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Title: The Black Hawk War Including a Review of Black Hawk's Life

Author: Frank Everett Stevens

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THE

Black Hawk War
INCLUDING A REVIEW OF

BLACK HAWK’S LIFE
Illustrated with upward of three hundred rare and interesting
portraits and views

BY
FRANK E. STEVENS

FRANK E. STEVENS
1205 Chamber of Commerce Bldg.
Chicago . . Illinois
1903

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1903, by
FRANK E. STEVENS
in the office of the Librarian of Congress at
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mother–

This book represents long years
of patient toil from which a
corresponding return is not
expected; it has been a labor of
love. To whom, then, should it
be dedicated but yourself, who
spent so many toilsome years to
rear its author, who may never
repay a fraction of the debt he
owes you.

F.E.S.

INTRODUCTION

In the autumn of 1871, I began the collection of materials for the book
which is just completed; at a time when many original sources existed from
which to draw. Since that time, no opportunity wherein I might see and talk
with persons who were in the Black Hawk campaigns has been lost, and
from those interviews I have been able to gather information, old letters,
commissions, muster rolls and papers obtainable by no possible system of
correspondence.
I have endeavored to be thorough, and to be thorough has required space. I
deplore the necessity which forbids an expression of thanks to each
individual by name who has contributed documents, valuable portraits and
information from which this work has been constructed. I thank them all as
generously as I have borrowed, which has been much. Especially must I
thank Mrs. Catherine Buckmaster Curran, of Alton, Illinois, who furnished
me with a complete set of papers, without which I could never have
finished my work as it should be finished.
Mrs. Colonel William Preston Johnston, of New Orleans, who, at great
inconvenience and sacrifice of time, secured a copy of the journal kept by
Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston during his service in those campaigns.
Dr. J.F. Snyder, Virginia, Illinois, President State Historical Society.
Prof. B.F. Shambaugh, Iowa City, Iowa.
Mr. R.G. Thwaites, Madison, Wisconsin.
Charles Aldrich, Des Moines, Iowa.
Miss Caroline M. McIlvaine, Librarian Chicago Historical Society,
Chicago.

CONTENTS

PAGE

Chapter I.–Birth, Personal Description and Character of
Black Hawk. Not a Chief. Made a Brave. Expeditions
against the Osages. Death of Py-e-sa. Period of Mourning.
Expedition against the Osages. Expedition against the
Cherokees. Expedition against the Chippewas, Osages and
Kickapoos. The first Appearance of the Americans 17

Chapter II.–British Intrigue against the Frontiers. Hatred of
the Americans. Treaty of 1804 25

Chapter III.–Treaty of 1804 and Black Hawk’s Version 31

Chapter IV.–Treaty of 1804 34

Chapter V.–Erection of Fort Madison. Rumors of Indian
Attack. Black Hawk joins Tecumseh. Returns to his
Village. Attacks Fort Madison. The Siege 37

Chapter VI.–Black Hawk enlists with the British in the War
of 1812. Deserts. Foster Son story. Keokuk made Chief 41

Chapter VII.–Expedition of Governor Clark to Prairie du
Chien. Lieut. Campbell’s Battle 46

Chapter VIII.–Major Taylor’s Battle. Battle of the Sink Hole.
Various Murders. British Agents withdrawn from Rock
River Country 52

Chapter IX.–Treaty of Portage des Sioux, 1815. Treaty of St.
Louis, 1816 60

Chapter X.–Fort Armstrong built. Black Hawk as a Fault
Finder. Annihilation of the Iowas 66

Chapter XI.–Treaties of 1822-4-5. Winnebago Outbreak.
Attack on the Boats. Arrest and Discharge 71

Chapter XII.–The Military Tract. Perils of Frontier Life.
Gathering Settlements about Black Hawk’s village.
Friction. Attempted Compromise. Complaints. Gov.
Reynolds calls out Militia. Notifies Clark and Gaines.
Correspondence. Gaines at Fort Armstrong 77

Chapter XIII.–Council. Militia Organized. March to Black
Hawk’s Village. Flight. Village Burned. Treaty of 1831 92

Chapter XIV.–Unrest. Messengers and War Parties sent out.
Attack on the Sioux. They Retaliate. Attack on the
Menominees. A Council 100

Chapter XV.–Ne-a-pope’s Mission. Keokuk’s Village.
Council. Black Hawk Moves down Iowa River and up the
Mississippi to Rock River. Atkinson Moves up to Ft.
Armstrong 109

Chapter XVI.–Council. Atkinson calls for Troops. Reynolds’
Proclamation. Black Hawk Defiant. Gratiot’s Journey 112

Chapter XVII.–The Militia Moves to Rock River 116

Chapter XVIII.–Roster. Movement up Rock River Begun.
The Prophet’s Village Burned. Forced March to Dixon’s
Ferry 122

Chapter XIX.–Dixon’s Ferry. Plight of Reynolds’
Messengers. Stillman’s Defeat 129

Chapter XX.–Call for Additional Troops. Burial of the Dead.
Arrival of Atkinson. Lead Mines Militia. Erection of Forts.
Dodge’s March to the Four Lakes Country 139

Chapter XXI.–Atkinson Moves up Rock River. Indian Creek
Massacre. Narratives 145

Chapter XXII.–General Panic. Independent Companies
Raised. Atkinson’s March Continued. Insubordination.
Army Disbanded. Interim Regiment Raised 159

Chapter XXIII.–Various Illinois Murders, including those of
Sample, Payne and the St. Vrain Party 165

Chapter XXIV.–Atkinson’s March to Mouth of Fox River.
Dodge’s March to Meet Him. Capt. Iles’ March 172

Chapter XXV.–Capt. Snyder’s Battle. Murders in the Lead
Mines Country. Battle of Pecatonica. Capt. Stephenson’s
Battle 176

Chapter XXVI.–Attack on Apple River Fort 185

Chapter XXVII.–Organization of Forces at Ft. Wilbourn and 188
Disposition of Same. Murder of Phillips. March to Dixon’s

Ferry

Chapter XXVIII.– March to Dixon’s Ferry. Dement’s Battle 197

Chapter XXIX.–Murders near Ottawa. Posey’s Division
Ordered Forward. Alexander’s Division Ordered to Plum
River. Henry’s Division, with Regulars, Moved 202

Chapter XXX.–Consolidation of the Divisions. Capt. Dunn
Shot. Henry, Alexander and Dodge Detached to Move to
Ft. Winnebago. Posey sent to Ft. Hamilton. Disintegration
of Army. Alexander’s Return 208

Chapter XXXI.–Ft. Winnebago Reached. Stampede. Henry’s
Treatment of Disobedient Officers. Black Hawk’s Trail to
Westward Discovered. Forced March. Battle of the
Wisconsin. At Blue Mounds 213

Chapter XXXII.–Pursuit Resumed. Battle of the Bad Axe 221

Chapter XXXIII.–Throckmorton’s Narrative. Atkinson’s
Report. Black Hawk’s Flight. Capture. Delivery to Gen.
Street. Council 226

Chapter XXXIV.–Stambaugh’s Expedition 234

Chapter XXXV.–Examination of the Indians. Black Hawk a
Prisoner 238

Chapter XXXVI.–Scott’s Expedition. Treaty 242

Chapter XXXVII.–Movements of the Michigan Militia 243

Chapter XXXVIII.–Prison Life. Eastern Trip. Return.
Council at Ft. Armstrong. Black Hawk’s Apology. Black
Hawk Released 259

Chapter XXXIX.–Second Trip East. A Quiet Life. July
Fourth Toast at Ft. Madison. Interview with Iowas. Death.
Burial. His Grave Robbed. Bones Recovered. Consumed
by Fire. Death of Madam Black Hawk 268

Appendix: Abraham Lincoln in the Black Hawk War 277

Appendix: Jefferson Davis in the Black Hawk War 290

List of Portraits and Other Illustrations

PAGE

Abercrombie, Lieut. J.J. From photograph deposited
by Hon. A.J. Turner, of Portage, Wis., in the
Wisconsin Historical Collections. 293

Alexander, Gen. M.K. From daguerreotype owned by
his daughter, Mrs. J.A. Judson, of Paris, Ill. 192

Anderson, Lieut. Robert. From ivory miniature owned
by his daughter, Mrs. E.M.C.A. Lawton,
Washington, D.C.; by her copyrighted in 1901, and
now first published. 293

Archer, Col. William B. From a steel plate owned by
F.J. Bartlett, Marshall, Ill. 225

Arenz, Francis. From an oil painting owned by his
son, Albert W. Arenz, of Jacksonville, Ill. 93

Atkinson, Gen. Henry. From oil painting owned by his
grandson, Captain B.W. Atkinson, U.S.A Now first
published. 112

Bad Axe Battlefield. From oil painting owned by
Wisconsin Historical Society. 224

Bailey, Major David. From oil painting owned by his
son, D.G. Bailey, of Delavan, Ill. Now first
published. 133

Baker, Lieut. E.D. U.S. Senator, Hero of Ball’s Bluff.
From rare plate in sketch of his life, by Joseph
Wallace, published in 1870. 130

Baker, Mrs. E.B. From photograph by Chiverton,
Dixon, Ill. She still lives at Dixon, Ill. 137

Ball, Capt. Japhet A. From old photograph owned by
John M. Ball, of Chatham, Ill. 130

Barnes, Capt. Robert. From oil painting owned by
R.M. Barnes, of Lacon, Ill. 159

Barney, Capt. Benjamin. From photograph made in
1870. 119

Barnsback, Capt. Julius L. From daguerreotype made
in 1845, owned by Mrs. Clara P. Jones, of
Edwardsville, Ill. 125

Beach, Major John. From Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa. 37

Beall, Major Alexander. From photograph made in
1862, owned by William A. Peak, of Exeter, Ill. 123

Beggs, Rev. Stephen R. From “Kirkland’s Chicago.” 167

Benson, James. Private in Captain McClure’s
Company. At Stillman’s battle. From photograph
owned by McLean County Historical Society. 136

Blackburn, Col. James M. From his only portrait. 225

Black Hawk (1 and 2). From American Phrenological
Journal for November, 1838. Second number. (3)
From portrait by George Catlin. (4) From Patterson’s
First Edition of Black Hawk’s Autobiography. (5)
From oil painting owned by Wisconsin Historical
Society at Madison by R.M. Sully. (6) From
McKenney and Hall’s Indians. 17

Black Hawk’s Powder Horn. Owned by Iowa
Historical Society at Iowa City. Photographed by
Prof. B.F. Shambaugh. 272

Black Hawk’s Promissory Note. From the original,
owned by Mrs. Fannie Anderson, of Louisiana, Mo.
Unpaid. 272

Black Hawk’s Tower. As it appears to-day. 272

Blackwell, Robert. Paymaster. From daguerreotype
owned by Mrs. J.J. Brown, of Vandalia, Ill. 124

Bliss, Major John. From portrait in Minnesota
Historical Society’s rooms at St. Paul. 97

Boone, Capt. Levi D. From an old photograph owned
by C.B. Rhodes, of Hillsboro, Ill. 126

Boone, Col. Nathan. Son of Daniel Boone. Only
picture. From daguerreotype loaned by his grandson,
N.B. Craig, of Hanover, Ill. 293

Bouchard, Edward D. From a tintype made in 1875,
owned by his son, Dr. William L. Bouchard, of
Chicago. Only portrait and now first published. 143

Boyd, James M. Second Lieutenant. From photograph
owned by Dr. H.B. Tanner, of South Kaukauna, Wis. 235

Bracken, Lieut. Charles. From daguerreotype owned
by Thomas Bracken, of Mineral Point, Wis. 175

Brady, Gen. Hugh. From oil painting owned by
George N. Brady, of Detroit, Mich. Now first
published. 120

