimney showing pottery fragments
embedded in its adobe base 139
33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in its
surface 139
34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in a rain-
washed wall 141

35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142
36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink
on a white ground 146
37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction 149
38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over
round girders 151
39. Single stone roof-drains 153
40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153
41. Wooden roof-drains 154
42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154
43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155
44. Zuñi roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156
45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157
46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157
47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158
48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161
49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161
50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162
51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163
52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuñi oven 164
55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165
56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167
59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167
60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168
61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles,
Tusayan 170
62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170

63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up
fireplace 171
64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172
65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuñi 172
66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney-hoods, illustrating
construction 173
67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174
68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174
69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175
70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176
71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177
72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177
73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a
chimney 178
74. Tusayan chimneys 179
75. A barred Zuñi door 183
76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door 184
77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185
78. Framing of a Zuñi door panel 186
79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188
80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom
openings 189
81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189
82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff
ruin 190
83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190
84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191
85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192
86. An ancient circular doorway, or “stone-close,” in
Kin-tiel 193
87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of
small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195
88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuñi 196

89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall on
upper terrace 197
90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite 197
91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi house
cluster. 198
92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199
93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window 201
94. Zuñi roof-openings 202
95. A Zuñi roof-opening with raised coping 203
96. Zuñi roof-openings with one raised end 203
97. A Zuñi roof-hole with cover 204
98. Kiva trap-door in Zuñi 205
99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuñi kiva 206
100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings 208
101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209
102. A Tusayan grain bin 210
103. A Zuñi plume-box 210
104. A Zuñi plume-box 210
105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211
106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211
107. Zuñi stools 213
108. A Zuñi chair 213
109. Construction of a Zuñi corral 215
110. Gardens of Zuñi 216
111. “Kishoni,” or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218
112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219
113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219
114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with
Tusayan names 223

full size

Plate I.
General Map of the Pueblo Region
of Arizona and New Mexico,
Showing Relative Position of the Provinces
of Tusayan and Cibola.
by
Victor Mindeleff.

A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE
IN TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA.

By Victor Mindeleff.

I NT ROD UC T I ON.
The remains of pueblo architecture are found scattered over thousands of
square miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. This vast area
includes the drainage of the Rio Pecos on the east and that of the Colorado
on the west, and extends from central Utah on the north beyond the limits of
the United States southward, in which direction its boundaries are still
undefined.
The descendants of those who at various times built these stone villages are
few in number and inhabit about thirty pueblos distributed irregularly over
parts of the region formerly occupied. Of these the greater number are
scattered along the upper course of the Rio Grande and its tributaries in
New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within the ancient provinces of
Cibola and Tusayan, are located within the drainage of the Little Colorado.
From the time of the earliest Spanish expeditions into the country to the
present day, a period covering more than three centuries, the former
province has been often visited by whites, but the remoteness of Tusayan
and the arid and forbidding character of its surroundings have caused its
more complete isolation. The architecture of this district exhibits a close
adherence to aboriginal practices, still bears the marked impress of its
development under the exacting conditions of an arid environment, and is
but slowly yielding to the influence of foreign ideas.

The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces all of
the inhabited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number of the ruins
traditionally connected with them. It will be observed by reference to the
map that the area embraced in these provinces comprises but a small
portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture once extended.
This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typical
groups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona, and
that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico; but it has been necessary for the
writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in the present paper, both
in the discussion of general arrangement and characteristic ground plans,
embodied in Chapters II and III and in the comparison by constructional
details treated in Chapter IV, in order to define clearly the relations of the
various features of pueblo architecture. They belong to the same pueblo
system illustrated by the villages of Tusayan and Cibola, and with the
Canyon de Chelly group there is even some trace of traditional connection,
as is set forth by Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. The more detailed studies of
these ruins, to be published later, together with the material embodied in the
present paper, will, it is thought, furnish a record of the principal
characteristics of an important type of primitive architecture, which, under
the influence of the arid environment of the southwestern plateaus, has
developed from the rude lodge into the many-storied house of rectangular
rooms. Indications of some of the steps of this development are traceable
even in the architecture of the present day.
The pueblo of Zuñi was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 1881 with
a view to procuring the necessary data for the construction of a large-scale
model of this pueblo. For this reason the work afforded a record of external
features only.
The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similarly surveyed in the following
season (1882-’83), the plans being supplemented by photographs, from
which many of the illustrations accompanying this paper have been drawn.
The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of this season.
In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined pueblos of Tusayan were
surveyed and examined. It was during this season’s work that the details of
the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this paper, were

studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It was in the latter
part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola were surveyed and
photographed.
The Tusayan farming pueblo of Moen-kopi and a number of the ruins in the
province were surveyed and studied in the early part of the season of
1887-’88, the latter portion of which season was principally devoted to an
examination of the Chaco ruins in New Mexico.
In the prosecution of the field work above outlined the author has been
greatly indebted to the efficient assistance and hearty cooperation of Mr.
Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the pueblos illustrated, with the
exception of Zuñi, have been surveyed and platted.
The plans obtained have involved much careful work with surveying
instruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record the minute
variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic of the pueblo
work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastily prepared sketch
plans that have at times appeared. In consequence of the necessary omission
of just such information in hastily drawn plans, erroneous impressions have
been given regarding the degree of skill to which the pueblo peoples had
attained in the planning and building of their villages. In the general
distribution of the houses, and in the alignment and arrangement of their
walls, as indicated in the plans shown in Chapters II and III, an absence of
high architectural attainment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the
lack of skill apparent in many of the constructional devices shown in
Chapter IV.

Plate II. Old Mashongnavi, plan.

In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has rendered
much assistance in the revision of manuscript, and in the preparation of
some of the final drawings of ground plans; on him has also fallen the
compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen’s traditionary material
from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of the paper.

This latter material is of special interest in a study of the pueblos as
indicating some of the conditions under which this architectural type was
developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purely architectural
study by the author.
Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution, and only
for events that are very recent. Time relations are often hopelessly confused
and the narratives are greatly incumbered with mythologic details. But
while so barren in definite information, these traditions are of the greatest
value, often through their merely incidental allusions, in presenting to our
minds a picture of the conditions under which the repeated migrations of
the pueblo builders took place.
The development of architecture among the Pueblo Indians was
comparatively rapid and is largely attributable to frequent changes,
migrations, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen’s
account. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as disease,
death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes and branches
of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes; but a most potent factor
was certainly the inhospitable character of their environment. The
disappearance of some venerated spring during an unusually dry season
would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of the gods, and, in spite of the
massive character of the buildings, would lead to the migration of the
people to a more favorable spot. The traditions of the Zuñis, as well as those
of the Tusayan, frequently refer to such migrations. At times tribes split up
and separate, and again phratries or distant groups meet and band together.
It is remarkable that the substantial character of the architecture should
persist through such long series of compulsory removals, but while the
builders were held together by the necessity for defense against their wilder
neighbors or against each other, this strong defensive motive would
perpetuate the laborious type of construction. Such conditions would
contribute to the rapid development of the building art.

CHAP T E R I .

T RA DI T I ONAL HI S TORY OF T US AYAN .

EXPLANATORY.
In this chapter1 is presented a summary of the traditions of the Tusayan, a
number of which were collected from old men, from Walpi on the east to
Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with the tribe and the
individual; an authoritative statement of the current tradition on any point
could be made only with a complete knowledge of all traditions extant.
Such knowledge is not possessed by any one man, and the material included
in this chapter is presented simply as a summary of the traditions secured.
The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam’s Canyon,
Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived for a
number of years past in Tusayan and possessed the confidence of the
principal priests—a very necessary condition in work of this character.
Though far from complete, this summary is a more comprehensive
presentation of the traditionary history of these people than has heretofore
been published.

SUMMARY OF TRADITIONS.
The creation myths of the Tusayan differ widely, but none of them
designate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. These
people are socially divided into family groups called wi´ngwu, the
descendants of sisters, and groups of wi´ngwu tracing descent from the
same female ancestor, and having a common totem called my´umu. Each of
these totemic groups preserves a creation myth, carrying in its details
special reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common origin in
the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to the surface is
set in widely separated localities. They all agree in maintaining this to be
the fourth plane on which mankind has existed. In the beginning all men
lived together in the lowest depths, in a region of darkness and moisture;
their bodies were misshaped and horrible, and they suffered great misery,
moaning and bewailing continually. Through the intervention of Myúingwa

(a vague conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga
(a crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water), the “old men”
obtained a seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane. It penetrated
through a crevice in the roof overhead and mankind climbed to a higher
plane. A dim light appeared in this stage and vegetation was produced.
Another magic growth of cane afforded the means of rising to a still higher
plane on which the light was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the
animal kingdom was created. The final ascent to this present, or fourth
plane, was effected by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins,
according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by
climbing the cane, Phragmites communis, the alternate leaves of which
afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a rush,
through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface. The twins
sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song was ended no more
were allowed to come; and hence, many more were left below than were
permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankind came has
never been closed, and Myu´ingwa sends through it the germs of all living
things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the hatchway of
the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in these underground
chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery and by devices on
basketry and other textile fabrics.

Plate III. General view of Awatubi.

All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were collected and
the different families of men were arranged together. This was done under
the direction of twins, who are called Pekónghoya, the younger one being
distinguished by the term Balíngahoya, the Echo. They were assisted by
their grandmother, Kóhkyang wúhti, the Spider woman, and these appear in
varying guises in many of the myths and legends. They instructed the
people in divers modes of life to dwell on mountain or on plain, to build
lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They distributed appropriate gifts among
them and assigned each a pathway, and so the various families of mankind
were dispersed over the earth’s surface.
The Hopituh,2 after being taught to build stone houses, were also divided,
and the different divisions took separate paths. The legends indicate a long
period of extensive migrations in separate communities; the groups came to
Tusayan at different times and from different directions, but the people of
all the villages concur in designating the Snake people as the first occupants
of the region. The eldest member of that nyumu tells a curious legend of
their migration from which the following is quoted:
At the general dispersal my people lived in snake skins, each family
occupying a separate snake skin bag, and all were hung on the end of a
rainbow, which swung around until the end touched Navajo Mountain,
where the bags dropped from it; and wherever a bag dropped, there
was their house. After they arranged their bags they came out from
them as men and women, and they then, built a stone house which had
five sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic Snake
Youth, who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to
rattlesnakes; these bit the people and compelled them to migrate.] A
brilliant star arose in the southeast, which would shine for a while and
then disappear. The old men said, “Beneath that star there must be
people,” so they determined to travel toward it. They cut a staff and set
it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top, then they
started and traveled as long as the star shone; when it disappeared they
halted. But the star did not shine every night, for sometimes many
years elapsed before it appeared again. When this occurred, our people
built houses during their halt; they built both round and square houses,
and all the ruins between here and Navajo Mountain mark the places

where our people lived. They waited till the star came to the top of the
staff again, then they moved on, but many people were left in those
houses and they followed afterward at various times. When our people
reached Wipho (a spring a few miles north from Walpi) the star
disappeared and has never been seen since. They built a house there
and after a time Másauwu (the god of the face of the earth) came and
compelled them to move farther down the valley, to a point about half
way between the East and Middle Mesa, and there they stayed many
plantings. One time the old men were assembled and Másauwu came
among them, looking like a horrible skeleton, and his bones rattling
dreadfully. He menaced them with awful gestures, and lifted off his
fleshless head and thrust it into their faces; but he could not frighten
them. So he said, “I have lost my wager; all that I have is yours; ask
for anything you want and I will give it to you.” At that time our
people’s house was beside the water course, and Másauwu said, “Why
are you sitting here in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry.” So they
went across to the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near
the point, and built a house and lived there. Again the old men were
assembled and two demons came among them and the old men took
the great Baho and the nwelas and chased them away. When they were
returning, and were not far north from, their village, they met the
Lenbaki (Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the Horn
family. The old men would not allow them to come in until Másauwu
appeared and declared them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses
adjoining ours and that made a fine, large village. Then other Hopituh
came in from time to time, and our people would say, “Build here, or
build there,” and portioned the land among the new comers.
The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in the foregoing
legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuse to point out the
exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offerings during the ceremony of
the Snake dance, and, as its name, Bátni, implies, certain rain-fetiches are
deposited there in small jars buried in the ground. The site of the village
next occupied can be quite easily distinguished, and is now called Kwetcap
tutwi, ash heap terrace, and this was the village to which the name Walpi
was first applied—a term meaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion

to a broad gap in the stratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and
by which it can be distinguished from a great distance. The ground plan of
this early Walpi can still be partly traced, indicating the former existence of
an extensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick walls
constructed of small stones.
The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial ceremony,
and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other biennial ceremony,
the Snake dance.
The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of coming
from a mountain range in the east.
Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green.
From the hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer, the
antelope, and the bison, feeding on never-failing grasses. Twining
through these plains were streams of bright water, beautiful to look
upon. A place where none but those who were of our people ever
gained access.
This description suggests some region of the head-waters of the Rio
Grande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, not of
continuous travel, for they remained for many seasons in one place, where
they would plant and build permanent houses. One of these halting places is
described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in which was a flowing
stream; this, it is said, was the Tségi (the Navajo name for Canyon de
Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavernous recess, high up in the
canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years3 to ladder making and cutting
and pecking shallow holes up the steep rocky side by which to mount to the
cavern, and three years more were employed in building the house. While
this work was in progress part of the men were planting gardens, and the
women and children were gathering stones. But no adequate reason is given
for thus toiling to fit this impracticable site for occupation; the footprints of
Másauwu, which they were following, led them there.
The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a long time a
stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be a Hopituh, and
said that he lived in the south. After some stay he left and was accompanied

by a party of the “Horn,” who were to visit the land occupied by their
kindred Hopituh and return with an account of them; but they never came
back. After waiting a long time another band was sent, who returned and
said that the first emissaries had found wives and had built houses on the
brink of a beautiful canyon, not far from the other Hopituh dwellings. After
this many of the Horns grew dissatisfied with their cavern home,
dissensions arose, they left their home, and finally they reached Tusayan.
They lived at first in one of the canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity
of Keam’s Canyon, and some of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the
sites of their early houses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching
any particular ruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that the
Snake and the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the
neighborhood of the present villages. The Bear people were the next, but
they arrived as separate branches, and from opposite directions, although of
the same Hopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain directly the legend
of the Bears from the west. The story of the Bears from the east tells of
encountering the Fire people, then living about 25 miles east from Walpi;
but these are now extinct, and nearly all that is known of them is told in the
Bear legend, the gist of which is as follows:
The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not far distant
from the Horns. Continual quarrels with neighboring villages brought on
actual fighting, and the Bears left that region and traveled westward. As
with all the other people, they halted, built houses, and planted, remaining
stationary for a long while; this occurred at different places along their
route.
A portion of these people had wings, and they flew in advance to survey the
land, and when the main body were traversing an arid region they found
water for them. Another portion had claws with which they dug edible
roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and foot holes in the
face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, and these carried the heaviest
burdens; and some had balls of magic spider web, which they could use on
occasion for ropes, and they could also spread the web and use it as a
mantle, rendering the wearer invisible when he apprehended danger.

They too came to the Tségi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found houses
but no people, and they also built houses there. While living there a rupture
occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to the westward. These
seceding bands are probably that branch of the Bears who claim their origin
in the west. Some time after this, but how long after is not known, a plague
visited the canyon, and the greater portion of the people moved away, but
leaving numbers who chose to remain. They crossed the Chinli valley and
halted for a short time at a place a short distance northeast from Great
Willow water (“Eighteen Mile Spring”). They did not remain there long,
however, but moved a few miles farther west, to a place occupied by the
Fire people who lived in a large oval house. The ruin of this house still
stands, the walls from 5 to 8 feet high, and remarkable from the large-sized
blocks of stone used in their construction; it is still known to the Hopituh as
Tebvwúki, the Fire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears
moved westward again to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4
miles from Keam’s Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built
there a rambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground plan
has now become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the Hopituh “the
ruin at the place of wild gourds.” They seem to have occupied this
neighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made of two or three
segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles away and built
similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon.
The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must have
abandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have been driven out at
the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveled directly
to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a place to build in
the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two miles north from the
gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies at the foot of the mesa
here, and close to the main cliff is a spring. There are two prominent knolls
about 400 yards apart and the summits of these are covered with traces of
house walls; also portions of walls can be discerned on all the intervening
hummocks. The place is known as Sikyátki, the yellow-house, from the
color of the sandstone of which the houses were built. These and other
fragmentary bits have walls not over a foot thick, built of small stones
dressed by rubbing, and all laid in mud; the inside of the walls also show a

smooth coating of mud plaster. The dimensions of the rooms are very small,
the largest measuring 9½ feet long, by 4½ feet wide. It is improbable that
any of these structures were over two stories high, and many of them were
built in excavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls. In these
instances no rear wall was built; the partition walls, radiating at irregular
angles, abut against the rock itself. Still, the great numbers of these houses,
small as they were, must have been far more than the Fire-people could
have required, for the oval house which they abandoned measures not more
than a hundred feet by fifty. Probably other incoming gentes, of whom no
story has been preserved, had also the ill fate to build there, for the Walpi
people afterward slew all its inhabitants.
There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear people as to their life in
Antelope Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruin with certainty as
having been occupied by their ancestors, while to all the other ruins fanciful
names have been applied. Nor is there any special cause mentioned for
abandoning their dwellings there; probably, however, a sufficient reason
was the cessation of springs in their vicinity. Traces of former large springs
are seen at all of them, but no water flows from them at the present time.
Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon, and moved over to
the village of Walpi, on the terrace below the point of the mesa. They were
received kindly there, and were apparently placed on an equal footing with
the Walpi, for it seems the Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on
terms of friendship. They built houses at that village, and lived there for
some considerable time; then they moved a short distance and built again
almost on the very point of the mesa. This change was not caused by any
disagreement with their neighbors; they simply chose that point as a
suitable place on which to build all their houses together. The site of this
Bear house is called Kisákobi, the obliterated house, and the name is very
appropriate, as there is merely the faintest trace here and there to show
where a building stood, the stones having been used in the construction of
the modern Walpi. These two villages were quite close together, and the
subsequent construction of a few additional groups of rooms almost
connected them, so that they were always considered and spoken of as one.
It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, that the
Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or no opposition, and

their entrance was marked by no great disturbances. No special tradition
preserves any of the circumstances of this event; these first coming
Spaniards being only spoken of as the “Kast´ilumuh who wore iron
garments, and came from the south,” and this brief mention may be
accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits.
The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout their
newly acquired territory, and some time in the seventeenth century a band
of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. They were accompanied
by a few troops to impress the people with a due regard for Spanish
authority, but to display the milder side of their mission, they also brought
herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first these were herded at
various springs within a wide radius around the villages, and the names still
attaching to these places memorize the introduction of sheep and cattle to
this region. The Navajo are first definitely mentioned in tradition as
occupants of this vicinity in connection with these flocks and herds, in the
distribution of which they gave much undesirable assistance by driving off
the larger portion to their own haunts.
The missionaries selected Awatubi, Walpi, and Shumopavi as the sites for
their mission buildings, and at once, it is said, began to introduce a system
of enforced labor. The memory of the mission period is held in great
detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is still adverted to as
the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many of which are now
pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet in length and a foot or
more in diameter, were cut at the San Francisco Mountain, and gangs of
men were compelled to carry and drag them to the building sites, where
they were used as house beams. This necessitated prodigious toil, for the
distance by trail is a hundred miles, most of the way over a rough and
difficult country. The Spaniards are said to have employed a few ox teams
in this labor, but the heaviest share was performed by the impressed
Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by the Spanish soldiers, and any who
refused to work were confined in a prison house and starved into
submission.
The “men with the long robes,” as the missionaries were called, are said to
have lived among these people for a long time, but no trace of their

individuality survives in tradition.
Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some social
improvement among these people, and by the adoption of some harsh
measures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the system of labor
they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the introduction of serfdom,
such as then prevailed in the larger communities in the Rio Grande valleys.
Perhaps tradition belies them; but there are many stories of their evil,
sensual lives—assertions that they violated women, and held many of the
young girls at their mission houses, not as pupils, but as concubines.
In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission in
seeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among the native
priests they encountered prejudices even as violent as their own. With too
great zeal they prohibited the sacred dances, the votive offerings to the
nature-deities, and similar public observances, and strove to suppress the
secret rites and abolish the religious orders and societies. But these were too
closely incorporated with the system of gentes and other family kinships to
admit of their extinction. Traditionally, it is said that, following the
discontinuance of the prescribed ceremonies, the favor of the gods was
withdrawn, the clouds brought no rain, and the fields yielded no corn. Such
a coincidence in this arid region is by no means improbable, and according
to the legends, a succession of dry seasons resulting in famine has been of
not infrequent occurrence. The superstitious fears of the people were thus
aroused, and they cherished a mortal hatred of the monks.
In such mood were they in the summer of 1680, when the village Indians
rose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to retreat to
Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still existing among the
Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race coming from the river region
by the way of Zuñi to obtain their cooperation in the proposed revolt. To
this they consented.
Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan found courage
to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the hated invaders
perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacre center on the
doom of the monks, for they were regarded as the embodiment of all that
was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursuit, as they tried to escape among the

sand dunes, and the mode of their slaughter, is told with grim precision;
they were all overtaken and hacked to pieces with stone tomahawks.
It is told that while the monks were still in authority some of the Snake
women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men to action,
carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the summit of the mesa,
where they desired the men to build new houses, less accessible to the
domineering priests. The men followed them, and two or three small house
groups were built near the southwest end of the present village, one of them
being still occupied by a Snake family, but the others have been demolished
or remodeled. A little farther north, also on the west edge, the small house
clusters there were next built by the families of two women called Tji-vwó-
wati and Si-kya-tcí-wati. Shortly after the massacre the lower village was
entirely abandoned, and the building material carried above to the point
which the Snakes had chosen, and on which the modern Walpi was
constructed. Several beams of the old mission houses are now pointed out
in the roofs of the kivas.
There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a force to
punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their village in a
stronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. The other
villages were already in secure positions, and all the smaller agricultural
settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting at one or two
places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since confined themselves
to the close vicinity of their main villages.
The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division by
phratries. It is surprising that even the social division of the phratries is
preserved. The Hopituh certainly marry within phratries, and occasionally
with the same gens. There is no doubt, however, that in the earlier villages
each gens, and where practicable, the whole of the phratry, built their
houses together. To a certain extent the house of the priestess of a gens is
still regarded as the home of the gens. She has to be consulted concerning
proposed marriages, and has much to say in other social arrangements.
While the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the mesa
point, some of them moved around and built houses beside a spring close to
the east side of the mesa. Soon after this a dispute over planting ground

arose between them and the Sikyátki, whose village was also on that side of
the mesa and but a short distance above them. From this time forward bad
blood lay between the Sikyátki and the Walpi, who took up the quarrel of
their suburb. It also happened about that time, so tradition says, more of the
Coyote people came from the north, and the Pikyás nyu-mu, the young
cornstalk, who were the latest of the Water people, came in from the south.
The Sikyátki, having acquired their friendship, induced them to build on
two mounds, on the summit of the mesa overlooking their village. They had
been greatly harrassed by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who
would come across to the edge of the high cliff and assail them with
impunity, but the occupation of these two mounds by friends afforded
effectual protection to their village. These knolls are about 40 yards apart,
and about 40 feet above the level of the mesa which is something over 400
feet above Sikyátki. Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 feet
and are covered with traces of house walls; and it is evident that groups of
small-roomed houses were clustered also around the sloping sides. About a
hundred yards south from their dwellings the people of the mounds built for
their own protection a strong wall entirely across the mesa, which at that
point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, with deep vertical cliffs on
either side. The base of the wall is still quite distinct, and is about 3 feet
thick.
But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and the Sikyátki
and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequent assaults were
made upon the latter until they were forced to retreat. The greater number of
them retired to Oraibi and the remainder to Sikyátki, and the feud was still
maintained between them and the Walpi.
Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this feud are
still narrated. A party of the Sikyátki went prowling through Walpi one day
while the men were afield, and among other outrages, one of them shot an
arrow through a window and killed a chief’s daughter while she was
grinding corn. The chief’s son resolved to avenge the death of his sister, and
some time after this went to Sikyátki, professedly to take part in a religious
dance, in which he joined until just before the close of the ceremony.
Having previously observed where the handsomest girl was seated among
the spectators on the house terraces, he ran up the ladder as if to offer her a

prayer emblem, but instead he drew out a sharp flint knife from his girdle
and cut her throat. He threw the body down where all could see it, and ran
along the adjoining terraces till he cleared the village. A little way up the
mesa was a large flat rock, upon which he sprang and took off his dancer’s
mask so that all might recognize him; then turning again to the mesa he
sped swiftly up the trail and escaped.
And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until the
planting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sikyátki men
were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief on a certain
day, which was announced from the housetop by the Second Chief as he
made his customary evening proclamations, and the Walpi, becoming aware
of this, planned a fatal onslaught. Every man and woman able to draw a
bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness and at night they crossed the
mesa and concealed themselves along its edge, overlooking the doomed
village. When the day came they waited until the men had gone to the field
and then rushed down upon the houses. The chief, who was too old to go
afield, was the first one killed, and then followed the indiscriminate
slaughter of women and children, and the destruction of the houses. The
wild tumult in the village alarmed the Sikyátki and they came rushing back,
but too late to defend their homes. Their struggles were hopeless, for they
had only their planting sticks to use as weapons, which availed but little
against the Walpi with their bows and arrows, spears, slings, and war clubs.
Nearly all of the Sikyátki men were killed, but some of them escaped to
Oraibi and some to Awatubi. A number of the girls and younger women
were spared, and distributed among the different villages, where they
became wives of their despoilers.
It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Sikyátki that the first
serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region, and all the
stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north, the Ute being the
first who are mentioned, and after them the Apache, who made an
occasional foray.
While these families of Hopituh stock had been building their straggling
dwellings along the canyon brinks, and grouping in villages around the base
of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had begun to arrive on

the Middle Mesa. As already said, it is admitted that the Snake were the
first occupants of this region, but beyond that fact the traditions are
contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, that not long after the
arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came from the south and built a
village on the Middle Mesa, the ruin of which is called Chukubi. It is on the
edge of the cliff on the east side of the neck of that mesa, and a short
distance south of the direct trail leading from Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash
people say that they came from Palát Kwabi, the Red Land in the far South,
and this vague term expresses nearly all their knowledge of that traditional
land. They say they lived for a long time in the valley of the Colorado
Chiquito, on the south side of that stream and not far from the point where
the railway crosses it. They still distinguish the ruin of their early village
there, which was built as usual on the brink of a canyon, and call it
Etípsíkya, after a shrub that grows there profusely. They crossed the river
opposite that place, but built no permanent houses until they reached the
vicinity of Chukubi, near which two smaller clusters of ruins, on knolls,
mark the sites of dwellings which they claim to have been theirs. Three
groups (nyumu) traveling together were the next to follow them; these were
the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the Blue Jay. They are said to have been
very numerous, and to have come from the vicinity of San Francisco
Mountain. They did not move up to Chukubi, but built a large village on the
summit, at the south end of the mesa, close to the site of the present
Mashongnavi. Soon afterward came the Burrowing Owl, and the Coyote,
from the vicinity of Navajo Mountains in the north, but they were not very
numerous. They also built upon the Mashongnavi summit.
After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs was
decreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where the other
people were. But as there was then no suitable place left on the summit,
they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on the west side; and
as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, the rest of the Squash
people came to the terrace and were again united in one village. Straggling
bands of several other groups, both wingwu and nyumu, are mentioned as
coming from various directions. Some built on the terrace and some found
house room in Mashongnavi. This name is derived as follows: On the south
side of the terrace on which the Squash village was built is a high column of

sandstone which is vertically split in two, and formerly there was a third
pillar in line, which has long since fallen. These three columns were called
Tútuwalha, the guardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the
summit were so named. On the north side of the terrace, close to the present
village, is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called Mashóniniptu,
meaning “the other which remains erect,” having reference to the one on the
south side, which had fallen. When the Squash withdrew to the summit the
village was then called Mashóniniptuovi, “at the place of the other which
remains erect;” now that term is never used, but always its syncopated
form, Mashongnavi.
The Squash village, on the south end of the Middle Mesa, was attacked by a
fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, others say the
Apache; but whoever the invaders were, they completely overpowered the
people, and carried off great stores of food and other plunder. The village
was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and the material removed to the
high summit, where they reconstructed their dwellings around the village
which thenceforth bore its present name of Mashongnavi. Some of the
Squash people moved over to Oraibi, and portions of the Katchina and
Paroquet people came from there to Mashongnavi about the same time, and
a few of these two groups occupied some vacant houses also in Shupaulovi;
for this village even at that early date had greatly diminished in population,
having sustained a disastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of
Walpi.
Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups who
went to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two villages are
conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that the first to come
there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the Blue Jay.
They came from the west—probably from San Francisco Mountain. They
claim that ruins on a mesa bluff about 10 miles south from the present
village are the remains of a village built by these groups before reaching
Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it is said, because they were
perched on the heads of the Bears, and, when nearing the water, they flew in
ahead of the others. These groups built a village on a broken terrace, on the
east side of the cliff, and just below the present village. There is a spring
close by called after the Shunóhu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly

there, and from which the town took its name. This spring was formerly
very large, but two years ago a landslide completely buried it; lately,
however, a small outflow is again apparent.
The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 250 feet,
but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan with accuracy. The
corner of an old house still stands, some 6 or 8 feet high, extending about
15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on the other. The wall is over 3 feet in
thickness, but of very clumsy masonry, no care having been exercised in
dressing the stones, which are of varying sizes and laid in mud plaster.
Interest attaches to this fragment, as it is one of the few tangible evidences
left of the Spanish priests who engaged in the fatal mission to the Hopituh
in the sixteenth century. This bit of wall, which now forms part of a sheep-
fold, is pointed out as the remains of one of the mission buildings.
Other groups followed—the Mole, the Spider, and the “Wíksrun.” These
latter took their name from a curious ornament worn by the men. A piece of
the leg-bone of a bear, from which the marrow had been extracted and a
stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet binding the hair, and
hung down in front of the forehead. This gens and the Mole are now extinct.
Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to some
extent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi. No
important event seems to have occurred among them for a long period after
the destruction of Sikyátki, in which they bore some part, and only cursory
mention is made of the ingress of “enemies from the north;” but their
village, apparently, was not assailed.
The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell that the
first houses there were built by Bears, who came from the latter place. The
following is from a curious legend of the early settlement:
The Bear people had two chiefs, who were brothers; the elder was called
Vwen-ti-só-mo, and the younger Ma-tcí-to. They had a desperate quarrel at
Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, according as they
inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long period of contention
Ma-tcí-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa where Oraibi now stands,
about 8 miles northwest from Shumopavi, and built houses a little to the

southwest of the limits of the present town. These houses were afterwards
destroyed by “enemies from the north,” and the older portion of the existing
town, the southwest ends of the house rows, were built with stones from the
demolished houses. Fragments of these early walls are still occasionally
unearthed.
After Ma-tcí-to and his people were established there, whenever any of the
Shumopavi people became dissatisfied with that place they built at Oraibi,
Ma-tcí-to placed a little stone monument about halfway between these two
villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwenti-so´-mo objected to this,
but it was ultimately accepted with the proviso that the village growing the
fastest should have the privilege of moving it toward the other village. The
monument still stands, and is on the direct Oraibi trail from Shumopavi, 3
miles from the latter. It is a well dressed, rectangular block of sandstone,
projecting two feet above the ground, and measures 8½ by 7 inches. On the
end is carved the rude semblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and
mouth being merely round shallow holes, with a black line painted around
them. The stone is pecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed
quite smooth, and the block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the
ancient Roman Termini.
There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, and it
would seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later Snake
people and others from the northwest. Vague traditions attach them to
several of the ruins north of the Moen-kopi, although most of these are
regarded as the remains of Snake dwellings.
The legend of the Eagle people introduces them from the west, coming in
by way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many people living in
Tusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle Mesa, and near the East Mesa, but the Snake
village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles remained at Oraibi, but the
main body moved to a large mound just east of Mashongnavi, on the
summit of which they built a village and called it Shi-tái-mu. Numerous
traces of small-roomed houses can be seen on this mound and on some of
the lower surroundings. The uneven summit is about 300 by 200 feet, and
the village seems to have been built in the form of an irregular ellipse, but
the ground plan is very obscure.

While the Eagles were living at Shi-tái-mu, they sent “Yellow Foot” to the
mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to obtain a dog.
After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by bear, mountain lion,
and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. They were wanted to keep
the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. The dogs grew numerous, and
would go to Mashongnavi in search of food, and also to some of the people
of that village, which led to serious quarrels between them and the Eagle
people. Ultimately the Shi-tái-mu chief proclaimed a feast, and told the
people to prepare to leave the village forever. On the feast day the women
arranged the food basins on the ground in a long line leading out of the
village. The people passed along this line, tasting a mouthful here or there,
but without stopping, and when they reached the last basin they were
beyond the limits of the village. Without turning around they continued on
down into the valley until they were halted by the Snake people. An
arrangement was effected with the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in
the Snake village. A few of the Eagle families who had become attached to
Mashongnavi chose to go to that village, where their descendants still
reside, and are yet held as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. The land
around the East Mesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, Horns, Bears, and
Eagles each receiving separate lands, and these old allotments are still
approximately maintained.
According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan came in
the following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, Oraibi, and
Eagle, and finally from the south came the Water families. This sequence is
also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of the other groups.
Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem to
have been established just before the coming of the Water people. Nor does
there seem to have been any very long interval between the arrival of the
earliest occupants of the Middle Mesa and this latest colony. These were the
Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to have come from Palátkwabi,
the Red Land, in the south. On their northward migration, when they came
to the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, they found the Water people there,
with whom they lived for some time. This combined village was built upon
Homólobi, a round terraced mound near Sunset Crossing, where
fragmentary ruins covering a wide area can yet be traced.