Breese, Lieut.-Col. Sidney. U.S. Senator, Chief
Justice, etc. From his first portrait, an oil, owned by
his son, Sidney S. Breese, Springfield, Ill., and now
first published. 197

Bristol, John E. Still alive. From photograph owned
by author. 135

Browning, O.H. U.S. Senator, Secretary Interior, etc.
From the engraving published with his life. 119

Buckmaster, Major Nathaniel. From his first picture,
a daguerreotype, owned by his daughter, Mrs.
Catherine Buckmaster Curran, of Alton, Ill., and
now first published. 97

Burns, Capt. James. From daguerreotype furnished by
Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill. 193

Butler, Capt. Peter. From daguerreotype owned by
R.O. Butler, of Monmouth, Ill. 195

Calhoun, John, of Capt. Goodan’s Company. The
County Surveyor who furnished Abraham Lincoln
with instruments and employment as deputy. He was
president of the Lecompton Constitutional
Convention. From three-fourths length oil painting
owned by Kansas Historical Society, Topeka. 280

Carlin, Gov. Thomas. Then Captain. From oil portrait
in Executive Mansion at Springfield, Ill. 94

Carpenter, William. Paymaster. From a steel plate. 124

Cartwright, Rev. Peter. Private in Captain Reuben
Brown’s Company. From the plate in his
autobiography. 281

Casey, Zadock. Paymaster. Later Lieut.-Gov. Member
of Congress, etc. From oil painting owned by his
son, Dr. John R. Casey, of Joliet, Ill. 179

Cassell, Adjutant Henry K. From photograph made
in 1863, owned by Mrs. Richard Curphy, of
Scranton, Iowa. 160

Cass, Lewis. Secretary of War in 1832. From the
engraving made by the U.S. Bureau of Printing and
Engraving. 100

Chetlain, A.L. From photograph owned by author. 142

Chetlain, Louis. Father of last above. Both in Dodge’s
Squadron. From old photograph owned by the son. 142

Christy, Col. Samuel C. From oil portrait owned by
his daughter, Mary F. Scanlan, of St. Louis, Mo. 93

Chouteau, Col. Auguste. From fine plate owned by
grandson, J. Gilman Chouteau, of St. Louis. 32

Chouteau, Col. Pierre. From oil painting owned by
Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis. 32

Clark, Lieut. Meriwether Lewis. Of Gen. Atkinson’s
Staff. From oil painting owned by Mrs. Meriwether
Lewis Clark, of Louisville, Ky., made in 1832. 113

Clark, Gov. William. From engraving owned by
grandson, John O’Fallon Clark, of St. Louis. 54

Coffey, Capt. Achilles. From frontispiece of his book,
entitled, “History of the Regular Baptist Church,”
published in 1877. 190

Copes, William. Private in Capt. Covell’s Company.
Still alive. Present at dedication of monument at
Stillman’s battlefield in 1892. From life. 138

Cowen, Lieut.-Col. William. From old portrait owned
by his son, Robert A. Cowen, of Chicago. 159

Craig, Capt. James. From the original, owned by his
son, N.B. Craig, of Hanover, Ill. 141

Danley, Levi. Corporal in Captain McClure’s
Company. At Stillman’s battle. From plate owned by
McLean Co. Hist. Soc. 136

Davenport, George. An assistant quartermaster of
militia. First settler on Rock Island. From oil
painting in Supervisors’ room at Rock Island. 113

Davis, Lieut. Jefferson. From an ivory miniature
owned by Mrs. Davis and copied by her for this
work. 290

Dement, Major John. From portrait owned by author. 179

Dickson, Capt. Joseph. From daguerreotype owned by
his son, Joseph P. Dickson, of Platteville, Wis. 216

Dimmett, William. Private in Capt. Covell’s Company.
At Stillman’s battle. From photograph owned by
McLean Co. Hist. Society. 136

Dixon, Elisha. Private in Capt. McClure’s Company.
At Stillman’s battle. From photograph owned by
McLean Co. Hist. Society. 136

Dixon’s Ferry. From oil painting owned by Miss F.
Louise Dixon, of Dixon, Ill. 129

Dixon, John. From photograph owned by author. 129

Dodge, A.C. U.S. Senator, Minister to Spain, etc. From
photograph owned by his son, W.W. Dodge, of
Burlington, Iowa. 299

Dodge, Col. Henry. Governor, U.S. Senator, etc. From
portrait owned by his grandson, W.W. Dodge,
Burlington, Iowa. 141

Dodge, Col. Henry. In uniform as a U.S. Ranger, by
George Catlin. From the original, owned by W.W.
Dodge, of Burlington, Iowa. 141

Duncan, Gen. Joseph. Later Governor of Illinois. From
the oil painting in Executive Mansion, in
Springfield. 94

Dunlap, Adjutant Samuel. From daguerreotype owned
by Mrs. J.M. Wagner, of Newman, Ill. 192

Dunn, Capt. Charles. Chief Justice, etc. From the oil
painting in the rooms of the Supreme Court of
Wisconsin, at Madison. 191

Eaton, Lieut. Nathaniel J. From daguerreotype made
in 1848, owned by his daughter, Mrs. Harriet Eaton
Root, of Alton, Ill. 113

Eddy, Henry. Quartermaster-General. From
daguerreotype owned by his son (recently deceased),
John M. Eddy, of Shawneetown, Ill. 115

Edwards, Lieut.-Col. Abraham. President First 255
Legislative Council Mich. Ter. From portrait owned

by Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Soc., Lansing.

Edwards, Cyrus. From a steel plate owned by his
daughter, Mrs. George K. Hopkins, of Alton, Ill. 122

Edwards, Ninian. First Governor of Illinois Territory,
U.S. Senator, etc. From portrait in Executive
Mansion, at Springfield. 54

Elkin, Capt. W.F. From an old picture owned by Lee
B. Elkin, of Springfield, Ill. 95

Ewing, Major W.L.D. U.S. Senator, etc. From
miniature made in 1835, owned by his daughter,
Mrs. Margaret M. Dale, of Kansas City, Mo. 224

Feaman, Capt. Jacob. From photograph owned by
Elias Feaman, of Chester, Ill. 198

Flood, Capt. William G. From old photograph owned
by his daughter, Mrs. W.E. Boswell, of Carthage, Ill. 123

Ford, Thomas. Governor, Etc. Private in Whiteside’s
Battalion in campaign of 1831. From painting in
Executive Mansion, Springfield, Ill. 94

Fort Armstrong. From an original etching by Mrs.
Alice C. Walker, of Moline, Ill., and loaned for use
in this work. 66

Fort Crawford. From the oil painting made by Arthur
Brower. 121

Fort Dearborn. From picture in rooms of Chicago
Historical Society. 167

Fort Dixon. From oil painting owned by author. 161

Fort Madison. From a rare print in the “Annals of
Iowa,” furnished by Mr. Charles Aldrich, of Des
Moines. 37

Fort Madison. Ground plan, from drawings in the War
Department, at Washington. 37

Fort Snelling. From oil painting in collection of
Minn. Historical Society at St. Paul. 77

Fort Winnebago. From painting owned by Hon. A.J.
Turner, of Portage, Wis. 308

Fry, Col. Jacob. From an old photograph owned by his
son, William M. Fry, of Carrollton, Ill. 95

Gaines, Gen. E.P. From engraving after the portrait by
J.W. Jarvis. 93

Gear, Capt. H.H. From photograph owned by Gen.
John C. Smith, Chicago. 299

Gillespie, Adjutant Joseph. From daguerreotype
owned by C.E. Gillespie, of Edwardsville, Ill. 96

Gillham, Lieut.-Col. James. From photograph owned
by his son, W.A. Gillham, of Riggston, Ill. 196

Givens, Capt. William T. From an old tintype owned
by his son, Robert S. Givens, of Waverly, Ill. 126

Gratiot, Lieut. Charles. Of Capt. Dowling’s
Company. From daguerreotype owned by his son,
Henry R. Gratiot, Gratiot, Wis. 142

Gratiot, Col. Henry. From oil painting owned by
Wisconsin Historical Society, at Madison. Furnished
by Hon. Hempstead Washburne, of Chicago, a
grandson. 115

Gratiot, Capt. J.R.B. From an ivory miniature painted
by the Swiss artist, Peter Reinderpacker, owned by
daughter of Captain G., Mrs. Ninette Hempstead, of
De Soto, Mo. 141

Gridley, Lieut. Asahel. Of Capt. Covell’s Company.
At Stillman’s battle. From photograph owned by
McLean County Historical Society, of Bloomington,
Ill. 135

Grignon, Augustin. From oil painting in Wisconsin
Historical Collections. 235

Haacke, David. Of Capt. David W. Barnes’ Company.
Dressed in uniform of captain of militia of the time,
to which office he was appointed in 1833. 132

Haines, Alfred. Of Capt. John G. Adams’ Company.
From daguerreotype owned by his brother, James
Haines, of Pekin, Ill. 135

Haines, Jonathan. Of Capt. Adams’ Company. From
daguerreotype owned by his brother, James Haines,
of Pekin, Ill. At Stillman’s battle, with his brother,
next above. 135

Hall, Oliver W. From tintype owned by his daughter,
Dr. Lucinda H. Corr, of Carlinville, Ill. 133

Hamilton, Col. William S. From the original, owned
by the Wisconsin Historical Society, at Madison. 182

Hardin, Col. John J. From oil painting made of him in
1832, owned by his son, Gen. M.D. Hardin, of
Chicago. 95

Harney, Capt. W.S. From his first portrait done in oil
in 1825, owned by Mrs. John M. Harney, of St.
Louis, Mo., and now first published. 120

Harrison, Gov. William Henry. From the oil portrait
owned by Betty Harrison Eaton, of North Bend,
Ohio. 32

Haws, Capt. William. From photograph owned by
J.W. Thornton, of Magnolia, Ill. 159

Headen, William. Surgeon. From oil painting owned
by Walter Headen, of Shelbyville, Ill. 124

Hogan, Lieut. John S.C. Of Capt. Kercheval’s
Company. Second Postmaster of Chicago. From
“Kirkland’s Chicago.” 120

Holliday, Capt. Joel. From an old tintype owned by
his son, James H. Holliday, of Rileyville. 190

Horn, Rev. Reddick. From his only picture, owned by
H.M. Horn, of Republican City, Neb., and now first
published. 137

Horn, Sylvia Hall. From photograph owned by her
granddaughter, Mrs. Samuel Dunavan, of Leland, Ill. 154

Horney, Samuel. Quartermaster. From portrait secured
by John S. Bagby, of Rushville, Ill. 123

Hubbard, Lieut. Gurdon S. Of Capt. Alex. Bailey’s
Company. From photograph by Mosher. 175

Hussey, Nathan. Brigade Wagonmaster. From
beautiful daguerreotype owned by grandson, J.Y.
Hussey, of Williamsville, Ill. 195

Hussey, William S. Fourth Sergeant of Capt.
Claywell’s Company. From old photograph owned
by J.Y. Hussey, of Williamsville, Ill. 198

Iles, Capt. Elijah. In whose company Abraham
Lincoln was a private. From photograph made by
Anderson, of Springfield. 175

Irwin, Lieut. Alexander J. From oil painting in rooms
of Wisconsin Historical Society, at Madison. 235

Jackson, Andrew. President in 1832. From engraving
made from portrait by Earl. 54

James, Major Thomas. From oil painting owned by his
son, Dr. Lewis James, of Racola, Mo. 143

Jefferson Barracks. From an old print–very rare. 100

Jenkins, Capt. A.M. From oil painting owned by his
daughter-in-law, Mrs. M.E. Jenkins, of Washington,
D.C. 196

Jones, Col. Gabriel. From an old tintype owned by
Adelia G. Gordon, of Chester, Ill. 217

Jones, George W. U.S. Senator, etc. From his first
picture, owned by his daughter, Mrs. J. Linn Deuss,
of Dubuque, Iowa. 299

Johnston, Lieut. Albert Sidney. From an ivory
miniature in the family of Mrs. William Preston
Johnston, of New Orleans. Published formerly by
the “Century Company.” 225

Johnston, Lieut. Joseph E. From the steel plate in his
“Narrative.” 246

Ke-o-kuk. From the oil painting–the only one made of
him from life–secured by I.G. Baker, of St. Louis. 27

LeClaire, Antoine. The Interpreter. From oil painting
in Court House, at Davenport, Iowa. 27

Lee, William H. Of Capt. Samuel Huston’s Company.
Still alive. Remembers distinctly that Gen. Atkinson
swore in the Illinois troops at the mouth of Rock
River, including the company of Lincoln. The author
is under many obligations to him for valuable
information. 281

Letter of Major Nathaniel Buckmaster determining
what officer swore Capt. Abraham Lincoln into the
U.S. service. Owned by Mrs. Catherine Buckmaster
Curran, of Alton, Ill. 284

Lincoln, Capt. Abraham. From his first picture, a
daguerreotype, owned by Hon. Robert T. Lincoln, of
Chicago. Copyrighted 1895-6 by S.S. McClure
Company. Use permitted here. 277

Lincoln, Capt. Abraham. Discharge signed by him.
From the collection of Mr. Oldroyd, of Washington. 281

Lincoln, Capt. Abraham. Muster roll made by him and
in the possession of the author. 279

Logan, Dr. John B. Father of Gen. John A. Logan.
From oil painting owned by J.V. Logan, of Menard,
Ill. 196

Long, Major Thomas. From oil painting owned by his
son, T.W. Long, of Taylorville, Ill. 119

Lowe, Capt. Gideon. From oil painting owned by his
granddaughter, Mrs. E.S. Purdy, of Portage, Wis. 128

Macomb, Gen. Alexander. Major-General
commanding U.S.A in 1832. From engraving after
the painting by T. Sully. 308

Madding, Capt. Champion S. From daguerreotype
owned by his son, L.B. Madding, of Woodstock,
Wis. 194

Map of Illinois. Showing marches, forts, etc. Made by Facing
author. Introduction.

Map of Illinois. Showing “Military Tract.” Made in
1822, after LeSage’s Atlas. 77

Map of the Lead Mines District. Made in 1832. From
Tanner’s Guide. 140

Marsac, Capt. Joseph. From oil painting owned by
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Lansing.
Capt. Marsac was also interpreter at the making of
the Cass Treaty. 255

Mason, Capt. R.B. From miniature made in 1846,
owned by his daughter, Miss Nannie Mason, of
Louisville, Ky. 225

Mason, Gov. S.T. From oil portrait which hangs in the
State House at Lansing, Mich. 255

Mathews, Capt. Cyrus. From photograph owned by
Mrs. James R. Mathews, of Jacksonville, Ill. 160

Maughs, Capt. Milton M. From a tintype made in
1850, owned by W.B. Langley, of Chicago. Captain
Maughs was founder of Mauston, Wis. 139

Mayo, Capt. Jonathan. From old photograph furnished
by LeRoy Wiley, of Paris, Ill. 193

Mayo, Walter L. 194

Menard, Capt. Peter or Pierre. From daguerreotype
owned by A.H. Menard, of Tremont, Ill. 160

Moffett, Capt. Thomas. From photograph owned by
George M. Brinkerhoff, of Springfield, Ill. 198

Monument at Indian Creek Massacre. From
photograph owned by Mrs. Samuel Dunavan, of
Leland, Ill. 154

Monument at Kellogg’s Grove. From photograph
owned by J.B. Timms. 175

Monument at Stillman’s Battlefield. From
photograph owned by author. 132

Morrison, Lieut. John. Father of Hon. William R.
Morrison. From photograph owned by latter. Of
Capt. J.S. Briggs’ Company. 197

Munson, Rachel Hall. From a photograph made by
W.E. Bowman, of Ottawa, in 1865, and now owned
by author. 154

McClernand, John A. Assistant Brigade
Quartermaster. From daguerreotype made in 1843,
when he was in Congress. Owned by his son, Col.
E.J. McClernand, U.S.A Never before published. 190

McConnel, Major Murray. From oil painting owned
by his daughter, Mrs. Lilla M. Boothby. 217

McCullough, William. Of Capt. Covell’s Company.
At Stillman’s battle. From plate owned by McLean
County His. Soc., at Bloomington. 138

McKee, William. Private of the company of Capt.
Ralls. Same regiment as Capt. Lincoln. 138

McMurtry, Capt. William. From an old
daguerreotype. 195

Naper, Capt. Joseph. From daguerreotype owned by
C.A. Naper, of Naperville, Ill. 167

Newhall, Dr. Horatio. From photograph owned by
Mrs. William C. Barrett, of Galena, Ill. 140

Onstott, Capt. John. From daguerreotype owned by
J.H. Songer, of Xenia, Ill. 191

Order of May 22, to Whiteside. Special No. 11. 162

Order of May 25, to cause injury. 132

Order to forbid firing of arms. 280

Orear, George. From photograph owned by his son,
T.B. Orear, of Jacksonville, Ill. 123

Orendorf, James K. Private in the company of Capt.
Covell. At Stillman’s battle. From daguerreotype
owned by McLean County Hist. Soc., Bloomington
Ill. 138

Ottawa. At the time of the Black Hawk War. From an
old sketch owned by W.E. Bowman, of Ottawa, and
now first published. 130

Parker, Leonard B. Quartermaster. From rare old
silhouette owned by his son, George W. Parker, of
St. Louis, and now first published. 193

Parkinson, Capt. D.M. From oil painting owned by
granddaughter, Miss M.L. Parkinson, of Mineral
Point, Wis., and now first published. 217

Parkinson, Nathaniel T. Of Dodge’s Squadron. From
tintype owned by Miss M.L. Parkinson, of Mineral
Point, Wis. 142

Parmenter, Isaac. Adjutant. From daguerreotype
furnished by H.T. Goddard, of Mt. Carmel, Ill. 194

Pa-she-pa-ho, Chief. From “McKenney and Hall’s
Indians.” 27

Patterson, J.B. From photograph owned by his
daughter, Miss Tina Patterson, of Peoria, Ill. 27

Pecatonica Battlefield. From oil painting owned by
Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. 182

Pecatonica–Plan of battlefield. From History of Henry
Dodge, by William Salter. 182

Pike, Lieut. Zebulon M. From the engraving by
Edwin, in a “History of the War of 1812.“ 32

Pointer, William, of the company of Capt. Seth Pratt.
Still alive. He was an old acquaintance of Capt.
Lincoln. 280

Powell, Capt. Daniel. From an old photograph owned
by H.B. Trafton, of Norris City, Ill., a grandson. 195

Powell, Lieut. Starkey R., of the company of Capt.
William B. Smith. From daguerreotype owned by
his daughter, Mrs. Mary Catherine Peffer, of
Rochester, N.Y. 125

Preuitt, Capt. Solomon–later Lieut. Col. in campaign
of 1832. From the “History of Madison County.” 97

Price, Capt. Daniel. 127

Prickett, Col. David. From oil painting owned by
daughter, Miss Christiana G. Prickett, of Springfield,
Ill. 122

Pugh, Capt. Isaac C. From old photograph owned by
Mrs. Mira H. Marks, of Decatur, Ill. 127

Raum, Major John. From daguerreotype owned by his
son, Gen. Green B. Raum, of Chicago. 190

Remann, Major Frederick. From photograph owned
by Mrs. Fred G. Remann, of Vandalia, Ill. 224

Reynolds, Gov. John. From the plate in his “My Own
Times.” 93

Rice, Matthew, of Capt. Solomon Hunter’s Company.
From photograph owned by his daughter, Mrs. M.E.
Smith. 198

Richardson, W.A. Ass’t Quartermaster Maj. James
Odd Battalion. Lieut.-Col. Mexican War, Member of
Congress, Gov. of Nebraska, and U.S. Senator to
succeed Stephen A. Douglas. From photograph
owned by his son, W.A. Richardson, of Quincy, Ill. 127

Robinson, Alexander, Chief of the Pottowatomies.
From “Kirkland’s Chicago.” 166

Robison, John K., of Capt. Gear’s Company. From
photograph owned by his daughter, Mrs. Amelia
McFarland, of Mendota, Ill. 299

Roman, Richard, Surgeon. From photograph owned by
Richard Roman, of Washington, D.C. 96

Ross, First Sergeant Lewis W., of Capt. John Sain’s
Company. From photograph owned by his son, P.C.
Ross, of Lewiston, Ill. 137

Ross, Capt. Thomas B. From oil painting owned by
grandson, Robert W. Ross, of Vandalia, Ill. 192

Ross, Col. William. From picture owned by Hon. A.C.
Matthews, of Pittsfield, Ill. 119

Roundtree, Capt. Hiram. From photograph owned by
his daughter, Mrs. Etta Roundtree Stubblefield, of
Hillsboro, Ill. 143

Roundtree, Capt. John H. From photograph owned by
Miss Lilly M. Roundtree, of Platteville, Wis. 143

Rutledge, Thomas O., of Capt. Covell’s Company. At
Stillman’s battle. From old photograph owned by
McLean Co. Hist. Soc., Bloomington, Ill. 137

Sandford, Capt. Isaac. From oil painting owned by
O.S. Sandford, Tuscola, Ill. 191

Scales, Capt. S.H. From photograph owned by Samuel
Scales, of Shullsburg, Wis. 140

Scott, Maj. Gen. Winfield. From his autobiography.
Made of him about the time of the Black Hawk War. 246

Scott, Maj.-Gen. Winfield. Headquarters at Ft.
Armstrong. 246

Semple, James. Later U.S. Senator, etc. From “History
of Edwards County.” 96

Sha-bo-na, or Shab-bo-na. Spelled both ways in this
work, as both are used by the best authorities. One
“b” should, however, be considered preferable. From
an old tintype owned by Hon. George M.
Hollenback, of Aurora, Ill. The last picture made of
the old Chief, during the first week of July, 1859,
just prior to his death. 166

Shelledy, Col. Stephen B. From old photograph
owned by Margaret I. Vance, of Cresco, Iowa. 192

Shull, Jesse W. One of the oldest traders of Northern
Illinois. Went to the lead mines in 1819. From old
photograph owned by Col. E.C. Townsend, of
Shullsburg, Wis., of which city Shull was founder.
He was a private in Capt. Enoch Duncan’s
Company. 140

Simpson, Capt. Gideon. From oil portrait owned by
Mrs. J.H. King, a granddaughter, of Collinsville, Ill. 125

Smith, Capt. Henry, U.S.A From old portrait, made in
1831, owned by his sister, Katharine Smith Sewall,
of Watertown, N.Y. 113

Smith, Col. T.W. From the oil painting in the rooms of
the Chicago Historical Society. 196

Snelling, Col. Josiah. From Appleton’s Cyclopedia of
American Biography. Used by permission. 77

Snyder, Capt. Adam W. From a rare ivory miniature
owned by his son, Dr. J.F. Snyder, of Virginia, Ill. 179

Stahl, Sergeant Frederick. From “History of Jo
Daviess County.” 139

Stapp, Col. James T.B. From photograph owned by Mr.
Guy Stapp, of Chicago. 122

Stapp, Wyatt B. From oil painting furnished for this
book by Mr. Guy Stapp, of Chicago. 133

Stephenson, Major James W. From oil painting owned
by Mrs. William Hempstead, of St. Louis. 179

Stephenson, Capt. William J. From photograph owned
by Alexander H. Brown, of Ashley, Ill. 191