Incoming people from the east had built the large village of Awatubi, high
rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. When the
Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that village and a few of them
remained there permanently, but the others continued west to the Middle
Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shitaimu, Mashongnavi, and the
Squash village on the terrace were all occupied, and they built on the
terrace close to the Squash village also. The Sun people were then very
numerous and soon spread their dwellings over the summit where the ruin
now stands, and many indistinct lines of house walls around this dilapidated
village attest its former size. Like the neighboring village, it takes its name
from a rock near by, which is used as a place for the deposit of votive
offerings, but the etymology of the term can not be traced.
Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Shupaulovi, and later a
nyumu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, built with them; and the
diminished families of the existing village are still composed entirely of
these three nyumu.
The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early days lived
in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village called Kaékibi,
near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left that region they
moved slowly westward to a place called Túwii (Santo Domingo), where
some of them are said to still reside. The next halt was at Kaiwáika
(Laguna) where it is said some families still remain, and they staid also a
short time at A´ikoka (Acoma); but none of them remained at that place.
From the latter place they went to Sióki (Zuñi), where they remained a long
time and left a number of their people there, who are now called Aiyáhokwi
by the Zuñi. They finally reached Tusayan by way of Awatubi. They had
been preceded from the same part of New Mexico by the Honan nyumu (the
Badger people), whom they found living at the last-named village. The
Magpie, the Pute Kóhu (Boomerang-shaped hunting stick), and the Field-
mouse families of the Asa remained and built beside the Badger, but the rest
of its groups continued across to the Walpi Mesa. They were not at first
permitted to come up to Walpi, which then occupied its present site, but
were allotted a place to build at Coyote Water, a small spring on the east
side of the mesa, just under the gap. They had not lived there very long,
however, when for some valuable services in defeating at one time a raid of

the Ute (who used to be called the Tcingawúptuh) and of the Navajo at
another, they were given for planting grounds all the space on the mesa
summit from the gap to where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width,
extending across the valley to the east. On the mesa summit they built the
early portion of the house mass on the north side of the village, now known
as Hano. But soon after this came a succession of dry seasons, which
caused a great scarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and many
moved away to distant streams. The Asa people went to Túpkabi (Deep
Canyon, the de Chelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, where the
Navajo received them kindly and supplied them with food. The Asa had
preserved some seeds of the peach, which they planted in the canyon nooks,
and numerous little orchards still flourish there. They also brought the
Navajo new varieties of food plants, and their relations grew very cordial.
They built houses along the base of the canyon walls, and dwelt there for
two or three generations, during which time many of the Asa women were
given to the Navajo, and the descendants of these now constitute a
numerous clan among the Navajo, known as the Kiáini, the High-house
people.
The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned to
Walpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they found their
old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of Walpi, being
given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just where the main trail
comes up to the village. The Navajo, Ute, and Apache had frequently
gained entrance to the village by this trail, and to guard it the Asa built a
house group along the edge of the cliff at that point, immediately
overlooking the trail, where some of the people still live; and the kiva there,
now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. There was a crevice in the
rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the edge of the cliff and deep
enough for a ki´koli. A wall was built to close the outer edge and it was at
first intended to build a dwelling house there, but it was afterward
excavated to its present size and made into a kiva, still called the
wikwálhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the High Place. The Walpi site
becoming crowded, some of the Bear and Lizard people moved out and
built houses on the site of the present Sichumovi; several Asa families
followed them, and after them came some of the Badger people. The village

grew to an extent considerably beyond its present size, when it was
abandoned on account of a malignant plague. After the plague, and within
the present generation, the village was rebuilt—the old houses being torn
down to make the new ones.
After the Asa came the nest group to arrive was the Water family. Their
chief begins the story of their migration in this way:
In the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in
Tusayan), but their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang for
rain the cloud god sent only a thin mist. My people then lived in the
distant Pa-lát Kwá-bi in the South. There was a very bad old man
there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his face, blow his nose
upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls and did all
manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned the world
upside down, and water spouted up through the kivas and through the
fireplaces in the houses. The earth was rent in great chasms, and water
covered everything except one narrow ridge of mud; and across this
the serpent deity told all the people to travel. As they journeyed across,
the feet of the bad slipped and they fell into the dark water, but the
good, after many days, reached dry land. While the water was rising
around the village the old people got on the tops of the houses, for they
thought they could not struggle across with the younger people; but
Baholikonga clothed them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread
their wings out and floated in the air just above the surface of the
water, and in this way they got across. There were saved of our people
Water, Corn, Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Rabbit, and
Tobacco. The turkey tail dragged in the water—hence the white on the
turkey tail now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old
people have dewlaps under the chin like a turkey; it is also the reason
why old people use turkey-feathers at the religious ceremonies.
In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague references
are made to various villages in the South, which they constructed or dwelt
in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporary halting places.
They dwelt for a long time at Homólobi, where the Sun people joined them;
and probably not long after the latter left the Water people followed on after

them. The largest number of this family seem to have made their dwellings
first at Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi; but like the Sun people they soon
spread to all the villages.
The narrative of part of this journey is thus given by the chief before
quoted:
It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. The kwakwanti
(a warrior order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn,
beans, melons, squashes, and cotton. They would plant corn in the mud
at early morning and by noon it was ripe and thus the people were fed.
When they reached solid ground they rested, and then they built
houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring—sometimes they
were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on long
journeys, and halt and build houses and plant. While we were traveling
if a woman became heavy with child we would build her a house and
put plenty of food in it and leave her there, and from these women
sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians in the South.
Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the
Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while.
Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the rain-clouds
of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his arms; and the
other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit upon it. While
they were living there the kwakwanti made an expedition far to the
north and came in conflict with a hostile people. They fought day after
day, for days and days—they fought by day only and when night came
they separated, each party retiring to its own ground to rest. One night
the cranes came and each crane took a kwakwanti on his back and
brought them back to their people in the South.
Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little
Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses
up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the water
from the river to their gardens. After living there a long while they
began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called the sand-fly,
which bit the children, causing them to swell up and die. The place
becoming unendurable, they were forced again to resume their travels.

Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who was big with child, was
made comfortable in one of the houses on the mountain. She told her
people to leave her, because she knew this was the place where she
was to remain forever. She also told them, that hereafter whenever they
should return to the mountain to hunt she would provide them with
plenty of game. Under her house is a spring and any sterile woman
who drinks of its water will bear children. The people then began a
long journey to reach the summit of the table land on the north. They
camped for rest on one of the terraces, where there was no water, and
they were very tired and thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-
feast—they danced for three days, and on the fourth day the clouds
brought heavy rain and refreshed the people. This event is still
commemorated by a circle of stones at that place. They reached a
spring southeast from Káibitho (Kumás Spring) and there they built a
house and lived for some time. Our people had plenty of rain and
cultivated much corn and some of the Walpi people came to visit us.
They told ns that their rain only came here and there in fine misty
sprays, and a basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they
asked us to come to their land and live with them and finally we
consented. When we got there we found some Eagle people living near
the Second Mesa; our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and
have ever since remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It
was planting time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they
brought only a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast
and planted. Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately
followed and on the first day after planting our corn was half an arm’s
length high; on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it
was ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north
of the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our
thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village.
Then the kwakwanti said, “Let us leave these people and seek a land
somewhere else,” but our women said they were tired of travel and
insisted upon our remaining. Then “Fire-picker” came down from the
village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got into
the village the Walpi women screamed out against us—they feared our
thunder—and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our people, except

those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the northeast as far as
the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell whether our people
built the louses there. Then they came hack to this region again and
built houses and had much trouble with the Walpi, but we have lived
here ever since.
Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed among all
the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa; but it
seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose to build their
permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition of this movement;
it is only indicated by this circumstance, that in addition to the Water
families common to every village, there are still in Oraibi several families
of that people which have no representatives in any of the other villages. At
a quite early day Oraibi became a place of importance, and they tell of
being sufficiently populous to establish many outlying settlements. They
still identify these with ruins on the detached mesas in the valley to the
south and along the Moen-kopi (“place of flowing water”) and other
intermittent streams in the west. These sites were occupied for the purpose
of utilizing cultivable tracts of land in their vicinity, and the remotest
settlement, about 45 miles west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of
cotton, the place being still called by the Navajo and other neighboring
tribes, the “cotton planting ground.” It is also said that several of the larger
ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the
Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long period
before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of foreign bands
from the north may have hastened that movement, and the Oraibi say they
were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies. An episode is
related of an attack upon the main village when a number of young girls
were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the same marauders returned
and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom in corn and received all their
girls back again. After a quiet interval the pillaging bands renewed their
attacks and the settlements on the Moen-kopi were vacated. They were
again occupied after another peace was established, and this condition of
alternate occupancy and abandonment seems to have existed until within
quite recent time.

While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before the
arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan.
Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmity
between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, and
some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs to their
descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetrating all
manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from the other
villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters; they had
fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating and sometimes slaying
them, and threatened still more serious outrage. Awatubi was too strong for
Walpi to attack single-handed, so the assistance of the other villages was
sought, and it was determined to destroy Awatubi at the close of a feast
soon to occur. This was the annual “feast of the kwakwanti,” which is still
maintained and is held during the month of November by each village,
when the youths who have been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to
the councils. The ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night
special rites are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in
the kiva to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleep
there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise on the
following day.
There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, and it
was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day of its
close, the Walpi sent word to their allies “to prepare the war arrow and
come,” and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villages
assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of that village.
By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders had met, all
armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than their weapons were
the firebrands they carried—shredded cedar bark loosely bound in rolls,
resinous splinters of piñon, dry greasewood (a furze very easily ignited),
and pouches full of pulverized red peppers.
Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpi chief
across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundle of
inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiously crept
up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole round the village to
the passages leading to the different courts holding the kivas, near which

they hid themselves. They waited till just before the gray daylight came,
then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and the yelling bands rushed to the
kivas. Selecting their positions, they were at them in a moment, and quickly
snatching up the ladders through the hatchways, the only means of exit, the
doomed occupants were left as helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in
the numerous little cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the
celebrants, the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and
the piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the
blaze, and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast
upon the fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways the
assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of struggling
wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buried and
charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male of Awatubi who
had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not one escaping. Such of the
women and children as were spared were taken out, and all the houses were
destroyed, after which the captives were divided among the different
villages.
The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degree of
exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military force visited
Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which he made
some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayan for five
or six generations, and that when they arrived there was no Awatubi in
existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long after the close of the
seventeenth century.
Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has occurred
between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. It appears that
after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south and west they took
possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to the east of the village,
and kept reaching eastward till they encroached upon some land claimed by
the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent warfare in the outlying fields, and
whenever the contending villagers met a broil ensued, until the strife
culminated in an attack upon Walpi. The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi
men were all in the field on the east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that
their women and dogs held the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the
rescue. A severe battle was fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the

Oraibi were routed and pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi
chief turned and implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected
there, and harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until
within a few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by a
stone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source of
irritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi.
In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, and the
Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the villages, in
which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then lived upon their
eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands, but the Navajo
and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never made any alliance for
a common defense against these invaders.
Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other
villages—a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According to
Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising trader
who has made many journeys to distant localities—and to others, the Hano
once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the village in which his
forefathers lived was called Tceewáge. This, it is said, is the same as the
present Mexican village of Peña Blanca.
The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeated solicitation
by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed by the Ute and
Apache. The story, as told by Kwálakwai, who lives in Hano, but is not
himself a Hano, begins as follows:
Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few and were continually harassed by the
Yútamo (Ute), Yuíttcemo (Apache), and Dacábimo (Navajo). The
chiefs of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hánin nyumu (Bear
people) met together and made the ba´ho (sacred plume stick) and sent
it with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa,
called Tceewádigi, which was far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia
(Santa Fé).
The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and the
embassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewa consented
to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land and their waters with

them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief, the village being left
in the care of his son. This first band is said to have consisted of 146
women, and it was afterwards followed by another and perhaps others.
Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads, and
the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promises regarding
the division of land and waters with them. They were shown where they
could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound on the east side
of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but they were compelled to
go for their food up to Walpi. They could get no vessels to carry their food
in, and when they held out their hands for some the Walpi women
mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded the fingers of the Hano.
After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa,
doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the
Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened
their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red earth
(ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles north from
Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side, and when
they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled the carcasses
up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a few firearms
also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows; but after some
fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed after them. The first
Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a stone heap still (?) marks the
spot. Similar heaps marked the places where other Ute were killed as they
fled before the Hano, but not far from the San Juan the last one was killed.
Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were
received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live—the old
houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned to
them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and
Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the
southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the last
Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.
When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, “let us spit in your
mouths, and you will learn our tongue,” and to this the Hano
consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to

the Walpi, “let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our tongue,”
but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would make them
vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí, and none of
the Hopítuh can talk Hano.
The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico,
and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh by
the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the
women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with the
mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair rolled
up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely fashion
prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other Tusayan the
matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it hanging in a
straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs in a curious
discoid arrangement over each temple.
Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of
wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between them.
The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa
(Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock.
They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same region
of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.
Kótite Cochití (?). Kápung Santa Clara (?)
Númi Nambé. Pokwádi Pojoaque.
Ohke San Juan. Tetsógi Tesuque.
Posówe (Doubtless extinct.) Also half of Taos.

Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew ill-
tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole their
property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from the
mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. They sent
some men to explore the land on the westward to find a suitable place for a
new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi, and on returning, the
favorable story they told of the land they had seen determined the Tewa to
go there.
Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and
a party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led the

Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the Hano, and
they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were also induced
to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit their people on
the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the old Tewa say, “we
shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely we shall go back to our
first home to live forever.”
The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the
Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general tabued the
Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite recent years, and
for this reason the Hano still speak their own language, and have preserved
several distinctive customs, although now the most friendly relations exist
among all the villages. After the Hano were quietly established in their
present position the Asa returned, and the Walpi allotted them a place to
build in their own village. As before mentioned, the house mass on the
southeast side of Walpi, at the head of the trail leading up to the village at
that point, is still occupied by Asa families, and their tenure of possession
was on the condition that they should always defend that point of access
and guard the south end of the village. Their kiva is named after this
circumstance as that of “the Watchers of the High Place.”
Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space,
moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present
village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which
formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).
This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about 125
years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants of
women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi, but
a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly afterward.
This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of the Tusayan,
and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in every village.
Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but the first houses
were torn down and new ones constructed from them.

LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES.

In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the order
of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, except in
the case of the Bear people. There are very few representatives of this
phratry existing now, and very little tradition extant concerning its early
history. The table does not show the condition of these, organizations in the
present community but as they appear in the traditional accounts of their
coming to Tusayan, although representatives of most of them can still be
found in the various villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these,
many other gentes and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or
rather the multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process;
as, for example, in “corn” can be found families claiming to be of the root,
stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be several
families of each of these components constituting district sub-gentes. At
present there are really but four phratries recognized among the Hopituh,
the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is indifferently designated as
Water or Corn:
1. Ho´-nan—Bear.
Ho´-nan Bear.
Ko´-kyañ-a Spider.
Tco´-zir Jay.
He´k-pa Fir.
2. Tcu´-a—Rattlesnake—from the west and north.
Tcu´-a Rattlesnake.
Yu´ñ-ya Cactus—opuntia.
Pü´n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses.
Ü´-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species.
He´-wi Dove.
Pi-vwa´ni Marmot.
Pi´h-tca Skunk.
Ka-la´-ci-au-u Raccoon.
3. A´-la—Horn—from the east.
So´-wiñ-wa Deer.
Tc´ib-io Antelope.
Pa´ñ-wa Mountain sheep.
4. Kwa´-hü—Eagle—from the west and south.
Kwa´-hü Eagle.
Kwa´-yo Hawk.
Mas-si´ kwa´-yo Chicken hawk.
Tda´-wa Sun.

Ka-ha´-bi Willow.
Te´-bi Greasewood.
5. Ka-tci´-na—Sacred, dancer—from the east.
Ka-tci´-na Sacred dancer.
Gya´-zro Parroquet.
Uñ-wu´-si Raven.
Si-kya´-tci Yellow bird.
Si-he´-bi Cottonwood.
Sa-la´-bi Spruce.
6. A´sa—a plant (unknown)—from the Chama.
A´sa
Tca´-kwai-na Black earth Katcina.
Pu´tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick.
Pi´-ca Field mouse.
Hoc´-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock.
Po-si´-o Magpie.
Kwi´ñobi Oak.
7. Ho-na´-ni—Badger—from the east.
Ho-na´-ni Badger.
Müñ-ya´u-wu Porcupine.
Wu-so´-ko Vulture.
Bu´-li Butterfly.
Bu-li´-so Evening primrose.
Na´-hü Medicine of all kinds; generic.
8. Yo´-ki—Rain—from the south.
Yo´-ki Rain.
O´-mau Cloud.
Ka´i-e Corn.
Mu´r-zi-bu-si Bean.
Ka-wa´i-ba-tuñ-a Watermelon.
Si-vwa´-pi Bigelovia graveolens.

The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them are the
two following phratries, who also came to this region with the Water
phratry.
LIZARD.
Ka´-kü-tci
Ba-tci´p-kwa-si
Species of lizards.
Na´-nan-a-wi
Mo´-mo-bi
Pi´-sa White sand.

Tdu´-wa Red sand.
Ten´-kai Mud.
RABBIT.
So´-wi Jackass rabbit.
Tda´-bo Cottontail rabbit.
Pi´-ba Tobacco.
Tcoñ-o Pipe.

Polaka gives the following data:
Te´-wa gentes and phratries.
Tewa Hopi´tuh Navajo.
n
Ko´ -lo Ka´-ai Nata´n Corn.
Cä Pi´-ba Na´-to Tobacco.
Ke Ho´-nau Cac Bear.
Tce´-li Ca´-la-bi Ts´-co Spruce.
Ke´gi Ki´-hu Ki-a´-ni House.
Tuñ Tda´-wu Tjon-a-ai´ Sun.
O´-ku-wuñ O´-mau Kus Cloud.
Nuñ Tcu´-kai Huc-klic Mud.

The gentes bracketed are said to “belong together,” but do not seem to have
distinctive names—as phratries.

SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND.
An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north of
Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There
are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only
version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up to
the standard of those incorporated in the “Summary” and it is therefore
given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was obtained through
Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.
The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa
(Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they were
compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles
northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to
Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined them,
with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved
eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley
of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then
prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of the
great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that were
driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action created such
distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were forced to leave
their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12 miles east of the
modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or 40 of the priests.
After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort Wingate) and had a
fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They remained at Bear
Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled them to move. They then
attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in the trail, turned to the
west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now (the present post-office of
Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam’s Canyon). They remained there
a long time, and through their success in farming became so favorably
known that they were urged to come farther west. They refused, in
consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them. They were captured
and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and afterwards they were
distributed among the villages. Previous to this capture the priests had been

guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs seen in the fire. When the
priest’s omens and oracles had proved false the people were disposed to kill
them, but the priests persuaded them to let it depend on a test case—
offering to kill themselves in the event of failure. So they had a great feast
at Awatubi. The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances
—feathers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn,
beans, melon seeds, etc., and they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza
and had their incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth
before the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which
was therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not
blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were
divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all but
two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back
eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind
caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a sign and
the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a blanket with corn in
it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands and built the houses
there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields were given them; but
their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn from the Mashongnavi. Then,
fearful lest they should be surprised at night, they built a wall as high as a
man’s head about the top of their mesa, and they had big doorways, which
they closed and fastened at night. When they were compelled to plant corn
for themselves they planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as
high as a man’s knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only
on one side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi
again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki girl.
The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were very
desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the boy could
persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On an appointed
day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into the valley, but
she was discovered by some old women who were baking pottery, who
gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the Mashongnavi, who were
lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a party of the Payupki who
had come out and a fight ensued. During the fight the young man was
killed; and this caused so much bitterness of feeling that the Payupki were
frightened, and remained quietly in their pueblo for several days. One

morning, however, an old woman came over to Mashongnavi to borrow
some tobacco, saying that they were going to have a dance in her village in
five days. The next day the Payupki quietly departed. Seeing no smoke
from the village the Mashongnavi at first thought that the Payupki were
preparing for their dance, but on the third day a band of warriors was sent
over to inquire and they found the village abandoned. The estufas and the
houses of the priests were pulled down.
The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they
came.

CHAP T E R I I .

R UI NS AND I NHAB I T E D V I L L AG E S OF T US AYAN.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.
That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the Province
of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that the
easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are situated is
called the “First Mesa.” The road for 30 or 40 miles before reaching this
point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau whose broken
margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues upon which the
villages are built. The sandstone measures of this plateau are distinguished
from many others of the southwest by their neutral colors. The vegetation
consisting of a scattered growth of stunted piñon and cedar, interspersed
with occasional stretches of dull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme
monotony to the landscape. The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth
and play of color frequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country.
The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes,
whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus and
sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especially pronounced

about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity of the villages
there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass, where barren rocks
outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled in confusion at the bases of the
cliffs. The canyons that break through the margins of these mesas often
have a remarkable similarity of appearance, and the consequent monotony
is extremely embarrassing to the traveler, the absence of running water and
clearly defined drainage confusing his sense of direction.
The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to the inhabitants
of this region are found generally at great distances apart, and there are
usually but few natural indications of their location. They often occur in
obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous trails winding through
the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the foot of some mesa. The
convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however, furnishes some guide to
these rare water sources.
The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built are
exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of the “First
Mesa” (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the villages located
upon it, there are at least five places where water can be obtained. One of
these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others appear to be permanent
springs. The quantity of water, however, is so small that it produces no
impression on the arid and sterile effect of the surroundings, except in its
immediate vicinity. Here small patches of green, standing out in strong
relief against their sandy back-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low,
stunted peach trees that have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes.

Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa.

In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6,000 feet above the sea), are
seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood. Where the
plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth of scrub cedar
and piñon begins to appear. But little of this latter growth is seen in the
immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, the characteristic
vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher altitudes, toward the San Juan,
open forests of timber are met with. This latter country seems scarcely to
have come within the ancient builder’s province; possibly on account of its
coldness in winter and for the reason that it is open to the incursions of
warlike hunting tribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near
the villages, and these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the
principal fuel of the Tusayan.
Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summer
are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beauty of
these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with the forbidding
and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very short time these
blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desert that they have
temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in the immediate
vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly met with in portions of
the neighboring mesas and canyons.

After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that
intervenes between the mouth of Keam’s Canyon and the first of the
occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes and
dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa is
gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by a very
abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitous rocky
wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink of the
promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano.

METHODS OF SURVEY.
Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few words as
to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will not be amiss.
The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabited pueblos were
essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of each separate cluster was
run with a compass and a tape measure, the lines being closed and checked
upon the corner from which the beginning was made, so that the plan of
each group stands alone, and no accumulation of error is possible. The
stretched tapeline afforded a basis for estimating any deviations from a
straight line which the wall presented, and as each sight was plotted on the
spot these deviations are all recorded on the plan, and afford an indication
of the degree of accuracy with which the building was carried out. Upon the
basis thus obtained, the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid
of measurements from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process
being repeated for each of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage
recorded all the stories in outline. The various houses and clusters were
connected by compass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline
plan was then made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of
different colors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the vertical
measurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in a
long wall it was customary to make additional measurements at intervening
points.
Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as coping stones,
chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where necessary to
establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as their position and

size were also indicated on this drawing, which was finally tinted to
distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored sheet were located all
openings. These were numbered, and at the same time described in a
notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary vertical
measurements, such as their height and elevation above the ground. In the
same notebook the openings were also fully described. The ladders were
located upon the same sheet, and were consecutively lettered and described
in the notebook. This description furnishes a record of the ladder, its
projection above the coping, if any, the difference in the length of its poles,
the character of the tiepiece, etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass
of statistical data which has been of great service in the elaboration of this
report and in the preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the
whole village, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base
was determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis for
sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought advisable to
preserve.
These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction of large
scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of information that
could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causing great
confusion.
The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes from
time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines of the
walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compass and
tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more convenient to
select a number of stations and connect them by cross-sights and
measurements. These points were then platted, and the walls and lines of
débris were carefully drawn in over the framework of lines thus obtained,
additional measurements being taken when necessary. The heights of
standing walls were measured from both sides, and openings were located
on the plan and described in a notebook, as was done in the survey of the
inhabited villages. The entire site was then leveled, and from the data
obtained contour lines were drawn with a 5-foot interval. Irregularities in
the directions of walls were noted. In the later plans of ruins a scale of
symbols, seven in number, were employed to indicate the amount and
distribution of the débris. The plans, as published, indicate the relative

amounts of débris as seen upon the ground. Probable lines of wall are
shown on the plan by dotted lines drawn through the dots which indicate
débris. With this exception, the plans show the ruins as they actually are.
Standing walls, as a rule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on
the field sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without
confusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5 feet; the
few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used will not
produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in figures.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.
The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found within
the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on account of
their close traditional connection with the present villages, and for the sake
of the light that they might throw upon the relation of the modern pueblos
to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date so widely distributed
over the southwestern plateau country. Such traditional connection with the
present peoples could probably be established for many more of the ruins of
this country by investigations similar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in
the Tusayan group; but this phase of the subject was not included in our
work. In the search for purely architectural evidence among these ruins it
must be confessed that the data have proved disappointingly meager. No
trace of the numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo
architecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of broken
down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of Tusayan. But
little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved of these ruins,
and villages known to have been occupied within two centuries are not
distinguishable from the remains to which distinct tradition (save that they
were in the same condition when the first people of the narrators’ gens came
to this region) no longer clings. Though but little architectural information
is to be derived from these ruins beyond such as is conveyed by the
condition and character of the masonry and the general distribution of the
plan, the plans and relation to the topography are recorded as forming, in
connection with the traditions, a more complete account than can perhaps
be obtained later.

In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggested
between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our
illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of the
builders’ territory where better preserved remains furnish the necessary
data.
WALPI RUINS.

In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to have
been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of sites have taken
place, at least one of which has occurred within the historic period. Of the
various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the gap on the first mesa.
At the present time this site is only a low mound of sand-covered débris
with no standing fragment of wall visible. The present condition of this
early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In the absence of foundation walls or
other definite lines, the character of the site is expressed by the contour
lines that define its relief. Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said
to have been in the open valley separating the first from the second mesa,
but here no trace of the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This
traditional location is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi.
The last site occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was
on a lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity.
Here the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area,
and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separated
points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site of a
Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position formerly
occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of such
structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, that this was the
site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period, although now literally
there is not one stone upon another. The destruction in this instance has
probably been more than usually complete on account of the close
proximity of the succeeding pueblo, making the older remains a very
convenient stone quarry for the construction of the houses on the mesa
summit. Of the three abandoned sites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes
sufficient data for a suggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered.

Fig. 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound.

OLD MASHONGNAVI.

In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. It
will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account of a
Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causes
that led to the occupation of the site illustrated.
We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and “Beaver
Indians,” with whom we had many battles, and being few we were
defeated, after which we came up to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the
“Giant’s Chair”] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and
built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the
Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashóngnavi]. We lived there in
peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people

increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set
fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day
there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we
came upon the mesa, and have lived here since.
The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by the Mashongnavi
at a large isolated rock known as the “Giant’s Chair,” have not been
examined. The later village from which they were driven by the attacks of
the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The plan of the fallen
walls and lines of débris by which the form of much of the old pueblo can
still be traced is given in Pl. II. The plan of the best preserved portion of the
pueblo towards the north end of the sheet clearly indicates a general
adherence to the inclosed court arrangement with about the same degree of
irregularity that characterizes the modern village. Besides the clearly
traceable portions of the ruin that bear such resemblance to the present
village in arrangement, several small groups and clusters appear to have
been scattered along the slope of the foothills, but in their present state of
destruction it is not clear whether these clusters were directly connected
with the principal group, or formed part of another village. Occasional
traces of foundation walls strongly suggest such connection, although from
the character of the site this intervening space could hardly have been
closely built over. With the exception of the main cluster above described
the houses occupy very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan,
the slope is broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from
the soil, while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that
have fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate
the general character of the slopes over which these irregular features are
disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate,
against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion of a
broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes upon which
the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaúlovi are built, and
continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles along the
mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown in the
plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl. XXXI).
SHITAIMUVI.

The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found in
the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of a
rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruin
could be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls. No
line of foundation stones even could be found, although the whole area is
more or less covered with the scattered stones of former masonry. An
exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewn over the surface.
These bear a close resemblance to the fine class of ware characteristic of
“Talla Hogan” or “Awatubi,” and would suggest that this pueblo was
contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference to this ruin win be found
in the traditionary material in Chapter I.
AWATUBI.

The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a term
interpreted as meaning “singing house” and thought to refer to the chapel
and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr. Stephen in
Chapter I. Tradition ascribes great importance to this village. At the time of
the Spanish conquest it was one of the most prosperous of the seven “cities”
of Tusayan, and was selected as the site of a mission, a distinction shared by
Walpi, which was then on a lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi,
which also was built on a lower site than the present village of that name.
Traditions referring to this pueblo have been collected from several sources
and, while varying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in
bringing the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish
occupation.

Plate IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan.

On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of the
attempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, and the ruin
must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the completeness of
destruction is such that over most of its area no standing wall is seen, and
the outlines of the houses and groups are indicated mainly by low ridges
and masses of broken-down masonry, partly covered by the drifting sands.
The group of rooms that forms the south east side of the pueblo is an
exception to the general rule. Here fragmentary walls of rough masonry
stand to a height, in some cases, of 8 feet above the débris. The character of
the stonework, as may be seen from Pl. V, is but little better than that of the
modern villages. This better preserved portion of the village seems to have
formed part of a cluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on

the ground plan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of
straw adobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations of
stone masonry. See Pl. VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of the
church or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan, both
on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, as may be
seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicate that the
village was provided with a gateway near the middle of the northeast side.

Plate V. Standing walls of Awatubi.

The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the present
villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry and compactness.
There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms into long parallel
rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly approximated in some
subordinate rows within the court. The plan suggests that the original
pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth or
southeast side—later occupied by the mission buildings—being left open,
or protected only by a low wall. Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo,
on the northeast side, are two fragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo
sheep herders. Near the west corner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two
rooms, outside the pueblo proper, which seem to belong to the original
construction.

Plate VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi.

Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in the
open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people of Walpi
had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as a depository for
ceremonial plume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and carried off their
sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic
specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at the time the ruins were
surveyed.
The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was
destroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheep
corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is quite as
likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a much later date.
HORN HOUSE.

The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village with
some of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. The ruin
is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the western flank of
Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road to Keam’s Canyon
ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost completely demolished,
no fragment of standing wall remaining in place. Its general plan and
distribution are quite clearly indicated by the usual low ridges of fallen

masonry partly covered by drifted sand. There is but little loose stone
scattered about, the sand having filled in all the smaller irregularities.
It will be seen from the plan, Pl. VII, that the village has been built close to
the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the irregularities of its
outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is not very high, the more
abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet. Near the north end of the
village the ground slopes very sharply toward the east and is rather thickly
covered with the small stones of fallen masonry, though but faint vestiges of
rooms remain. In plan the ruin is quite elongated, following the direction of
the mesa. The houses were quite irregularly disposed, particularly in the
northern portion of the ruin. But here the indications are too vague to
determine whether the houses were originally built about one long court or
about two or more smaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still
shows a well defined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms.
At the extreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines,
a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in the
illustration.

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Plate VII. Horn House ruin, plan.

The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, just
below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of the village.
These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark the probable site of
the spring that furnished this village with at least part of its water supply.

There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not so
abundant as at Awatubi.
Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some earlier
visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure.
These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonry
exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan ruins.
No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreign influence were
seen at this ruin.
SMALL RUIN BETWEEN HORN HOUSE AND BAT HOUSE.

On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway
between it and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the
remains of a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on
the very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyon
which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below.

Fig. 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House.

The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part of Jeditoh
Valley. The topography about this point, which receives the drainage of a

considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especially for the
establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much to do with its
selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the same state of
preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stones of the fallen
walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge to the talus
below.
BAT HOUSE.

The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House,
although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely as
the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern portion is
quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhat crowded. The
southern half, with only an occasional room traceable, as indicated on the
plan, Pl. VIII, still shows that the rooms were distributed about a large open
court.

Plate VIII. Bat House.

The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley, on
part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. It
occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valley for
an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge of the
cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the east and south are
large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an excellent defensive site,
combined with a fair degree of convenience to fields and water from the
Tusayan point of view.

This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is quite
foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall. It is the only
instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall, though it is met
with again at Payupki (Pl. XIII), which, however, was built by people from
the Rio Grande country.
MISHIPTONGA.

Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far the
largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl. IX). It occurs quite close to the
Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whose northern and
western border are distributed the ruins above described, beginning with the
Horn house.

full size

Plate IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh).

This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any other of the
series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed by large and
small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with a general trend
towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with the mesa edge. In plan
this village approaches somewhat that of the inhabited Tusayan villages. At
the extreme southern extremity of the mesa promontory is a small
secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the site of the main village. This bench

has also been occupied by a number of houses. On the east side the pueblo
was built to the very edge of the bluff, where small fragments of masonry
are still standing. The whole village seems so irregular and crowded in its
arrangement that it suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much
more than do the other villages of this (Jeditoh) group.
The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent of
the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no traditional
mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds and wars that figure
so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last three centuries. The
pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancient gentes of the Tusayan
stock, as its plan, the character of the site chosen, and, where traceable, the
quality of workmanship link it with the other villages of the Jeditoh group.

Plate X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi.

MOEN-KOPI RUINS.

A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farming
pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summit
about a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. As the
plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows around a small
court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trend which has been
noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos of Tusayan. The

rows here were only one room deep and not more than a single story high at
any point, as indicated by the very small amount of débris. As the plate
shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined by fragments of standing
walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of the dark-colored sandstone
which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallen the débris is
comparatively free from earth, indicating that adobe has been sparingly
used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3 feet, as may be seen
in the illustration, Pl. X, show unusual precision of workmanship and finish,
resembling in this respect some of the ancient pueblos farther north. This is
to some extent due to the exceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the
mesa summit. The almost entire absence of pottery fragments and other
objects of art which are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins
throughout this region strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short
time. In Chapter III it will be shown that a similar order of occupation took
place at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuñi farming villages. This ruin is
probably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi,
although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which we
have no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, a veritable
garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of the first points
occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms in niches of a
neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of the valley for agricultural
purposes, although it is doubtful whether these rude shelters date back of
the Spanish invasion of the province.

Fig. 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan.

A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would probably
reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more important settlement
than any of those now known.
RUINS ON THE ORAIBI WASH.

The wagon road from Keam’s Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi wash
at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters a branch
canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side by rocky
mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold promontory,
extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of the landscape. The
entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rocky butte that rises
from it, are covered with the remains of a small pueblo, as shown on the
plan, Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its eastern side is lightly covered with
scattered débris. On the west and north sides there are many large masses of
broken rock distributed over the slope. There is no standing wall visible
from below, but on closer approach several interesting specimens of
masonry are seen. On the north side, near the west end, there is a fragment
of curved wall which follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It

is about 8 or 10 feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is
carefully executed and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east,
and still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting a
reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoining
rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock on which
it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the surroundings are
indicated on the plan, Fig. 5. On the south side of the ruin on the mesa
surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remains of what appears to
have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet in diameter, though it is too
much broken down to determine this accurately. Only a small portion of the
south wall can be definitely traced. On the south slope of the mesa are
indications of walls, too vaguely defined to admit of the determination of
their direction. Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west,
but not extending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south.

Fig. 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi.

In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls so far as
traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of the buildings
that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is impossible to
determine whether its walls were carried through continuously.

The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of
unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, Fig. 7,
and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, not dressed,
and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the wall has a good
finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most of the débris about the
ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand, comparatively few stones
of the size used in the walls being seen. The material evidently came from
the immediate vicinity of the ruin.
Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the ware
represented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the older types;
red ware with black lines and black and white ware were especially
abundant.
There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the butte
commanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 miles
north. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by the
wagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on the east
and another of much less extent on the west. The site was well adapted for
defense, which must have been one of the principal motives for its
selection.
KWAITUKI.

The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the west side
of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles above the ruin
last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is very striking. The
builders have apparently been actuated by the same motives in their choice
of a site, and their manner of utilizing it corresponds very closely. The
crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is a picturesque group of
rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhat irregularly distributed. The bare
summit of a large block-like mass still retains the vestiges of rooms, and
probably most of the groups were at one time covered with buildings,
forming a prominent citadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the
north of this rocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time
inclosed by buildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the
outer margin of the pueblo occasional fragments of walls define former
rooms, but the amount and character of the débris indicate that the inner

area was almost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of
masonry extend on the south a little beyond the base of the central group of
rocks, but here the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered.

Fig. 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki).

In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pile are
many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidently been
used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements.
A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave or underground
fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by the inhabitants. The
mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed and concealed at the
time of our visit, occurs at the point A on the plan. On clearing away the
rubbish at the mouth and entering it was found so obstructed with broken
rock and fine dust that but little progress could be made in its exploration;
but the main crevice in the rock could be seen by artificial light to extend
some 10 feet back from the mouth, where it became very shallow. It could
be seen that the original cavern had been improved by the pueblo-builders,
as some of the timbers that had been placed inside were still in position, and
a low wall of masonry on the south side remained intact. Some Navajos

stated that they had discovered this small cave a couple of years before and
had taken from it a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some
other specimens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants
simply for storage.
Fragments of pottery of excellent quality were very abundant about this ruin
and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly strewn with
fragments, often of large size.
The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 miles farther
south in quite a remarkable manner, and the villages were apparently built
and occupied at the same time.
TEBUGKIHU, OR FIRE HOUSE.

About 15 miles northeast of Keam’s Canyon,
and about 25 miles from Walpi, is a small ruin
called by the Tusayan “Tebugkihu,” built by
people of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the
plan (Fig. 7) clearly shows, this pueblo is
very different from the typical Tusayan
villages that have been previously described.
The apparent unity of the plan, and the
skillful workmanship somewhat resembling
the pueblos of the Chaco are in marked
contrast to the irregularity and careless
construction of most of the Tusayan ruins. Its
distance from the center of the province, too,
suggests outside relationship; but still the
Fig. 7. Oval (Fire House) ruin,
Tusayan traditions undoubtedly connect the plan (Tebugkihu).
place with some of the ancestral gentes, as
seen in Chapter I.
The small and compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkable state of
preservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully and
massively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet around the
entire circumference of the ruin, except along the brink of the cliff, as the
plan shows.

This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet found incorporated in
pueblo masonry. A fragment of this masonry is illustrated in Pl. XI. The
largest stone shown measures about 5 feet in length, and the one adjoining
on the right measures about 4 feet. These dimensions are quite remarkable
in pueblo masonry, which is distinguished by the use of very small stones.

Plate XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail.

The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye appears to be
elliptical, but it will be seen from the plan that the ellipse is somewhat
pointed on the side farthest from the cliff. As in other cases of ancient
pueblos with curved outlines, the outer wall seems to have been built first,
and the inner rooms, while kept as rectangular as possible, were adjusted to
this curve. This arrangement often led to a cumulating divergence from
radial lines in some of the partitions, which irregularity was taken up in one
room, as in this instance, in the space near the gate. The outer wall is
uniform in construction so far as preserved. Many irregularities appear,
however, in the construction of the inner or partition walls, and some of the
rooms show awkward attempts at adjustment to the curve of the outer wall.
The ruin is situated on the very brink of a small canyon, which probably
contained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site, as the
vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness, suggesting the
close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trail evidently connected the

village with the bottom of the canyon. Some of the rocks of the mesa rim
were marked by numerous cup-like cavities similar to those seen at
Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and forming of stone implements. The
type of pueblo here illustrated belonged to a people who relied largely on
the architecture for defense, differing in this respect from the spirit of
Tusayan architecture generally, where the inaccessible character of the site
was the chief dependence.
CHUKUBI.

The ruin called Chukubi by the Tusayan (Pl. XII) is situated on the Middle
Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies a promontory
above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms such a conspicuous
feature in the vicinity of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi, and which supports
the buttes upon which these villages are built.

full size

Plate XII. Chukubi, plan.

Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a fragment aids
in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form the village was a
large rectangle with a line of buildings across its center, dividing it into two
unequal courts, and a projecting wing on the west side. As may be seen
from the illustration, one end of the ruin forms a clearly defined rectangular
court, composed of buildings mostly two rooms deep. Here, as in other
ruins of Tusayan, the arrangement about inclosed courts is in contrast with

the parallelism of rows, so noticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At
the east end of the ruin are several curious excavations. The soft sandstone
has been hollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, in prolongation of the
outlines of adjoining rooms. Such excavation to obtain level floors is quite
unusual among the pueblo builders; it was practiced to a very small extent,
and only where it could be done with little trouble. Any serious inequality
of surface was usually incorporated in the construction, as will be noticed at
Walpi (Pl. XXIII). Vestiges of masonry indicating detached rooms were seen
in each of the courts of the main rectangle.
On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previously described,
there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting it with the pueblo
could be found.
This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the same
degree as Payupki, illustrated in Pl. XIII.

Plate XIV. General view of Payupki.

PAYUPKI.

The ruin called Payupki (Pl. XIII) occupies the summit of a bold promontory
south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about 6 miles northwest from
Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this promontory is separated from the
mesa by a deep notch. The summit is reached from the mesa by way of the
neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, much of the sandstone ledge

being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet below the summit and in places quite
broad, encircles the promontory. This bench also breaks off very abruptly.

full size

Plate XIII. Payupki, plan.

As may be seen from the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laid out
and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of the
promontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also been
fortified. All along the outer margin of this ledge are the remains of a stone
wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet. This wall
appears to have extended originally all along the ledge around three sides of
the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remaining side rendered a wall
superfluous. On the plain below this promontory, and immediately under
the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and also the remains of a structure
that resembles a kiva, but which appears to be of recent construction.
In the village proper (Pl. XIV) are two distinctly traceable kivas. One of
these, situated in the court, is detached and appears to have been partly
underground. The other, located in the southeast end of the village, has also,
like the first, apparently been sunk slightly below the surface. There is a jog
in the standing wall of this kiva which corresponds to that usually found in
the typical Tusayan kivas (see Figs. 22 and 25). On the promontory and east
of the village is a single room of more than average length, with a well
formed door in the center of one side. This room has every appearance of
being contemporary with the rest of the village, but its occurrence in this
entirely isolated position is very unusual. Still farther east there is a mass of

debris that may have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it may
possibly be the remains of temporary stone shelters for outlooks over crops,
built at a later date than the pueblo. As may be seen from the illustration (Pl.
XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs of sandstone of various sizes.
The work is rather better than that of modern Tusayan, but much inferior to
that seen in the skillfully laid masonry of the ruins farther north. In many of
these walls an occasional sandstone slab of great length is introduced. This
peculiarity is probably due to the character of the local material, which is
more varied than usual. All of the stone here used is taken from ledges in
the immediate vicinity. It is usually light in color and of loose texture,
crumbling readily, and subject to rapid decay, particularly when used in
walls that are roughly constructed.

Plate XV. Standing walls of Payupki.

Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modern appearance,
some of it having the characteristic surface finish and color of the Rio
Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery also occurs here, some of
the fragments of black and white ware displaying intricate fret patterns. The
quantity of these potsherds is quite small, and they occur mainly in the
refuse heaps on the mesa edge.
This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization of one
of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing altogether a

combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any of the
ordinary methods of Indian warfare.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE INHABITED VILLAGES.

Plate XVII. View of Hano.

HANO.

The village of Hano, or Tewa, is intrusive and does not properly belong to
the Tusayan stock, as appears from their own traditions. It is somewhat
loosely planned (Pl. XVI) and extends nearly across the mesa tongue, which
is here quite narrow, and in general there is no appreciable difference
between the arrangement here followed and that of the other villages. One
portion of the village, however, designated as House No. 5 on the plan,
differs somewhat from the typical arrangement in long irregular rows, and
approaches the pyramidal form found among the more eastern pueblos,
notably at Taos and in portions of Zuñi. As has been seen, tradition tells us
that this site was taken up by the Tewa at a late date and subsequent to the
Spanish conquest; but some houses, formerly belonging to the Asa people,
formed a nucleus about which the Tewa village of Hano was constructed.

The pyramidal house occupied by the old governor, is said to have been
built over such remains of earlier houses.

full size

Plate XVI. Plan of Hano (rotated).

The largest building in the village appears to have been added to from time
to time as necessity for additional space arose, resulting in much the same
arrangement as that characterizing most of the Tusayan houses, viz, a long,
irregular row, not more than three stories high at any point. The small range
marked No. 4 on the plan contains a section three stories high, as does the
long row and also the pyramidal cluster above referred to. (Pl. XVII.)
The kivas are two in number, one situated within the village and the other
occupying a position in the margin of the mesa. These ceremonial
chambers, so far as observed, appear to be much like those in the other
villages, both in external and internal arrangement.
Within the last few years the horse trail that afforded access to Hano and
Sichumovi has been converted into a wagon road, and during the progress
of this work, under the supervision of an American, considerable blasting
was done. Among other changes the marginal kiva, which was nearly in line
with the proposed improvements, was removed. This was done despite the
protest of the older men, and their predictions of dire calamity sure to
follow such sacrilege. A new site was selected close by and the newly
acquired knowledge of the use of powder was utilized in blasting out the
excavation for this subterranean chamber. It is altogether probable that the
sites of all former kivas were largely determined by accident, these rooms
being built at points where natural fissures or open spaces in the broken
mesa edge furnished a suitable depression or cavity. The builders were not

capable of working the stone to any great extent, and their operations were
probably limited to trimming out such natural excavations and in part lining
them with masonry.
There is a very noticeable scarcity of roof-holes, aside from those of the
first terrace. As a rule the first terrace has no external openings on the
ground and is entered from its roof through large trap-doors, as shown on
the plans. The lower rooms within this first terrace are not inhabited, but are
used as storerooms.
At several points ruined walls are seen, remains of abandoned rooms that
have fallen into decay. Occasionally a rough, buttress-like projection from a
wall is the only vestige of a room or a cluster of rooms, all traces on the
ground having been obliterated.
The mesa summit, that forms the site of this village, is nearly level, with
very little earth on its surface. A thin accumulation of soil and rubbish
lightly covers the inner court, but outside, along the face of the long row,
the bare rock is exposed continuously. Where the rooms have been
abandoned and the walls have fallen, the stones have all been utilized in
later constructions, leaving no vestige of the former wall on the rocky site,
as the stones of the masonry have always been set upon the surface of the
rock, with no excavation or preparation of footings of any kind.

Plate XIX. View of Sichumovi.

SICHUMOVI.

According to traditional accounts this village was founded at a more recent
date than Walpi. It has, however, undergone many changes since its first
establishment.
The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to that of Hano (Pl.
XVIII). A portion of an L-shaped cluster west of this row, and a small row
near it parallel to the main building, form a rude approximation to the
inclosed court arrangement. The terracing here, however, is not always on
the court side, whereas in ancient examples such arrangement was an
essential defensive feature, as the court furnished the only approach to
upper terraces. In all of these villages there is a noticeable tendency to face
the rows eastward instead of toward the court. The motive of such
uniformity of direction in the houses must have been strong, to counteract
the tendency to adhere to the ancient arrangement. The two kivas of the
village are built side by side, in contact, probably on account of the
presence at this point of a favorable fissure or depression in the mesa
surface.

full size

Plate XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi.

On the south side of the village are the remains of two small clusters of
rooms that apparently have been abandoned a long time. A portion of a
room still bounded by standing walls has been utilized as a corral for burros
(Pl. XIX).
At this village are three small detached houses, each composed of but a
single room, a feature not at all in keeping with the spirit of pueblo
construction. In this instance it is probably due to the selection of the
village as the residence of whites connected with the agency or school. Of
these single-room houses, one, near the south end of the long row, was
being built by an American, who was living in another such house near the
middle of this row. The third house, although fairly well preserved at the
time of the survey, was abandoned and falling into ruin. Adjoining the
middle one of these three buildings on the south side are the outlines of two
small compartments, which were evidently built as corrals for burros and
are still used for that purpose.
This village, though limited to two stories in height, has, like the others of
the first mesa, a number of roof holes or trapdoors in the upper story, an
approach to the Zuñi practice. This feature among the Tusayan villages is
probably due to intercourse with the more eastern pueblos, for it seems to
occur chiefly among those having such communication most frequently. Its
presence is probably the result simply of borrowing a convenient feature
from those who invented it to meet a necessity. The conditions under which
the houses were built have hardly been such as to stimulate the Tusayan to
the invention of such a device. The uniform height of the second-story roofs
seen in this village, constituting an almost unbroken level, is a rather
exceptional feature in pueblo architecture. Only one depression occurs in
the whole length of the main row.

Plate XXI. View of Walpi.

WALPI.

Of all the pueblos, occupied or in ruins, within the provinces of Tusayan
and Cibola, Walpi exhibits the widest departure from the typical pueblo
arrangement (Pl. XX).
The carelessness characteristic of Tusayan architecture seems to have
reached its culmination here. The confused arrangement of the rooms,
mainly due to the irregularities of the site, contrasts with the work at some
of the other villages, and bears no comparison with much of the ancient
work. The rooms seem to have been clustered together with very little
regard to symmetry, and right angles are very unusual. (See Fig. 8.)

full size Fig. 8. Topography
of the site of Walpi.
Plate XX. Plan of Walpi.

The general plan of the village of to-day confirms the traditional accounts
of its foundation. According to these its growth was gradual, beginning with

a few small clusters, which were added to from time to time as the
inhabitants of the lower site upon the spur of the mesa, where the mission
was established, moved up and joined the pioneers on the summit. It is
probable that some small rooms or clusters were built on this conspicuous
promontory soon after the first occupation of this region, on account of its
exceptionally favorable position as an outlook over the fields (Pl. XXI).
Though the peculiar conformation of the site on which the village has been
built has produced an unusual irregularity of arrangement, yet even here an
imperfect example of the typical inclosed court may be found, at one point
containing the principal kiva or ceremonial chamber of the village. It is
probable that the accidental occurrence of a suitable break or depression in
the mesa top determined the position of this kiva at an early date and that
the first buildings clustered about this point.
A unique feature in this kiva is its connection with a second subterranean
chamber, reached from the kiva through an ordinary doorway. The
depression used for the kiva site must have been either larger than was
needed or of such form that it could not be thrown into one rectangular
chamber. It was impossible to ascertain the form of this second room, as the
writer was not permitted to approach the connecting doorway, which was
closed with a slab of cottonwood. This chamber, used as a receptacle for
religious paraphernalia, was said to connect with an upper room within the
cluster of dwellings close by, but this could not be verified at the time of
our visit. The plan indicates that such an adjoining chamber, if of average
size, could easily extend partly under the dwellings on either the west or
south side of the court. The rocky mesa summit is quite irregular in this
vicinity, with rather an abrupt ascent to the passageway on the south as
shown in Pl. XXII. Southeast from the kiva there is a large mass of rocks
projecting above the general level, which has been incorporated into a
cluster of dwelling rooms. Its character and relation to the architecture may
be seen in Pl. XXIII. So irregular a site was not likely to be built upon until
most of the available level surface had been taken up, for even in masonry
of much higher development than can be found in Tusayan the builders,
unable to overcome such obstacles as a large mass of protruding rock, have
accommodated their buildings to such irregularities. This is very noticeable
in the center cluster of Mummy Cave (in Canyon del Muerto, Arizona),

where a large mass of sandstone, fallen from the roof of the rocky niche in
which the houses were built, has been incorporated into the house cluster.
Between this and another kiva to the north the mesa top is nearly level. The
latter kiva is also subterranean and was built in an accidental break in
sandstone. On the very margin of this fissure stands a curious isolated rock
that has survived the general erosion of the mesa. It is near this rock that the
celebrated Snake-dance takes place, although the kiva from which the
dancers emerge to perform the open air ceremony is not adjacent to this
monument (Pl. XXIV).

Plate XXII. South passageway of Walpi.

A short distance farther toward the north occur a group of three more kivas.
These are on the very brink of the mesa, and have been built in recesses in
the crowning ledge of sandstone of such size that they could conveniently
be walled up on the outside, the outer surface of rude walls being
continuous with the precipitous rock face of the mesa.

Plate XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi.

The positions of all these ceremonial chambers seem to correspond with
exceptionally rough and broken portions of the mesa top, showing that their
location in relation to the dwelling clusters was due largely to accident and
does not possess the significance that position does in many ancient pueblos
built on level and unencumbered sites, where the adjustment was not
controlled by the character of the surface.

Plate XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi.

The Walpi promontory is so abrupt and difficult of access that there is no
trail by which horses can be brought to the village without passing through
Hano and Sichumovi, traversing the whole length of the mesa tongue, and
crossing a rough break or depression in the mesa summit close to the
village. Several foot trails give access to the village, partly over the nearly
perpendicular faces of rock. All of these have required to be artificially
improved in order to render them practicable. Plate XXV, from a photograph,
illustrates one of these trails, which, a portion of the way, leads up between
a huge detached slab of sandstone and the face of the mesa. It will be seen
that the trail at this point consists to a large extent of stone steps that have
been built in. At the top of the flight of steps where the trail to the mesa
summit turns to the right the solid sandstone has been pecked out so as to
furnish a series of footholes, or steps, with no projection or hold of any kind
alongside. There are several trails on the west side of the mesa leading
down both from Walpi and Sichúmovi to a spring below, which are quite as
abrupt as the example illustrated. All the water used in these villages,
except such as is caught during showers in the basin-like water pockets of
the mesa top, is laboriously brought up these trails in large earthenware
canteens slung over the backs of the women.

Supplies of every kind,
provisions, harvested
crops, fuel, etc., are
brought up these steep
trails, and often from a
distance of several
miles, yet these
conservative people
tenaciously cling to the
inconvenient situation
selected by their fathers
long after the necessity
for so doing has passed
away. At present no
argument of
convenience or comfort
seems sufficient to
induce them to abandon
their homes on the rocky
heights and build near
the water supply and the
fields on which they
depend for subsistence. Plate XXV. Foot trail to Walpi.

One of the trails referred to in the description of Hano has been converted
into a wagon road, as has been already described. The Indians preferred to
expend the enormous amount of labor necessary to convert this bridle path
into a wagon road in order slightly to overcome the inconvenience of
transporting every necessary to the mesa upon their own backs or by the
assistance of burros. This concession to modern ideas is at best but a poor
substitute for the convenience of homes built in the lower valleys.

Plate XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance.

MASHONGNAVI.

Mashongnavi, situated on the summit of a rocky knoll, is a compact though
irregular village, and the manner in which it conforms to the general outline
of the available ground is shown on the plan. Convenience of access to the
fields on the east and to the other villages probably prompted the first
occupation of the east end of this rocky butte (Pl. XXVI).

full size

Plate XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan.

In Mashongnavi of to-day the eastern portion of the village forms a more
decided court than do the other portions. The completeness in itself of this
eastern end of the pueblo, in connection with the form of the adjoining
rows, strongly suggests that this was the first portion of the pueblo built,
although examination of the masonry and construction furnish but imperfect
data as to the relative age of different portions of the village. One uniform
gray tint, with only slight local variations in character and finish of
masonry, imparts a monotonous effect of antiquity to the whole mass of
dwellings. Here and there, at rare intervals, is seen a wall that has been
newly plastered; but, ordinarily, masonry of 10 years’ age looks nearly as
old as that built 200 years earlier. Another feature that suggests the greater
antiquity of the eastern court of the pueblo is the presence and manner of
occurrence here of the kiva. The old builders may have been influenced to
some extent in their choice of site by the presence of a favorable depression
for the construction of a kiva, though this particular example of the
ceremonial room is only partly subterranean. The other kivas are almost or
quite below the ground level. Although a favorable depression might readily
occur on the summit of the knoll, a deep cavity, suitable for the construction
of the subterranean kiva, would not be likely to occur at such a distance
from the margin of the sandstone ledge. The builders evidently preferred to
adopt such half-way measures with their first kiva in order to secure its
inclosure within the court, thus conforming to the typical pueblo
arrangement. The numerous exceptions to this arrangement seen in Tusayan
are due to local causes. The general view of Mashongnavi given in Pl. XXVII
shows that the site
of this pueblo, as
well as that of its
neighbor,
Shupaulovi, was
Fig. 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi. not particularly
defensible, and that
this fact would have weight in securing adherence in the first portion of the
pueblo built to the defensive inclosed court containing the ceremonial
chamber. The plan strongly indicates that the other courts of the pueblo

were added as the village grew, each added row facing toward the back of
an older row, producing a series of courts, which, to the present time, show
more terracing on their western sides. The eastern side of each court is
formed, apparently, by a few additions of low rooms to what was originally
an unbroken exterior wall, and which is still clearly traceable through these
added rooms. Such an exterior wall is illustrated in Pl. XVIII. This process
continued until the last cluster nearly filled the available site and a wing
was thrown out corresponding to a tongue or spur of the knoll upon which it
was built. Naturally the westernmost or newer portions show more clearly
the evidence of additions and changes, but such evidence is not wholly
wanting in the older portions. The large row that bounds the original eastern
court on the west side may be seen on the plan to be of unusual width,
having the largest number of rooms that form a terrace with western aspect;
yet the nearly straight line once defining the original back wall of the court
inclosing cluster on this side has not been obscured to any great extent by
the later additions (Pl. XXVIII). This village furnishes the most striking
example in the whole group of the manner in which a pueblo was gradually
enlarged as increasing population demanded more space. Such additions
were often carried out on a definite plan, although the results in Tusayan
fall far short of the symmetry that characterizes many ruined pueblos in
New Mexico and Arizona.

Plate XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row.

A few of these ancient examples, especially some of the smaller ruins of the
Chaco group, are so symmetrical in their arrangement that they seem to be
the result of a single effort to carry out a clearly fixed plan. By far the
largest number of pueblos, however, built among the southwest tablelands,
if occupied for any length of time, must have been subject to irregular
enlargement. In some ancient examples, such additions to the first plan
undoubtedly took place without marring the general symmetry. This was the
case at Pueblo Bonito, on the Chaco, where the symmetrical and even curve
of the exterior defensive wall, which was at least four stories high,
remained unbroken, while the large inclosed court was encroached upon by
wings added to the inner terraces. These additions comfortably provided for
a very large increase of population after the first building of the pueblo,
without changing its exterior appearance.
In order to make clearer this order of growth in Mashongnavi, a series of
skeleton diagrams is added in Figs. 10, 11, and 12, giving the outlines of the
pueblo at various supposed periods in the course of its enlargement. The
larger plan of the village (Pl. XXVI) serves as a key to these terrace outlines.

full size full size full size

Figs. 10, 11, 12. Diagrams showing growth of Mashongnavi.

The first diagram illustrates the supposed original cluster of the east court
(Fig. 10), the lines of which can be traced on the larger plan, and it includes
the long, nearly straight line that marks the western edge of the third story.
This diagram shows also, in dotted lines, the general plan that may have
guided the first additions to the west. The second diagram (Fig. 11) renders
all the above material in full tint, again indicating further additions by
dotted lines, and so on. (Fig. 12.) The portions of a terrace, which face
westward in the newer courts of the pueblo, illustrated in Pl. XXIX, were
probably built after the western row, completing the inclosure, and were far
enough advanced to indicate definitely an inclosed court, upon which the
dwelling rooms faced.

Plate XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi.

Plate XXXI. View of Shupaulovi.

SHUPAULOVI.

This village, by far the smallest pueblo of the Tusayan group, illustrates a
simple and direct use of the principle of the inclosed court. The plan (Pl.
XXX) shows that the outer walls are scarcely broken by terraces, and nearly
all the dwelling apartments open inwards upon the inclosure, in this respect
closely following the previously described ancient type, although widely
differing from it in the irregular disposition of the rooms. (Pl. XXXI) A
comparison with the first of the series of diagrams illustrating the growth of
Mashóngnavi, will show how similar the villages may have been at one
stage, and how suitable a nucleus for a large pueblo this village would
prove did space and character of the site permit. Most of the available
summit of the rocky knoll has already been covered, as will be seen from
the topographic sketch of the site (Fig. 13). The plan shows also that some
efforts at extension of the pueblo have been made, but the houses outside of
the main cluster have been abandoned, and are rapidly going to ruin.
Several small rooms occur on the outer faces of the rows, but it can be
readily seen that they do not form a part of the original plan but were added
to an already complete structure.

full size

Plate XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi.

Fig. 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi.

In the inclosed court of this pueblo occurs a small box-like stone inclosure,
covered with a large slab, which is used as a sort of shrine or depository for
the sacred plume sticks and other ceremonial offerings. This feature is
found at some of the other villages, notably at Mashongnavi, in the central
court, and at Hano, where it is located at some distance outside of the
village, near the main trail to the mesa.

The plan of this small village shows three covered passageways similar to
those noted in Walpi on the first mesa, though their presence here can not be
ascribed to the same motives that impelled the Walpi to build in this way;
for the densely crowded site occupied by the latter compelled them to resort
to this expedient. One of these is illustrated in Pl. XXXII. Its presence may be
due in this instance to a determination to adhere to the protected court while
seeking to secure convenient means of access to the inclosed area. It is
remarkable that this, the smallest of the group, should contain this feature.

Plate XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi.

This village has but two kivas, one of which is on the rocky summit near
the houses and the other on the lower ground near the foot of the trail that
leads to the village. The upper kiva is nearly subterranean, the roof being
but a little above the ground on the side toward the village, but as the rocky
site slopes away a portion of side wall is exposed. This was roughly built,
with no attempt to impart finish to its outer face, either by careful laying of
the masonry or by plastering. Pl. XXXIII illustrates this kiva in connection
with the southeastern portion of the village. The plan shows how the
prolongation of the side rows of the village forms a suggestion of a second
court. Its development into any such feature as the secondary or additional
courts of Mashóngnavi was prohibited by the restricted site.

Plate XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi.

As in other villages of this group, the desire to adhere to the subterranean
form of ceremonial chamber outweighed the inducement to place it within
the village, or, in the case of the second kiva, even of placing it on the same
level as the houses, which are 30 feet above it with an abrupt trail between
them. It is curious and instructive to see a room, the use of which is so
intimately connected with the inner life of the village, placed in such a
comparatively remote and inaccessible position through an intensely
conservative adherence to ancient practice requiring this chamber to be
depressed.
The general view of the village given in Pl. XXXI strikingly illustrates the
blending of the rectangular forms of the architecture with the angular and
sharply defined fractures of the surrounding rock. This close
correspondence in form between the architecture and its immediate
surroundings is greatly heightened by the similarity in color. Mr. Stephen
has called attention to a similar effect on the western side of Walpi and its
adjacent mesa edge, which he thought indicates a distinct effort at
concealment on the part of the builders, by blending the architecture with
the surroundings. This similarity of effect is often accidental, and due to the
fact that the materials of the houses and of the mesas on which they are
built are identical. Even in the case of Walpi, cited by Mr. Stephen, where
the buildings come to the very mesa edge, and in their vertical lines appear
to carry out the effect of the vertical fissures in the upper benches of
sandstone, there was no intentional concealment. It is more likely that,

through the necessity of building close to the limits of the crowded sites, a
certain degree of correspondence was unintentionally produced between the
jogs and angles of the houses and those of the mesa edge.
Such correspondence with the surroundings, which forms a striking feature
of many primitive types of construction where intention of concealment had
no part, is doubtless mainly due to the use of the most available material,
although the expression of a type of construction that has prevailed for ages
in one locality would perhaps be somewhat influenced by constantly
recurring forms in its environment. In the system of building under
consideration, such influence would, however, be a very minute fraction in
the sum of factors producing the type and could never account for such
examples of special and detailed correspondence as the cases cited, nor
could it have any weight in developing a rectangular type of architecture.
In the development of primitive arts the advances are slow and laborious,
and are produced by adding small increments to current knowledge. So
vague and undefined an influence as that exerted by the larger forms of
surrounding nature are seldom recognized and acknowledged by the artisan;
on the contrary, experiments, resulting in improvement, are largely
prompted by practical requirements. Particularly is this the case in the art of
house-building.

Plate XXXV. View of Shumopavi.

SHUMOPAVI.

This village, although not so isolated as Oraibi, has no near neighbors and is
little visited by whites or Indians. The inhabitants are rarely seen at the
trading post to which the others resort, and they seem to be pretty well off
and independent as compared with their neighbors of the other villages (Pl.
XXXIV). The houses and courts are in keeping with the general character of
the people and exhibit a degree of neatness and thrift that contrasts sharply
with the tumble-down appearance of some of the other villages, especially
those of the Middle Mesa and Oraibi. There is a general air of newness
about the place, though it is questionable whether the architecture is more
recent than that of the other villages of Tusayan. This effect is partly due to
the custom of frequently renewing the coating of mud plaster. In most of the
villages little care is taken to repair the houses until the owner feels that to
postpone such action longer would endanger its stability. Many of the
illustrations in this chapter indicate the proportion of rough masonry usually
exposed in the walls. At Shumopavi (Pl. XXXV), however, most of the walls
are smoothly plastered. In this respect they resemble Zuñi and the eastern
pueblos, where but little naked masonry can be seen. Another feature that
adds to the effect of neatness and finish in this village is the frequent use of
a whitewash of gypsum on the outer face of the walls. This wash is used
partly as an ornament and partly as protection against the rain. The material,
called by the Mexicans “yeso,” is very commonly used in the interior of
their houses throughout this region, both by Mexicans and Indians. More
rarely it is used among the pueblos as an external wash. Here, however, its
external use forms quite a distinctive feature of the village. The same
custom in several of the cliff houses of Canyon de Chelly attests the
comparative antiquity of the practice, though not necessarily its pre-
Columbian origin.

full size

Plate XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi.

Shumopavi, compared with the other villages, shows less evidence of
having been built on the open court idea, as the partial inclosures assume
such elongated forms in the direction of the long, straight rows of the
rooms; yet examination shows that the idea was present to a slight extent.
At the southeast corner of the pueblo there is a very marked approach to the
open court, though it is quite evident that the easternmost row has its back
to the court, and that the few rooms that face the other way are later
additions. In fact, the plan of the village and the distribution of the terraces
seem to indicate that the first construction consisted only of a single row
facing nearly east, and was not an inclosed court, and that a further addition
to the pueblo assumed nearly the same form, with its face or terraced side
toward the back of the first row only partly adapting itself by the addition of
a few small rooms later, to the court arrangement, the same operation being
continued, but in a form not so clearly defined, still farther toward the west.
The second court is not defined on the west by such a distinct row as the
others, and the smaller clusters that to some extent break the long, straight
arrangement bring about an approximation to a court, though here again the
terraces only partly face it, the eastern side being bounded by the long
exterior wall of the middle row, two and three stories high, and almost
unbroken throughout its entire length of 400 feet. The broken character of

the small western row, in conjunction with the clusters near it, imparts a
distinct effect to the plan of this portion, differentiating it in character from
the masses of houses formed by the other two rows. The latter are
connected at their southern end by a short cross row which converts this
portion of the village practically into a single large house. Two covered
passageways, however, which are designated on the plan, give access to the
southeast portion of the court. This portion is partly separated from the
north half of the inclosure by encroaching groups of rooms. This partial
division of the original narrow and long court appears to be of later date.
The kivas are four in number, of which but one is within the village. The
latter occupies a partly inclosed position in the southwest portion, and
probably owes its place to some local facility for building a kiva on this
spot in the nature of a depression in the mesa summit; but even with such
aid the ceremonial chamber was built only partly under ground, as may be
seen in Fig. 14. The remaining three kivas are more distinctly subterranean,
and in order to obtain a suitable site one of these was located at a distance
of more than 200 feet from the village, toward the mesa edge on the east.
The other two are built very close together, apparently in contact, just
beyond the northern extremity of the village. One of these is about 3 feet
above the surface at one corner, but nearly on a level with the ground at its
western side where it adjoins its neighbor. These two kivas are illustrated in
Pl. LXXXVIII and Fig. 21.

Fig. 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi.

Here again we find that the ceremonial chamber that forms so important a
feature among these people, occupies no fixed relation to the dwellings, and
its location is largely a matter of accident, a site that would admit of the
partial excavation or sinking of the chamber below the surface being the
main requisite. The northwest court contains another of the small inclosed
shrines already described as occurring at Shupaulovi and elsewhere.
The stonework of this village also possesses a somewhat distinctive
character. Exposed masonry, though comparatively rare in this well-
plastered pueblo, shows that stones of suitable fracture were selected and
that they were more carefully laid than in the other villages. In places the
masonry bears a close resemblance to some of the ancient work, where the
spaces between the longer tablets of stone were carefully chinked with
small bits of stone, bringing the whole wall to a uniform face, and is much
in advance of the ordinary slovenly methods of construction followed in
Tusayan.
Shumopavi is the successor of an older village of that name, one of the
cities of the ancient Tusayan visited by a detachment of Coronado’s
expedition in 1540. The ruins of that village still exist, and they formerly
contained vestiges of the old church and mission buildings established by
the monks. The squared beams from, these buildings were considered
valuable enough to be incorporated in the construction of ceremonial kivas
in some of the Tusayan villages. This old site was not visited by the party.
ORAIBI.

This is one of the largest modern pueblos, and contains nearly half the
population of Tusayan; yet its great size has not materially affected the
arrangement of the dwellings. The general plan (see Pl. XXXVI), simply
shows an unusually large collection of typical Tusayan house-rows, with the
general tendency to face eastward displayed in the other villages of the
group. There is a remarkable uniformity in the direction of the rows, but
there are no indications of the order in which the successive additions to the
village were made, such as were found at Mashóngnavi.