Stevens, Frank E. From a photograph by Waters,
Chicago. Frontispiece

Stewart, Col. Hart L. From “Kirkland’s Chicago.” 235

Stillman’s Battlefield. From recent photograph of
old cut, by Oliver W. Hall, who was upon the scene
the following day. Done in colors for this work by
Mrs. Chas. C. Dunlap, of Chicago. 134

Stillman, Col. Isaiah. From his only portrait, a
daguerreotype, owned by his daughter, Mrs. Mary E.
Barber, of Libertyville, Iowa, and now first
published. 133

Strawn, Jeremiah. From photograph owned by Susan
S. Dent, his daughter, Chicago. 160

Strawn, Col. John. From photograph furnished by Mr.
J.S. Thompson, of Lacon, Ill. 159

Street, Gen. Joseph M. From the “Annals of Iowa,”
furnished by Mr. Chas. Aldrich, of Des Moines,
Iowa. 100

Strode, Col. James M. From a rare ivory miniature,
owned by his daughter, Mrs. Luella Strode Howe, of
London, Eng. Copied especially for this work, and
now first published. 139

Stuart, Maj. John T. From the first daguerreotype
brought to Illinois, owned by his widow–now
deceased–and loaned by her to the author. 94

Taylor, Major Zachary. From the engraving made by
the Bureau of Printing and Engraving at
Washington. 54

Taylor, Lieut. Col. His headquarters at Fort
Crawford. 128
CC
Thomas, Col. John. From steel plate in “History of St.
Clair County.” 122

Thomas, Capt. William. From daguerreotype owned
by his daughter, Mrs. Belle Flynn, of Carmi, Ill. 194

Thomas, Col. William. From photograph owned by
H.E. Rusk, of Jacksonville, Ill. 95

Thompson, Capt. James. From an old photograph
owned by a son in Chester, Ill. 197

Townsend Family. Early settlers in the lead mines, and
all of them, brothers, served in the Black Hawk War
in Dodge’s squadron. Three of them served in the
Winnebago war of 1827. H.S. Townsend, only
recently deceased, was at the battle of the
Pecatonica. 144

Twiggs, Maj. D.E. From a photograph obtained from
Hon. A.J. Turner, of Portage, Wis., and now owned
by the Wis. Hist. Society, at Madison. 120

Vaughan, James W. From photograph owned by his
son, G.W. Vaughan, of Sullivan, Ill. 125

Vernor, Z.H. In the campaign of 1831, under Capt.
William Moore. From oil painting owned by his son,
Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill. 96

Wa-bo-ki-e-shiek, the Prophet. From oil painting from
life by R.M. Sully while imprisoned at Fortress
Monroe. Now owned by the Wisconsin Historical
Society, at Madison. 115

Wakefield, John A. Distinguished for services in the 139
war and for writing in 1834 (published at
Jacksonville, Ill., the same year), the first history of

the same. From his only portrait, owned by his
daughter, Mrs. Emily Terry, of St. Paul, Minn., and
now first published.

Walker, Capt. George E. First Sheriff of La Salle
County. From photograph made by W.E. Bowman,
of Ottawa, and now first published. 166

Wa-pel-lo, or Wau-pe-la, Chief. From “McKenney
and Hall’s Indians.” 308

Westbrook, Rev. Samuel, of Capt. Holliday’s
Company. Still alive, and who has furnished much
information for this book. 193

Warren, Capt. Peter. From a very rare tintype, owned
by a grandson, W.W. Warren, of Windsor, Ill. 126

Wau-ban-se, or Wau-ban-see. From “McKenney and
Hall’s Indians.” 166

Wheeler, Capt. Erastus. From old tintype owned by
his daughter, Mrs. W.W. Erwin, of Minneapolis,
Minn. 97

Whistler, Major William. From “Kirkland’s
Chicago.” 246

Whiteside, Gen. Samuel. From the only picture ever
made of him–a very rare tintype–owned by his
daughter, Mrs. J.A. Henderson, of Mt. Auburn, and
now first published. 115

Whitlock, Major James. From a beautiful ivory
miniature owned by Mrs. Eliza A. Greenough, of
Marshall, Ill. 124

Williams, Archibald, of Capt. Flood’s Company. One
of Illinois’ most distinguished men. From old
portrait owned by his son, John H. Williams, of
Quincy, Ill. 127

Williams, Gen. John R. From oil painting in rooms of
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, at Lansing. 255

Wilson, Lieut. George, chum of Lieut. Jefferson
Davis, who carried the note from Lieut. Davis to
Miss Taylor which arranged for their marriage. From
portrait owned by son, Capt. George Wilson, of
Lexington, Mo. 293

Winters, Capt. Nathan. From photograph owned by
grandson, G.L. Winters, of Trenton, Mo. 126

Wisconsin Heights, Battlefield. From the picture
owned by the Wisconsin Historical Society, at
Madison. 216

Wisconsin Heights–Plan of the battlefield. From the
“Life of Henry Dodge,” by William Salter. 216

Wood, John. Later Governor of Illinois. Private in
Capt. Flood’s Company. From photograph owned by
D.C. Wood, of Quincy, Ill. 217

Wood, Maj. John D. From photograph furnished by
Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill. 197

BLACK HAWK.

CHAPTER I.

Birth–Personal Description and Character of Black Hawk–Not a
Chief–Made a Brave–Expeditions Against the Osages–Death of Py-
e-sa–Period of Mourning–Expedition Against the Osages–
Expedition Against the Cherokees–Expedition Against the
Chippewas, Osages and Kickapoos–The First Appearance of the
Americans.

Black Hawk’s name, as given in his autobiography, was Ma-ka-tai-she-kia-
kiak[1], and, without reference to the many renditions of it by various
writers, is the version that will be adopted in this work as nearest authentic.
He was born in the year 1767 at the Sac or Sauk village, located on the
north bank of Rock River in the State of Illinois, about three miles above its
confluence with the Mississippi. His father, Py-e-sa, a grandson of Na-na-
ma-kee or Thunder (a descendant of other Thunders), was born near
Montreal, Canada, where the Great Spirit was reputed in Indian lore to have
first placed the great Sac nation. Black Hawk was a full blood Sac, five feet
eleven inches tall in his moccasins; of broad but meager build[2] and capable
of great endurance. His features were pinched and drawn, giving unusual
prominence to the cheek bones and a Roman nose, itself pronounced. The
chin was sharp. The mouth was full and inclined to remain open in repose.
His eyes were bright, black and restless, glistening as they roamed during a
conversation. Above these rested no eyebrows. The forehead was given the
appearance of unusual fullness and height from the fact that all hair was
plucked from the scalp, with the single exception of the scalp lock, to
which, on occasions of state, was fastened a bunch of eagle feathers. In his
later years it was his boast that he had worn the lock with such prominence
to tempt an enemy to fight for it and to facilitate its removal should he be
slain in the encounter. This statement, however, must be received as a boast
and nothing more, because among the Sacs the custom of plucking from the

scalp all hairs save the scalp lock was general and not confined to Black
Hawk’s redoubtable person, as he would have us believe. J.C. Beltrami, the
Italian traveler, who ascended the Mississippi in 1823, stopping at all the
Indian villages, particularly Black Hawk’s upon Rock River, which he
reached May 10th, has this to say, which is interesting: “The faces of the
Saukees, although exhibiting features characteristic of their savage state, are
not disagreeable, and they are rather well made than otherwise. Their size
and structure, which are of the middle kind, indicate neither peculiar
strength nor weakness. Their heads are rather small; that part called by
French anatomists voute orbitaire has in general no hair except a small tuft
upon the pineal gland, like that of the Turks; this gives the forehead an
appearance of great elevation. Their eyes are small and their eyebrows thin;
the cornea approaches rather to yellow, the pupil to red; they are the link
between those of the orang-outang and ours. Their ears are sufficiently large
to bear all the jewels, etc., with which they are adorned; two foxes’ tails
dangled from those of the Great Eagle. I have seen others to which were
hung bells, heads of birds and dozens of buckles, which penetrated the
whole cartilaginous part from top to bottom. Their noses are large and flat,
like those of the nations of eastern Asia; their nostrils are pierced and
ornamented like their ears. The maxillary bones, or pommettes, are very
prominent. The under jaw extends outwards on both sides. Their mouths are
rather large; their teeth close set, and of the finest enamel; their lips a little
inverted. Their necks are regularly formed; they have large bellies and
narrow chests, so that their bodies are generally larger below than above.
Their feet and hands are well proportioned. Except the tuft on the head,
which we have already remarked, they have no hair on any part of the body.
Books which deal greatly in the marvelous convert this into an
extraordinary phenomenon, but the fact is that, from a superstition common
to all savages, they pluck it out, and, as they begin at an early age and use
the most perservering means for its extirpation, nothing is left but a soft
down.”
With this personal description of Black Hawk, it may be well to add the
following, published in the “Annals of Iowa,” 3rd series, Vol. 4, page 195:
“Bones of Black Hawk.–These bones, which were stolen from the grave
about a year since, have been recovered and are now in the Governor’s
office. The wampum, hat,[4] etc., which were buried with the old chief, have
been returned with the bones. It appears that they were taken to St. Louis

and there cleaned; they were then sent to Quincy to a dentist to be put up
and wired previous to being sent to the East. The dentist was cautioned not
to deliver them to anyone until a requisition should be made by Governor
Lucas. Governor Lucas made the necessary requisition and they were sent
up a few days since by the Mayor of Quincy and are now in the possession
of the Governor. He has sent word to Na-she-as-kuk, Black Hawk’s son, or
to the family, and some of them will probably call for them in a few days.
Mr. Edgerton, the phrenologist, has taken an exact drawing of the skull,
which looks very natural, and has also engraved it on a reduced scale,
which will shortly appear on his new chart. Destructiveness, combativeness,
firmness and philoprogenitiveness are, phrenologically speaking, very
strongly developed. Burlington Hawk Eye, Dec. 10, 1840.”[3]
An intimate knowledge of Black Hawk is denied us. The little known of
him prior to 1832 is derived from less than a dozen sources, the most
important being his autobiography;[5] the others, nearly all military, are to be
found in treaties and the records of the war department. A few settlers only
knew him, because settlers about his haunts in those days were exceedingly
scarce. And so it has come to pass that his character has been universally
judged by the contact with him during the last five or six years of his long
life, while he was in a sense a captive, brooding over his fallen estate, while
the drapery of an eternal evening was fast falling about him. At such an age,
shorn of power, chafing under restrictions, disgruntled at the supremacy of
his ancient enemy Keokuk, who had answered for his good behavior, the
old man’s ambitions crushed, he was naturally a distressing object, evoking
that pity which so universally appeals to an American and is so surely
allowed to cover a multitude of sins. Those few last years have been thus
carelessly permitted to become the monument to the man, and those who
drove him from power have been harshly judged or jocularly denominated
“carpet soldiers,” as much as to say the pioneers had never suffered
hardships nor endured wrongs. Justice to those whose wives and children
had been butchered, whose fathers and brothers had been burned at the
stake, demands that all the truth be told and the reason given why those
settlers, infuriated at the loss of two successive crops from Black Hawk’s
perfidy, finally drove his band into the Mississippi River at the mouth of the
Bad Axe and almost annihilated it.