The white strip along the middle of this plan represents the area near a tight fold
in the printed original. The width of the unreadable area is conjectural.

full size

Plate XXXVI. Oraibi, plan.

Plate XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes.

The clusters of rooms do not surpass the average dimensions of those in the
smaller villages. In five of the clusters in Oraibi a height of four stories is
reached by a few rooms; a height seen also in Walpi.

Plate XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi.

At several points in Oraibi, notably on the west side of cluster No. 7, may
be seen what appears to be low terraces faced with rough masonry. The
same thing is also seen at Walpi, on the west side of the northernmost
cluster. This effect is produced by the gradual filling in of abandoned and
broken-down marginal houses, with fallen masonry and drifted sand. The
appearance is that of intentional construction, as may be seen in Pl. XXXIX.

Plate XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi.

The rarity of covered passageways in this village is noteworthy, and
emphasizes the marked difference in the character of the Tusayan and Zuñi
ground plans. The close crowding of rooms in the latter has made a feature
of the covered way, which in the scattered plan of Oraibi is rarely called for.
When found it does not seem an outgrowth of the same conditions that led
to its adoption in Zuñi. A glance at the plans will show how different has
been the effect of the immediate environment in the two cases. In Zuñi,
built on a very slight knoll in the open plain, the absence of a defensive site
has produced unusual development of the defensive features of the
architecture, and the result is a remarkably dense clustering of the
dwellings. At Tusayan, on the other hand, the largest village of the group
does not differ in character from the smallest. Occupation of a defensive
site has there, in a measure taken the place of a special defensive
arrangement, or close clustering of rooms. Oraibi is laid out quite as openly
as any other of the group, and as additions to its size have from time to time
been made the builders have, in the absence of the defensive motive for
crowding the rows or groups into large clusters, simply followed the usual
arrangement. The crowding that brought about the use of the covered way
was due in Walpi to restricted site, as nearly all the available summit of its
rocky promontory has been covered with buildings. In Zuñi, on the other
hand, it was the necessity for defense that led to the close clustering of the
dwellings and the consequent employment of the covered way.

Plate XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side.

A further contrast between the general plans of Oraibi and Zuñi is afforded
in the different manner in which the roof openings have been employed in
the two cases. The plan of Zuñi, Pl. LXXVI, shows great numbers of small
openings, nearly all of which are intended exclusively for the admission of
light, a few only being provided with ladders. In Oraibi, on the other hand,
there are only seventeen roof openings above the first terrace, and of these
not more than half are intended for the admission of light. The device is
correspondingly rare in other villages of the group, particularly in those
west of the first mesa. In Mashóngnavi the restricted use of the roof
openings is particularly noticeable; they all are of the same type as those
used for access to first terrace rooms. There is but one roof opening in a
second story. An examination of the plan, Pl. XXX, will show that in
Shupaúlovi but two such openings occur above the first terrace, and in the
large village of Shumopavi, Pl. XXXIV, only about eight. None of the smaller
villages can be fairly compared with Zuñi in the employment of this feature,
but in Oraibi we should expect to find its use much more general, were it
not for the fact that the defensive site has taken the place of the close
clustering of rooms seen in the exposed village of Zuñi, and, in

consequence, the devices for the admission of light still adhere to the more
primitive arrangement (Pls. XL and XLI).

Plate XLI. Back of Oraibi house row.

The highest type of pueblo construction, embodied in the large communal
fortress houses of the valleys, could have developed only as the builders
learned to rely for protection more upon their architecture and less upon the
sites occupied. So long as the sites furnished a large proportion of the
defensive efficiency of a village, the invention of the builders was not
stimulated to substitute artificial for natural advantages. Change of location
and consequent development must frequently have taken place owing to the
extreme inconvenience of defensive sites to the sources of subsistence.
The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced to
resort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns were
unfitted to withstand attack. This seems to have been the case with the
Tusayan; but that the Zuñi have adhered to their valley pueblo through great
difficulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of the architecture
itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting.

Plate XLIV. Moen-kopi.

MOEN-KOPI.

About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a few
families from Oraibi during the farming season, known as Moen-kopi. (Pl.
XLIII). The present village is comparatively recent, but, as is the case with
many others, it has been built over the remains of an older settlement. It is
said to have been founded within the memory of some of the Mormon
pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, named after an old Oraibi
chief, recently deceased.

full size

Plate XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi (rotated).

The site would probably have attracted a much larger number of settlers,
had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the province, as in many
respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. A large area of
fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious springs in the side of
a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The village occupies a low, rounded
knoll at the junction of this branch with the main wash, which on the
opposite or southern side is quite precipitous. The gradual encroachments of
the Mormons for the last twenty years have had some effect in keeping the
Tusayan from more fully utilizing the advantages of this site (Pl. XLII).

Plate XLII. The site of Moen-kopi.

Moen-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There are also
two detached single rooms in the village—one of them built for a kiva,
though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and the other a small
room with its principal door facing an adjoining row. The arrangement is
about the same that prevails in the other villages, the rows having distinct
back walls of rude masonry.
Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, though it is
occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Some adobe work is
incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and still unroofed room
was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation about a foot high.

There is but little adobe masonry, however, in Tusayan. Its use in this case
is probably due to Mormon influence.
Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of the
Mormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the product
of the Navajo wool trade at this point and to establish here a completely
appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series of reservoirs built
in a small valley several miles away, and was conducted to a point on the
Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row of houses, where the ditch
terminated in a solidly constructed box of masonry. From this in turn the
water was delivered through a large pipe to a turbine wheel, which
furnished the motive power for the works. The ditch and masonry are
shown on the ground plan of the village (Pl. XLIII). This mill was a large
stone building, and no expense was spared in fitting it up with the most
complete machinery. At the time of our visit the whole establishment had
been abandoned for some years and was rapidly going to decay. The frames
had been torn from the windows, and both the floor of the building and the
ground in its vicinity were strewn with fragments of expensive machinery,
broken cog-wheels, shafts, etc. This building is shown in Pl. XLV, and may
serve as an illustration of the contrast between Tusayan masonry and
modern stonemason’s work carried out with the same material. The
comparison, however, is not entirely fair, as applied to the pueblo builders
in general, as the Tusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many
old examples are seen in which the finish of the walls compares very
favorably with the American mason’s work, though the result is attained in
a wholly different manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with
numberless small tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a
remarkably smooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in the
mosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is more
than ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built hastily and
used for temporary occupation as a farming center. In the winter the place is
usually abandoned, the few families occupying it during the farming
months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivities and ceremonials.

Plate XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi.

CHAP T E R I I I .

R UI NS A N D I NHAB I T E D V I L L AG E S OF CI B OL A.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.
Though the surroundings of the Cibolan pueblos and ruins exhibit the
ordinary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not the monotonous
and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas and valleys of Tusayan.
The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar and piñon, as in Tusayan, form a
conspicuous feature of the landscape, but the cliffs are often diversified in
color, being in cases composed of alternating bands of light gray and dark
red sandstone, which impart a considerable variety of tints to the landscape.
The contrast is heightened by the proximity of the Zuñi Mountains, an
extensive timber-bearing range that approaches within 12 miles of Zuñi,
narrowing down the extent of the surrounding arid region.

Cibola has also been more generously treated by nature in the matter of
water supply, as the province contains a perennial stream which has its
sources near the village of Nutria, and, flowing past the pueblo of Zuñi,
disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the river empties into
the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan pueblos are built on the foothills of
mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded by broad fields, while the Tusayan
villages are perched upon mesa promontories that overlook the valley lands
used for cultivation.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.

Plate XLVII. Hawikuh, view.

HAWIKUH.

The village of Hawikuh, situated about 15 miles to the south of Zuñi,
consisted of irregular groups of densely clustered cells, occupying the point
of a spur projecting from a low rounded hill. The houses are in such a
ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and these are much
obscured by débris. This débris covers the entire area extending down the
east slope of the hill to the site of the church. The large amount of débris
and the comparative thinness of such walls as are found suggest that the
dwellings had been densely clustered, and carried to the height of several

stories. Much of the space between the village on the hill and the site of the
Spanish church on the plain at its foot is covered with masonry débris, part
of which has slid down from above (Pl. XLVI).

full size

Plate XLVI. Hawikuh, plan.

The arrangement suggests a large principal court of irregular form. The
surrounding clusters are very irregularly disposed, the directions of the
prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in different groups. There is a
suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alleyways leading to
the principal one.
The church, built on the plain below at a distance of about 200 feet from the
main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groups of rooms
and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat in character from those
within the village. These groups are scattered and open, and the small

amount of debris leads to the conclusion that this portion of the village was
not more than a single story in height. (Pl. XLVII.)
The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige of
constructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts in a
building near the church. The governor of Zuñi stated that these posts were
part of a projecting porch similar to those seen in connection with modern
houses. (See Pls. LXXI, LXXV.) Suggestions of this feature are met with at
other points on the plain, but they all occur within the newer portion of the
village around the church. Some of the larger inclosures in this portion of
the village were very lightly constructed, and cover large areas. They were
probably used as corrals. Inclosures for this purpose occur at other pueblos
traditionally ascribed to the same age.

Plate XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh.

The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without the
introduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been molded with
an unusual degree of care. The massive angles of the northwest, or altar end
of the structure, have survived the stonework of the adjoining village and
stand to-day 13 feet high. (Pl. XLVIII.)

Plate L. Ketchipauan.

KETCHIPAUAN.

The small village of Ketchipauan appears to have been arranged about two
courts of unequal dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, how
much of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of later
construction. (Pl. XLIX.)

full size

Plate XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan.

All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure or corral,
whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonry from the
surrounding houses, leaving the central space clear. This wall on the
northeast side of the large inclosure apparently follows the jogs and angles
of the original houses. This may have been the outer line of rooms, as traces
of buildings occur for some distance within it. On the opposite side the wall
is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slight projection. Here some traces of
dwellings occur outside of the wall in places to a depth of three rooms. The

same thing occurs also at the north corner. The continuation of these lines
suggests a rectangular court of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by
groups of compartments averaging three rooms deep. (Pl. L.)
Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in the village,
but they apparently do not conform to the original courts.
At the present time dwelling rooms are traceable over a portion of the area
south and west of the church. As shown on the plan, upright posts
occasionally occur. These appear to have been incorporated into the original
walls, but the latter are so ruined that this can not be stated positively, as
such posts have sometimes been incorporated in modern corral walls. In
places they suggest the balcony-like feature seen in modern houses, as in
Hawikuh, but in the east portion of the pueblo they are irregularly scattered
about the rooms. A considerable area on the west side of the ruin is covered
with loosely scattered stones, affording no suggestions of a ground plan.
They do not seem sufficient in amount to be the remains of dwelling rooms.

Plate LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan.

The Spanish church in this pueblo was built of stone, but the walls were
much more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is well
preserved, most of the walls standing 8 or 10 feet high, and in places 14
feet. This church was apparently built by Indian labor, as the walls

everywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic of the native
work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construction has survived the
dwelling houses.
The ground plan of the church shows that the openings were splayed in the
thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45°. In the doorway, in the east
end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on the inside, a
rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north side, this
arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the south side are
indications of a similar opening, but at the present time the wall is so
broken out that no well defined jamb can be traced, and it is impossible to
determine whether the splayed opening was used or not. The stones of the
masonry are laid with extreme care at the angles and in the faces of these
splays, producing a highly finished effect.
The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggests that
the floor of the church had been raised somewhat above the ground, and
that there may have been a cellar-like space under it. No beams are now
found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the “altar” end of the
church. At the present time there are low partitions dividing the inclosed
area into six rooms or cells. The Indians state that these were built at a late
date to convert the church into a defense against the hostile Apache from
the south. These partitions apparently formed no part of the original design,
yet it is difficult to see how they could have served as a defense, unless they
were intended to be roofed over and thus converted into completely
inclosed rooms. A stone of somewhat larger size than usual has been built
into the south wall of the church. Upon its surface some native artist has
engraved a rudely drawn mask.
About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the low
mesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir of large
size which furnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. The ordinary
supply was probably derived from the valley below, where water is found at
no great distance from the pueblo. Springs may also have formerly existed
near the village, but this reservoir, located where the drainage of a large
area discharges, must have materially increased the water supply. The basin
or depression is about 110 feet in diameter and its present depth in the

center is about 4 feet; but it has undoubtedly been filled in by sediment
since its abandonment. More than half of its circumference was originally
walled in, but at the present time the old masonry is indicated only by an
interrupted row of large foundation stones and fallen masonry. Some large
stones, apparently undisturbed portions of the mesa edge, have been
incorporated into the inclosing masonry. The Indians stated that originally
the bottom of this basin was lined with stones, but these statements could
not be verified. Without excavation on the upper side, the basin faded
imperceptibly into the rising ground of the surrounding drainage. Other
examples of these basin reservoirs are met with in this region.
CHALOWE.

About 15° north of west from Hawikuh, and distant 1½ miles from it,
begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two low
elevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from the group
of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. The southernmost
of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feet in diameter.
Another cluster, measuring about 30 feet by 20, lies immediately north of it,
with an intervening depression of a foot or so. About 475 feet northwest
occurs a group of three rooms situated on a slight rise, A little east of north
and a half a mile distant from the latter is a small hill, upon which is located
a cluster of about the same form and dimensions as the one first described.
Several more vaguely defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but
they are all of small dimensions.
This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to the traditional
accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by the general name of
Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the time of the first arrival of
the Spaniards. The general character and arrangement however, are so
different from the prevailing type in this region that it seems hardly
probable that it belonged to the same people and the same age as the other
ruins.
No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the small
amount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only one story
high. Yet the débris of masonry may have been largely covered up by

drifting sand. Now it is hardly possible to trace the rooms, and over most of
the area only scattered stones mark the positions of the groups of dwellings.
HAMPASSAWAN.

Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have been one
of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing now remains but
two detached rooms, both showing vestiges of an upper story. With this
exception, the destruction of the village is complete and only a low rise in
the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed position, the fallen walls have
been completely covered with drifting sand and earth, no vestige of the
buildings showing through the dense growth of sagebrush that now
covers it.
The two surviving rooms referred to
appear to have been used from time to
time, as outlooks over corn fields close by,
and as a defense against the Navajo. Their
final abandonment, and that of the
cultivation of the adjoining fields, is said
to have been due to the killing of a Zuñi
there, by the Navajo, within very recent
times. These rooms have been several
times repaired, the one on the west
particularly. In the latter an additional wall
has been built upon the northern side, as
shown on the plan, Fig. 15. The old roof
full size
seems to have survived until recently, for,
although at the present time the room is Fig. 15. Hampassawan, plan.
covered with a roof of rudely split cedar
beams, the remains of the old, carefully built roof lie scattered about in the
corners of the room, under the dirt and débris. The openings are very small
and seem to have been modified since the original construction, but it is
difficult to distinguish between the older original structure and the more
recent additions.

Plate LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana.

K’IAKIMA.

On the south side of the isolated mesa of Tâaaiyalana and occupying a high
rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K’iakima (Pl. LII). A long
gulch on the west side of the spur contains, for 300 or 400 yards, a small
stream which is fed from springs near the ruined village.

full size

Plate LII. K’iakima, plan.

The entire surface of the hill is covered with scattered débris of fallen walls,
which must at one time have formed a village of considerable size. Over
most of this area the walls can not be traced; the few rooms which can be
distinctly outlined, occurring in a group on the highest part of the hill.
Standing walls are here seen, but they are apparently recent, one room
showing traces of a chimney (Pl. LIV). Some of the more distinct inclosures,
built from fallen masonry of the old village, seem to have been intended for
corrals. This is the case also with the remains found on the cliffs to the
north of the village, whose position is shown on the plan (Pl. LIII). Here
nearly all the scattered stones of the original one-story buildings, have been
utilized for these large inclosures. It is quite possible that these smaller
structures on the ledge of the mesa were built and occupied at a much later
date than the principal village. Pl. LIII illustrates a portion of the base of
Tâaaiyalana where these inclosures appear.

Plate LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima.

A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeast corner of the
village of large upright slabs of stone. The largest of these is about 3 feet
wide and stands 5½ feet out of the ground. One of the slabs is of such

symmetrical form that it suggests skillful artificial treatment, but the stone
was used just as it came from a seam in the cliff above. From the same
seam many slabs of nearly equal size and symmetrical form have fallen out
and now lie scattered about on the talus below. Some are remarkable for
their perfectly rectangular form, while all are distinguished by a notable
uniformity in thickness. Close by, and apparently forming part of the same
group, are a number of stones imbedded in the ground with their upper
edges exposed and placed at right angles to the faces of the vertical
monuments. The taller slabs are said by the Indians to have been erected as
a defense against the attacks of the Apache upon this pueblo, but only a
portion of the group could, from their position, have been of any use for this
purpose. The stones probably mark graves. Although thorough excavation
of the hard soil could not be undertaken, digging to the depth of 18 inches
revealed the same character of pottery fragments, ashes, etc., found in many
of the pueblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found identical remains in graves in
the Rio San Francisco region which he excavated in collecting pottery.
Comparatively little is known, however, of the burial practices of this
region, so it would be difficult to decide whether this was an ordinary
method of burial or not.
This pueblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zuñi tradition, as
the scene of the death of Estevanico, the negro who accompanied the first
Spanish expedition to Cibola.
MATSAKI.

Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Tâaaiyalana, near its
northwestern extremity. This pueblo is in about the same state of
preservation as K’iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most of
the area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction,
suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the plan
rooms partially bounded by standing walls are found. These appear to owe
their preservation to their occupation as outlooks over fields in the vicinity
long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of the two rooms shows only a
few feet of rather rude masonry. The walls of the other room, in one corner,
stand the height of a full story above the surrounding débris, a low room
under it having been partially filled up with fallen masonry and earth. The

well preserved inner corner of the exposed room shows lumps of clay
adhering here and there to the walls, the remnants of an interior corner
chimney. No trace of the supports for a chimney hood, such as occur in the
modern fireplaces, could be found. The form outlined against the wall by
these slight remains indicates a rather rudely constructed feature which was
added at a late date to the room and formed no part of its original
construction. It was probably built while the room was used as a farming
outlook. As shown on the ground plan (Pl. LV), a small cluster of houses
once stood at some little distance to the southwest of the main pueblo and
was connected with the latter by a series of rooms. The intervening space
may have been a court. At the northern edge of the village a primitive shrine
has been erected in recent times and is still in use. It is rudely constructed
by simply piling up stones to a height of 2½ or 3 feet, in a rudely
rectangular arrangement, with an opening on the east. This shrine, facing
east, contains an upright slab of thin sandstone on which a rude sun-symbol
has been engraved. The governor of Zuñi, in explaining the purpose of this
shrine, compared its use to that of our own astronomical observatories,
which he had seen.

Plate LV. Matsaki, plan.

PINAWA.

The ruins of the small pueblo of Pinawa
occupy a slight rise on the south side of the
Zuñi River, a short distance west of Zuñi.
The road from Zuñi to Ojo Caliente
traverses the ruin. Over most of the area
rooms can not be traced. One complete
room, however, has been preserved and
appears to be still occupied during the
cultivation of the neighboring “milpas.” It
is roofed over and in good condition,
though the general character of the
full size
masonry resembles the older work. On the
plan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stones Fig. 16. Pinawa, plan.
of the original masonry have been
collected and built into a number of large inclosures, which have in turn
been partly destroyed. The positions of the entrances to these inclosures can
be traced by the absence of stones on the surface. The general outline of the
corral-like inclosures appears to have followed comparatively well
preserved portions of the original wall, as was the case at Ketchipauan. (Pl.
LVI.)

Plate LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa.

On the southwest side of the pueblo, portions of the outer wall are distinctly
traceable, some of the stones being still in position. This portion of the
outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves, resembling portions of
Nutria and Pescado, but intersecting in an unusual manner.
The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the standing room
above described. The remnants of the fallen masonry are so few and so
promiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity of remains can not
be fully traced.

Plate LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi.

HALONA.

An ancient pueblo called Halona is said to have belonged to the Cibolan
group, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. It occupied a
portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zuñi stands. A part of
this pueblo was built on the opposite side of the river, where the remains of
walls were encountered at a slight depth below the surface of the ground in
excavating for the foundations of Mr. Cushing’s house. At that time only
scattered remains of masonry were met with, and they furnished but little
indication of details of plan or arrangement. Later—during the summer of
1888—Mr. Cushing made extensive additions to his house on the south side
of the river, and in excavating for the foundations laid bare a number of
small rooms. Excavation was continued until December of that year, when a

large part of the ancient village had been exposed. Pl. LVII, from a
photograph, illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the
southwest corner of Zuñi. The view was taken in the morning during a light
fall of snow which, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in the
excavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of the
rooms.
It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion of Halona
that has served as a nucleus for modern Zuñi from such data as can be
procured. At several points of the present village, however, vestiges of the
old pueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access could be obtained to all the
innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them would show traces of ancient
methods of construction sufficient, at least, to admit of a restoration of the
general form of the ancient pueblo. At the time the village was surveyed
such examination was not practicable. The portion of the old pueblo serving
as a nucleus for later construction would probably be found under houses
Nos. 1 and 4, forming practically one mass of rooms. Strangers and
outsiders are not admitted to these innermost rooms. Outcrops in the small
cluster No. 2 indicate by their position a continuous wall of the old pueblo,
probably the external one. Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably
incorporated into the west side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of cluster
No. 2 (see Pl. LXXVI) may be seen a buttress-like projection whose
construction of small tabular stones strongly contrasts with the character of
the surrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment of the ancient
pueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purpose whatever in its present
position.
The above suggestions are confirmed by another feature in the same house-
cluster. On continuing the line of this buttress through the governor’s house
we find a projecting fragment of second story wall, the character and finish
of which is clearly shown in Pl. LVIII. Its general similarity to ancient
masonry and contrast with the present careless methods of construction are
very noticeable. The height of this fragment above the ground suggests that
the original pueblo was in a very good state of preservation when it was
first utilized as a nucleus for later additions. That portion under house No. 1
is probably equally well preserved. The frequent renovation of rooms by the
application of a mud coating renders the task of determining the ancient

portions of the cluster by the character of the masonry a very difficult one.
Ceilings would probably longest retain the original appearance of the
ancient rooms as they are not subjected to such renovation.

Plate LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall.

Mr. Cushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblo was
curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulated the lines of
the present outer rooms, and is reflected in them, as the usual practice of
these builders was to put one partition directly over another in adding to the
height of a building. This would suggest a nearly rectangular form, perhaps
with jogs and offsets, for the old builders could not incorporate a curved
outer wall into a mass of rectangular cells, such as that seen in the present
pueblo. On the other hand, the outer wall of the original pueblo may have
been outside of rooms now occupied, for the village had been abandoned
for some time before the colony returned to the site.

Plate LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi.

TÂAAIYALANA.

On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of Cibola,
supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising of the pueblos
in 1680, the inhabitants of all the Cibolan villages sought refuge on the
summit of Tâaaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles southeast from Zuñi, and
there built a number of pueblo clusters.
This mesa, otherwise known as “Thunder Mountain,” rises to the height of
1,000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There are two foot
trails leading to the summit, each of which in places traverses abrupt slopes
of sandstone where holes have been pecked into the rock to furnish foot and
hand holds. From the northeast side the summit of the mesa can be reached
by a rough and tortuous burro trail. All the rest of the mesa rim is too
precipitous to be scaled. Its appearance as seen from Zuñi is shown in Pl.
LIX.

On the southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about a point
where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, are found the
village remains. The Zuñis stated that the houses were distributed in six
groups or clusters, each taking the place of one of the abandoned towns. Mr.
Frank H. Cushing 4 was also under the impression that these houses had
been built as six distinct clusters of one village, and he has found that at the

time of the Pueblo rebellion, but six of the Cibolan villages were occupied.
An examination of the plan, however, will at once show that no such
definite scheme of arrangement governed the builders. There are but three,
or at most four groups that could be defined as distinct clusters, and even in
the case of these the disposition is so irregular and their boundaries so ill
defined, through the great number of outlying small groups scattered about,
that they can hardly be considered distinct. There are really thirty-eight
separate buildings (Pl. LX) ranging in size from one of two rooms, near the
southern extremity to one of one hundred and three rooms, situated at the
southwestern corner of the whole group and close to the western edge of the
mesa where the foot trails reach the summit. There is also great diversity in
the arrangement of rooms. In some cases the clusters are quite compact, and
in others the rooms are distributed in narrow rows. In the large cluster at the
northwestern extremity the houses are arranged around a court; with this
exception the clusters of rooms are scattered about in an irregular manner,
regardless of any defensive arrangement of the buildings. The builders
evidently placed the greatest reliance on their impregnable site, and freely
adopted such arrangement as convenience dictated.

full size

Plate LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan.

The outlined area in the lower right was printed as an inset directly below the
scale of distance.

The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls being
often less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to have been
used; some of the thickest and best preserved walls have apparently been
laid nearly dry (Pl. LXI). The few openings still preserved also show
evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of the area the
debris of the fallen walls is very clearly marked, and is but little
encumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd effect of
newness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. The small
amount of debris suggests that the majority of these buildings never were
more than one story high, though in four of the broadest clusters (see plan,
Pl. LX) a height of two, and possibly three, stories may have been attained.
All the ruins are thickly covered by a very luxurious growth of braided
cactus, but little of which is found elsewhere in the neighborhood. The
extreme southeastern cluster, consisting of four large rooms, differs greatly
in character from the rest of the ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are
defined only by a few stones on the surface of the ground and partly
embedded in the soil. There is no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These
outlined inclosures appear never to have been walled to any considerable
height. Within one of the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few
ceremonial plume sticks have been set on end within recent times.

Plate LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins.

The motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; the cause
that led to the selection of the particular site was facility for procuring a
water supply. The trail on the west side passes a spring half way down the
mesa. There was another spring close to the foot trail on the south side; this,
however, was lower, being almost at the foot of the talus.
In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and stored the
drainage of the mesa summit near the southern gap or recess. At this point
are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built of heavy masonry.
Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicate unusually massive
construction. Another reservoir occurs farther along the mesa rim to the
southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given. As may be seen from the
plan (Pl. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap are quite close together. These
receptacles have been much filled up with sediment. Pl. LXII gives a view of
the principal or westernmost reservoir as seen from the northeast. On the
left are the large stones once incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This
masonry appears to have originally extended around three-fourths of the
circumference of the reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the
upper portion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage and
had no definite limit.

Plate LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana.

The Zuñi claim to have here practiced a curious method of water storage.
They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the villagers would
turn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which were finally collected
into these basins, the gradually melting snow furnishing a considerable
quantity of water. The desert environment has taught these people to avail
themselves of every expedient that could increase their supply of water.
It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Tâaaiyalana ruins the
mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumental sights, and
hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans and relative positions of the
houses. It was all that could be done at the time, and will sufficiently
illustrate the general relation of the buildings to the surrounding
topography.

Plate LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel.

KIN-TIEL.

All the ruins above described bear close traditional and historic relationship
to Zuñi. This is not the case with the splendidly preserved ancient pueblo of
Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historic connection is compensated
for by its architectural interest. Differing radically in its general plan from
the ruins already examined, it still suggests that some resemblance to the
more ancient portions of Nutria and Pescado, as will be seen by comparing
the ground plans (Pls. LXVII and LXIX). Its state of preservation is such that it
throws light on details which have not survived the general destruction in

the other pueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion and
comparison of these architectural groups by constructional details in
Chapter IV.
This pueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is given
on some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small arm of the
Pueblo Colorado wash, 22 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, and about
the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post-office).
Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or Cibola, but Mr.
Cushing has collected traditional references among the Zuñi as to the
occupation of this pueblo by related peoples at a time not far removed from
the first Spanish visit to this region.

full size

Plate LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations).

The plan (Pl. LXIII) shows a marked contrast to the irregularity seen in the
ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by a continuous
and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the full height of the

highest stories (Pl. LXIV). This symmetrical form is all the more remarkable
in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with the exception of Pueblo
Bonito of the Chaco group, it is the largest ancient pueblo examined by this
Bureau. This village seems to belong to the same type as the Chaco
examples, representing the highest development attained in building a large
defensive pueblo practically as a single house. All the terraces faced upon
one or more inclosed courts, through which access was gained to the rooms.
The openings in this outer wall, especially near the ground, were few in
number and very small in size, as shown in Pl. CIV. The pueblo was built in
two wings of nearly equal size on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash,
traversing its center from east to west. This wash doubtless at one time
furnished peculiar facilities for storage of water within or near the village,
and this must have been one of the inducements for the selection of the site.
At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water was to be found
about the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction for gathering or
storing water be traced. Such vestiges would not be likely to remain, as they
must have been washed away by the violent summer torrents or buried
under the accumulating sands. Two seasons subsequent to our work at this
point it was learned that an American, digging in some rooms on the arroyo
margin, discovered the remains of a well or reservoir, which he cleared of
sand and debris and found to be in good condition, furnishing so steady a
water supply that the discoverer settled on the spot. This was not seen by
the writer. There is a small spring, perhaps a mile from the pueblo in a
northeasterly direction, but this source would have been wholly insufficient
for the needs of so large a village. It may have furnished a much more
abundant supply, however, when it was in constant use, for at the time of
our visit it seemed to be choked up. About a mile and a half west quite a
lagoon forms from the collected drainage of several broad valleys, and
contains water for a long time after the cessation of the rains. About 6 miles
to the north, in a depression of a broad valley, an extensive lake is situated,
and its supply seems to be constant throughout the year, except, perhaps,
during an unusually dry season. These various bodies of water were
undoubtedly utilized in the horticulture of the occupants of Kin-tiel; in fact,
near the borders of the larger lake referred to is a small house of two rooms;
much similar in workmanship to the main pueblo, evidently designed as an
outlook over fields. This building is illustrated in Pl. LXVI.

Plate LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel.

The arrangement of the inner houses differs in the two halves of the ruin. It
will be seen that in the north half the general arrangement is roughly
parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a small group near the
east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the other hand, the inner rows
are nearly at right angles to the outer room clusters. An examination of the
contours of the site will reveal the cause of this difference in the different
configuration of the slopes in the two cases. In the south half the rows of
rooms have been built on two long projecting ridges, and the diverging
small cluster in the north half owes its direction to a similar cause. The line
of outer wall being once fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have
been but little restriction in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform
to the irregularities of the site. (Pl. LXIII.)
Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblo
could be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitable for
general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, just south of
the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continued across the
arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and the other one was near
the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The third opening was a
doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. It seems probable that
other gateways once existed, especially in the south half. From its larger
size and more compact arrangement this south half would seem to have

greatly needed such facilities, but the preserved walls show no trace of
them.
The ground plan furnishes indications, mostly in the north half, of several
large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of square rooms are
so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to the greater
amount of débris that collects at the corners, that it could not be definitely
determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of the circular form so
common in the ancient pueblos. While only circular kivas have been found
associated with ancient pueblos of this type, the kivas of all the Cibola ruins
above described are said by the Zuñis to have been rectangular. The
question can be decided for this pueblo only by excavation on a larger scale
than the party was prepared to undertake. Slight excavation at a point where
a round room was indicated on the surface, revealed portions of straight
walls only.

Plate LXVI. Kinna-Zinde.

The large size of the refuse heap on the south side of the village indicates
that the site had been occupied for many generations. Notwithstanding this
long period of occupation, no important structure of the village seems to
have extended beyond the plan. On the north side, outside the main wall,
are seen several rectangles faintly outlined by stones, but these do not
appear to have been rooms. They resemble similar inclosures seen in

connection with ruined pueblos farther south, which proved on excavation
to contain graves.
The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on the plan
(Pl. LXIII). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and whatever
results were secured were reached at no great distance from the surface.
One of these excavations, illustrated in Pl. C, will be described at greater
length in Chapter IV.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF INHABITED VILLAGES.

Plate LXVIII. Nutria, view.

NUTRIA.

Nutria is the smallest of the three farming pueblos of Zuñi, and is located
about 23 miles by trail northeast from Zuñi at the head of Nutria valley. The
water supply at this point is abundant, and furnishes a running stream
largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity. Most of the village is
compactly arranged, as may be seen from the plan (Pl. LXVII and Fig. 17),
but a few small clusters, of late construction, containing two or three rooms
each, are situated toward the east at quite a distance from the principal
group. It is now occupied solely as a farming pueblo during the planting
and harvesting season.

full size

Plate LXVII. Nutria, plan.

Fig. 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall.

The outline of this small pueblo differs greatly from those of most of the
Cibolan villages. The village (Pl. LXVIII), particularly in its northernmost
cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel
(Pl. LXIII), and has apparently been built on the remains of an older village
of somewhat corresponding form, as indicated by its curved outer wall.
Fragments of carefully constructed masonry of the ancient type, contrasting
noticeably with the surrounding modern construction, afford additional
evidence of this. The ancient village must have been provided originally
with ceremonial rooms or kivas, but no traces of such rooms are now to be
found.
At the close of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonials
begins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of these farming

villages close up their houses and move back to the main pueblo leaving
them untenanted until the succeeding spring.
The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable in the
farming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeeding plans (Pls.
LXIX and LXXIII). The families that farm in their vicinity seem to occupy
scarcely more than half of the available rooms.
PESCADO.

This village, also a Zuñi farming pueblo, is situated in a large valley about
12 miles northeast from Zuñi. Although it is much larger than Nutria it is
wholly comprised within the compact group illustrated. The tendency to
build small detached houses noticed at Nutria and at Ojo Caliente has not
manifested itself here. The prevalence of abandoned and roofless houses is
also noticeable.

full size

Plate LXIX. Pescado, plan.

Fig. 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram.

The outlines of the original court inclosing pueblo (Pl. LXX) are very clearly
marked, as the farming Zuñis in their use of this site have scarcely gone
outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. The plan, Pl. LXIX and
Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in the large inclosed court; this
row, with the inclosures and corrals that surround it, probably formed no
part of the original plan. The full curved outline is broken only at the west
end of the village by small additions to the outer wall, and the north and
east walls also closely follow the boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at
two points along the north wall fragments of carefully executed masonry,
probably forming part of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still
preserved (Pl. LXXII). This outer wall was probably once continuous to the
full height of the pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings by the
Zuñi farmers resemble more closely the modern arrangement. Small rooms
have been added to the outside of the cluster and in some cases the terraces
are reached by external stone steps, in contrast with the defensive
arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form. A number of
dome-shaped ovens have been built outside the walls.

Plate LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals.

Plate LXXI. Pescado houses.

Plate LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado.

The principle of pueblo plan embodied in Kin-tiel, before referred to, is
traceable in this village with particular clearness, distinguishing it from
most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with in this
village.

Plate LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente.

OJO CALIENTE.

The farming village of Ojo Caliente is located near the dry wash of the Zuñi
River, and is about 15 miles distant from Zuñi, in a southerly direction. It is

about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauan, two of the seven cities
of Cibola above described. Though situated in fertile and well watered
country and close to the remains of the ancient villages, it bears indications
of having been built in comparatively recent times. There are no such
evidences of connection with an older village as were found at Nutria and
Pescado. The irregular and small clusters that form this village are widely
scattered over a rather rough and broken site, as shown on the plan (Pl.
LXXIII). Here again a large portion of the village is untenanted. The large
cluster toward the eastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses
situated on the low, level ground, compose the present inhabited village.
The houses occupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (Pl. LXXIV) are in
an advanced stage of decay, and have been for a long time abandoned.

full size

Plate LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan.

This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been much
exposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the effects of this has already
been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauan church. On
account of such danger, the Zuñi were likely to have built the first house-
clusters here on the highest points of the rocky promontory, notwithstanding
the comparative inconvenience of such sites. Later, as the farmers gained
confidence or as times became safer, they built houses down on the flat now
occupied; but this apparently was not done all at once. The distribution of
the houses over sites of varying degrees of inaccessibility, suggests a
succession of approaches to the occupation of the open and unprotected
valley.

Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, as in the
other farming pueblos, there is much less adobe plastering and smoothing
of outer walls than in the home pueblo.

Plate LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente.

At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughout the year
was proposed by several families, who wished to resort to the parent village
only at stated ceremonials and important festivals. The comparative security
of recent times is thus tending to the disintegration of the huge central
pueblo. This result must be inevitable, as the dying out of the defensive
motive brings about a realization of the great inconvenience of the present
centralized system.

Plate LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking west.

ZUÑI.

The pueblo of Zuñi is built upon a small knoll on the north bank of the Zuñi
River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa of Tâaaiyalana. It is
the successor of all the original “Seven Cities of Cibola” of the Spaniards,
and is the largest of the modern pueblos. As before stated, the remains of
Halona, one of the “seven cities,” as identified by Mr. Cushing, have served
as a nucleus for the construction of the modern pueblo, and have been
incorporated into the most densely clustered portions, represented on the
plan (Pl. LXXVI) by numbers 1 and 4.

full size

Plate LXXVI. Zuñi, plan.

Key to Zuñi plan (Plate LXXVI).

Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distance from
the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries for the stone
used in building. The Halona site was of this type, the nearest supply of
stone being 3 miles distant. At this point (Halona) the Zuñi River is
perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of water at all seasons of the
year. It disappears, however, a few miles west in a broad, sandy wash, to
appear again 20 miles below the village, probably through the accession of
small streams from springs farther down. The so-called river furnishes the
sole water supply at Zuñi, with the exception of a single well or reservoir on
the north side of the village.
Zuñi has been built at a point having no special advantages for defense;
convenience to large areas of tillable soil has apparently led to the selection
of the site. This has subjected it in part to the same influences that had at an
earlier date produced the carefully walled fortress pueblos of the valleys,
where the defensive efficiency was due to well planned and constructed
buildings. The result is that Zuñi, while not comparable in symmetry to
many of the ancient examples, displays a remarkably compact arrangement

of dwellings in the portions of the pueblos first occupied, designated on the
plan (Pl. LXXVI) as houses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral
expansion this portion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height.

Plate LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing distribution of oblique openings.

Pl. LXXVIII gives a general view of these higher terraces of the village from
the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the ground is attained
on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however, owing to the
irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above the ground on the north
side. The summit of the knoll upon which the older portion of Zuñi has
been built is so uneven, and the houses themselves vary so much in
dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails in the height of terraces. A
three-terrace portion of a cluster may have but two terraces immediately
alongside, and throughout the more closely built portions of the village the
exposed height of terraces varies from 1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. Pl. LXXIX
illustrates this feature.

Plate LXXIX. Zuñi terraces.

The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the original
expectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have been
joined to the clusters wherever the demand for more space was most urgent,
without following any definite plan in their arrangement. In such of the
ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passed through a similar
experience, the crowding of additional cells seems to have been made to
conform to some extent to a predetermined plan. At Kin-tiel we have seen
how such additions to the number of habitable rooms could readily be made
within the open court without affecting the symmetry and defensive
efficiency of the pueblo; but here the nucleus of the large clusters was small
and compact, so that enlargement has taken place only by the addition of
rooms on the outside, both on the ground and on upper terraces.

Plate LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi.

The highest point of Zuñi, now showing five terraces, is said to have had a
height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the present century, but at
the time of the survey of the village no traces were seen of such additional
stories. The top of the present fifth terrace, however, is more than 50 feet
long, and affords sufficient space for the addition of a sixth and seventh
story.
The court or plaza in which the church (Pl. LXXX) stands is so much larger
than such inclosures usually are when incorporated in a pueblo plan that it
seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village. It probably
resulted from locating the church prior to the construction of the eastern
rows of the village. Certain features in the houses themselves indicate the
later date of these rows.

Plate LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi.

The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl. LXXXII), characteristic of
the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small pueblo of
Halona, about which clustered the many irregular houses that constitute
modern Zuñi. Occasional traces of such an arrangement are still met with in
portions of Zuñi, although nearly all of the ancient pueblo has been covered
with rooms of later date. In the arrangement of Zuñi houses a noticeable
difference in the manner of clustering is found in different parts of the
pueblo. That portion designated as house No. 1 on the plan, built over the
remains of the original small pueblo, is unquestionably the oldest portion of
the village. The clustering seems to have gone on around this center to an
extraordinary and exceptional extent before any houses were built in other
portions. House No. 4 is a portion of the same structure, for although a
street or passageway intervenes it is covered with two or three terraces,
indicating that such connection was established at an early date. The rows
on the lower ground to the east (Pl. LXXXI), where the rooms are not so
densely clustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive that
influenced the construction of the central pile. These portions, arranged
approximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos of known
recent date. That they were built subsequently to the main clusters is also
indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings and roof holes, where

there is very little necessity for such contrivances. This feature was
originally devised to meet the exceptional conditions of lighting imposed by
dense crowding of the living rooms. It will be referred to again in
examining the details of openings, and its wide departure from the
arrangement found to prevail generally in pueblo constructions will there be
noted. The habit of making such provisions for lighting inner rooms became
fixed and was applied generally to many clusters much smaller in size than
those of other pueblos where this feature was not developed and where the
necessity for it was not felt. These less crowded rooms of more recent
construction form the eastern portion of the pueblo, and also include the
governor’s house on the south side.

Plate LXXXII. A Zuñi court.

The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of the
various orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occupancy,
crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of Zuñi under
house No. 1. But the kivas, in all likelihood, occupied a more marginal
position before such foreign influence was brought to bear on them, as do
some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the general practice in other
modern pueblos.

Plate LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house.

CHAP T E R I V.

AR C HI T E CT UR E OF T U S AYAN AND CI BO L A COMPAR E D
B Y C ONS T R UC T I ONAL DE TAI L S .

INTRODUCTION.
In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form and
distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola have
been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the architectural
acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary to examine closely
the constructional details of their present houses, endeavoring, when
practicable, to compare these details with the rather meager vestiges of
similar features that have survived the destruction of the older villages,
noting the extent to which these have departed from early types, and, where
practicable, tracing the causes of such deviation. For convenience of
comparison the various details of housebuilding for the two groups will be
treated together.
The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of the traditionary
data already given, for information concerning the rites connected with
house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following pages, and also for
the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature of architectural details
appended hereto. Material of this class pertaining to the Cibola group of
pueblos unfortunately could not be procured.

HOUSE BUILDING.
RITES AND METHODS.

The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite
meager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their proper
connection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitely
assigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings.
So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an entire
house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous houses. Most
of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearly defined general
plan governing the location of rooms added to the original cluster. Two
notable exceptions to this want of definite plan occur among the ruins
described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) is evidently the result of a
clearly defined purpose to give a definite form to the entire cluster, just as,
on a very much larger scale, does the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the
Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In both these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a
definite line seems to have been regarded as of more importance than the
specific locations of individual rooms or dwellings within this outline.
Throughout that part of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the
single room seems now to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of
as a complete house. It is the construction of such a house unit that is here
to be described.
A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what the
dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces, placing
a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woods and cuts a
sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length corresponding to the
width of his house. Stones are also gathered and roughly dressed, and in all
these operations he is assisted by his friends, usually of his own gens. These
assistants receive no compensation except their food, but that of itself
entails considerable expense on the builder, and causes him to build his
house with as few helpers as possible.
The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village chief,
who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a short cotton
string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive meal, and breathes
upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposed house and its
occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a term meaning a
breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Másauwu, the Sun, and to

other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers are placed at the four
corners of the house and a large stone is laid over each of them. The builder
then decides where the door is to be located, and marks the place by setting
some food on each side of it; he then passes around the site from right to
left, sprinkling piki crumbs and other particles of food, mixed with native
tobacco, along the lines to be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this
offering he sings to the Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: “Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-
hai.” The meaning of these words the people have now forgotten.
Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason and
the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished;
but according to my own observation this is not the universal practice in
modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated in Pl. XL
from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, as well as
finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her female relatives.
There was but one man present at this house-building, whose grudgingly
performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams and lintels into
place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavier work. The ground
about this house was strewn with quantities of broken stone for masonry,
which seemed to be all prepared and brought to the spot before building
began; but often the various divisions of the work are carried on by both
men and women simultaneously. While the men were dressing the stones,
the women brought earth and water and mixed a mud plaster. Then the
walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar very sparingly.
The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls being
from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimes varying from 15
to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall.
Pine, piñon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available trees
of the region are used in house construction. The main beams for the roof
are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has been stripped.
The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of the beams are placed
across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet. Above these are laid
smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not more than a foot apart.
Across these again are laid reeds or small willows, as close together as they
can be placed, and above this series is crossed a layer of grass or small

twigs and weeds. Over this framework a layer of mud is spread, which,
after drying, is covered with earth and firmly trodden down. The making of
the roof is the work of the women. When it is finished the women proceed
to spread a thick coating of mud for a floor. After this follows the
application of plaster to the walls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a
small space on the wall unplastered, a belief then existing that a certain
Katchina came and finished it, and although the space remained bare it was
considered to be covered with an invisible plaster.
The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four feathers
similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece of
willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof beams.
These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina, celebrated
in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. The builder also
makes an offering to Másauwu (called “feeding the house”) by placing
fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not to hasten the
departure of any of the family to the under world.
A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman builds a
fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavity about a foot
square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hood is constructed,
its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor.
As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stone
coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher than the
roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away.
Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in the copings,
as will be described later.
All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this single-roomed
house as being complete in itself, but they also consider it the nucleus of the
larger structure. When more space is desired, as when the daughters of the
house marry and require room for themselves, another house is built in front
of and adjoining the first one, and a second story is often added to the
original house. The same ceremony is observed in building the ground story
in front, but there is no ceremony for the second and additional stories.

Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in which he
was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as being four
stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, his sisters and their
families occupying the rear portion. The fourth story consisted of a single
room and had terraces on two opposite sides. This old house is now very
dilapidated, and the greater portion of the walls have been carried away.
There is no prescribed position for communicating doorways, but the outer
doors are usually placed in the lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest
winds.
Formerly on the approach of
cold weather, and to some
extent the custom still exists,
people withdrew from the
upper stories to the kikoli
rooms, where they huddled
together to keep warm.
Economy in the consumption
of fuel also prompted this
Fig. 19. A Tusayan wood rack.
expedient; but these ground-
floor rooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways,
and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with a
ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even their roofs are
largely utilized for the temporary storage of many household articles, and in
the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, the terraces and copings
are often covered with drying peaches, and the peculiar long strips into
which pumpkins and squashes have been cut to facilitate their desiccation
for winter use. Among other things the household supply of wood is
sometimes piled up at one end of this terrace, but more commonly the
natives have so many other uses for this space that the sticks of fuel are
piled up on a rude projecting skeleton of poles, supported on one side by
two upright forked sticks set into the ground, and on the other resting upon
the stone coping of the wall, as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles
are laid across a re-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack,
without any support from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the
available space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam

or stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many long
poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty as
additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplace on the
inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on the terraces, usually
at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is still a general custom, and the
end of the first terrace is usually walled up and roofed, and is called tupubi.
Tuma is the name of the flat baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat
stone used for baking at the kisi in the field is called tupubi.
Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no opening
in the outer wall.
The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all of them; but
the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general resort, and is
regarded as a common loitering place, no one claiming distinct ownership.
This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling, but nothing definite can
now be ascertained on this point. In this connection it may also be noted
that the eldest sister’s house is regarded as their home by her younger
brothers and her nieces and nephews.
Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especially
constructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These are
usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions not
larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place of the flat
stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok describing its flat
position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the dwelling houses are also
devoted to this use.
The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the houses
and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of architectural
terms, comprising those especially applied to the various constructional
features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the “kisis,” or temporary
brush shelters for field use, will be found near the end of this paper.
The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement of contiguous
houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the traditions, that rows of
houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to form an appropriate place for
the public dances and processions of masked dancers. No definite ground

plan, however, is ascribed to these traditional court-inclosing houses,
although at one period in the evolution of this defensive type of architecture
they must have partaken somewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on
the Rio Chaco and elsewhere.
LOCALIZATION OF GENTES.

In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless some
effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries, in definite
quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the present day, however,
there is but little trace of such localization. In the case of Oraibi, the largest
of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has with great care and patience
ascertained the distribution of the various gentes in the village, as recorded
on the accompanying skeleton plan (Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the
diagram in connection with the appended list of the families occupying
Oraibi will at once show that, however clearly defined may have been the
quarters of various gentes in the traditional village, the greatest confusion
prevails at the present time. The families numerically most important, such
as the Reed, Coyote, Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger
house clusters.

Families occupying Oraibi.
[See house plan—house numbers in blue.]
1. Kokop winwuh Burrowing owl.
2. Pikyas nyumuh Young corn plant.
3. Bakab winwuh Reed (Phragmites communis).
4. Tuwa winwuh Sand.
5. Tdap nyumuh Jack rabbit.
6. Honan winwuh Badger.
7. Isn winwuh Coyote.
8. See 3 Reed.
9. Kukuto winwuh Lizard.
10. Honan nyumuh Bear.
11. Honau Bear.
12. See 3 Reed.
13. See 7 Coyote.
14. Tcuin Rattlesnake.
15. Awat Bow.
16. Kokuan Spider.

17. See 9 Lizard.
18. See 3 Reed.
19. See 1 Burrowing owl.
20. See 1 Burrowing owl.
21. See 5 Rabbit.
22. See 9 Lizard.
23. See 9 Lizard.
23½. See 9 Lizard.
24. See 2 Young corn.
25. Gyazro nyumuh Paroquet.
26. See 2 Young corn.
27. Kwah nyumuh Eagle.
28. See 7 Coyote.
29. See 27 Eagle.
30. See 9 Lizard.
31. See 9 Lizard.
32. See 7 Coyote.
33. See 7 Coyote.
34. See 2 Young corn.
35. See 6 Badger.
36. See 16 Spider.
37. Batun winwuh Squash.
38. See 15 Bow.
39. See 15 Bow.
40. See 1 Burrowing owl.
41. See 1 Burrowing owl.
42. See 6 Badger.
43. Tdawuh winwuh Sun.
44. See 1 Burrowing owl.
45. See 25 Paroquet.
46. See 1 Burrowing owl.
47. See 1 Burrowing-owl.
48. See 3 Reed.
49. See 3 Reed.
50. See 3 Reed.
51. See 3 Reed.
52. See 27 Eagle.
53. See 25 Paroquet.
54. See 1 Burrowing owl.
55. See 5 Rabbit.
56. See 9 Lizard.
57. Pobol winwuh Moth.
58. See 6 Badger.

59. See 5 Rabbit.
60. See 5 Rabbit.
61. See 7 Coyote.
62. See 7 Coyote.
63. Atoko winwuh Crane.
64. See 3 Reed.
65. See 9 Lizard.
66. Keli nyumuh Hawk.
67. See 7 Coyote.
68. See 43 Sun.
69. Kwan nyumuh Mescal cake.
70. See 27 Eagle.
71. See 27 Eagle.
72. See 2 Corn.
73. See 6 Badger.
74. See 7 Coyote.
75. See 7 Coyote.
76. See 27 Eagle.
77. See 3 Reed.
78. See 3 Reed.
79. See 3 Reed.
80. See 9 Lizard.
81. See 43 Sun.
82. See 25 Paroquet.
83. See 9 Lizard.
84. See 9 Lizard.
85. See 43 Sun.
86. See 3 Reed.
87. See 3 Reed.
88. See 7 Coyote.
89. See 3 Reed.
90. Vacant.
91. See 2 Corn.
92. See 25 Paroquet.
93. See 25 Paroquet.
94. See 10 Bear.
95. See 19 Bear.
96. See 4 Sand.
97. See 4 Sand.
98. See 4 Sand.
99. See 3 Reed.
100. See 2 Corn.
101. See 2 Corn.

102. See 7 Coyote.
103. See 7 Coyote.
104. See 3 Reed.
105. See 3 Reed.
106. See 3 Reed.
107. See 5 Rabbit.
108. See 7 Coyote.
109. See 5 Rabbit.
110. See 5 Rabbit.
111. See 3 Reed.
112. See 5 Rabbit.
113. Vacant.
114. Vacant.
115. See 3 Reed.
116. See 6 Badger.
117. See 43 Sun.
118. See 7 Coyote.
119. See 43 Sun.
120. See 5 Rabbit.
121. See 43 Sun.
122. See 3 Reed.
123. See 4 Sand.
124. See 4 Sand.
125. See 3 Reed.
126. See 3 Reed.
127. See 43 Sun.
128. See 2 Corn.
129. See 9 Lizard.
130. See 4 Sand.
131. See 4 Sand.
132. See 7 Coyote.
133. See 9 Lizard.
134. See 25 Paroquet.
135. See 25 Paroquet.
136. See 6 Badger.
137. See 6 Badger.
138. Vacant.
139. See 10 Bear.
140. See 3 Reed.
141. See 25 Paroquet.
142. See 25 Paroquet.
143. See 43 Sun.
144. See 5 Rabbit.

145. See 15 Bow.
146. Vacant.
147. See 6 Badger.
148. Katcin nyumuh Katcina.
149. See 7 Coyote.
150. See 6 Badger.
151. See 6 Badger.
152. See 6 Badger.
153. See 6 Badger.

Counting No. 23½, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant.
Reed families 25 Corn families 9
Coyote families 17 Sun families 9
Lizard families 14 Sand families 8
Badger families 13 Eagle families 6
Rabbit families 11 Bear families 5
Paroquet families 10 Bow families 4
Owl families 9 Spider families 2
Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each.

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola.
Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements of
rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the architectural
evidence does not indicate the construction of the various portions of the
present Zuñi by distinct groups of people.
INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.

On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data here
given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scale
models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for the
treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls and roof,
with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded, little remains to
be described about a pueblo house; for such of its interior details as do not
connect with the external features are of the simplest character. At the time
of the survey of these pueblos no exhaustive study of the interior of the
houses was practicable, but the illustrations present typical dwelling rooms
from both Tusayan and Zuñi. As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan
than at Zuñi.

The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the
ground plan of a second-story
room of Mashongnavi. This room
measures 13 by 12½ feet, and is
considerably below the average
size of the rooms in these villages.
A projecting buttress or pier in the
middle of the east wall divides that
end of the room into two portions.
One side is provided with facilities
for storage in the construction of a
bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3
feet high from the floor; and a
small inclosed triangular bin, built Fig. 20. Interior ground plan
directly on the floor, by fixing a of a Tusayan room.
thin slab of stone into the masonry.
The whole construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud,
which has afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch
band that encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position
of a baseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that is
wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an indispensable
feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common to find a series of
metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire available width of a
recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its depth behind the stones as
will afford floor space for the kneeling women who grind the corn. In larger
open apartments undivided by buttress or pier, the metates are usually built
in or near one corner. They are always so arranged that those who operate
them face the middle of the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered
dressing of clay of the same character as the usual external roof covering. It
is, in fact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with
special care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimes
carefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone. It is
often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient size for this purpose,
but the irregularities of outline of the large flat stones are very skillfully
interfitted, furnishing, when finished, a smoothly paved floor easily swept
and kept clean.

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace and
chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimney hood is of
semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire chimney is illustrated
in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved form of hood. In the corner
of the left as one enters are two ollas, or water jars, which are always kept
filled. On the floor near the water jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form
of vessel used for bringing in water from the springs and wells at the foot of
the mesa. At Zuñi water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or
water jars, in which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the
purpose.
The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set back or
stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common in Tusayan.
This form is illustrated in Fig. 84.

Plate LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi.

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no interior
communication with any other room. In this respect it is exceptional.
Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster.
Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It
illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding example.

The room is much larger than the one above described, and it is divided
midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttress supports a heavy
girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor beams to span the
whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimney are similar to those
described, as is also the single compartment for mealing stones. In this case,
however, this portion of the room is quite large, and the row of mealing
stones is built at right angles to its back wall and not parallel with it.

Plate LXXXV. A Tusayan interior.

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight pole
suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in both Tusayan
and Zuñi. The pole is used for the suspension of the household stock of
blankets and other garments. The windows of this house are small, and two
of them, in the right-hand division of the room, have been roughly sealed up
with masonry.
Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zuñi interior. In this instance the example
happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will be noticed that
this apartment has many features in common with that at Tusayan last
described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended is here incorporated
into the original construction of the house, its two ends being deeply
embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire floor is paved with slabs of

much more regular form than any used at Tusayan. The Zuñi have access to
building stone which is of a much better grade than is available in Tusayan.

Plate LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior.

This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along the
sides, a feature much more common at Zuñi than at Tusayan. Usually such
benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projection is
interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the left it
terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones, in order
to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates are arranged in
the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additional detached section
placed at right angles to the main series. The sill of the doorway by which
this room communicates with an adjoining one is raised about 18 inches
above the floor, and is provided with a rudely mortised door in a single
panel. Alongside is a small hole through which the occupant can prop the
door on the inside of the communicating room. The subsequent sealing of
the small hand-hole with mud effectually closes the house against intrusion.
The unusual height of this door sill from the floor has necessitated the
construction of a small step, which is built of masonry and covered with a
single slab of stone. All the doors of Zuñi are more or less raised above the

ground or floor, though seldom to the extent shown in the present example.
This room has no external door and can be directly entered only by means
of the hatchway and ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room
was probably bounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and
windows, though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows
have become niches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds
and ends of a Zuñi household. The chimney of this house will be noticed as
differing materially, both in form and in its position in the room, from the
Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type of
chimney used in Zuñi at the present time, although many examples of the
curved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of the
room. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly
always built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for the
support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not practiced at
Zuñi to any extent. Deer horns have been built into the wall of the room to
answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various household articles are
suspended.
The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house have
been briefly described above, will each be made the subject of more
exhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form through which
they have passed. The above outline will furnish a general idea of the place
that these details occupy in the house itself.

KIVAS IN TUSAYAN.
General use of kivas.—Wherever the remains of pueblo architecture occur
among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in every important
village throughout all changes of form, due to variations of environment
and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptional character. The
chambers are distinguishable from the typical dwelling rooms by their size
and position, and, generally, in ancient examples, by their circular form.
This feature of pueblo architecture has survived to the present time, and is
prominent in all modern pueblos that have come under the writer’s notice,
including the villages of Acoma and Jemez, belonging to the Rio Grande
group, as well as in the pueblos under discussion. In all the pueblos that

have been examined, both ancient and modern, with the exception of those
of Tusayan, these special rooms, used for ceremonial purposes, occupy
marginal or semidetached positions in the house clusters. The latter are
wholly detached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans.
Origin of the name.—Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by the
Spanish term “estufa,” meaning literally a stove, and here used in the sense
of “sweat house,” but the term is misleading, as it more properly describes
the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially by lodge-building
Indians, such as the Navajo. At the suggestion of Major Powell the Tusayan
word for this everpresent feature of pueblo architecture has been adopted,
as being much more appropriate. The word “kiva,” then, will be understood
to designate the ceremonial chamber of the pueblo building peoples, ancient
and modern.
Antiquity of the kiva.—The widespread occurrence of this feature and its
evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy of exhaustive
study, especially as embodied in its construction maybe found survivals of
early methods of arrangement that have long ago become extinct in the
constantly improving art of housebuilding, but which are preserved through
the well known tendency of the survival of ancient practice in matters
pertaining to the religious observances of a primitive people. Unfortunately,
in the past the Zuñi have been exposed to the repressive policy of the
Spanish authorities, and this has probably seriously affected the purity of
the kiva type. At one time, when the ceremonial observances of the Zuñi
took place in secret for fear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the
original kivas must have been wholly abandoned, and though at the present
time some of the kivas of Zuñi occupy marginal positions in the cell
clusters, just as in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these
rooms faithfully represent the original type of kiva. There seems to be but
little structural evidence to distinguish the present kivas from ordinary large
Zuñi rooms beyond the special character of the fireplace and of the entrance
trap door, features which will be fully described later. At Tusayan, on the
other hand, we find a distinct and characteristic structural plan of the kiva,
as well as many special constructive devices. Although the position of the
ceremonial room is here exceptional in its entire separation from the
dwelling, this is due to clearly traceable influences in the immediate

orograpic environment, and the wholly subterranean arrangement of most
of the kivas in this group is also due to the same local causes.

Plate LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan.

Excavation of the kiva.—The tendency to depress or partly excavate the
ceremonial chamber existed in Zuñi, as in all the ancient pueblo buildings
which have been examined; but the solid rock of the mesa tops in Tusayan
did not admit of the necessary excavation, and the persistence of this
requirement, which, as I shall elsewhere show, has an important connection
with the early types of pueblo building, compelled the occupants of these
rocky sites to locate their kivas at points where depressions already existed.
Such facilities were most abundant near the margins of the mesas, where in
many places large blocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the
surface stratum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliff
wall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontories forced
the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, the traditional and
customary arrangement of the kivas within the house-inclosed courts of the
pueblo, in order to obtain properly depressed sites. This accidental effect of
the immediate environment resulted in giving unusual prominence to the
sinking of the ceremonial room below the ground surface, but a certain
amount of excavation is found as a constant accompaniment of this feature
throughout the pueblo region in both ancient and modern villages. Even at

Zuñi, where the kivas appear to retain but few of the specialized features
that distinguish them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below the
general level of the ground. But at Tusayan the development of this single
requirement has been carried to such an extent that many of the kivas are
wholly subterranean. This is particularly the case with those that occupy
marginal sites on the mesas, such as have been referred to above. In such
instances the broken-out recesses in the upper rocks have been walled up on
the outside, roughly lined with masonry within, and roofed over in the usual
manner. In many cases the depth of these rock niches is such that the kiva
roof when finished does not project above the general level of the mesa
summit, and its earth covering is indistinguishable from the adjoining
surface, except for the presence of the box-like projection of masonry that
surrounds the entrance trap door and its ladder (see Pl. LXXXVII). Frequently
in such cases the surface of the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or
dimensions of the underlying room. Examples of such subterranean kivas
may be seen in the foreground of the general view of a court in Oraibi (Pl.
XXXVIII), and in the view of the dance rock at Walpi (Pl. XXIV). But such
wholly subterranean arrangement of the ceremonial chamber is by no
means universal even at Tusayan. Even when the kiva was placed within the
village courts or close to the houses, in conformity to the traditional plan
and ancient practice as evidenced in the ruins, naturally depressed sites
were still sought; but such sites as the mesa margin affords were rarely
available at any distance from the rocky rim. The result is that most of the
court kivas are only partly depressed. This is particularly noticeable in a
court kiva in Shumopavi, an illustration of which is given in Fig. 14.

Plate LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast.

The mungkiva or principal kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Pl. XXXIII, is
scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards the houses, but
its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet down on the declivity
of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals of Mashongnavi, shown in Pl.
CIX, also illustrates a kiva of the type described. This chamber is
constructed on a sharp slope of the declivity where a natural depression
favored the builders. On the upper side the roof is even with the ground, but
on its outer or southern side the masonry is exposed to nearly the whole
depth of the chamber. At the north end of Shumopavi, just outside the
houses, are two kivas, one of which is of the semi-subterranean type. The
other shows scarcely any masonry above the ground outside of the box-like
entrance way. Pl. LXXXVIII illustrates these two kivas as seen from the
northeast, and shows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following
(Fig. 21) illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view.

Fig. 21. North kivas of Shumopavi, seen from the southwest.

Access.—The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar one in
the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on their eastern
side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented when necessary by
the removal of the ladder from the outside, or in some instances by the
withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely inserted into holes in the side
pieces. There is no means of preventing access to the exposed trap doors,
which are nearly on a level with the ground. As a matter of convenience and
to facilitate the entrance into the kiva of costumed and masked dancers,
often encumbered with clumsy paraphernalia, steps are permanently built
into the outside wall of the kiva in direct contradiction to the ancient
principles of construction; that is, in having no permanent or fixed means of
access from the ground to the first roof. These are the only cases in which
stone steps spring directly from the ground, although they are a very
important feature in Tusayan house architecture above the first story, as
may be seen in any of the general views of the villages. The justification of
such an arrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies
obviously in the different conditions here found as compared with the
dwellings.
The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi group, above illustrated, is
exceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Probably all
such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures or crevices of the
sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility for the excavation of

the site to the required depth. The most noteworthy example of such inner
kiva being located with reference to favorable rock fissures has been
already described in discussing the ground plan of Walpi and its southern
court-inclosed kiva (p. 65).
Masonry.—The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases to be
of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This is particularly
noticeable in the kivas of Walpi on the mesa edge, but is apparent even in
some of the Zuñi examples. One of the kivas of house No. 1 in Zuñi, near
the churchyard, has small openings in its wall that are rudely framed with
stone slabs set in a stone wall of exceptional roughness. Apparently there
has never been any attempt to smooth or reduce this wall to a finished
surface with the usual coating of adobe mud.
In Tusayan also some of the kiva walls look as though they had been built
of the first material that came to hand, piled up nearly dry, and with no
attempt at the chinking of joints, that imparts some degree of finish to the
dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas, however, is usually
plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering is applied on a base of
masonry even in the case of the kivas that are wholly subterranean. It seems
to be the Tusayan practice to line all sides of the kivas with stone masonry,
regardless of the completeness and fitness of the natural cavity. It is
impossible, therefore, to ascertain from the interior of a kiva how much of
the work of excavation is artificial and how much has been done by nature.
The lining of masonry probably holds the plastering of adobe mud much
better than the naked surface of the rock, but the Tusayan builders would
hardly resort to so laborious a device to gain this small advantage. The
explanation of this apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had
been built of masonry from time immemorial, and that the changed
conditions of the present Tusayan environment have not exerted their
influence for a sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional practice.
As will be seen later, the building of a kiva is accompanied by certain rites
and ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additional testimony of
the comparatively recent date of the present subterranean types.
Orientation.—In questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephen was
told that no attention to the cardinal points was observed in the plan,

although the walls are spoken of according to the direction to which they
most closely approximate. An examination of the village plans of the
preceding chapters, however, will show a remarkable degree of uniformity
in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due to accident in rooms
built on such widely differing sites. The intention seems to have been to
arrange these ceremonial chambers approximately on the north and south
line, though none of the examples approach the meridian very closely. Most
of them face southeast, though some, particularly in Walpi, face west of
south. In Walpi four of the five kivas are planned on a southwest and
northeast line, following the general direction of the mesa edge, while the
remaining one faces southeast. The difference in this last case may have
been brought about by exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the form
of the cavity in which the kiva was built. Again at Hano and Sichumovi
(Pls. XVI and XVIII) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction prevails,
but, as the plans show, the kivas in these two villages are few in number.
The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (Pl. XXX) to have the same
direction, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (Pl. XXXIV) there are four
kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however (Pl. XXVI), the same
uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas face south of east, and two
others built in the edge of the rocky bench on the south side of the village
face west of south. In the large village of Oraibi there is remarkable
uniformity in the direction of the many kivas, there being a variation of
only a few degrees in direction in the whole number of thirteen shown on
the plan (Pl. XXXVI). But in the case of the large kiva partly above ground
designated as the Coyote kiva, the direction from which it is entered is the
reverse of that of the other kivas. No explanation is offered that will account
for this curious single exception to the rule. The intention of the builders
has evidently been to make the altar and its attendant structural features
conform to a definite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of
the ceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in many cases
resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given rise to the
variations that are seen.
In Zuñi there was an evident purpose to preserve a certain uniformity of
direction in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pls. LXXVI and LXXVII) there
are two kivas, distinguishable on the plan by the large divided trap door.