It has been written that he possessed a mind of unusual strength, but slow
and plodding, with little genius and few talents to manage a great enterprise
in war.[6] The influence to sustain such a paradox, as well as kindred
irregularities and disorders of the man’s mind, may be attributed to the fact
that he was a confirmed hypochondriac, morbidly regarding as frivolous
everything save war. He was discontented and reckless, envious of others
with greater influence or name, and in meeting questions in or out of the
council with such men as Keokuk he was churlish to a degree unless his
individual will ruled. While it must candidly be owned that the whites have
been guilty of the most revolting injustices to other Indians, notably
Shabona, the same cannot be pleaded for Black Hawk. He was found
making and breaking engagements and treaties[7] the greater part of his very
long life, and then, when retribution was imminent, he hoisted flags of truce
down to August 2d, 1832, when his power for further mischief was forever
crushed.
The reputation which he has established in Indian annals comes not from
any sacrifice he made for his people, for never in his life did he make one.
Neither comes it from his struggles for an oppressed race, for he never
conceived a solitary scheme for its amelioration. He had never a lofty
aspiration for his nation. His every venture was made for personal
aggrandizement or popularity. Tecumseh dreamed of a great confederation;
not to become a leader. Cornstalk, Logan and Pontiac were ambitious for
their people, but Black Hawk never. Black Hawk said of Keokuk that the
latter was a groveling sycophant, but Keokuk was the most powerful orator
of his race, and, penetrating the inevitable destiny of the whites, he
conformed to it and used his great genius to gain for his people the greatest
good. While Black Hawk was stolidly plotting for war, Keokuk was
planning to secure for his people good homes and larger annuities, and
these he secured, to their very great benefit. Black Hawk’s prominence
comes from notoriety alone.
In his various conflicts with the whites he was invariably the aggressor. The
unfortunate affair which resulted in the death of his so-called adopted son
cannot be, by any conceivable logic, tortured into an exception, as we shall
presently see. After the treaty of 1804 he and his band were permitted to
remain unmolested upon the ceded lands year after year and decade after
decade, a license rarely allowed and, as it proved, a thoroughly mistaken

policy. He received his yearly annuities and retained the lands for which the
annuities were given, literally eating his cake and keeping it. His passions
were many, but the consuming passion of his life was hatred of the
Americans, a hatred without cause and as unjustifiable and unreasonable as
man’s baser passions are always found to be. Yet this may not be surprising,
fed as he was by his devouring gloom and restless, war-like spirit. The
mantle of charity has many a time before and since covered graver faults; so
let it be with Black Hawk’s, for it is said of him that in his domestic life he
was a kind husband and father, and in his transactions with his people he
was upright and honest,[8] if he was not ambitious for their elevation.
Black Hawk was not a chief of the Sac nation.[9] He was simply a brave. His
father was the tribal medicine man, and whatever standing Black Hawk
may have secured was derived from his personal bravery and daring as a
warrior, which have never been questioned. Possessed, as we have seen, of
a martial spirit, he was ever ready and eager to lead war parties of young
companions to battle, and one or two engagements alone were sufficient
firmly to establish him in that leadership which bravery fitted him to hold
over his followers in war.
At fifteen, having distinguished himself by wounding an enemy, he was
permitted to paint and wear feathers and join the rank of the Braves.[10]
About the year 1783 he united in an expedition against the Osages and had
the fortune to kill and scalp one of the enemy, for which youthful act of
valor he was for the first time permitted to mingle in the scalp-dance. As
one exploit followed another his desire for blood became insatiable, and
from his own account, the number of the enemy slain by him staggers
credulity.
A short time after the ’83 tragedy–“a few moons,” as he puts it–Black
Hawk was leader of a party of seven which attacked a band of one hundred
Osages, killed one of their number and retreated without loss, Black Hawk
taking the credit for this fatality to his personal valor. His taste for war,
coupled with his prowess, attracted notice from others, and very presently
he was found marching at the head of one hundred and eighty braves
against the Osage village on the Missouri. Finding it deserted, the greater
number of his young followers became dissatisfied, abandoned the
enterprise and returned home, but Black Hawk continued, and, with but five
followers, came upon the Osages, killed and scalped one man and a boy and

then returned home. In consequence of this mutiny he has told us he was
not again able to raise sufficient force to move against the Osages until his
nineteenth year, during which interim, it was claimed, the Osages
committed many outrages on his nation.
In 1786 his restless spirit had planned another attack of a retaliatory nature
against the Osages. Setting out with two hundred followers, he met a party
of the enemy about equal in strength, which for a time stubbornly resisted
Black Hawk’s attack, but, unable to maintain an unequal contest with the
fierce Sac fighters, the Osages were finally routed and the band almost
annihilated. One hundred of them were killed outright and the remnant
which remained was left to be scalped while helplessly wounded, or driven
from the country, while, on the other hand, Black Hawk’s loss was but
nineteen men. Six of the enemy were killed by Black Hawk–five men and
one squaw–and in alluding to this he adds these words: “I had the good
fortune to take all their scalps.” In recording his glorious enterprise his
interpreter doubtless insisted that the murder of a female by a great warrior
was not creditable, for, once the enormity of his offense is cited, he pleads
in extenuation that the squaw was accidentally killed; yet he scalped her.
The severe cost to the Osages of this battle brought about a treaty of peace
between the belligerents which lasted for a considerable period, as peaceful
times between Indian nations seem then to have been reckoned.
The stormiest periods of Black Hawk’s life were all born of tranquil times,
and this interval of peace served to incubate a plan of campaign against his
ancient and inveterate enemy, the Cherokees, which was to be fraught with
consequences more serious than all his former campaigns together.
Py-e-sa, Black Hawk’s father, the hereditary medicine man of his tribe, had
held the medicine bag for many years and his ability as a discreet, fearless
and upright man cannot be controverted. Regarding a campaign by the
young men so far from home as hazardous in the extreme, he joined this
expedition, and with his people paddled his canoe night and day down the
Mississippi River until the enemy was reached upon the Merameg River,
south of St. Louis, in vastly superior forces. The battle which followed was
stubbornly waged, but in it, as in so many others, the ferocity of the attack
put the Cherokees to flight, leaving twenty-eight of their number dead upon
the field, while the Sacs lost but seven braves. But one of those seven was

Py-e-sa, whose loss was never thereafter supplied to the great Sac nation.
Had he been spared to treat of subsequent questions with the whites, his
moderation had unquestionably sustained Keokuk’s position and the
campaigns of 1831 and 1832, with their trains of slaughter, would have
been averted. In this engagement Black Hawk himself killed three outright
and wounded many more.
By the death of Py-e-sa, Black Hawk fell heir to the medicine bag, with its
attendant responsibility. He immediately returned to his village, blackened
his face and remained tranquil for the succeeding five years of his life, with
no more stimulating employment than hunting, fishing and meditation.
During this period of inaction, Black Hawk maintains, the Osages were
constantly harassing his people by incursions into his country, carrying with
each invasion a predatory warfare extremely distressing and galling. These
became so frequent and offensive that, as Black Hawk has told us, “the
Great Spirit took pity on them” (the Sacs), upon which event he took to the
field. Here, at the head of a small party, he overtook a few struggling
Osages, so feeble that he simply made them prisoners and handed them
over to the Spanish father at St. Louis. With this famous act of clemency he
continued his plan of total destruction of the offending Osages.
About the year 1800, the Iowa nation, having accumulated many grievances
against the Osages, made common cause with the Sacs for the purpose of
waging a war of extermination. Raising a force of about one hundred,
which joined the Sac forces, numbering now about five hundred more, the
two allies marched upon the unsuspecting Osages, who were unarmed and
wholly unprepared for defense. They valiantly defended their homes and
families and fought with the desperation known only to those who have
waged such defenses against overpowering odds. One by one and dozen by
dozen and score by score fell dead before the terrific attacks of the most
terrible of Indian fighters, until there was none left to fill the gaps made in
their ranks by the tomahawk and spear. Forty lodges were destroyed and
every inhabitant save two squaws was put to death. Then, returning home, a
great feast was made, at which Black Hawk exploited his personal valor to
his friends. In this engagement he killed seven men and two boys with his
own hand.
During those five years of meditation following his father’s death
resentment had but slumbered. They killed his father, ’tis true, but it had

been done defending themselves. The Sacs as a nation had no quarrel with
the Cherokees. But immediately he returned from his war upon the
unsuspecting Osages, Black Hawk collected another party and moved down
the river against them. In due season the enemy’s country was reached and
invaded, but, roam as they would, no more than five unknown people could
be found, four men and one squaw. The men, after a short detention, were
released, and the squaw was taken back to Black Hawk’s village on Rock
River.
The futility of this campaign rankled in Black Hawk’s heart for a time, and
to recoup his lost, or at least suspended reputation, he planned, in the year
1803, about the ninth moon, the most extensive campaign of his life against
the combined forces of the Chippewas, Osages and Kaskaskias. No just
reason existed for this war; none of the tribes of these nations had
trespassed on Sac territory or rights, and none had offended in any other
particular. Black Hawk was piqued at his last miscarriage and he simply
made war against these people for the sake of war, and bloody indeed it
proved to be. During its continuance seven pitched battles were fought,
together with numerous skirmishes, in all which more than one hundred of
the enemy perished. Here again Black Hawk boasts of personally killing
with his own hands thirteen of the bravest warriors in the enemy’s ranks.
His ferocity in these engagements is the best evidence for the statement that
the glory of Black Hawk was placed above every other consideration.
In 1763 France ceded Louisiana to Spain, though Senor Rious, the Spanish
agent, did not formally take possession of St. Louis and the upper Louisiana
country until 1768, and even then St. Ange, the French Governor, continued
to perform official acts until 1770. In 1800 Napoleon took it away again,
retaining it until 1803, when it was purchased by the United States.[11]
During the Spanish domination Black Hawk had been a periodical visitor to
St. Louis, accepting frequent presents and forming what might be termed a
devotion to the Governor, whom he designated as his “Spanish Father.”
After the conclusion of his last war, he paid this Spanish father a friendly
visit at St. Louis. Spanish and French domination had ended and the
Americans were just then taking possession of the country, much to his
regret and, as might be imagined, disgust. Here are his comments: “Soon
after the Americans arrived I took my band and went to take leave for the
last time of our father. The Americans came to see him also. Seeing them

approach, we passed out of one door as they entered another and
immediately started in our canoes for our village on Rock River, not liking
the change any more than our friends appeared to at St. Louis. On arriving
at St. Louis, we were given the news that strange people had taken St. Louis
and that we should never see our Spanish father again. This information
made all our people sorry.”

CHAPTER II.

British Intrigue Against the Frontiers–Hatred of the Americans–Treaty
of 1804.

By the treaty of Paris, Sept. 3, 1783, Great Britain covenanted to surrender
certain western forts which were of great strategic importance to the
Americans in protecting the frontier from Indian incursions and also in
dealing with such as were disposed to treat honorably with the Government.
The compact was solemnly made and signed, but, disgruntled from the loss of
her colonies, the British government sent secret instructions to its garrisons to
retain these forts, and in consequence not one of them was surrendered. Nor
was this the only violation by the British of their engagements. Agents were
set to work over our vast frontier to foment insubordination among the
Indians against American domination. These Indians were supplied with
provisions and arms and incited openly to war against the whites and drive
them back east of the mountains, and year after year they continued until the
sickening horrors of the stake and scalping knife were sweeping the feeble
settlements of the West from end to end.
France and Spain, both with colonial possessions to the west, while gratified
to see England stripped of her possessions, were suspected of aiding the
design of the British to restrict American settlements to the shores of the
Atlantic. Spain claimed exclusive ownership of the Mississippi and
commerce upon her waters by Americans was prohibited. The “dark and
bloody ground” of Kentucky, long the scene of carnage, was made the first
scene of British intrigue, where the atrocities of the Indians were the most
frightful in history. The tribes of Ohio and Indiana, which were in the league,
penetrated the settlements of the whites, deluging the land with the blood of
innocent women and children.