The entrance of these both face southeast, and it can readily be seen that
this conformity has been provided intentionally, since the rooms themselves
do not correspond in arrangement. The roof opening is in one case across
the room and in the other it is placed longitudinally. As has been pointed out
above, the general plan of arranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished
in Zuñi as in Tusayan. Uniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more
striking as occurring where there is so much more variation in the directions
of the walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is furnished by the
pueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward from Zuñi. Here the
kivas are six in number and the directions of all the examples are found to
vary but a few degrees. These also face east of south.
There are reasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is of later
origin in the pueblo system of building than the use of the circular form of
ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrence among the older
ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kiva prevailed for long
periods of time it would undoubtedly have exerted a strong influence
towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clusters in which the kivas were
incorporated; but in the earlier circular form, the constructional ceremonial
devices could occupy definite positions in relation to the cardinal points at
any part of the inner curve of the wall without necessarily exerting any
influence on the directions of adjoining dwellings.
The ancient form of kiva.—In none of the ruins examined in the province of
Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found, nor do any of
them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonial rooms. It is not
likely, however, that the present custom of building these chambers wholly
under ground prevailed generally among the earlier Tusayan villages, as
some of the remains do not occupy sites that would suggest such
arrangement. The typical circular kiva characteristic of most of the ancient
pueblos has not been seen within the limits of Tusayan, although it occurs
constantly in the ruins of Canyon de Chelly which are occasionally referred
to in Tusayan tradition as having been occupied by related peoples. Mr.
Stephen, however, found vestiges of such ancient forms among the debris
of fallen walls occupying two small knolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a
point that overlooks the broken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast
shoulder of one of the knolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was

originally 12 feet in diameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches
thick, 6 to 8 inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which
have been pecked and dressed. Mud mortar has been sparingly used, and
the masonry shows considerable care and skill in execution; the curve of the
wall is fairly true, and the interstices of the masonry are neatly filled in with
smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the best work of the Canyon de
Chelly ruins.
The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast slope is
the complete ground plan of a round structure 16½ feet in diameter. At one
point of the curved wall, which is about 22 inches thick, occurs the
characteristic recessed katchinkihu (described later in discussing the interior
of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber for ceremonial purposes.
Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruins
discussed above (Chapter II), they suggest a connection and relationship
between the typical kiva of the older ruins and the radically different form
in use at the present time.
Native explanations of position.—Notwithstanding the present practice in
the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal village plan is still
acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributed as to form
inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located within these courts or
occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters on the edge of the
inclosed areas. But the native explanations of the traditional plan are vague
and contradictory.
In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh, through
which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powers invoked.
According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva was constructed
to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built on every side to
surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earlier times, too, so the priests
relate, people were more devout, and the houses were planned with their
terraces fronting upon the court, so that the women and children and all the
people, could be close to the masked dancers (katchinas) as they issued
from the kiva. The spectators filled the terraces, and sitting there they
watched the katchinas dance in the court, and the women sprinkled meal
upon them, while they listened to their songs. Other old men say the kiva

was excavated in imitation of the original house in the interior of the earth,
where the human family were created, and from which they climbed to the
surface of the ground by means of a ladder, and through just such an
opening as the hatchway of the kiva. Another explanation commonly
offered is that they are made underground because they are thus cooler in
summer, and more easily warmed in winter.
All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we have
already seen that excavation to the extent here practiced is wholly
exceptional in pueblo building and the unusual development of this
requirement of kiva construction has been due to purely local causes. In the
habitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, the Indians have
lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation of this requirement. At
Zuñi, too, a curious explanation is offered for the partial depression of the
kiva floor below the general surrounding level. Here it is naively explained
that the floor is excavated in order to attain a liberal height for the ceiling
within the kiva, this being a room of great importance. Apparently it does
not occur to the Zuñi architect that the result could be achieved in a more
direct and much less laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so
higher at the time of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same
problem is solved when it is encountered in their ordinary dwelling house
construction. Such explanations, of course, originated long after the practice
became established.
METHODS OF KIVA BUILDING AND RITES.

The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described and
illustrated; it now remains to examine the general form and method of
construction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the attendant rites
and ceremonies.
Typical plans.—All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram,
usually about 25 feet long and half as wide, the ceiling, which is from 5½ to
8 feet high, being slightly higher in the middle than at either end. There is
no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, and seemingly the size of the
chamber is determined according to the number who are to use it, and who
assume the labor of its construction. A list of typical measurements obtained
by Mr. Stephen is appended (p. 136).

An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an existing
one having been discovered, the person who is to be chief of the kiva
performs the same ceremony as that prescribed for the male head of a
family when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. He takes a
handful of meal, mixed with piki crumbs, and a little of the crumbled herb
they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the ground, beginning on
the west side, passing southward, and so around, the sprinkled line he
describes marking the position to be occupied by the walls. As he thus
marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a droning tone “Si-ai, a-hai, a-
hai, si-ai, a-hai”—no other words but these. The meaning of these words
seems to be unknown, but all the priests agree in saying that the archaic
chant is addressed to the sun, and it is called Kitdauwi—the House Song.
The chief then selects four good-sized stones of hard texture for corner
stones, and at each corner he lays a baho, previously prepared, sprinkles it
with the mixture with which he has described the line of the walls, and then
lays the corner stone upon it. As he does this, he expresses his hope that the
walls “will take good root hold,” and stand firm and secure.
The men have already quarried or collected a sufficient quantity of stone,
and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each side of the
excavation. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; they are
irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to handle. They are
laid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried up, if the ground be
level, to within 18 inches of the surface. If the kiva is built on the edge of
the cliff, as at Walpi, the outside wall connects the sides of the gap,
conforming to the line of the cliff. If the surface is sloping, the level of the
roof is obtained by building up one side of the kiva above the ground to the
requisite height as illustrated in Fig. 21. One end of the “Goat” kiva at
Walpi is 5 feet above ground, the other end being level with the sloping
surface. When the ledge on the precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is
filled in with rough masonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the
outside wall of some of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although
in the interior the measurement from floor to ceiling is much less.
Both cottonwood and pine are used for the roof timbers; they are roughly
dressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made to hew them
with four sides, but none are square. In the roof of the “Goat” kiva, at

Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring exactly 6 by 10 inches,
which are said to have been taken from the mission house built near Walpi
by the Spanish priests some three centuries ago. The ceiling plan of the
mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 23) shows that four of these old Spanish
squared beams have been utilized in its construction. One of these is
covered with a rude decoration of gouged grooves and bored holes, forming
a curious line-and-dot ornament. The other kiva of this village contains a
single undecorated square Spanish roof beam. This beam contrasts very
noticeably with the rude round poles of the native work, one of which, in
the case of the kiva last mentioned, is a forked trunk of a small tree. Some
of the Indians say that the timbers were brought by them from the
Shumopavi spring, where the early Spanish priests had established a
mission. According to these accounts, the home mission was established at
Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, and a third and important one at
Awatubi.
One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams were
brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred miles
away, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved and
finished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel and
cloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timbers were
finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi. At
Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi (The-high-
place-of-snow—San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only 8 years ago.
The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them are hewn with flat
sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other three are round, the under
sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches in diameter. These timbers were
brought from the San Francisco Mountains while the Spaniards were here.
The Shumopavi account states that the people were compelled to drag most
of the timbers with ropes, although oxen were also used in some cases, and
that the Spaniards used them to roof their mission buildings. After the
destruction of the mission these timbers were used in the construction of a
dwelling house, which, falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down.
Subsequently they were utilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the
main timbers were taken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva.
The timbers now in the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they

are old and much decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared
timbers from the Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by
12 inches, etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted
ornamentation that occurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above
described. At the other end of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round
timbers that may have come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks
of fire, and are in places deeply charred.
In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls are
brought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid
parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3 feet apart,
except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is left between two
beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends of the timbers rest
upon the side walls, and as they are placed in position a small feather, to
which a bit of cotton string is tied (nakwakwoci) is also placed under each.
Stout poles, from which the bark has been stripped, are laid at right angles
upon the timbers, with slight spaces between them. Near the center of the
kiva two short timbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet
apart; this is done to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which
is made with walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two central
beams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried up so
as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof. Across the
poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight twigs of any kind
are laid close together, and over these is placed a layer of dry grass arranged
in regular rows. Mud is then carefully spread over the grass to a depth of
about 3 inches, and after it has nearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill
up all the cracks. A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly
trodden down, to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with
the surrounding ground, following the same method and order of
construction that prevails in dwelling-house buildings.
Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one end of
which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and upon these
timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl. LXXXVII.) An open
space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, and this is the only outlet in
the structure, serving at once as doorway, window, and chimney.

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is never in a
continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform some 10 or 12
inches high, extending for about a third of the length of the kiva and
terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the hatchway, as
illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 22, and
also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the platform rests the foot of a long
ladder, which leans against the higher side of the hatchway, and its tapering
ends project 10 or 12 feet in the air. Upon this platform the women and
other visitors sit when admitted to witness any of the ceremonies observed
in the kiva. The main floor in a few of the kivas is composed of roughly
hewn planks, but this is a comparatively recent innovation, and is not
generally deemed desirable, as the movement of the dancers on the wooden
floor shakes the fetiches out of position.

Fig. 22. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but usually
about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located immediately
under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raising the hatchway
above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling in the middle is to
prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuel used in the kiva is
greasewood, and there are always several bundles of the shrub in its green
state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of the hatchway directly over the

fire. This shrub, when green, smolders and emits a dense, pungent smoke,
but when perfectly dry, burns with a bright, sparkling flame.
Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is built,
usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a shelf for the
display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated observances (see
Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in the middle of this ledge,
and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house). During a festival certain
masks are placed in it when not in use by the dancers. Some of the kivas
have low ledges built along one or both sides for use as seats, and some
have none, but all except two or three have the ledge at the end containing
the katchina house.
In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8 or 10
inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab of
cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the
middle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2 or 2½
inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is accurately fitted
with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush with the surface of
the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy a position in the main floor
near the end of the kiva. This feature is the sipapuh, the place of the gods,
and the most sacred portion of the ceremonial chamber. Around this spot the
fetiches are set during a festival; it typifies also the first world of the
Tusayan genesis and the opening through which the people first emerged. It
is frequently so spoken of at the present time.
Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; they
usually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the dais that
forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder rests. These
are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as receptacles for
small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days, however, these niches
were used exclusively as receptacles for the sacred pipes and tobacco and
other smaller paraphernalia.

Fig. 23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features of kiva
construction that have been described several typical examples are here
illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale and represent
kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a series of typical kiva
measurements, which is appended to this section, and comparison of these
with the plans will show the relation of the examples selected to the usual
dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is the ground plan of the mungkiva, or
chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will be observed that the second level of the
kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to, is about 15 inches narrower
on each side than the main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva
floor is not universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule.
Sometimes the narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the
mungkiva of Mashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present
example, and in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi,
illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been built midway
along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the point at
which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, is free for the use
of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand on the house terraces
to witness a dance, and do not step into the court. The ledge in this case is
about a foot above the main floor. Benches of masonry are built along each
side, though, as the plan shows, they are not of the same length. The bench
on the eastern side is about 4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by
a continuation of the high bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the
corner of the room. These side benches are for the use of participants in the

ceremonies. When young men are initiated into the various societies during
the feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred division
of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the benches along
the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is used as a shelf for
paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose position is indicated
by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred orifice from which the katchina
is said to come, and is called the katchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near
the katchinkihu, is the sipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood
slab over a cavity in the floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18
inches wide and 6½ feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the
main floor. The paving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone
whose irregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well
finished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles is
shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The position of
the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting upon the paved
surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edge of the step.
Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating the arrangement of
such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible from inside. The plan shows
the position of the four Spanish beams before referred to, the northernmost
being the one that has the line and dot decoration. The next two beams, laid
in contact, are also square and of Spanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is
on the northern edge of the hatchway dome and supports its wall. The
adjoining beam is round and of native workmanship. The position and
dimensions of the large hatchway projection are here indicated in plan, but
the general appearance of this curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be
better seen from the interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to
this domelike structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a
greater height in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams.
The old men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Others
say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the fire
preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an upper
chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids in the
performance of this good office.

Fig. 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva.

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of the
interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about half of
the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposed
stonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used with
the wall in this uncovered condition.
The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that is placed
directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke hole. It is
usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of the second level of the
kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finished quite neatly and smoothly
where their edges enframe the firepit.

Fig. 25. Ground plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second kiva of
the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it is identical
with the preceding example, but minor modifications will be noticed in
several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or “altar” end of the kiva,
has not the height that was seen in the mungkiva, but is on the same level as
the benches of the sides. Here the sipapuh is at much greater distance than
usual from the katchina recess. It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is
let into an orifice in one of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead
of into a cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of
this kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them
being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long continued
use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness. The ceiling
plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of Spanish beam at the
extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a forked “viga” or ceiling
beam, which is quite unusual.

Fig. 26. Ceiling plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.

This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in places
evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the
interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated in this
example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have been brought to
an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavation with reeds which
are applied in a vertical position and are held in place by long, slender,
horizontal rods, forming a rude matting or wattling. The rods are fastened to
the rocky wall at favorable points by means of small prongs of some hard
wood, and the whole of the primitive lathing is then thickly plastered with
adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found the Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the
same manner. The walls are lined with a reed lathing over which mud is
plastered. The reed used is the Bakabi (Phragmites communis) whose stalks
vary from a quarter of an inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In
this instance the reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the
ordinary mud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the natural
excavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reeds laid
upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in place by pegs
of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feet and are tied to
the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are very interesting examples of
aboriginal lathing and plastering applied to stone work.

Fig. 27. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Mashongnavi.

The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig. 27.
In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of the floor is
on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached from the main
floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches at the west end. The
south end of the kiva is provided with a small opening like a loop-hole,
furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side of the main portion of the
kiva is not provided with the usual bench. The portion of the bench at the
katchina end of the kiva is on a level with the west bench and continuous
for a couple of feet beyond the northeast corner along the east wall. The
small wall niches are on the west side and nearer the north end than usual.
The arrangement of the katchinkihu is quite different from that described in
the Shupaulovi kivas. The orifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½
feet above the floor, and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that
extends across this end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in
the other examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kiva
hatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but the ladder
has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladder rests
against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on the near side of
the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. The small smoke-
blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundles of greasewood
and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At the far end of the
trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reeds or rushes that is used

for closing the openings when necessary. It is here shown rolled up at the
foot of the slope of the hatchway top, its customary position when not in
use. When this mat is used for closing the kiva opening it is usually held in
place by several large stone slabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen
of the Tusayan kiva mat.

Fig. 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan.

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is provided
with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to the wall and
provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. This feature is a
common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains to the use of the
ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weavers of Tusayan. It
will be more fully described in the discussion of the various uses of the
kiva.

Fig. 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kiva.

The essential structural features of the kivas above described are
remarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selected at
random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of the
features, but a certain general relation between the various constructional
requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail throughout all the
villages.
Work by women.—After all the above described details have been provided
for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the women belonging
to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the labor of its
construction. They go over the interior surface of the walls, breaking off
projections and filling up the interstices with small stones, and then they
smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of the hatchway with mud, and

sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous clay found in the
neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma (the fructifying
moon), the women give the kiva this same attention.
Consecration.—When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares a
baho and “feeds the house,” as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a little meal,
with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the same place inserts
the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses his hope that the roof may
never fall and that sickness and other evils may never enter the kiva.
It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho and
the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho is a
prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely speaking or singing
his prayer, he must have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He
regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance,
and hence he seeks to embody it in some object, which thus becomes
consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of
willow twig about six inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. From it
hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal
distances along the twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers
especially addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of
attaching them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case
these are addressed to the “chiefs” who control the paths taken by the
people after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus
designated:
To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud.
south: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud.
east: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud.
north: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud.

Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressed to
the zenith, héyap omáuwu—the invisible space of the above—and to the
nadir, Myuingwa—god of the interior of the earth and maker of the germ of
life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the corner stones are also
addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chief in another kiva. He
smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales the smoke upon them he
formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, who not only control the

paths or lives of all the people, but also preside over the six regions of space
whence come all the necessaries of life. The ancients also occupy his
thoughts during these devotions; he desires that all the pleasures they
enjoyed while here may come to his people, and he reciprocally wishes the
ancients to partake of all the enjoyments of the living.
All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food for
a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva to the
accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitive drum,
rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims the name by
which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of his choosing,
often without reference to its appropriateness.
Various uses of kivas.—Allusions occur in some of the traditions,
suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to the
purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by a priest.
An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and appropriate groups
of these fetiches were displayed from month to month, as the different
priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, each new moon bringing
its prescribed feast.
Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold their
stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the names of the
societies using them. A society always celebrates in a particular kiva, but
none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively for religious purposes;
they are all places of social resort for the men, especially during the winter,
when they occupy themselves with the arts common among them. The same
kiva thus serves as a temple during a sacred feast, at other times as a
council house for the discussion of public affairs. It is also used as a
workshop by the industrious and as a lounging place by the idle.
There are still traces of two classes of kiva,
marked by the distinction that only certain ones
contain the sipapuh, and in these the more
important ceremonies are held. It is said that no
sipapuh has been made recently. The prescribed
operation is performed by the chief and the
assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society

owning the kiva. Some say the mystic lore Fig. 30. Rectangular sipapuh
pertaining to its preparation is lost and none can in a Mashongnavi kiva.
now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh
was formerly used instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen.
The use of stone for this purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the
second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an
example of this ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi
the plank of the sipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a
shoulder, the shoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed
(see Fig. 30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as the
orifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in the sipapuh,
is described as being of circular form in all the versions of the Tusayan
genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at one time
distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to religious
observances from those that were of more general use. At Tusayan, at the
present time, certain societies do not meet in the ordinary kiva but in an
apartment of a dwelling house, each society having its own exclusive place
of meeting. The house so used is called the house of the “Sister of the eldest
brother,” meaning, probably, that she is the descendant of the founder of the
society. This woman’s house is also called the “house of grandmother,” and
in it is preserved the tiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a
ceremonial object about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright
around a small disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set
upon the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name
given to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of warriors
(Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it is the chief of
the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low room on the ground
floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. There is no sipapuh in
this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly to Cótukinungwa, the heart of
the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of animal fetiches are painted in
different colors upon the walls. On the west wall is the Mountain Lion; on
the south, the Bear; on the east, the Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield
inclosing a star; on the north, the White Wolf; and on the east side of this
figure is painted a large disk, representing the sun. The walls of the
chambers of the other societies are not decorated permanently. Here is, then,
really another class of kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the

Walpi mesa. The ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, “kikoli,”
the house without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at
Oraibi, although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply
the term “kiva” to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as to
the underground chambers.
It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has existed
from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses have always
been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Within such
cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any of the arts
they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried on out of
doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to many interruptions. It is
possible that a class of kivas was designed for such ordinary purposes,
though now one type of room seems to answer all these various uses. In
most of the existing kivas there are planks, in which stout loops are secured,
fixed in the floor close to the wall, for attaching the lower beam of a
primitive vertical loom, and projecting vigas or beams are inserted into the
walls at the time of their construction as a provision for the attachment of
the upper loom poles. The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part
of the loom appear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are
often partly buried in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving
stones in such a manner as to be held in place very securely against the
strain of the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The
holes pierced in the upper surface of these logs
are very neatly executed in the manner illustrated
in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in
section, together with the adjoining paving stones.
The outward appearance of the device, as seen at
Fig. 31. Loom post short intervals along the length of the log, is also
in kiva at Tusayan.
shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are
passed through these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of the
loom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The latter can
thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in with the woof.
The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the dark-blue and
black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form a staple article
of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. As an additional

convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivas of Mashongnavi
is provided with movable seats. These consist simply of single stones of
suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inches thick, a foot wide,
and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their use as seats, these stones
are used in connection with the edges of the stone slabs that cap the
permanent benches of the kiva to support temporarily the upper and lower
poles of the blanket loom while the warp is gradually wound around them.
The large stones that are incorporated into the side of the benches of some
of the Mashongnavi kivas have occasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of
about an inch in diameter, drilled into them. These holes receive one end of
a warp stick, the other end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the
heavy, movable stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar
manner, while the thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction
preparatory to placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the final
working of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formed along
the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths of warp that may
be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva a number of similar
holes or depressions are turned into the mud plastering of the wall. All these
devices are of common occurrence at other of the Tusayan kivas, and
indicate the antiquity of the practice of using the kivas for such industrial
purposes. There is a suggestion of similar use of the ancient circular kivas
in an example in Canyon de Chelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly
on a rocky ledge and partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a
land slide had carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined
section of its floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a
number of partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven
fiber carefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though
the sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again
work on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in the
sandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark of the
cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of the ruin and
the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that these specimens were in
use just where they were found at the time of the abandonment or
destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however, of any structural
devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aids to the weavers,

though the weaving of the particular articles comprised in the collection
from this spot would probably not require any cumbrous apparatus.
Kiva ownership.—The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home of the
organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used in common by
all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some particular one and
he frequents that one only. The same person is often a member of different
societies, which takes him to different kivas, but that is only on set
occasions. There is also much informal visiting among them, but a man
presumes to make a loitering place only of the kiva in which he holds
membership.
In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a great
extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. This office or
trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew through the female line
—that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son of his eldest sister
succeeds him.
A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an individual. If
belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly has inherited his
office in the manner indicated from the “eldest brother” of the society who
assumed its construction. But the kiva chief is not necessarily chief of the
society; in fact, usually he is but an ordinary member. A similar custom of
inheritance prevails where the kiva belongs to a group of gentes, only in
that case the kiva chief is usually chief of the gentile group.
As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustrate the
Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by a group of
“Sun” gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic of smallpox, all
the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man. The room fell
into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and it became filled up with dust
and rubbish. The title to it, however, rested with the old survivor, as all the
more direct heirs had died, and he, when about to die, gave the kiva to
Kotshve, a “Snake” man from Walpi, who married a Tewa (Hano) woman
and still lives in Hano. This man repaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said
to be a Pah-Ute term, meaning black mountain, but it is the only name the
Tusayan have for Navajo Mountain) because his people (the “Snake”) came
from that place. He in turn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva

mungwi, but the son says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest
sister. The membership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but
not all of any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members
of a gens to be members of the same kiva.
Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandoned
for a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by an
individual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo—Oak Mound.
He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He also
says that his eldest sister’s son will succeed him as chief.
In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called (aside
from its own special name) mungkiva—chief kiva. It is frequented by the
kimungwi—house or village chief—and the tshaakmungwi—chief talker,
councillor—and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies are observed.
No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them except to
plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion of certain
ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built for the
observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and another
female society—Lalénkobáki—exist in all the other villages, and on the
occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of one of
the kivas.
Motives for building a kiva.—Only two causes are mentioned for building a
new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among the occupants
of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurred quite recently at Hano.
The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise to dissensions, and the members
opposed to him prepared to build a separate room of their own. They chose
a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, close to Hano, collected stones for the
walls, and brought the roof timbers from the distant wooded mesas; but
when all was ready to lay the foundation their differences were adjusted and
a complete reconciliation was effected.
The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a gens
has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers sufficiently to
warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the gentile group, who in this
case is also chief of the order, proposes to his kin to build a separate kiva,

and that being agreed to, he assumes the direction of the construction and
all the dedicatory and other ceremonies connected with the undertaking. An
instance of this kind occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where
the members of the “Katchina” gentes, who are also members of the
religious order of Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves.
The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On the other
hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence of its
membership. In the “Oak Mound” kiva at Sichumovi there are now but four
members. The young men have married and moved to their wives’ houses
in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chief in this
case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stove and pipe,
which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now has grave fears
that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised a deleterious
influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; but the stove is still
retained.
Significance of structural plan.—The designation of the curious orifice of
the sipapuh as “the place from which the people emerged” in connection
with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its change of floor
level, suggested to the author that these features might be regarded as
typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has exercised such an
influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data on this subject were
obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is specially well equipped
for such investigations, discovered that a definite conception exists
concerning the significance of the structural plan of the kiva. Still, from
many suggestive allusions made by the various kiva chiefs and others, he
also has been led to infer that it typifies the four “houses,” or stages,
described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the
floor, is certainly regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest
house under the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or
lower floor represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor
is made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen
observed, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in groups
upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder leading to the
surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon the platform,
never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional genesis it is stated that

the people climbed up from the third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and
through such an opening as the kiva hatchway; only most of the stories
indicate that the opening was round. The outer air is the fourth world, or
that now occupied.
There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular kivas,
but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic structures
that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in the present
discussion.
Typical measurements.—The following list is a record of a number of
measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide
difference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually due
to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, but the
differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities of the site.
The latter differences are not so marked as the former.
Height
Width at ends. Length of sides. at Height at ends.
center.
13 6 —— 24 0 —— 8 6 —— ——
12 0 —— 21 9 —— 7 6 6 6 ——
14 6 14 6 24 6 23 3 8 0 6 6 6 6
12 2 12 11 23 9 23 9 7 10 6 1 6 0
12 6 12 6 26 0 25 3 7 6 6 6 6 6
13 4 12 10 26 8 26 7 7 10 7 0 7 0
15 0 13 6 26 6 24 11 7 4 6 3 6 2
12 6 11 5 23 7 21 9 8 0 7 0 7 0
12 5 13 5 22 8 24 1 7 3 6 1 6 9
10 6 13 6 27 0 27 0 8 3 6 3 6 2
13 6 11 6 29 9 29 0 11 0 5 11 ——
14 6 —— 28 6 28 6 9 8 6 0 ——
13 2 14 0 28 9 29 9 8 6 7 0 6 4
15 1 14 0 28 6 —— 9 6 7 3 6 6
13 0 12 6 28 7 29 6 —— 7 4 6 3

List of Tusayan kivas.—The following list gives the present names of all the
kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of the village is in each
case designated:
HANO.

1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain.
2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano.
Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva.
WALPI.
1. Djiva´to kiva Goat.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central.
Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud.5
4.
Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers.
5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief.
No. 5 is the mungkiva.
SICHUMOVI.
1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound.
2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound.
Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva.
MASHONGNAVI.
1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar.
2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens.
3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Kotcobi kiva High place.
5. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva.
SHUPAULOVI.
1. A´tkabi kiva Place below.
2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider.
A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva.
SHUMOPAVI.
1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco Mountain.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens.
Tco´sobi is the mungkiva.

ORAIBI.
1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers.
2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place.
obi, high place.
3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens.
4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order.
5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order.
6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place.

7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order.
8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate themselves with circular
marks on the body.
9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair.
10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order.
11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap.
ko´li, a heap.
12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens.
13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order.
Tdau kiva is the mungkiva.

DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION.
WALLS.

The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed at Zuñi
by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished and some
broken-down walls indicates that the methods of construction adopted are
essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which, have been
repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however, that in the
former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singular feature of
pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing use of mud in
the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances when walls are built
during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up in the walls without the
use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand in this condition until the rains
come; then the mud mortar is mixed, the interstices of the walls filled in
with it and with chinking stones, and the inside walls are plastered. But the
usual practice is to complete the house at once, finishing it inside and out
with the requisite mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated,
completely covering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the
houses, as may be seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the
Tusayan villages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently
renewed coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry
was seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating of mud,
viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described as
possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona and illustrated
in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly surfaced with this
medium, though many jagged stones are still visible. As a result of this

practice it is now in many cases impossible to determine from mere
superficial inspection whether the underlying masonry has been constructed
of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that may be realized from an examination
of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III. Where the fall of water, such as the
discharge from a roof-drain, has removed the outer coating of mud that
covers stonework and adobe alike, a large proportion of these exposures
reveal stone masonry, so that it is clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a
stone village. The extensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up
within quite recent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders
preferred to use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out
with stonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen
short. An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry still
survives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been
repaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry, consisting
of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening mortar showing
on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods probably took place on
every opportunity, though it is remarkable that the Indians should have been
allowed to employ their own methods in this instance. Although this church
building has for many generations furnished a conspicuous example of
typical adobe construction to the Zuñi, he has never taken the lesson
sufficiently to heart to closely imitate the Spanish methods either in the
preparation of the material or in the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of
the church are of large and uniform size, and the mud from which they were
made had a liberal admixture of straw. This binding material does not
appear in Zuñi in any other example of adobe that has been examined, nor
does it seem to have been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at
this place or at Tusayan. Where molded
adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi in
housebuilding they have been made from
the raw material just as it was taken from
the fields. As a result these bricks have little
of the durability of the Spanish work. Pl.
XCVI illustrates an adobe wall of Zuñi, part
of an unroofed house. The old adobe church
at Hawikuh (Pl. XLVIII), abandoned for two
centuries, has withstood the wear of time

Fig. 32. A Zuñi chimney, and weather better than any of the
showing pottery fragments
embedded in its adobe base. stonework of the surrounding houses. On
the right-hand side of the street that shows
in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a
wall with adobe bricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been
roofed over. The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the
usual series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings.
The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has brought about
the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will be noticed
in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wall copings. Figs. 32
and 33 illustrate a curious employment of pottery fragments on a mud-
plastered wall and on the base of a chimney to protect the adobe coating
against rapid erosion by the rains. These pieces, usually fragments from
large vessels, are embedded in the adobe with the convex side out, forming
an armor of pottery scales well adapted to resist disintegration, by the
elements.

Fig. 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface.

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably be attributed
to foreign influence, but the position of the village in the open plain at a
distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of suitable building stone
naturally led the builders to use stone more sparingly when an available
substitute was found close at hand. The thin slabs of stone, which had to be
brought from a great distance, came to be used only for the more exposed
portions of buildings, such as copings on walls and borders around roof

openings. Still, the pueblo builders never attained to a full appreciation of
the advantages and requirements of this medium as compared with stone.
The adobe walls are built only as thick as is absolutely necessary, few of
them being more than a foot in thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion,
to height and weight, sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of
other peoples, and require protection and constant repairs to insure
durability. As to thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the
walls of stone masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola,
been pushed to the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of
Zuñi, on which the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over
the court passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirely
fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustain the
weight of several stories.
The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employment of
adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months in the year
(the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent storms which play
havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constant vigilance and
frequent repairs on the part of the occupants.
Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedly led
to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancient methods of
construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retain some of the
peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Features of this class are
still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstanding the rudeness of much
of the modern stone masonry of this province, the fact that the builders are
familiar with the superior methods of the ancient builders, is clearly shown
in the masonry of the present villages.
Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and one
which is more or less present in both ancient and modern examples, is the
use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even face after
the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laid in place. This
method of construction has, in the case of some of the best built ancient
pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in New Mexico, resulted in the
production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which the mosaic-like
bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest joints on the face of

the wall with but little trace of mortar. The chinking wedges necessarily
varied greatly in dimensions to suit the sizes of the interstices between the
larger stones of the wall. The use of stone in this manner no doubt
suggested the banded walls that form so striking a feature in some of the
Chaco houses. This arrangement was likely to be brought about by the
occurrence in the cliffs of seams of stone of two degrees of thickness,
suggesting to the builders the use of stones of similar thickness in
continuous bands. The ornamental effect of this device was originally an
accidental result of adopting the most convenient method of using the
material at hand. Though the masonry of the modern pueblos does not
afford examples of distinct bands, the introduction of the small chinking
spalls often follows horizontal lines of considerable length. Even in mud-
plastered Zuñi, many outcrops of these thin, tabular wedges protrude from
the partly eroded mudcoating of a wall and indicate the presence of this
kind of stone masonry. An example is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower-like
projection at the northeast corner of house No. 2.

Fig. 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in rain-washed wall.

In the Tusayan house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIV, the construction of which
was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stones that formed
the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of mud mortar, were
filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, which, after being partly
embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven in with unhafted stone
hammers, producing a fairly even face of masonry, afterward gone over
with mud plastering of the consistency of modeling clay, applied a handful
at a time. Piled up on the ground near the new house at convenient points
for the builders may be seen examples of the larger wall stones, indicating
the marked tabular character of the pueblo masons’ material. The narrow
edges of similar stones are visible in the unplastered portions of the house
wall, which also illustrates the relative proportion of chinking stones. This
latter, however, is a variable feature. Pl. XV affords a clear illustration of the
proportion of these small stones in the old masonry of Payupki; while in Pl.
XI, illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire House, the tablets are
fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in the horizontal
joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to the same extent. Fig. 35
illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wall of a small house at Ojo
Caliente, in which the modern method of using the chinking stones is
shown. This example bears a strong resemblance to the Payupki masonry
illustrated in Pl. XV in the irregularity with which the chinking stones are
distributed in the joints of the wall. The same room affords an illustration of
a cellar-like feature having the appearance of an intentional excavation to
attain a depth for this room corresponding to the adjoining floor level, but
this effect is due simply to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an
existing ledge of sandstone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial
treatment beyond the partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the
cutting out of a small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about
the same position in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It is
remarkable that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilize their
skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregular rocky sites
that they have at times occupied for the more convenient reception of their
wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases the buildings have been
modified to suit the ground. An example of this practice is illustrated in Pl.

XXIII, from the west side of Walpi. In some of the ancient examples the
labor required to so prepare the sites would not have exceeded that
expended on the massive masonry composed of numberless small stones.
Many of the older works testify to the remarkable patience and industry of
the builders in amassing and carefully adjusting vast quantities of building
materials, and the modern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited
much of this ancient spirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the
excavation of room or village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which
special motives led to the practice. In some of the Chaco pueblos, as now
seen, the floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below the
general level of the surrounding soil; but it is now difficult to determine
whether such was the original arrangement, as much sand and soil have
drifted against the outer walls, raising the surface. In none of the pueblos
within the limits of the provinces under discussion has there been found any
evidence of the existence of underground cellars; the rooms that answer
such purpose are built on the level of the ground. At Tusayan the ancient
practice of using the ground-floor rooms for storage still prevails. In these
are kept the dried fruit, vegetables, and meats that constitute the principal
winter food of the Tusayan. Throughout Tusayan the walls of the first
terrace rooms are not finished with as much care as those above that face
the open courts. A quite smoothly finished coat of adobe is often seen in the
upper stories, but is much more rarely applied to the rough masonry of the
ground-floor rooms. At Zuñi no such difference of treatment is to be seen, a
result of the recent departure from their original defensive use. At the
present day most of the rooms that are built on the ground have external
doors, often of large size, and are regarded by the Zuñi as preferable to the
upper terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea of convenience has
already largely overcome the traditional defensive requirements of pueblo
arrangement. The general finish and quality of the masonry, too, does not
vary noticeably in different portions of the village. An occasional wall may
be seen in which underlying stones may be traced through the thin adobe
covering, as in one of the walls of the court illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, but
most of the walls have a fairly smooth finish. The occasional examples of
rougher masonry do not seem to be confined to any particular portion of the
village. At Tusayan, on the other hand, there is a noticeable difference in the
extent to which the finishing coat of adobe has been used in the masonry.

The villages of the first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent
contact with the eastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show
the effect in the adoption of several devices still unknown to their western
neighbors, as is shown in the discussion of the distribution of roof openings
in these villages, pp. 201-208. The builders of the first mesa seem also to
have imitated their eastern brethren in the free use of the adobe coating over
their masonry, while at the villages of the middle mesa, and particularly at
Oraibi, the practice has been comparatively rare, imparting an appearance
of ruggedness and antiquity to the architecture.

Fig. 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente.