The Government, hopelessly involved with debt and graver questions of state,
could offer the struggling settlers no relief, and thus alone they were forced to
stand in hourly fear of butchery. They grew to look for no help save in their
own resources, and yearly meeting with defiance, a pioneer community of
militant husbandmen gradually grew and moved westward; instinctively
taught to rush to arms upon the breaking of a twig or the rustle of a leaf in
defense of their defenseless loved ones in the cabin. When, therefore, Black
Hawk lent a willing ear to the British agent, accepted his presents and
performed his murderous behests, which he did, he should have expected the
awful consequences of defeat and annihilation which followed his years of
hypocrisy, and accepted the Government’s final requital with gratitude, or at
least Indian stolidity, instead of snarling at his fate and constantly bewailing
the elevation of others over him who had loyally stood by the Americans and
their Government in perilous times. He invited destruction and was
destroyed. The attention of the student is directed to this phase of Black
Hawk’s character as it develops in these pages down to his defeat, August 2d,
1832.
The Sacs were originally British Indians, domiciled near Montreal. By
constant quarrels and wars with their neighbors their tribes, once numerous
and powerful, were reduced to a remnant and finally driven from the country
altogether. They settled in Wisconsin, where they met the Foxes, similarly
driven from Canada, and the two tribes immediately combined, ever after
being considered as a confederated nation. They again grew powerful and
arrogant and became involved in wars with their neighbors. At the time of the
last French and English war they took sides with the English and received
from that source presents for many years. This British sympathy was born in
Black Hawk, and continued with him, growing in intensity as the Americans
expanded and defeated the English, until it became positive hatred[12]. When,
therefore, he repeats the statement that he heard bad accounts of the
Americans in 1803, and then asserts that all his differences with the
Americans date from the signing of the treaty of 1804, he states that which
cannot be received with confidence. Prior to 1803 he never had found himself
in contact with the Americans to an extent worthy of note, and no cause, real
or imaginary, had been given him for a difference, yet on leaving the Spanish
father, mentioned in the last chapter, he catches a rumor, adopts a prejudice
and dictates for his autobiography the following ill-natured words, false to
begin with and as malignant as he was generally found to be in speaking or

writing of the Americans: “I inquired the cause and was informed that the
Americans were coming to take possession of the town and country, and that
we should lose our Spanish father. This news made myself and band sad,
because we had always heard bad accounts of the Americans from Indians
who had lived near them.”

KE-O-KUK. PA-SHE-PA-HO.

ANTOINE LE CLAIRE. J.B. PATTERSON.

During the years 1803 and 1804, Gov. William Henry Harrison of Indiana
concluded treaties with the Kaskaskias and the Wabash tribes, obtaining
thereby title to a large extent of country south of the Illinois River. Having an
immense stretch of country unserviceable for fishing and hunting, many of
the Sacs and Foxes considered it desirable to receive annuities,[13] after the
manner of the Wabash tribes. A bad hunt could thus be recouped in a certain
money stipend. Accordingly, slight overtures were thrown out to this effect.
The Sacs and Foxes roamed north of the Illinois River, like the fugitive
buffalo or lonesome bird of passage. Those broad prairies afforded them no
subsistence in hunting or fishing. The bare claim to possession was their sole
exercise of it, and that frail tenure had been wrenched by conquest from
others without compensation in the smallest degree. Along the streams a few
harmless, nondescript Indians and tribal remnants lived, or rather remained,
as dependent vassals of the mighty Sacs and Foxes, but these were so
inconspicuous and weak as to be ignored by both the whites and Indians in
treaties.
There can be no doubt of a knowledge by the Government of this desire for
annuities by the Sacs and Foxes. President Jefferson was not the man to
simulate the existence of any unfair postulate in treating with the Indians,
who were at all times objects of his especial solicitude. Accordingly, on the
27th day of June, 1804, he directed Governor Harrison to treat with the Sacs
and Foxes and obtain cessions of lands on both sides the Illinois River,
granting as a consideration therefor an annual compensation. Agreeably with
his instructions, Governor Harrison called the head chiefs of the consolidated
tribes to meet him at St. Louis, which Pashepaho, head chief of the Sacs,
Layowvois, Quashquame, Outchequaha and Hashequarhiqua did. Here, on
November 3d, the following treaty was solemnly made and signed:

Articles of a Treaty, made at St. Louis, in the district of Louisiana, between
William Henry Harrison, Governor of the Indiana Territory and the District of
Louisiana, Superintendent of Indian affairs for the said Territory and district
and Commissioner plenipotentiary of the United States, for concluding any
treaty or treaties, which may be found necessary with any of the
Northwestern tribes of Indians, of the one part; and the Chiefs and head men
of the united Sac and Fox tribes of the other part.

Article 1. The United States receive the united Sac and Fox tribes into their
friendship and protection and the said tribes agree to consider themselves
under the protection of the United States, and no other power whatsoever.
Art. 2. The General boundary line between the land of the United States and
the said Indian tribes shall be as follows, to wit: Beginning at a point on the
Missouri River opposite to the mouth of the Gasconade River; thence, in a
direct course so as to strike the River Jeffreon, at the distance of 30 miles
from its mouth and down the said Jeffreon to the Mississippi; thence, up the
Mississippi to the mouth of the Ouisconsing River, and up the same to a point
which shall be 36 miles in a direct line from the mouth of the said river,
thence, by a direct line to the point where the Fox River (a branch of the
Illinois) leaves the small Lake called Sakaegan; thence, down the Fox River
to the Illinois River, and down the same to the Mississippi. And the said
tribes, for and in consideration of the friendship and protection of the United
States, which is now extended to them, of the goods (to the value of two
thousand two hundred and thirty-four dollars and fifty cents) which are now
delivered, and of the annuity hereinafter stipulated to be paid, do hereby cede
and relinquish forever, to the United States, all the lands included within the
above described boundary.
Art. 3. In consideration of the cession and relinquishment of land made in the
preceding article, the United States will deliver to the said tribes, at the town
of St. Louis, or some other convenient place on the Mississippi, yearly and
every year, goods suited to the circumstances of the Indians of the value of
one thousand dollars (six hundred of which are intended for the Sacs and four
hundred for the Foxes), reckoning that value at the first cost of the goods in
the City or place in the United States, where they shall be procured. And if
the said tribes shall hereafter at an annual delivery of the goods aforesaid,
desire that a part of their annuity should be furnished in domestic animals,
implements of husbandry, and other utensils, convenient for them, or in
compensation to useful artificers, who may reside with or near them, and be
employed for their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual delivery,
be furnished accordingly.
Art. 4. The United States will never interrupt the said tribes in the possession
of the lands, which they rightfully claim, but will, on the contrary, protect
them in the quiet enjoyment of the same against their own citizens and
against all other white persons, who may intrude upon them. And the said
tribes do hereby engage that they will never sell their lands, or any part

thereof, to any sovereign power but the United States, nor to the citizens or
subjects of any other sovereign power, nor to the citizens of the United States.
Art. 5. Lest the friendship, which is now established between the United
States and the said Indian Tribes should be interrupted by the misconduct of
individuals, it is hereby agreed that for injuries done by individuals no private
revenge or retaliation shall take place, but instead thereof, complaint shall be
made by the party injured to the other by the said tribe, or either of them, to
the superintendent of Indian affairs, or one of his deputies; and by the
superintendent, or other person appointed by the President, to the Chiefs of
the said tribes. And it shall be the duty of the said chiefs, upon complaint
being made, as aforesaid, to deliver up the person, or persons, against whom
the complaint is made, to the end that he or they may be punished agreeably
to the laws of the state or territory where the offence may have been
committed. And, in like manner, if any robbery, violence or murder shall be
committed on any Indian, or Indians, belonging to the said tribes, or either of
them, the person or persons so offending shall be tried, and, if found guilty,
punished in the like manner as if the injury had been done to a white man.
And, it is farther agreed, that the chiefs of the said tribes shall, to the utmost
of their power, exert themselves to recover horses or other property which
may be stolen from any citizen or citizens of the United States by any
individual or individuals of their tribes. And the property so recovered shall
be forthwith delivered to the superintendent or other person authorized to
receive it that it may be restored to the proper owner. And in cases where the
exertions of the chiefs shall be ineffectual in recovering the property stolen,
as aforesaid, if sufficient proof can be obtained, that such property was
actually stolen by any Indian or Indians belonging to the said tribes, or either
of them, the United States may deduct from the annuity of the said tribes, a
sum equal to the value of the property which has been stolen, And the United
States hereby guarantee to any Indian or Indians of the said tribes a full
indemnification for any horses, or other property which may be stolen from
them, by any of their citizens; Provided that the property so stolen cannot be
recovered, and that sufficient proof is produced that it was actually stolen by
a citizen of the United States.
Art. 6. If any citizen of the United States, or any other white person, should
form a settlement, upon the lands which are the property of the Sac and Fox
tribes, upon complaint being made thereof, to the superintendent, or other

person having charge of the affairs of the Indians, such intruders shall
forthwith be removed.
Art. 7. As long as the lands which are now ceded to the United States remain
their property, the Indians belonging to the said tribes shall enjoy the
privilege of living and hunting upon them.
Art. 8. As the laws of the United States regulating trade and intercourse with
the Indian tribes are already extended to the country inhabited by the Sauks
and Foxes, and as it is provided by those laws, that no person shall reside as a
trader, in the Indian country, without a license, under the hand and seal of the
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, or other person appointed for the purpose
by the President, the said tribes do promise and agree that they will not suffer
any trader to reside amongst them without such license, and that they will,
from time to time, give notice to the Superintendent, or to the Agent, for their
tribes, of all the traders that may be in their country.
Art 9. In order to put a stop to the abuses and impositions, which are
practiced upon the said tribes by the private traders, the United States, will, at
a convenient time, establish a trading house, or factory, where the individuals
of the said tribes can be supplied with goods at a more reasonable rate than
they have been accustomed to procure them.
Art. 10. In order to evince the sincerity of their friendship and affection for
the United States, and a respectful deference for their advice, by an act which
will not only be acceptable to them, but by the Common Father of all the
nations of the Earth, the said tribes do, hereby solemnly promise and agree
that they will put an end to the bloody war which has heretofore raged
between their tribes and those of the great and little Osages. And for the
purpose of burying the tomahawk and renewing the friendly intercourse
between themselves and the Osages, a meeting of their respective Chiefs shall
take place, at which, under the direction of the above named Commissioner,
or the Agent of Indian affairs residing at St. Louis, an adjustment of all their
differences shall be made and peace established, upon a firm and lasting
basis.
Art. 11. As it is probable that the Government of the United States will
establish a Military Post at, or near the mouth, of the Ouisconsing River, and
as the land on the lower side of the River may not be suitable for that
purpose, the said tribes hereby agree, that a Fort may be built, either on the
upper side of the Ouisconsing, or on the right bank of the Mississippi, as the

one or the other may be found most convenient; and a tract of land not
exceeding two miles square, shall be given for that purpose. And the said
tribes do further agree, that they will at all times, allow to traders and other
persons traveling through their country, under the authority of the United
States, a free and safe passage for themselves and their property of every
description. And that for such passage, they shall at no time, and on no
account whatever, be subject to any toll or exaction.
Art. 12. This Treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting
parties, as soon as the same shall have been ratified by the President, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States.
In testimony whereof, the said William Henry Harrison, and the Chiefs and
headmen of the said Sac and Fox tribes, have hereunto set their hands and
affixed their seals. Done at Saint Louis, in the district of Louisiana, on the
third day of November, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Four, and of the
independence of the United States the Twenty-Ninth.

ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.

It is agreed that nothing in this treaty contained shall affect the claim of any
individual or individuals, who may have obtained grants of Land from the
Spanish Government and which are not included within the general boundary
line laid down in this treaty: PROVIDED, that such grant have at any time
been made known to the said tribes and recognized by them.