The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types more
closely than that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable for the
frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry at the
corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance and indicates a
knowledge of the principles of good construction in the proper alternation
of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tiel masonry (Pl. LXXXIX)
will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblo masonry an upper house
wall was supported along its whole length by a wall of a lower story, but
occasional exceptions occur in both ancient and modern work, where the
builders have dared to trust the weight of upper walls to wooden beams or

girders, supported along part of their length by buttresses from the walls at
their ends or by large, clumsy pieces of masonry, as was seen in the house
of Sichumovi. In an upper story of Walpi also, partitions occur that are not
built immediately over the lower walls, but on large beams supported on
masonry piers. In the much higher terraces of Zuñi, the strength of many of
the inner ground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the
superincumbent weight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average
thickness and strength of ground walls. The dense clustering of this village
has certainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or even
four additional, stories upon walls in which no provision was made for the
unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible to inspection
did not indicate any provision in their thickness for the support of additional
weight; in fact, the builders of the original walls could have no knowledge
of their future requirements in this respect. In the pueblos of the Chaco
upper partition walls were, in a few instances, supported directly on double
girders, two posts of 12 or 14 inches in diameter placed side by side,
without reinforcement by stone piers or buttresses, the room below being
left wholly unobstructed. This construction was practicable for the careful
builders of the Chaco, but an attempt by the Tusayan to achieve the same
result would probably end in disaster. It was quite common among the
ancient builders to divide the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms
than the floor above, still preserving the vertical alignment of the walls.

Plate LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel.

The finish of pueblo masonry rarely went far beyond the two leading forms,
to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on the one hand
and the banded arrangement of ancient masonry on the other. These types
appear to present development along divergent lines. The banded feature
doubtless reached such a point of development in the Chaco pueblos that its
decorative value began to be appreciated, for it is apparent that its
elaboration has extended far beyond the requirements of mere utility. This
point would never have been reached had the practice prevailed of covering
the walls with a coating of mud. The cruder examples of banded
construction, however—those that still kept well within constructional
expediency—were doubtless covered with a coating of plaster where they
occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayan and Cibola, on the other hand, the
tendency has been rather to elaborate the plastic element of the masonry.
The nearly universal use of adobe is undoubtedly largely responsible for the
more slovenly methods of building now in vogue, as it effectually conceals
careless construction. It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully
constructed of banded stonework when they were to be subsequently
covered with mud. The elaboration of the use of adobe and its employment
as a periodical coating for the dwellings, probably developed gradually into
the use of a whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude
attempts at wall decoration.
Many of the interiors in Zuñi are washed with a coating of white, clayey
gypsum, used in the form of a solution made by dissolving in hot water the
lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The mixture is applied
to the walls while hot, and is spread by means of a rude glove-like sack,
made of sheep or goat skin, with the hair side out. With this primitive brush
the Zuñi housewives succeed in laying on a smooth and uniform coating
over the plaster. An example of this class of work was observed in a room
of house No. 2. It is difficult to determine to what extent this idea is
aboriginal; as now employed it has doubtless been affected by the methods
of the neighboring Spanish population, among whom the practice of white-
coating the adobe houses inside and out is quite common. Several traces of
whitewashing have been found among the cliff-dwellings of Canyon de
Chelly, notably at the ruin known as Casa Blanca, but as some of these
ruins contained evidences of post-Spanish occupation, the occurrence there

of the whitewash does not necessarily imply any great antiquity for the
practice.
External use of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuñi, where only
a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is not protected from the
rains by an overhanging coping or other feature, the finish is not durable.
Occasionally where a doorway or other opening has been repaired the
evidences of patchwork are obliterated by a surrounding band of fresh
plastering, varying in width from 4 inches to a foot or more. Usually this
band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe, but in some instances a decorative
effect is attained by using white. It is curious to find that at Tusayan the
decorative treatment of the finishing wash has been carried farther than, at
Zuñi. The use of a darker band of color about the base of a whitewashed
room has already been noticed in the description of a Tusayan interior. On
many of the outer walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopped
within a foot of the coping, the unwhitened portion of the walls at the top
having the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashongnavi, that
had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect was produced
by tinting a broad band about the base of the wall with an application of
bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around the doorway as an
enframing band, as in the case of the Zuñi door above described. The angles
on each side, at the junction of the broad base band with the narrower
doorway border, were filled in with a design of alternating pink and white
squares. This doorway is illustrated in Fig. 36. Farther north, on the same
terrace, the jamb of a whitewashed doorway was decorated with the design
shown on the right hand side of Fig. 36, executed also in pink clay. This
design closely resembles a pattern that is commonly embroidered upon the
large white “kachina,” or ceremonial blankets. It is not known whether the
device is here regarded as having any special significance. The pink clay in
which these designs have been executed has in Sichumovi been used for the
coating of an entire house front.

Fig. 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi executed in pink on a white ground.

In addition to the above-mentioned uses of stone and earth in the masonry
of house walls, the pueblo builders have employed both these materials in a
more primitive manner in building the walls of corrals and gardens, and for
other purposes. The small terraced gardens of Zuñi, located on the borders
of the village on the southwest and southeast sides, close to the river bank,
are each surrounded by walls 2½ or 3 feet high, of very light construction,
the average thickness not exceeding 6 or 8 inches. These rude walls are
built of small, irregularly rounded lumps of adobe, formed by hand, and
coarsely plastered with mud. When the crops are gathered in the fall the
walls are broken down in places to facilitate access to the inclosures, so that
they require repairing at each planting season. Aside from this they are so
frail as to require frequent repairs throughout the period of their use. This
method of building walls was adopted because it was the readiest and least
laborious means of inclosing the required space. The character of these
garden walls is illustrated in Pl. XC, and their construction with rough lumps
of crude adobe shows also the contrast between the weak appearance of this
work and the more substantial effect of the masonry of the adjoining
unfinished house. At the Cibolan farming pueblos inclosing walls were
usually made of stone, as were also those of Tusayan. Pl. LXX indicates the
manner in which the material has been used in the corrals of Pescado,
located within the village. The stone walls are used in combination with
stakes, such as are employed at the main pueblo.

Plate XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi.

Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuñi, occur at several points in
Tusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude in character
as those inclosing the Zuñi gardens. The smaller clusters are usually located
in the midst of large areas of broken stone that has fallen from the mesa
above. In the foreground of Pl. XXII may be seen a number of examples of
such work. Pl. XCI illustrates a group of corrals at Oraibi whose walls are
laid up without the use of mud mortar.

Plate XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi.

Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have been
utilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less intervals along
the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was seen in a garden
wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had been set on end in the
yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foothills. A similar
arrangement, occurring close to the houses at Ojo Caliente, is illustrated in
Pl. XCII. Large, upright slabs of stone have been used by the pueblo builders
in many ways, sometimes incorporated into the architecture of the houses,
and again in detached positions at some distance from the villages. Pls. XCIII
and XCIV, drawn from the photographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford
illustrations of this usage in the ancient ruins of Montezuma Canyon. In the
first of these cases the stones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry.
Among the ruins in the valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as
described by Messrs. W. H. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied
arrangements of upright slabs of stone are of frequent occurrence. The rows
of stones are sometimes arranged in squares, sometimes in circles, and
occasionally are incorporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the
example illustrated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. At
K’iakima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series of very
large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to a number

of small inclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined upon the ground.
These have been already described in connection with the ground plan of
this village.

Plate XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente.

The employment of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probably
prevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggest
themselves. Occupying a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel (Pl.
LXIII) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in its original
position undisturbed, though the walls of the adjoining rooms are in ruins. A
similar feature was seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the east side of the village
and a short distance without the inclosing wall. Both these rude pillars are,
in character and in position, very similar to an upright stone of known use at
Zuñi. A hundred and fifty feet from this pueblo is a large upright block of
sandstone, which is said to be used as a datum point in the observations of
the sun made by a priest of Zuñi for the regulation of the time for planting
and harvesting, for determining the new year, and for fixing the dates of
certain other ceremonial observances. By the aid of such devices as the
native priests have at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the
winter solstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination of
time was probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished the
motive in other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual positions.
The explanation of the governor of Zuñi for a sun symbol seen on an
upright stone at Matsaki has been given in the description of that place.

Single slabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room group of
Tâaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same mesa, in the
building of shrines for the deposit of plume sticks and other ceremonial
objects.

Plate XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall.

An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs at
Zuñi. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burial place, is
provided at intervals along its top with upright pieces of stone set into the
joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall. This feature may have
some connection with the idea of vertical grave stones, noted at K’iakima.
It is difficult to surmise what practical purpose could have been subserved
by these small upright stones.

Plate XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado.

Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblo
builders rarely appreciated the advantages that might be obtained by the
proper use of such material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made up of
small, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubtless resulted
in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise have been attained,
but it also imposes certain limitations upon their architectural achievement.
Some of these are noted in the discussion of openings and of other details of
construction.
Pl. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, already
referred to in the description of that village, is introduced for the purpose of
comparing the methods adopted by the natives and by the whites in the
treatment of the same class of material. Perhaps the most noteworthy
contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings.
ROOFS AND FLOORS.

In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all the floors,
except such as are formed immediately on the surface of the ground, are at
the same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. The pueblo plan of to-
day readily admits of additions at any time and almost at any point of the
basal construction. The addition of rooms above converts a roof into the
floor of the new room, so that there can be no distinction in method of
construction between floors and roofs, except the floors are occasionally

covered with a complete paving of thin stone slabs, a device that in external
roofs is confined to the copings that cap the walls and enframe openings.
The methods of roofing their houses
practiced by the pueblo builders
varied but little, and
followed the general
order of construction
that has been
outlined in
describing
Tusayan house
building. The
diagram, shown in Fig. 37, an Fig. 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction.
isometric projection illustrating roof
construction, is taken from a Zuñi example, the building of which was
observed by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of principal beams
or rafters. These are usually straight, round poles of 6 or 8 inches in
diameter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. Squared beams are of
very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of the Tusayan kivas, of
Spanish manufacture. In recently constructed houses the principal beams
are often of large size and are very neatly squared off at the ends. Similar
square ended beams of large size are met with in the ancient work of the
Chaco pueblos, but there the enormous labor involved in producing the
result with only the aid of stone implements is in keeping with the highly
finished character of the masonry and the general massiveness of the
construction. The same treatment was adopted in Kin-tiel, as may be seen in
Pl. XCV, which illustrates a beam resting upon a ledge or offset of the inner
walls. The recent introduction of improved mechanical aids has exerted a
strong influence on the character of the construction in greatly facilitating
execution. The use of the American ax made it a much easier task to cut
large timbers, and the introduction of the “burro” and ox greatly facilitated
their transportation. In the case of the modern pueblos, such as Zuñi, the
dwelling rooms that were built by families so poor as not to have these aids
would to some extent indicate the fact by their more primitive construction,
and particularly by their small size, in this respect more closely resembling

the rooms of the ancient pueblos. As a result the poorer classes would be
more likely to perpetuate primitive devices, through the necessity for
practicing methods that to the wealthier members of the tribe were
becoming a matter of tradition only. In such a sedentary tribe as the present
Zuñi, these differences of wealth and station are more marked than one
would expect to find among a people practicing a style of architecture so
evidently influenced by the communal principle, and the architecture of to-
day shows the effect of such distinctions. In the house of the governor of
Zuñi a new room has been recently built, in which the second series of the
roof, that applied over the principal beams, consisted of pine shakes or
shingles, and these supported the final earth covering without any
intervening material. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated in the
figure, the first series, or principal beams, are covered by another series of
small poles, about an inch and a half or two inches in diameter, at right
angles to the first, and usually laid quite close together. The ends of these
small poles are partially embedded in the masonry of the walls. In an
example of the more careful and laborious work of the ancient builders seen
at Peñasco Blanco, on the Chaco, the principal beams were covered with
narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wide and about 1 inch thick, over which
was put the usual covering of earth. The boards had the appearance of
having been split out with wedges, the edges and faces having the
characteristic fibrous appearance of torn or split wood. At Zuñi an instance
occurs where split poles have been used for the second series of a roof
extending through the whole thickness of the wall and projecting outside, as
is commonly the case with the first series. A similar arrangement was seen
in a ruined tower in the vicinity of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. In the
typical roof construction illustrated the second series is covered with small
twigs or brush, laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying
series, or parallel with the main beams. Pl. XCVI, illustrating an unroofed
adobe house in Zuñi, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoining
roof. This series is in turn covered with a layer of grass and small brush,
again at right angles, which prepares the frame for the reception of the final
earth covering, this latter being the fifth application to the roof. In the
example illustrated the entire earth covering of the roof was finished in a
single application of the material. It has been seen that at Tusayan a layer of
moistened earth is applied, followed by a thicker layer of the dry soil.

Plate XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel.

In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material varied
somewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed of straight
willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a very neat appearance
to the ceiling within the room. Examples were seen in Canyon de Chelly, at
Mummy Cave, and at Hungo Pavie and Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco.
Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles in
contact and the joints are chinked on the upper side with small stones to
prevent the earth from sifting through. This arrangement was seen in a
small cluster on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly.

Plate XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi.

The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought about a
construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger rooms, which
support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in turn carry series 1,
or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders are generally double, an
arrangement that has been often employed in ancient times, as many
examples occur among the ruins. The purpose of such arrangement may
have been to admit of the abutment of the ends of series 1, when the
members of the latter were laid in contact. In the absence of squared beams,
which seem never to have been used in the old work, this abutment could
only be securely accomplished by the use of double girders, as suggested in
the following diagram, Fig. 38.
The final roof covering, composed of clay, is
usually laid on very carefully and firmly, and,
when the surface is unbroken, answers fairly
well as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is Fig. 38. Showing abutment
of smaller roof beams
given to the roof. This roof subserves every over round girders.
purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open
upon it, and seems to be used exactly like the ground itself. Sheepskins are
stretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and the
characteristic Zuñi dome-shaped oven is frequently built upon it. In Zuñi
generally upper rooms are provided only with a mud floor, although
occasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone is adopted.
These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being to have them
as large as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is often displayed in
selecting the pieces and in joining the irregular edges. This arrangement,
similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, is occasionally met with in the
kivas.
In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in which the
circular door illustrated in Pl. C, was found was paved with large, irregular
fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not average more than an
inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was strewn with broken,
irregular fragments similar in character, which must have been used as the
flooring of an upper chamber.

WALL COPINGS AND ROOF DRAINS.

In the construction of the typical pueblo house the walls are carried up to
the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a continuous
protecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, their outer edges
flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is still the prevailing one
at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example of the projecting coping
that practically forms a cornice. This latter is the more usual form at Zuñi,
though in the farming pueblos of Cibola it does not occur with any greater
frequency than at Tusayan. The flush coping is in Tusayan made of the
thinnest and most uniform specimens of building stone available, but these
are not nearly so well adapted to the purpose as those found in the vicinity
of Zuñi.
Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetrical form,
and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extreme thinness makes it
easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles, reducing them to such a
form that they can be laid in close contact. Thus laid they furnish an
admirable protection against the destructive action of the violent rains. The
stones are usually trimmed to a width corresponding to the thickness of the
walls. Of course where a projecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some
extent, to conform to the width of available coping stones. These can
usually be procured, however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the
overhanging cornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing
either the main roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second
series, according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or more
beyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the roofing is continued
as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that the edge of the earth
covering is built of masonry, an additional precaution against its destruction
by the rains. In many places the adobe plastering originally applied to the
faces of these cornices, as well as to the walls, has been washed away,
exposing the whole construction. In some of these instances the face of the
cornice furnishes a complete section of the roof, in which all the series of its
construction can be readily identified. The protective agency of these
coping stones is well illustrated in Pl. XCVII, which shows the destructive
effect of rain at a point where an open joint has admitted enough water to
bare the masonry of the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe,

while at the firmly closed joint toward the left there has been no erosive
action. The much larger proportion of projecting copings or cornices in
Zuñi, as compared with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to the
universal smoothing of the walls with adobe, and to the more general use of
this perishable medium in this village, and the consequent necessity for
protecting the walls. The efficiency of this means of protecting the wall
against the wear of weather is seen in the preservation of external
whitewashing for several feet below such a cornice on the face of the walls.
At the pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projecting cornices is
met with, particularly on the third story walls. Here again it is due to the use
of adobe, which has been more frequently employed in the finish of the
higher and newer portions of the village than in the lower terraces. As a rule
these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures of
the buildings and on the terraced sides of house rows. When walls rise to
the height of several stories directly from the ground, such as the back walls
of house rows, they are not usually provided with this feature but are
capped with flush copings.

Plate XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi.

The rapid and destructive erosion of the earthen roof covering must have
early stimulated the pueblo architect to devise means for promptly
distributing where it would do the least harm, the water which came upon

his house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof drains, for in
no other way could the ancient builders have provided for the effectual
removal of the water from, the roofs and at the same time have preserved
intact the masonry of the walls. Unfortunately we have no examples of such
features in the ruined pueblos, for in the destruction or decay of the houses
they are among the first details to be lost. The roof drain in the modern
architecture becomes a very prominent feature, particularly at Zuñi.

Fig. 39. Single stone roof drains.

Fig. 40. Trough roof drains of stone.

Fig. 41. Wooden roof drains.

These drains are formed by piercing an opening through the thickness of the
coping wall, at a point where the drainage from the roof would collect, the
opening being made with a decided pitch and furnished with a spout or
device of some kind to insure the discharge of the water beyond the face of
the wall. These spouts assume a variety of forms. Perhaps the most common
is that of a single long, narrow slab of stone, set at a suitable angle and of
sufficient projection to throw the discharge clear of the wall. Fig. 39
illustrates drains of this type, No. 1 being a Tusayan example and No. 2
from Zuñi. It will be noted that the surrounding masonry of the former, as
well as the stone itself, are much ruder than the Zuñi example. Another type
of drain, not differing greatly from the preceding, is illustrated in Fig. 40.
This form is a slight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided
with side pieces which convert the device into a trough-like spout, and more
effectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tusayan spout and No. 2 a Zuñi
example. Wooden spouts are also commonly used for this purpose. Fig. 41
illustrates an example from each province of this form of drain. These are
usually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 3 or 4 inches in
diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tubular specimens of
wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayan the builders have utilized stone of a
concretionary formation for roof drains. The workers in stone could not
wish for material more suitably fashioned for the purpose than these
specimens. Two of these curious stone channels are illustrated in Fig. 42.
Two more examples of Tusayan roof drains are illustrated in Fig. 43. The
first of the latter shows the use of a discarded metate, or mealing stone, and
the second of a gourd that has been walled into the coping.

Fig. 42. Curved roof drains of stone in Tusayan.

Fig. 43. Tusayan roof drains; a discarded metate and a gourd.

It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi in olden times for roof
drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Three forms of this
device are attributed to the people of that village. Some are said to have
been made of wood, others of stone, and some again of sun-dried clay. The
native explanation of the use in this connection of sun-dried clay, instead of
the more durable baked product, was that the application of fire to any
object that water passes through would be likely to dry up the rains. It was
stated in this connection that at the present day the cobs of the corn used for
planting are not burned until rain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout
described really existed among the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have
been an innovation introduced by the Spanish missionaries. Among the
potsherds picked up at this ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay
tube, which seemed to be too large and too roughly modeled to have been
the handle of a ladle, which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to
any other known form of domestic pottery. As a roof drain its use would not
accord with the restrictions referred to in the native account, as the piece
had been burnt.
In some cases in Zuñi where drains discharge from the roofs of upper
terraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also the adjoining
vertical walls are protected by thin tablets of stone, as shown in Fig. 44. It
will be seen that one of these is placed upon the lower roof in such a
position that the drainage falls directly upon it. Where the adobe roof
covering is left unprotected its destruction by the rain is very rapid, as the
showers of the rainy season in these regions, though usually of short
duration, are often extremely violent. The force of the torrents is illustrated

in the neighboring country. Here small ruts in the surface of the ground are
rapidly converted into large arroyos. Frequently ordinary wagon tracks
along a bit of valley slope serve as an initial channel to the rapidly
accumulating waters and are eaten away in a few weeks so that the road
becomes wholly impassable, and must be abandoned for a new one
alongside.

Fig. 44. Zuñi roof drain, with splash stones on roof below.

The shiftlessness of the native builders in the use of the more convenient
material brings its own penalty during this season in a necessity for constant
watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep the houses habitable. One can
often see in Zuñi where an inefficient drain or a broken coping has given
the water free access to the face of a plastered wall, carrying away all its
covering and exposing in a vertical space the jagged stones of the
underlying masonry. It is noticeable that much more attention has been paid
to protective devices at Zuñi than at Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the
prevalent use of adobe in the former. This friable material must be protected
at all vulnerable points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert the
water and preserve the roofs and walls from destruction.
LADDERS AND STEPS.

In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace was reached
only by means of ladders, but the terraces or rooms above this were reached
both by ladders and steps. The removal of the lower tier of ladders thus
gave security against intrusion and attack. The builders of Tusayan have
preserved this primitive arrangement in much greater purity than those of
Cibola.
In Zuñi numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the purpose of
these, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms of the
upper story, which always have external doors opening on the terraces, but
to facilitate repairs of the roofs. At Tusayan, on the other hand, ladders are
of rare occurrence above the first terrace, their place being supplied by
flights of stone steps. The relative scarcity of stone at Zuñi, suitable for
building material, and its great abundance at Tusayan, undoubtedly account
for this difference of usage, especially as the proximity of the timber supply
of the Zuñi mountains to the former facilitates the substitution of wood for
steps of masonry.
The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notched log,
a form still occasionally used. Figures 45 and 46 illustrate examples of this
type of ladder from Tusayan.

Fig. 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi. Fig. 46. Tusayan notched ladders from
Mashongnavi.

A notched ladder from Oraibi, made with a modern axe, is shown. This
specimen has a squareness of outline and an evenness of surface not
observed in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashongnavi, illustrated
on the left of Fig. 46, closely resembles the Oraibi specimen, though the
workmanship is somewhat ruder. The example illustrated on the right of the
same figure is from Oraibi. This ladder is very old, and its present rough
and weatherbeaten surface affords but little evidence of the character of the
implement used in making it.
The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undoubtedly a
native invention, and was probably developed through a series of
improvements on the primitive notched type. It is described in detail in the
earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. 47 illustrates on the left the notched ladder,
and on the right a typical two-pole ladder in its most primitive form. In this
case the rungs are simply lashed to the uprights. The center ladder of the
diagram is a Mandan device illustrated by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan.6 As used
by the Mandans this ladder is placed with its forked end on the ground, the
reverse of the Pueblo practice. It will readily be seen, on comparing these
examples, that an elongation of the fork which occurs as a constant
accompaniment of the notched ladder might eventually suggest a
construction similar to that of the Mandan ladder reversed. The function of
the fork on the notched ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall
would be more effectually performed by enlarging this feature.

Fig. 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder.

At one stage in the development of the form of ladder in common use to-
day the rungs were laid in depressions or notches of the vertical poles,
resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and then lashed on with
thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, when the use of iron
became known, holes were burned through the side poles. This is the nearly
universal practice to-day, though some of the more skillful pueblo
carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. The piercing of the side
poles, particularly prevalent in Zuni, has brought about a curious departure
from the ancient practice of removing the ladder in times of threatened
danger. Long rungs are loosely slipped into the holes in the side pieces, and
the security formerly gained by taking up the entire ladder is now obtained,
partially at least, by the removal of the rungs. The boring of the side pieces
and the employment of loose rungs seriously interferes with the stability of
the structure, as means must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of
the side pieces. The Zuni architect has met this difficulty by prolonging the
poles of the ladder and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends to hold
them together. As a rule this cross piece is provided with a hole near each
end into which the tapering extremities of the poles are inserted. From their
high position near the extremities of the ladders, seen in silhouette against
the sky, they form peculiarly striking features of Zuni. They are frequently

decorated with rude carvings of terraced notches. Examples of this device
may be seen in the views of Zuni, and several typical specimens are
illustrated in detail in Pl. XCVIII. The use of cross pieces on ladders
emerging from roof openings is not so common as on external ones, as there
is not the same necessity for holding together the poles, the sides of the
opening performing that office.
There are two places in Zuni, portions of the densest house cluster, where
the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment of double
ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate two tiers of
rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuous lengths
through all three poles, and the cross pieces at the top are also continuous,
being formed of a single flat piece of wood perforated by three holes for the
reception of the tips of the poles. In additional to the usual cross pieces
pierced for the reception of the side poles and rudely carved into
ornamental forms, many temporary cross pieces are added during the
harvest season in the early autumn to support the strips of meat and melons,
strings of red peppers, and other articles dried in the open air prior to
storage for winter use. At this season every device that will serve this
purpose is employed. Occasionally poles are seen extending across the
reentering angles of a house or are supported on the coping and rafters. The
projecting roof beams also are similarly utilized at this season.
Zuni ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few have as
many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying ollas of water on
their heads, children play upon them, and a few of the most expert of the
numerous dogs that infest the village can clumsily make their way up and
down them. As described in a previous section all houses built during the
year are consecrated at a certain season, and among other details of the
ceremonial, certain rites, intended to prevent accidents to children, etc., are
performed at the foot of the ladders.
In Tusayan, where stone is abundant, the ladder has not reached the
elaborate development seen in Zuñi. The perforated cross piece is rarely
seen, as there is little necessity for its adoption. The side poles are held
together by the top and bottom rungs, which pass entirely through the side
pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the others are only partly

embedded in the side pieces. In other cases (Pl. XXXII) the poles are rigidly
held in place by ropes or rawhide lashings.
Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the top rung
are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Three such ladders are
shown in Pl. LXXXIV. A similar example may be seen in Pl. CVII, in
connection with a large opening closed with rough masonry. In these cases
the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depressions in the upright
poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, forming a fairly rigid
structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival of the earliest form of
the pueblo ladder.

Plate XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders.

In addition to the high cross piece whose function is to retain in place the
vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually provided, both in Zuñi and
Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a round stick tied to the uprights
and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof. This stick affords a
handhold for the marked dancers who are often encumbered with
ceremonial paraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the case of the Oraibi
kiva occupying the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII, it may be seen that this
handhold cross piece is inserted into holes in the side poles, an exception to
the general practice. In Pl. LXXXVII, illustrating kivas, the position of this
feature will be seen.

Plate XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado.

The exceptional mode of access to Tusayan kiva hatchways by means of
short nights of stone steps has already been noticed. In several instances the
top steps of these short flights cover the thickness of the wall. The remains
of a similar stairway were observed in Pueblo Bonito, where it evidently
reached directly from the ground to an external doorway. Access by such
means, however, is a departure from the original defensive idea.

Fig. 48. Stone steps at Oraibi, with platform at corner.

Modern practice in Zuñi has departed more widely from the primitive
system than at Tusayan. In the former pueblo short nights of stone steps
giving access to doors raised but a short distance above the ground are very
commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado two
examples of this arrangement are met with. Pl. XCIX illustrates one of these
found on the north outside wall. In the general views of the Tusayan
villages the closer adherence to primitive methods is clearly indicated,
although the modern compare very unfavorably with the ancient examples
in precision of execution. Pl. XXXII illustrates two flights of stone steps of
Shupaulovi. In many cases the workmanship of these stone steps does not
surpass that seen in the Walpi trail, illustrated in Pl. XXV.

Fig. 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi.

Perhaps in no one detail of
pueblo construction are the
careless and shiftless modern
methods so conspicuous as in the
stone steps of the upper terraces
of Tusayan. Here are seen many
awkward makeshifts by means
of which the builders have tried
to compensate for their lack of
foresight in planning. The
absence of a definite plan for a
house cluster of many rooms,
already noted in the discussion
of dwelling-house construction,
is rendered conspicuous by the Fig. 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi.
manner in which the stone
stairways are used. Figs. 48 and 49 illustrate stone steps on upper terraces in
Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added long after the rooms against
which they abut were built. In order to conform to the fixed requirement of
placing such means of access at the corners of the upper rooms, the builders

constructed a clumsy platform to afford passage around the previously built
chimney. Fig. 50 shows the result of a similar lack of foresight. The upper
portion of the flight, consisting of three steps, has been abruptly turned at
right angles to the main flight, and is supported upon rude poles and beams.
The restriction of this feature to the corners of upper rooms where they
were most likely to conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of
ancient practice, and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls and
masonry in this primitive construction.
COOKING PITS AND OVENS.

Most of the cooking of the ancient Pueblos was probably done out of doors,
as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical in character
with those still found in Tusayan, are frequently seen. In Cibola the large
dome-shaped ovens, common to the Pueblos of the Rio Grande and to their
Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tusayan a few examples of this
form of oven occur upon the roofs of the terraces, while the cooking pit in a
variety of forms is still extensively used.
The distribution of the dome-shaped
ovens in Cibola and in Tusayan may be
seen on the ground plans in Chapters III
and IV. The simplest form of cooking
pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, Fig. 51. A series of
consists of a depression in the ground, cooking pits in Mashongnavi.
lined with a coating of mud. The pit is
usually of small size and is commonly placed at some little distance from
the house; in a few cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building.
Fig. 51 illustrates a series of three such primitive ovens built against a
house wall, in a low bench or ledge of masonry raised 6 inches above the
ground; the holes measure about a foot across and are about 18 or 20 inches
deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan villages; some of them are
walled in with upright stone slabs, whose rough edges project 6 or 8 inches
above the ground, the result closely resembling the ancient form of in-door
fireplace, such as that seen in a room of Kin-tiel. (Pl. C.)

Plate C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel.

In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of the more
elaborate oven used in Zuñi. Figs. 52 and 53 show two specimens of pits
used for the preparation of pi-gummi, a kind of baked mush.
These occur on the east side
of Mashongnavi. They
project 6 or 8 inches above
the ground, and have a depth
of from 18 to 24 inches. The
débris scattered about the pits
indicates the manner in which
they are covered with slabs of Fig. 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi.
stone and sealed with mud
when in use. In all the oven,
devices of the pueblos the
interior is first thoroughly
heated by a long continued
fire within, the structure.
When the temperature is Fig. 53. Cross sections of
sufficiently high the ashes pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi.

and dirt are cleaned out, the
articles to be cooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left

in these heated receptacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it is
generally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovens
illustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches in
diameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity.
Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in this
respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuñi dome-
shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel containing
the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been covered with a slab of
stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar to that of the dome-shaped
oven when the ground-opening or doorway is hermetically closed.
No example of the dome-shaped
oven of pre-Columbian origin has
been found among the pueblo ruins,
although its prototype probably
existed in ancient times, possibly in
the form of a kiln for baking a fine
quality of pottery formerly
manufactured. However, the cooking
pit alone, developed to the point of
the pi-gummi oven of Tusayan, may
have been the stem upon which the
foreign idea was engrafted. Instances
of the complete adoption by these
conservative people of a wholly
foreign idea or feature of
construction are not likely to be
found, as improvements are almost
universally confined to the mere
Fig. 54. Diagram showing
modification of existing devices. In foundation stones
the few instances in which more of a Zuñi oven.
radical changes are attempted the
resulting forms bear evidence of the fact.
In Cibola the construction of a dome-shaped oven is begun by laying out
roughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the upper
structure is rudely built of stones laid in the mud and approximately in the

courses, though often during construction one side will be carried
considerably higher than another. The walls curve inward to an apparently
unsafe degree, but the mud mortar is often allowed to partly dry before
carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger the structure, and
accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated in Pl. XCVII shows near its
broken doorway the arrangement of foundation stones referred to. Typical
examples of the dome oven occur in the foreground of the general view of
Zuñi shown in Pl. LXXVIII.

Fig. 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry.

The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly plastered, inside and out,
but a few examples are seen in which the stones of the masonry are
exposed. In. Pl. XCIX may be seen two ovens differing in size, one of which
shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone to keep
out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. 55 illustrates a mud-plastered
oven at Pescado, which is elevated about a foot above the ground on a base
or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is on the side toward the
houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola, though of frequent
occurrence among the Rio Grande pueblos. A very large and carefully
finished example was examined at Jemez.

Fig. 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.

Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two specimens of rough masonry ovens seen at
Pescado. In one of these a decided horizontal arrangement of the stones in the
masonry prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudely constructed,
showing but little care in the use of the building material. The few specimens of
dome ovens seen in Tusayan are characterized by the same rudeness of
construction noticed in their house masonry. The rarity of this oven at Tusayan,
where so many of the constructions have retained a degree of primitiveness not
seen elsewhere, is perhaps an additional evidence of its foreign origin.

Fig. 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.

OVEN-SHAPED STRUCTURES.

In Tusayan, there are other structures, of rude dome-shape, likely to be mistaken
for some form of cooking device. Fig. 58 illustrates two specimens of shrines
that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These are receptacles for plume sticks
(bahos) and other votive offerings used at certain festivals, which, after being so
used, are sealed up with stone slabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of
the villages, as noted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter III. In the
foreground of Pl. XXXVIII may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat
resembling those seen at Mashongnavi.

Fig. 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi. Fig. 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an
oven.

Fig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi, resembling in
form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house. Several of these are seen in
the Tusayan villages.
FIREPLACES AND CHIMNEYS.

The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably the simple
cooking pit transferred to a position within the dwelling room, and employed
for the lighter cooking of the family as well as for warming the dwelling. It was
placed in the center of the floor in order that the occupants of the house might
conveniently gather around it. One of the first improvements made in this
shallow indoor cooking pit must have consisted in surrounding it with a wall of
sufficient height to protect the fire against drafts, as seen in the outdoor pits of
Tusayan. In excavating a room in the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, a completely
preserved fireplace, about a foot deep, and walled in with thin slabs of stone set
on edge, was brought to light. The depression had been hollowed out of the
solid rock.
This fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, is illustrated in Pl.
C and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but other examples have been found
which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson describes a fireplace in a cliff dwelling in
“Echo Cave” that consisted of a circular, basin-like depression 30 inches across
and 10 inches deep. Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the
corners against the walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped
overhead, and the blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of any
kind.

Fig. 60. Ground plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel.