William Henry Harrison, [L.S.]
Layowvois, or Laiyuva, [L.S.]
His (X) Mark.
Pashepaho, or The Stabber, [L.S.]
His (X) Mark.
Quashquame, or Jumping Fish, [L.S.]
His (X) Mark.
Outchequaha, or Sun Fish, [L.S.]
His (X) Mark.
Hashequarhiqua, or The Bear, [L.S.]
His (X) Mark.
In presence of
Wm. Prince, Sec’y to the Commissioner.
John Griffin, one of the judges of the
Indiana Territory.
J. Bruff, Maj. Art’ry, U.S.
Amos Stoddard, Capt. Corps of
Artillerists.
P. Chouteau, Agent de la haute
Louisiana
pour le department
Sauvage.
Ch. Gratiot.
Aug. Chouteau.
Vigo S. Warrel, Lieut. U.S. Artillery.
D. Delauney.
Sworn Interpreters: Jos. Barron.
Hypolite Bolen,
His (X) Mark.

CHAPTER III.

Treaty of 1804, and Black Hawk’s Version.

On December 31st, 1804, the President submitted this treaty to the Senate,
which ratified it immediately.
In justice to Black Hawk, his relation of all incidents leading up to this treaty,
from the departure of French rule to its ratification, which he always insisted
was the bone of contention between himself and the whites, will be given,
and in justice to the Americans, his inaccuracies, their logical deductions and
the manner in which he played the same against the facts will also be given.
In the first edition of his autobiography, published in Boston in 1834, page
25, after concluding his sorrow at the advent of the Americans, he stated:
“Some time afterwards, a boat came up the river, with a young American chief (Lieutenant,
afterwards General, Zebulon M. Pike), and a small party of soldiers. We heard of him (by runners)
soon after he had passed Salt River. Some of our young braves watched him every day, to see what
sort of people he had on board. The boat at length arrived at Rock River, and the young chief came
on shore with his interpreter, made a speech, and gave us some presents. We, in return, presented
him with meat and such provisions as we could spare.
“We were all well pleased with the speech of the young chief. He gave us good advice; said our
American father would treat us well. He presented us an American flag, which was hoisted. He then
requested us to pull down our British flags, and give him our British medals, promising to send us
others on his return to St. Louis. This we declined, as we wished to have two fathers.”
“* * * We did not see any Americans again for some time, being supplied with goods by British
traders.”
“Some moons after this young chief descended the Mississippi, one of our people killed an
American and was confined in the prison at St. Louis for the offense. We held a council at our
village to see what could be done for him, which determined that Quash-qua-me, Pa-she-pa-ho, Ou-
che-qua-ka and Ha-she-quar-hi-qua should go down to St. Louis, see our American father, and do all
they could to have our friend released by paying for the person killed; thus covering the blood, and
satisfying the relations of the man murdered; that being the only means with us of saving a person
who had killed another, and we then thought it was the same way with the whites.
“The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, hoping they would accomplish the
object of their mission. The relatives of the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted–hoping the Great

Spirit would take pity on them, and return the husband and father to his wife and children. Quash-
qua-me and party remained a long time absent. They at length returned, and encamped a short
distance below the village, but did not come up that day, nor did any person approach their camp.
They appeared to be dressed in fine coats, and had medals! From these circumstances we were in
hopes that they had brought good news. Early the next morning the Council Lodge was crowded.
Quash-qua-me and party came up, and gave us the following account of their mission: ‘On their
arrival at St. Louis they met their American father, and explained to him their business, and urged the
release of their friend. The American chief told them he wanted land, and they agreed to give him
some on the west side of the Mississippi, and some on the Illinois side, opposite the Jeffreon. When
the business was all arranged, they expected to have their friend released to come home with them.
But about the time they were ready to start, their friend was let out of prison, who ran a short
distance, and was shot dead. This was all they could recollect of what was said and done. They had
been drunk the greater part of the time they were in St. Louis.’
“This was all myself or nation knew of the treaty of 1804. It has been explained to me since. I find
by that treaty all our country east of the Mississippi, and south of the Jeffreon, was ceded to the
United States for one thousand dollars a year! I leave it to the people of the United States to say
whether our nation was properly represented in this treaty, or whether we received a fair
compensation for the extent of country ceded by those four individuals. I could say much about this
treaty, but I will not at this time. It has been the origin of all our difficulties.”[14]

During the years 1803 and 1804, the British were in their ugliest humor
toward the Americans, and no effort to aggravate, yea murder, the frontier
was spared. In the face of those atrocities and in face of the further fact that
on January 9th, 1789, a solemn treaty of friendship was made between the
United States and the Sacs, at Fort Harmar, signed by Te-pa-kee and Kesh-e-
yi-va, the 14th article of which is as follows: “The United States of America
do also receive into their friendship and protection the nations of the
Pottiwatimas and Sacs, and do hereby establish a league of peace and amity
between them respectively; and all the articles of this treaty, so far as they
apply to these nations, are to be considered as made and concluded in all, and
every part, expressly with them and each of them,”[15] it would seem in
extreme bad taste for Black Hawk to desire a continuance of British paternity
and British provisions, and flout British authority in the faces of those
Americans who were the sufferers. A sane man would expect something to
happen. Black Hawk stated and emphasized the fact that Pike went up the
Mississippi and returned before the treaty of 1804 was made, when as a
matter of fact he went up the river in 1805 and returned in 1807. Now if he
committed such glaring errors in matters of passing importance, what can be
expected in matters of graver importance? And where can the intelligent
student draw the line between fact and fabrication?

GOV. WILLIAM HENRY
HARRISON. LIEUT. ZEBULON M. PIKE.

COL. AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU. COL. PIERRE CHOUTEAU.

Much else that Black Hawk has said is altogether incorrect as well as
preposterous. There can be no excuse for his untruthful statement that but
four chiefs signed the treaty, because there were five, as the record itself
discloses, and Pash-e-pa-ho, the then principal chief of the Sac nation, was
one of them. Nor can it be seen that he strengthened his standing with the
public to charge William Henry Harrison, the most upright of men, with
giving the Indian emissaries fine clothes and medals as part consideration for
their signatures, and with stupefying them with liquor and finally murdering
outright the prisoner, and it is certainly regrettable to find in his narrative no
mention of the sorrowing wife and weeping children of the murdered
American who never returned to his hearthstone.

CHAPTER IV.

Treaty of 1804.

That the Indian had many wrongs must not be denied, but that such wrongs
should be transferred from those who suffered them to the personal account
of Black Hawk, either entire or to any great extent, is a proposition too
monstrous for sober consideration. The simpering casuist has strenuously
endeavored to effect that transfer, even to the extent of adopting his
statements about the liquor and the murder. As needless, yea repugnant, to all
sense of propriety and truth as the task may be to shore up the reputation of
Governor Harrison against Black Hawk’s aspersions, it has been thought best
to quote the only historical record at hand on the subject of the murder, and
dissipate for all time the maudlin sympathy which his contention has raised:
“Some time about the middle of the year 1804, three American citizens, who had settled above the
Missouri, were murdered by a party of Sack Indians; and the Governor having learnt this
circumstance, as well as the hostile dispositions of the Sacks and Foxes toward the United States,
sent them a message by Captain Stoddart, in the month of October, requiring their chiefs to meet him
in St. Louis; and on his arrival at that place he learnt the circumstance of the murder, as well as the
exertions which were making by some of the old chiefs among them to give up the perpetrators of it,
but who were opposed by a majority of the nation, who declared their satisfaction at what had been
done, and their determination to protect the murderers at all risk. The Governor dispatched another
messenger to the Sack chiefs, to inform them of his arrival at St. Louis, and urge them to make every
possible exertion to apprehend, and bring with them, the murderers; but if that could not be effected,
he requested that they would come to him at any rate, assuring them of their being permitted to
return in safety.
“The Governor, conceiving that if they could be prevailed upon to come to a conference it would be
easy to convince them of the necessity of preserving the friendship of the United States, had no
doubt that he would prevail upon some of them to remain with him as hostages for the delivery of
the murderers. But before his messenger had arrived, the petty chief who headed the war party had
surrendered himself to the sachems or head men of the nation, and declared his willingness to suffer
for the injury he had done. On the arrival of the chiefs at St. Louis, he was delivered up to the
Governor, and a positive assurance given that the whole nation were sorry for the injury which had
been done, and that they would never in future lift the tomahawk against the United States.”[16]

At this same meeting, the treaty was made which has already been set out at
length, and while the same authority mentions the fact without comment, it
will be quoted, and following it some reasons may be noted why the bargain
was not one of particular rigor. At least Black Hawk’s argument may be
shown to be specious:
“At this meeting with the chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians, the Government negotiated a treaty by
which the Indian title was extinguished to the largest tract of land ever ceded in one treaty by the
Indians since the settlement of North America, as it includes all the country from the mouth of the
Illinois River to the mouth of the Ouisconsing, on the one side, and from the mouth of the Illinois to
near the head of the Fox River on the other side; and from the head of the latter a line is drawn to a
point 36 miles above the mouth of the Ouisconsing, which forms the northern boundary, and
contains upwards of 51 millions of acres.”

Black Hawk offers to leave the question of bargain to the people of the
United States. From present day standpoints it might be considered a hard
bargain, but from the facts in the case, the reply might be made with an
inquiry if the Wisconsin farmer got much of a bargain when he bought from a
sharper the Masonic Temple of Chicago for $2,000.
Two-thirds or more of the land ceded was claimed and occupied by the
Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies at the time, and Black Hawk knew the fact
and admitted it times without number on subsequent occasions. Even down
so close to him as the Prophet’s village, in the present county of Whiteside,
the country was Winnebago territory; the same at Dixon’s Ferry, while over
on the Illinois River the Pottowattomies had for a great length of time held
dominion, and this had never been controverted by the Sacs and Foxes. The
fact is that the United States acquired but very little territory by that treaty,
when the magnificent proportions are mentioned without regard to the facts.
With his usual carelessness of fact, Black Hawk omitted to mention the
payments down in money and trade which were made and which in those
days were not regarded as trifling. He made no mention of subsequent and
additional payments and annuities, neither did he credit the Government for
the use and occupation of those same lands for over a quarter of a century
after they had been ceded. He omitted entirely that he had never kept a treaty
in his life until he was finally crushed and driven from power at the point of
the bayonet, and he forgot to omit the further fact that all the Sac and Fox
Indians, save Black Hawk and his immediate followers, recognized that treaty
as just in 1808, when a delegation visited Fort Madison to ascertain if its
erection was in violation of it. Schoolcraft, Vol. VI, page 393, made a very
sensible observation regarding the sales by Indians of their lands: “But while

any section of their territories abounded in game, the Indians elected to retire
thither, and bestowed but little attention on either grazing or agriculture.
There was, therefore, a singular concurrence in the desire of the emigrants to
buy and in the willingness of the Indians to sell their lands.”
At no time had the Illinois lands been valuable to the Sacs for hunting, the
streams and forests of Iowa having always been sought for their annual hunts.
There can be no doubt that this feature had its influence exactly as
Schoolcraft, the friend always to the Indian, has stated.

FORT MADISON.

GROUND PLAN OF FORT
MADISON. MAJ. JOHN BEACH.

CHAPTER V.

Erection of Fort Madison–Rumors of Indian Attack–Black Hawk Joins
Tecumseh–Returns to His Village–Attacks Fort Madison–The
Siege.