The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the best forms
in use at the present time are probably of very recent origin, though they are still
associated with fireplaces that have departed little from the aboriginal form seen
at Kin-tiel and elsewhere. It is interesting to note, in this connection, that the
ceremony consecrating the house is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is
added, suggesting that the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginal
dwelling.
In Cibola a few distinct forms of chimney are used at the present time, but in the
more remote Tusayan the chimney seems to be still in the experimental stage.
Numbers of awkward constructions, varying from the ordinary cooking pit to
the more elaborate hooded structures, testify to the chaotic condition of the
chimney-building art in the latter province.
Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitive fireplace
occupied a central position in the floor of the room, the smoke probably escaped
through the door and window openings. Later a hole in the roof provided an
exit, as in the kivas of to-day, where ceremonial use has perpetuated an
arrangement long since superseded in dwelling-house construction. The comfort
of a dwelling room provided with this feature is sufficiently attested by the
popularity of the modern kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood
or flue to facilitate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until the
fireplace was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and in the first

adoption of this device the builders would rely upon the adjacent walls for the
needed support of the constructional members. Practically all of the chimneys of
Tusayan are placed in corners at the present time, though the Zuñi builders have
developed sufficient skill to construct a rigid hood and flue in the center of a
side wall, as may be seen in the view of a Zuñi interior, Pl. LXXXVI.
Although the pueblo chimney owes its existence to foreign suggestion it has
evidently reached its present form through a series of timid experiments, and the
proper principles of its construction seem to have been but feebly apprehended
by the native builders, particularly in Tusayan. The early form of hood, shown
in Fig. 66, was made by placing a short supporting pole across the corner of a
room at a sufficient distance from the floor and upon it arranging sticks to form
the frame work of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was
finally covered with a thick coating of mud. This primitive wooden construction
has probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified in special
cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms to accommodate
“piki” stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. It embodies the principle of
roof construction that must have been employed in the primitive house from
which the pueblo was developed, and practically constitutes a miniature conical
roof suspended over the fireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for
support. On account of the careful and economical use of fuel by these people
the light and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed does not
involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The perfect
feasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the old log-cabin
chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, the arrangement of the pieces
is horizontal, not vertical. These latter curiously exemplify also the use of a
miniature section of house construction to form a conduit for the smoke, placed
at a sufficient height to admit of access to the fire.
A further improvement in the chimney was the construction of a corner hood
support by means of two short poles instead of a single piece, thus forming a
rectangular smoke hood of enlarged capacity. This latter is the most common
form in use at the present time in both provinces, but its arrangement in
Tusayan, where it represents the highest achievement of the natives in chimney
construction, is much more varied than in Cibola. In the latter province the same
form is occasionally executed in stone. Fig. 61 illustrates a corner hood, in
which the crossed ends of the supporting poles are exposed to view. The outer
end of the lower pole is supported from the roof beams by a cord or rope, the
latter being embedded in the mud plastering with which the hood is finished.

The vertically ridged character of the
surface reveals the underlying construction,
in which light sticks have been used as a
base for the plaster. The Tusayans say that
large sunflower stalks are preferred for this
purpose on account of their lightness. Figs.
63 and 64 show another Tusayan hood of
the type described, and in Fig. 69 a large
hood of the same general form, suspended
over a piki-stone, is noticeable for the frank
treatment of the suspending cords, which
are clearly exposed to view for nearly their
entire length.
In a chimney in a Mashongnavi house,
Fig. 61. A corner chimney hood
illustrated in Fig. 62, a simple, sharply with two supporting poles
curved piece of wood has been used for the (Tusayan).
lower rim of this hood, thus obtaining all
the capacity of the two-poled form. The vertical
sticks in this example are barely discernible
through the plastering, which has been applied
with more than the usual degree of care.
A curious example illustrating a rudimentary form
of two-poled hood is shown in Fig. 63. A straight
pole of unusual length is built into the walls
across the corner of a room, and its insertion into
the wall is much farther from the corner on one
side than the other. From the longer stretch of
inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the
principal one and serves as a support for one side
of the chimney-hood. In this case the builder
appears to have been too timid to venture on the
bolder construction required in the perfected two-
poled hood. This example probably represents a Fig. 62. A curved chimney
hood of Mashongnavi.
stage in the development of the higher form.
In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from the ceiling,
but is supported from beneath by a stone slab or a piece of wood. Such a

chimney hood seen in a house of
Shupaulovi measures nearly 4 by 5
feet. The short side is supported by
two stone slabs built into the wall
and extending from the hood to
the floor. Upon the upper stone
rests one end of the wooden lintel
supporting the long side, while the
other end, near the corner of the
room, is held in position by a light
crotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates
this hood; the plan indicating the
relation of the stones and the
forked stick to the corner of the
room. Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace
fireplace and chimney of
Fig. 63. A Mashongnavi chimney hood
Shumopavi, shows the and walled up fireplace.
employment of similar supports.
Corner chimney hoods in Zuñi do not
differ essentially from the more
symmetrical of the Tusayan specimens,
but they are distinguished by better finish,
and by less exposure of the framework,
having been, like the ordinary masonry,
subjected to an unusually free application
of adobe.
The builders of Tusayan appear to have
been afraid to add the necessary weight of
mud mortar to produce this finished effect, Fig. 64. A chimney hood
the hoods usually showing a vertically of Shupaulovi.
ridged or crenated surface, caused by the
sticks of the framework showing through the thin mud coat. Stone also is often
employed in their construction, and its use has developed a large, square-headed
type of chimney unknown at Tusayan. This is illustrated in Fig. 65. This form of
hood, projecting some distance beyond its flue, affords space that may be used
as a mantel-shelf, an advantage gained only to a very small degree by the forms

discussed above. This chimney, as before stated, is built against one of the walls
of a room, and near the middle.
All the joints of these hoods, and even the material
used, are generally concealed from view by a carefully
applied coating of plaster, supplemented by a gypsum
wash, and usually there is no visible evidence of the
manner in which they are built, but the construction is
little superior to that of the simple corner hoods. The
method of framing the various types of hoods is
illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on the left shows an
unplastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrangement of
the parts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is Fig. 65. A semi-detached
illustrated in the right-hand diagram of the figure. In square chimney hood
of Zuñi.
constructing such a chimney a thin buttress is first built
against the wall of sufficient width and height to
support one side of the hood. The opposite side of the
hood is supported by a flat stone, firmly set on edge into
the masonry of the wall. The front of the hood is
supported by a second flat stone which rests at one end
on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at the
other end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would
be quite practicable for the pueblo builders to form a
notch in the lower corner of the supported stone to rest
firmly upon a projection of the supporting stone, but in
the few cases in which the construction could be
observed no such treatment was seen, for they depended
mainly on the interlocking of the ragged ends of the Fig. 66. Unplastered Zuñi
stones. This structure serves to support the body of the chimney hoods,
illustrating construction.
flue, usually with an intervening stone-covered space
forming a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually built of thin sandstone
slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. The whole structure is bound
together and smoothed over with mud plastering, and is finally finished with the
gypsum wash, applied also to the rest of the room. Mr. A. F. Bandelier describes
“a regular chimney, with mantel and shelf, built of stone slabs,” which he found
“in the caves of the Rito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff dwellings of the
regular detached family house type,”7 which, from the description, must have
closely resembled the Zuñi chimney described above. Houses containing such

devices may be quite old, but if so they were certainly reoccupied in post-
Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have been used as places of refuge
in times of danger up to a comparatively recent date.
Among the many forms of
chimneys and fireplaces seen in
Tusayan a curious approach to our
own arrangement of fireplace and
mantel was noticed in a house in
Sichumovi. In addition to the
principal mantel ledge, a light
wooden shelf was arranged
against the wall on one side of the
flue, one of its ends being
supported by an upright piece of
wood with a cap, and the other
resting on a peg driven into the
wall. This fireplace and mantel is
illustrated in Fig. 67.
Aside from the peculiar “guyave” Fig. 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi.
or “piki” baking oven, there is but
little variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while in Tusayan it
appears to have been subjected to about the same mutations already noted in the
outdoor cooking pits. A serious problem was encountered by the Tusayan
builder when he was called upon to construct cooking-pit fireplaces, a foot or
more deep, in a loom of an upper terrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit
into the floor, the necessary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is
shown in Fig. 68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi.
Other examples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and 73.
A modification of the interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin, paper-like
bread, known to the Spanish-speaking peoples of this region as “guyave,” and
by the Tusayan as “piki,” is common to both Cibola and Tusayan, though in the
former province the contrivance is more carefully constructed than in the latter,
and the surface of the baking stone itself is more highly finished. In the guyave
oven a tablet of carefully prepared sandstone is supported in a horizontal
position by two slabs set on edge and firmly imbedded in the floor. A horizontal
flue is thus formed in which the fire is built. The upper stone, whose surface is

to receive the thin guyave batter, undergoes during
its original preparation a certain treatment with
fire and piñon gum, and perhaps other ingredients,
which imparts to it a highly polished black finish.
This operation is usually performed away from the
pueblo, near a point where suitable stone is found,
and is accompanied by a ceremonial, which is
intended to prevent the stone from breaking on
exposure to the fire when first used. During one
stage of these rites the strictest silence is enjoined,
as, according to the native account, a single word
Fig. 68. A second-story
spoken at such a time would crack the tablet. fireplace in Mashongnavi.
When the long guyave stone is in
position upon the edges of the back and
front stones the fire must be so applied
as to maintain the stone at a uniform
temperature. This is done by frequent
feeding with small bits of sage brush or
other fuel. The necessity for such
economy in the use of fuel has to a
certain extent affected the forms of all
the heating and cooking devices. Fig.
69 illustrates a Sichumovi piki stone,
and Fig. 70 shows the use of the oven
in connection with a cooking fireplace,
a combination that is not uncommon.
Fig. 69. Piki stone and
The latter example is from Shumopavi. chimney hood in Sichumovi.
The illustration shows an interesting
feature in the use of a primitive andiron or boss to support the cooking pot in
position above the fire. This boss is modeled from the same clay as the fireplace
floor and is attached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. Stephen has collected free
specimens of these primitive props which had never been attached to the floor.
These were of the rudely conical form illustrated in the figure, and were made
of a coarsely mixed clay thoroughly baked to a stony hardness.

Fig. 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi.

Chimneys and fireplaces are often
found in Tusayan in the small,
recessed, balcony-like rooms of the
second terrace. When a deep
cooking-pit is required in such a
position, it is obtained by building
up the sides, as in the indoor
fireplaces of upper rooms. Such a
fireplace is illustrated in Fig. 71. A
roofed recess which usually occurs
at one end of the first terrace,
called “tupubi,” takes its name
from the flat piki oven, the variety
of fireplace generally built in these
alcoves. The transfer of the
fireplace from the second-story Fig. 71. A terrace fireplace
and chimney of Shumopavi.
room to the corner of such a
roofed-terrace alcove was easily accomplished, and probably led to the
occasional use of the cooking-pit, with protecting chimney hood on the open

and unsheltered roof. Fig. 72 illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upper terrace
of Walpi. In this instance the cooking pit is very massively built, and in the
absence of a sheltering “tupubi” corner is effectually protected on three sides by
mud-plastered stone work, the whole being capped with the usual chimneypot.
The contrivance is placed conveniently near the roof hatchway of a dwelling
room.

Fig. 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi.

The outdoor use of the above-described fireplaces on upper terraces has
apparently suggested the improvement of the ground cooking pit in a similar
manner. Several specimens were seen in which the cooking pit of the ordinary
depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a house wall, was provided
with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; but such an arrangement is by no
means of frequent occurrence. Fig. 73 illustrates an example that was seen on
the east side of Shumopavi. It will be noticed that in the use of this arrangement
on the ground—an arrangement that evidently originated on the terraces—the
builders have reverted to the earlier form of excavated pit. In other respects the
example illustrated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms above
described.
In the discussion of the details of kiva arrangement in Tusayan (p. 121) it was
shown that the chimney is not used in any form in these ceremonial chambers;
but the simple roof-opening forming the hatchway serves as a smoke vent,
without the addition of either an internal hood or an external shaft. In the Zuñi
kivas the smoke also finds vent through the opening that gives access to the
chamber, but in the framing of the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction

between door and chimney is observed. The
roof-hole is made double, one portion
accommodating the ingress ladder and the
other intended to serve for the egress of the
smoke.
The external chimney of the pueblos is a
simple structure, and exhibits but few
variations from the type. The original form
was undoubtedly a mere hole in the roof; its
use is perpetuated in the kivas. This primitive
form was gradually improved by raising its
sides above the roof, forming a rudimentary Fig. 73. A ground cooking-pit
shaft. The earlier forms are likely to have of Shumopavi covered
been rectangular, the round following and with a chimney.

developing later short masonry shafts which
were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots. In Zuñi the chimney
has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft, projecting sometimes to a
height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This is particularly noticeable on the lower
terraces of Zuñi, the chimneys of the higher rooms being more frequently of the
short types prevalent in the farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall
chimneys found in Zuñi proper, and consisting often of four or five chimney
pots on a substructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions
that have so much influenced other constructional details; that is, the
exceptional height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As a result of this
the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuñi than elsewhere, as will be
shown by a comparison of the views of the villages given in Chapters III and IV.
In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite
low, a single pot surmounting a masonry
substructure not more than 6 inches high being
quite common. As a rule, however, the
builders preferred to use a series of pots. Two
typical Tusayan chimneys are illustrated in
Fig. 74. Most of the substructures for
chimneys in this province are rudely
rectangular in form, and clearly expose the
rough stonework of the masonry, while in Zuñi
the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces

of construction. In both provinces chimneys
are seen without the chimney pot. These
usually occur in clusters, simply because the
builder of a room or group of rooms preferred
that form of chimney. Pl. CI illustrates a
portion of the upper terraces of Zuñi where a
number of masonry chimneys are grouped
together. Those on the highest roof are
principally of the rectangular form, being
Fig. 74. Tusayan chimneys.
probably a direct development from the square
roof hole. The latter is still sometimes seen
with a rim rising several inches above the roof surface and formed of slabs set
on edge or of ordinary masonry. These upper chimneys are often closed or
covered with thin slabs of sandstone laid over them in the same manner as the
roof holes that they resemble. The fireplaces to which some of them belong
appear to be used for heating the rooms rather than for cooking, as they are
often disused for long periods during the summer season.

Plate CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi.

Pl. CI also illustrates chimneys in which pots have been used in connection with
masonry bases, and also a round masonry chimney. The latter is immediately
behind the single pot chimney seen in the foreground. On the extreme left of the

figure is shown a chimney into which fire pots have been incorporated, the
lower ones being almost concealed from view by the coating of adobe. A similar
effect may be seen in the small chimney on the highest roof shown in Pl. LVIII.
Pl. LXXXII shows various methods of using the chimney pots. In one case the
chimney is capped with a reversed large-mouthed jar, the broken bottom serving
as an outlet for the smoke. The vessel usually employed for this purpose is an
ordinary black cooking pot, the bottom being burned out, or otherwise rendered
unfit for household use. Other vessels are occasionally used. Pl. LXXXIII shows
the use, as the crowning member of the chimney, of an ordinary water jar, with
dark decorations on a white ground. A vessel very badly broken is often made to
serve in chimney building by skillful use of mud and mortar. To facilitate smoke
exit the upper pot is made to overlap the neck of the one below by breaking out
the bottom sufficiently. The joining is not often visible, as it is usually coated
with adobe. The lower pots of a series are in many cases entirely embedded in
the adobe.
The pueblo builder has never been able to construct a detached chimney a full
story in height, either with or without the aid of chimney pots; where it is
necessary to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft he is compelled to rely
on the support of adjoining walls, and usually seeks a corner. Pl. CI shows a
chimney of this kind that has been built of masonry to the full height of a story.
A similar example is shown in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII. In Pl. XXII may be
seen a chimney of the full height of the adjoining story, but in this instance it is
constructed wholly of pots. Pl. LXXXV illustrates a similar case indoors.
The external chimney probably developed gradually from the simple roof
opening, as previously noted. The raised combing about trapdoors or roof holes
afforded the first suggestion in this direction. From this developed the square
chimney, and finally the tall round shaft, crowned with a series of pots. The
whole chimney, both internal and external, excluding only the primitive
fireplace, is probably of comparatively recent origin, and based on the foreign
(Spanish) suggestion.
GATEWAYS AND COVERED PASSAGES.

Gateways, arranged for defense, occur in many of the more compactly-built
ancient pueblos. Some of the passageways in the modern villages of Tusayan
and Cibola resemble these older examples, but most of the narrow passages,
giving access to the inner courts of the inhabited villages, are not the result of
the defensive idea, but are formed by the crowding together of the dwellings.

They occur, as a rule, within the pueblo and not upon its periphery. Many of the
terraces now face outward and are reached from the outside of the pueblo, being
in marked contrast to the early arrangement, in which narrow passages to
inclose courts were exclusively used for access. In the ground plans of several
villages occupied within historic times, but now ruined, vestiges of openings
arranged on the original defensive plan may be traced. About midway on the
northeast side of Awatubi fragments of a standing wall were seen, apparently the
two sides of a passageway to the inclosed court of the pueblo. The masonry is
much broken down, however, and no indication is afforded of the treatment
adopted, nor do the remains indicate whether this entrance was originally
covered or not. It is illustrated in Pl. CII.

Plate CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi.

Other examples of this feature may be seen in the ground plans of Tebugkihu,
Chukubi, and Payupki (Fig. 7, and Pls. XII and XIII).
In the first of these the deep jambs of the opening are clearly defined, but in the
other two only low mounds of débris suggest the gateway. In the ancient
Cibolan pueblos, including those on the mesa of Tâaaiyalana, no remains of
external gateways have been found; the plans suggest that the disposition of the
various clusters approximated somewhat the irregular arrangement of the
present day. There are only occasional traces, as of a continuous defensive outer
wall, such as those seen at Nutria and Pescado. In the pueblos of the Cibola
group, ancient and modern, access to the inner portion of the pueblo was usually
afforded at a number of points. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel, however, occurs an
excellent example of the defensive gateway. The jambs and corners of the

opening are finished with great neatness, as may be seen in the illustration (Pl.
CIII). This gateway or passage was roofed over, and the rectangular depressions
for the reception of cross-beams still contain short stumps, protected from
destruction by the masonry. The masonry over the passageway in falling carried
away part of the masonry above the jamb corner, thus indicating continuity of
bond. The ground plan of this ruin (Pl. LXIII) indicates clearly the various points
at which access to the inner courts was obtained. On the east side a noticeable
feature is the overlapping of the boundary wall of the south wing, forming an
indirect entranceway. The remains do not indicate that this passage, like the one
just described, was roofed over. In some cases the modern passageways, as they
follow the jogs and angles of adjoining rows of houses, display similar changes
of direction. In Shupaulovi, which preserves most distinctly in its plan the idea
of the inclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changes its
direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (Pl. XXX). This
arrangement was undoubtedly determined by the position of the terraces long
before the passageway was roofed over and built upon. Pl. XXII shows the south
passageway of Walpi; the entrances are made narrower than the rest of the
passage by building buttresses of masonry at the sides. This was probably done
to secure the necessary support for the north and south walls of the upper story.
One of the walls, as maybe seen in the illustration, rests directly upon a cross
beam, strengthened in this manner.

Plate CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel.

One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuñi, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, is reached
by means of two covered passages, bearing some general resemblance to the
ancient defensive entrances, but these houses, reached from within the court,
have also terraces without. The low passage shown in the figure has gradually
been surmounted by rooms, reaching in some cases a height of three terraces
above the openings; but the accumulated weight finally proved too much for the
beams and sustaining walls—probably never intended by the builders to
withstand the severe test afterwards put upon them—and following an unusually
protracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fell to the
ground. This occurred since the surveying and photographing. It is rather
remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long the unusual strain, or
even that they sustained the addition of a top story at all.
In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout its length by
rooms, but cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in which only portions of the
roof form the floor of superstructures. Pl. CIV shows a passage roofed over
beyond the two-story portion of the building for a sufficient distance to form a
small terrace, upon which a ladder stands. Pl. XXIII illustrates a similar
arrangement on the west side of Walpi. The outer edges of these terraces are
covered with coping stones and treated in the same manner as outer walls of
lower rooms. In Zuñi an example of this form of passage roof occurs between
two of the eastern house rows, where the rooms have not been subjected to the
close crowding characteristic of the western clusters of the pueblo.

Plate CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi.

DOORS.

In Zuñi many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must have been
used largely for storage, have been converted into well-lighted, habitable
apartments by the addition of external doors. In Tusayan this modification has
not taken place to an equal extent, the distinctly defensive character of the first
terrace reached by removable ladders being still preserved. In this province a
doorway on the ground is always provided in building a house, but originally
this space was not designed to be permanent; it was left merely for convenience
of passing in and out during the construction, and was built up before the walls
were completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are often preserved, and
additional small openings are constructed for windows.
In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were probably never
closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes hung over them in cold
weather. Examples have been seen that seem to have been constructed with this
object in view, for a slight pole, of the same kind as those used in the lintels, is
built into the masonry of the jambs a few inches below the lintel proper.
Openings imperfectly closed against the cold and wind were naturally placed in
the lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of
the exposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance,
the tendency being to change them from the early inclosed court type and to
place the houses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This is noticeable in the
plans given in Chapter II.
Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. Possibly these are an
indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the harvest season, or at
the time of the destruction or abandonment of the village; but they may have
been closed for the purpose of economizing warmth and fuel during the winter
season. No provision was made for closing them with movable doors. The
practice of fastening up the doors during the harvesting season prevails at the
present time among the Zuñi, but the result is attained without great difficulty
by means of rude cross bars, now that they have framed wooden doors. One of
these is illustrated in Fig. 75. These doors are usually opened by a latch-string,
which, when not hung outside, is reached by means of a small round hole
through the wall at the side of the door. Through this hole the owner of the
house, on leaving it, secures the door by props and braces on the inside of the
room, the hole being sealed up and plastered in the same manner that other
openings are treated.

Fig. 75. A barred Zuñi door.

This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survival of ancient
methods in modified forms. It is not employed, however, in closing the doors of
the first terrace; these are fastened by barring from the inside, the exit being
made by means of internal ladders to the terrace above, the upper doors only
being fastened in the manner illustrated. In Pl. LXXIX may be seen good
examples of the side hole. Fig. 75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing
of the small side hole instead of the entire opening was brought about by the
introduction of the wooden door, which in its present paneled form is of foreign
introduction, but in this, as in so many other cases, some analogous feature
which facilitated the adoption of the idea probably already existed. Tradition
points to the early use of a small door, made of a single slab of wood, that
closed the small rectangular wall niches, in which valuables, such as turquoise,
shell, etc., were kept. This slab, it is said, was reduced and smoothed by rubbing
with a piece of sandstone. A number of beams, rafters, and roofing planks, seen
in the Chaco pueblos, were probably squared and finished in this way. The latter
examples show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of wood that would
enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. As yet, however, no
examples of wooden doors have been seen in any of the pre-Columbian ruins.
The pueblo type of paneled door is much more frequently seen in Cibola than in
Tusayan, and in the latter province it does not assume the variety of treatment
seen in Zuñi, nor is the work so neatly executed. The views of the modern

pueblos, given in Chapters III and IV, will indicate the extent to which this
feature occurs in the two groups. In the construction of a paneled door the
vertical stile on one side is prolonged at the top and bottom into a rounded
pivot, which works into cup-like sockets in the lintel and sill, as illustrated in
Fig. 76. The hinge is thus produced in the wood itself without the aid of any
external appliances.
It is difficult to trace the origin of this device among the
pueblos. It closely resembles the pivot hinges sometimes
used in mediæval Europe in connection with massive gates
for closing masonry passages; in such cases the prolonged
pivots worked in cavities of stone sills and lintels. The
Indians claim to have employed it in very early times, but
no evidence on this point has been found. It is quite
possible that the idea was borrowed from some of the
earlier Mormon settlers who came into the country, as
these people use a number of primitive devices which are
undoubtedly survivals of methods of construction once Fig. 76. Wooden pivot
hinges of a Zuñi door.
common in the countries from which they came. Vestiges
of the use of a pivotal hinge, constructed on a much more massive scale than
any of the pueblo examples, were seen at an old fortress-like, stone storehouse
of the Mormons, built near the site of Moen-kopi by the first Mormon settlers.
The paneled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, and consists of
a frame inclosing a single panel. This panel, when of large size, is occasionally
made of two or more pieces. These doors vary greatly in size. A few reach the
height of 5 feet, but the usual height is from 3½ to 4 feet. As doors are
commonly elevated a foot or more above the ground or floor, the use of such
openings does not entail the full degree of discomfort that the small size
suggests. Doors of larger size, with sills raised but an inch or two above the
floor or ground, have recently been introduced in some of the ground stories in
Zuñi; but these are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the most
progressive people.
Pl. XLI shows a small paneled door, not more than a foot square, used as a blind
to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples of paneled doors
are those employed for closing the small, square openings in the back walls of
house rows, which still retain the defensive arrangement so marked in many of
the ancient pueblos. In some instances doors occur in the second stories of

unterraced walls, their sills being 5 or 6 feet above the ground. In such cases the
doors are reached by ladders whose upper ends rest upon the sills. Elevated
openings of this kind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single-paneled
door, which is often whitened with a coating of clayey gypsum.
Carefully worked paneled doors are much more common in Zuñi than in
Tusayan, and within the latter province the villages of the first mesa make more
extended use of this type of door, as they have come into more intimate contact
with their eastern brethren than other villages of the group. Fig. 77 illustrates a
portion of a Hano house in which two wooden doors occur. These specimens
indicate the rudeness of Tusayan workmanship. It will be seen that the workman
who framed the upper one of these doors met with considerable difficulty in
properly joining the two boards of the panel and in connecting these with the
frame. The figure shows that at several points the door has been reenforced and
strengthened by buckskin and rawhide thongs. The same device has been
employed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two pieces of the
panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These doors also illustrate the
customary manner of barring the door during the absence of the occupant of the
house.

Fig. 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano.

The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The sill is
generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, and the door
openings, with a few exceptions, are thus practically only large windows. In this
respect they follow the arrangement characteristic of the ancient pueblos, in
which all the larger openings are window-like doorways. These are sometimes
seen on the court margin of house rows, and frequently occur between
communicating rooms within the cluster. They are usually raised about a foot
and a half above the floor, and in some cases are provided with one or two steps.
In Zuñi, doorways between communicating rooms, though now framed in
wood, preserve the same arrangement, as may be seen in Pl. LXXXVI.
The side pieces of a paneled pueblo door are mortised, an achievement far
beyond the aboriginal art of these people. Fig. 78 illustrates the manner in
which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, and the preparation of
the projecting tenons is laboriously executed with the most primitive tools, in
many cases the whole frame, with all its joints, being cut out with a small knife.

Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of which
turns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting the
latch from its wooden catch, by means of a string passed through a
small hole in the door, and hanging outside. Some few doors are,
however, provided with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means
of a square, notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually
fastened to the inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin
or rawhide, passed through small holes bored or drilled
through the edge of the lock, and through the stile and panel
of the door at corresponding points. The entire mechanism Fig. 78. Framing of a
consists of wood and strings joined together in the rudest Zuñi door-panel.
manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception
is far in advance of the aboriginal culture of the pueblos, and both it and the
string latch must have come from without. The lock was probably a contrivance
of the early Mormons, as it is evidently roughly modeled after a metallic lock.
Many doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. These are
very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Cibola, particularly in the farming
pueblos. The open front of the “tupubi” or balcony-like recess, seen so
frequently at the ends of first-terrace roofs in Tusayan, is often constructed with
a transom-like arrangement in connection with the girder supporting the edge of
the roof, in the same manner in which doorways proper are treated. Pl. XXXII
illustrates a balcony in which one bounding side is formed by a flight of stone
steps, producing a notched or terraced effect. The supporting girder in this
instance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuring the
construction. Fig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting beam of a
balcony roof in the principal house of Hano. The upper doorway shown in this
house has been partly walled in, reducing its size somewhat. It is also provided
with a small horizontal opening over the main lintel, which, like the doorway,
has been partly filled with masonry. This upper transom often seems to have
resulted from carrying such openings to the full height of the story. The transom
probably originated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on
the main girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Somewhat
similar balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuñi and in the farming villages,
but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. An example is
shown in Pl. CI, in which the construction of this feature is clearly visible.

Fig. 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings.

In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use of the half-
open terrace rooms described above. If such rooms existed, especially if
constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples, they must have been
among the first to succumb to destruction. The comparative rarity of this feature
in Zuñi does not necessarily indicate that it is not of native origin, as owing to
the exceptional manner of clustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign
influence, this pueblo exhibits a wider departure from the ancient type than do
any of the Tusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting to the
double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive first terrace, freely
adopted this open and convenient arrangement in connection with the upper
roofs.
The transom-like opening commonly
accompanying the large opening is also seen in
many of the inclosed doorways of Tusayan, but
in some of these cases its origin can not be
traced to the roof constructions, as the

openings do not approach the
ceilings of the rooms. In early days
such doorways were closed by
means of large slabs of stone set on
edge, and these were sometimes
supplemented by a suspended
Fig. 80. A large Tusayan doorway blanket. In severe winter weather many of the
with small transom openings.
openings were closed with masonry. At the present
time many doorways not provided with paneled
doors are closed in such ways. When a doorway is thus treated its transom is left
open for the admission of light and air. The Indians state that in early times this
transom was provided for the exit of smoke when the main doorway was closed,
and even now such provision is not wholly superfluous. Fig. 80 illustrates a
large doorway of Tusayan with a small transom. The opening was being reduced
in size by means of adobe masonry at the time the drawing was made. Fig. 81
shows a double transom over a lintel composed of two poles; a section of
masonry separating the transom into two distinct openings rests upon the lintel
of the doorway and supports a roof-beam; this is shown in the figure. Other
examples of transoms may be seen in connection with many of the illustrations
of Tusayan doorways.
The transom bars over exterior doorways of
houses probably bear some relation to a feature
seen in some of the best preserved ruins and still
surviving to some extent in Tusayan practice.
This consists of a straight pole, usually of the
same dimensions as the poles of which the lintel
is made, extending across the opening from 2 to
6 inches below the main lintel, and fixed into the
masonry in a position to serve as a curtain pole. Fig. 81. A doorway and
Originally this pole undoubtedly served as a double transom in Walpi.
means of suspension for the blanket or skin rug
used in closing the opening, just as such means are now used in the huts of the
Navajo, as well as occasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this
cross stick answered the same purpose as the transoms of the present time.
A most striking feature of doorways is the occasional departure from the
quadrangular form, seen in some ruined villages and also in some of the modern
houses of Tusayan. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen of this type found in a small

cliff ruin, in Canyon de Chelly. Ancient examples of
this form of opening are distinguished by a
symmetrical disposition of the step in the jamb,
while the modern doors are seldom so arranged. A
modern example from Mashongnavi is shown in Fig.
83. This opening also illustrates the double or
divided transom. The beam ends shown in the figure
project beyond the face of the wall and support an
overhanging coping or cornice. A door-like window,
approximating the symmetrical form described, is Fig. 82. An ancient doorway
seen immediately over the passage-way shown in Pl. in Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin.
XXII. This form is evidently the result of the
partial closing of a larger rectangular
opening.
Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced
doorway in Tusayan, in which one jamb is
stepped at a considerably greater height than
the other. In Tusayan large openings occur
in which only one jamb is stepped,
producing an effect somewhat of that of the
large balcony openings with flights of stone
steps at one side, previously illustrated. An
opening of this form is shown in Fig. 85.
Both of the stepped doorways, illustrated
Fig. 83. A symmetrically notched
above, are provided with transom openings doorway in Mashongnavi.
extending from one roof beam to another. In
the absence of a movable door the openings were made of the smallest size
consistent with convenient use. The stepped form was very likely suggested by
the temporary partial blocking up of an opening with loose, flat stones in such a
manner as to least impair its use. This is still quite commonly done, large
openings being often seen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is
narrowed by means of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled up. In this
connection it may be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously described
as occurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the additional
purpose of a hand-hold when supplies are brought into the house on the backs of
the occupants. The stepping of the doorway, while diminishing its exposed area,
does not interfere with its use in bringing in large bundles, etc. Series of steps,

picked into the faces of the cliffs, and affording access to cliff dwellings,
frequently have a supplementary series of narrow and deep cavities that furnish
a secure hold for the hands. The requirements of the precipitous environment of
these people have led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc., on the back
by means of a suspending band passed across the forehead; this left the hands
free to aid in the difficult task of climbing. These conditions seem to have
brought about the use, in some cases, of handholds in the marginal frames of
interior trapdoors as an aid in climbing the ladder.

Fig. 84. A Tusayan notched doorway.

One more characteristic type of the ancient
pueblo doorway remains to be described.
During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined
pueblo of Kin-tiel was surveyed, a number of
excavations were made in and about the pueblo.
A small room on the east side, near the brink of
the arroyo that traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out,
exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other details of
construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found a large slab of

stone, pierced with a circular hole of
sufficient size for a man to squeeze
through. This slab was set on edge
and incorporated into the masonry of
the partition, and evidently served as
a means of communication with
another room. The position of this
doorway and its relation to the room
in which it occurs may be seen from the
illustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ.
The doorway or “stone-close” is shown in Fig. 86 Fig. 85. A large Tusayan
doorway with one notched jamb.
on a sufficient scale to indicate the degree of
technical skill in the architectural treatment of
stone possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zuñi in
October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H.
Cushing, learned that the Zuñi Indians still preserved traditional knowledge of
this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time the following extract from
the tale of “The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards,” a Zuñi folk-tale of the early
occupancy of the valley of Zuñi.
“‘How will they enter?’ said the young man to
his wife. ‘Through the stone-close at the side,’
she answered. In the days of the ancients, the
doorways were often made of a great slab of
stone with a round hole cut through the middle,
and a round stone slab to close it, which was
called the stone-close, that the enemy might not
enter in times of war.”
Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of
such circular stone doorways at ruins some Fig. 86. An ancient circular
distance northwest from Zuñi, but had been doorway or “stone-close”
in Kin-tiel.
under the impression that they were used as roof
openings. All examples of this device known to
the writer as having been found in place occurred in side walls of rooms. Mr.
E. W. Nelson, while making collections of pottery from ruins near Springerville,
Arizona, found and sent to the Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884,
“a flat stone about 18 inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it.
This stone was taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near

Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall between two inner
rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means of communication or
perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an example of their stone-working
craft.” The position of this feature in the excavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated
on the ground plan, Fig. 60, which also shows the position of other details seen
in the general view of the room, Pl. C.
A small fragment of a “stone-close” doorway was found incorporated into the
masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicating its use in some
neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the Cibola district. Another point
at which similar remains have been brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just
across the river from the present Zuñi. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected
with the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the
direction of Mr. F. H. Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite
common occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways
are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter were held
in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form were seen at Kin-tiel,
but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearly rectangular form, found
within this ruin, may have served the same purpose. It would seem more
reasonable to use the rectangular slabs for this purpose when the openings were
conveniently near the floors. No example of the stone-close has as yet been
found in Tusayan.
The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known to the
writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of aboriginal
invention; and from the character of its material this device was necessarily
restricted to openings of small size. The larger rectangular doorways, when not
partly closed by masonry, probably were covered only with blankets or skin
rugs suspended from the lintel. In the discussion of sealed windows modern
examples resembling the stone-close device will be noted, but these are usually
employed in a more permanent manner.
The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much to the
fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was to defensive
reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude ones built with no
intention of defense, are characterized by small doors and windows. The
planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings in such a manner as to
protect and render comfortable the inhabited rooms implies a greater advance in
architectural skill than these builders had achieved.