The object of the expedition of Lieutenant Pike, in 1805-6-7, was, among
other things, to select suitable locations for military reservations, Indian
posts and forts. One of the last named he located at the head of the Des
Moines Rapids, immediately above the mouth of the river of that name, on
the west bank of the Mississippi.
In 1808, First Lieutenant Alpha Kingsley, with Captain Ninian Pinckney’s
company, was sent there from below to construct the fort and garrison it.
His work attracted the attention of passing Sacs and excited the suspicion
that the act might be a possible infraction of the 1804 treaty. To determine
the matter, a party, including Black Hawk, traveled down the river to the
scene, where a council or talk was immediately held, at which the intention
of the Government was fully discussed. The explanations were satisfactory
in every particular to the respective chiefs, who, every one, cheerfully
ratified the action of the Government, commending the act as one of
prevision for both parties, and with assurances of good feeling returned to
their respective homes. Even Drake, the especial champion of Black Hawk,
is forced to state, on page 79: “Some of the Indians went down the river,
and, after an interview with the officers in charge of the troops constructing
it, returned home, satisfied that there was no infraction.”
Not so with Black Hawk. He came to the spot bent on mischief, and while
the others entered and were engaged in the council, he remained aloof, that
no obligation might rest upon him if the talk should result adversely to his
wishes, his favorite trick for avoiding the meshes of engagements which

might conflict with the arrangements he had made with his British friends,
who were furnishing him supplies, as we have seen.
Thus was the construction of Fort Madison permitted to continue, and thus
was it in due time completed and garrisoned by seventy-five men; but Black
Hawk had studied well its plans and marked it for his vengeance at such a
time as stealth should permit him to ambush it and butcher its garrison,
lulled into a supine security[17].
During the winter of 1808-9, British agents, taking advantage of the
suppositious dissatisfaction of the Indians, moved industriously among the
tribes, and, through Black Hawk, were able to create among his followers a
desire to annoy the Americans. Reports of impending attacks reached the
garrison of Fort Madison from time to time. “Upon receiving this
information,” Lieutenant Kingsley wrote, “I made every exertion to erect
the blockhouses and plant my pickets; this we did in two weeks (lying on
our arms during the night), and took quarters in the new fort the 14th inst.
(April, 1809). Being tolerably secure against an attack, we have been able
to get a little rest, and are now making the best preparations for the safety
and defense of this establishment.”
This letter is dated, “Fort Madison, near River Le Moin, 19th April, 1809.”
In the same letter Lieutenant Kingsley reported that rumors of an Indian
alliance are reaching him frequently, and that any coming trouble may be
traced directly to British influence. “The sooner the British traders are shut
out of the river,” he added, “the better for our Government.” Thus was
Black Hawk allied, preparing for his part in the war of 1812 with England.
Governor Harrison, in a letter to the Secretary of War, dated Vincennes, July
15th, 1810 (Drake, p. 62), said: “A considerable number of the Sacs went
some time since to see the British superintendent, and on the first instant
more passed Chicago for the same destination.”
General Clark, under date St. Louis, July 20th, 1810, stated in writing to the
same department: “One hundred and fifty Sacs are on a visit to the island of
St. Joseph, in Lake Huron.” John Johnson, the Indian agent at Fort Wayne,
under date of August 7th, 1810, said to the Secretary of War: “About one
hundred Saukees have returned from the British agent, who supplied them
liberally with everything they stood in need of. The party received forty-
seven rifles and a number of fusils, with plenty of powder and lead.”

In 1811 Black Hawk eagerly accepted British counsel to join the Prophet at
Tippecanoe[18] for the purpose of annihilating Governor Harrison. Failing in
that effort, he turned westward with a party of Winnebagoes to attack Fort
Madison, but the long march homeward must have exhausted his martial
spirit, because that attack was not made by him until September 5th, 1812,
at 5:30 P.M. However that may be, he considered it unwise to precipitate his
contemplated attack without preparation and care. Therefore, he had the
ground thoroughly reconnoitered by his spies, who reported that every
morning it was customary for the troops to march out for exercise, leaving
no defense behind, and this was the hour finally fixed for his attack.
His British band and about 200 Winnebagoes stealthily marched to the
neighborhood, where, after a consultation, the plan of attack was changed
into one of assault, which was immediately begun and continued until
darkness compelled the Indians to retire. The following morning it was not
resumed, as contemplated by the garrison, which lulled it into negligence,
for a soldier was permitted to leave the gate. He returned safely, and John
Cox, another private, was permitted to go out with less show of caution.
This poor fellow was instantly shot and scalped and the Indians, with yells,
then recommenced their assault. During the engagement the boat of a Mr.
Graham, who had arrived on the 4th, was burned, as were two others
belonging to the Government. Soon after fire was thrown upon the
blockhouses that stood near the bank of the river, but syringes made from
gun barrels were used with such effectiveness that the blaze was confined to
little damage. One detachment of the enemy killed the live stock, plundered
and burned the house of a Mr. Julian and destroyed the corn. On the 7th the
battle was renewed and raged with greater fury, the Indians again throwing
fire upon the blockhouses and shooting flaming arrows into the roofs, but
the garrison repulsed every attack. In the evening the house of a Mr. Nabb
was burned and the blacksmith shop and factory of the garrison threatened.
Had these been fired in the prevailing wind, every man of the garrison had
been burned alive, but commanding officer Thomas Hamilton, by the most
heroic measures, forced the fire away until the wind veered, when he
dispatched a soldier to fire the factory, which he successfully did, and in
three hours it was consumed without danger to the garrison. During the day,
several Indians crept into a stable, and there, harbored from musket balls,
shot deadly arrows into the roofs, but a shot from the cannon by Lieutenant

Burony Vasquez finally drove them out. On the 8th the attack diminished in
ferocity, and on the 9th not an Indian remained to be seen.
Inside the fort only one man was wounded, but the casualties of the Indians
were reported as upwards of forty.
Fort Madison, for the purposes of trading, was favorably located, but for
purposes of defense it was hopelessly inadequate. Timber, ravines and the
bank of the river afforded the enemy positions from which he could not be
driven. At the same time a small party could harass the garrison with no
great danger to itself unless some of the number became imprudent. During
the siege there were but first and second lieutenants Hamilton and Vasquez,
two sergeants, two corporals and a few more than thirty privates to defend a
fort–a force totally inadequate against a horde of bloodthirsty savages.
After the 9th Black Hawk permitted several days to elapse before resuming
hostilities, during which he formed another plan to capture and massacre
the garrison. To all appearances they had retired to their homes.
Immediately so-called friendly Indians came to trade, including Quash-qua-
me and Pash-e-pa-ho, who, while professing friendship under that treaty,
could not resist British and Black Hawk intrigue, and were then leagued
with Black Hawk to destroy the fort by stratagem. These two were readily
admitted to the fort, retired and called again and again, offering finally to
entertain the fatigued garrison with a dance. The officers, to oblige the men,
signified a willingness to witness the ceremony. Quash-qua-me was to
signal Black Hawk, who was to be near by, to rush in upon the men and
murder every one while the dance progressed. Early in the day a young
woman, who had formed a strong attachment for one of the garrison,
appeared before Lieutenant Hamilton as though in great distress. She was
taken inside the stockade, and, when free from observation, disclosed the
plot of the would-be assassins. Her simple story touched the heart of every
man, and, though their long seige had worn them down well nigh to despair,
her love and devotion inspired a strength and courage which would only
falter when the spirit had fled and left the useless body a clod upon the
field.[19] Lieutenant Hamilton caused a six-pounder, loaded with grapeshot,
to be masked and ranged full upon the stockade entrance. Sentinels were
posted with orders to allow no more than one Indian to enter at a time.
Quash-qua-me and his companions duly appeared and were admitted singly.
The warriors within, to a considerable number, gathered about the entrance,

the designated place, and began their dance, raising with their whoops and
yells a din to heaven. Suddenly the dance was suspended by the warriors
making a furious rush for the gate, which conveniently opened. Confident
that the plot had been successfully carried out by those inside, the others
outside madly charged the angle. A lighted fuse, flashed above the
unmasked cannon, brought those in front to a sudden halt, while those
behind, by reason of it, were plunged headlong into a confused and
confounded mass. Aghast at their miserable miscarriage, a general retreat
was attempted, but this was not accomplished by Quash-qua-me and his
immediate followers, who were made prisoners.
Finding himself in disgrace and fearing condign punishment, Quash-qua-me
renounced hostilities against the Americans, was released, and, with slight
exception, remained thereafter their faithful friend. His followers, who were
imprisoned, finally confessed the plot in its every detail, and when released,
as they immediately were, maintained a lasting penitence.
In this episode Black Hawk was at a convenient distance in the bushes,
leaving all the danger and obloquy to fall upon Quash-qua-me.

CHAPTER VI.

Black Hawk Enlists With the British in the War of 1812–Deserts–
Foster Son Story–Keokuk Made Chief.

It was not enough that British intrigue had maintained a reign of terror upon
the frontier where the sturdy pioneer was slowly and painfully conquering a
few roods of timberland to provide a home for his family. It was not enough
that his life, the only protection of that family, should be daily menaced
with ambush. British arrogance now menaced the nascent Republic by
extending its infamous tactics to the high seas, bullying our infant
commerce by exacting the right of search from feebly manned vessels and
cruelly impressing into British service American seamen to fight their
friends and relatives in case of war. On June 18, 1812, the declaration of
war followed; then the fall of Mackinaw, July 17; the Fort Dearborn
massacre, August 15, and, finally, the mortifying and distressing surrender
of Hull on August 16th.
These disasters opened wide the gates for British influence to promote war
upon the feeble frontiersmen, with such allies as Black Hawk, and to him
they were buds of mighty promise. The first act of the English trader,
Robert Dickson, who had headquarters at Prairie du Chien, was to send La
Gouthrie, the trader, by boat to Black Hawk’s village on Rock River with
presents, money and ammunition for this Indian and his band of
mercenaries who did his bidding. The Fort Madison affair followed, after
which Black Hawk and 200 of his followers immediately went to Green
Bay, Wisconsin, and joined the British expedition fitted out there, and
where the commander made him a speech, dubbed him “General Black
Hawk” and assigned him the responsible and distinguished position of Aid
to the great Tecumseh.[20]

In spite of these calamities, the pioneer hardened his heart, consigned his
family to the nearest fort, then, molding his bullets, he shouldered his trusty
rifle and marched with his brother settler to defend his country, as he had
defended his fireside so often before.
To have been assigned to the staff of Tecumseh should have exalted Black
Hawk to deeds worthy his renowned superior, but his peevish nature and
lack of capacity prevented a comprehension of his just duties. Colonel
Dickson admonished him to honest warfare, which was so distasteful to
Black Hawk that he wrote: “I told him (Col. Dickson) that I was very much
disappointed, as I wanted to descend the Mississippi and make war upon the
settlements.” This sentiment was, according to his own statement, promptly
rebuked by Dickson, as Black Hawk himself recited: “He said he had been
ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis; that he had been a trader
on the Mississippi many years; had always been kindly treated and could
not consent to send brave men to murder women and children. That there
were no soldiers there to fight, but where he was going to send us there
were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated them the Mississippi country
should be ours!” Here Black Hawk displays his besetting weakness–
incapacity to comprehend the ethics of a cause or situation.
Leaving Green Bay immediately, the troops marched past Chicago and
without event joined the British forces at Detroit. His first experience in an
open fight with the Americans caused surprise, as he stated: “The
Americans fought well and drove us with considerable loss. I was surprised
at this, as I had been told that the Americans could not fight.” He followed
the British army until the conclusion of the Battle of the Thames, October
5th, 1813, with its disastrous consequences, when, in the face of defeat to
his friends, he, with twenty of his braves, deserted in the night time for
home, assigning for his reason: “I was now tired of being with them, our
success being bad and having got no plunder.”[21] Not a patriotic declaration,
to be sure! He arrived home in the spring of 1814, and instead of settling
down to peaceful pursuits, endeavoring to make slight amends for his
unjustifiable warfare against the Americans, whose country he then
occupied, he began a long and bloody series of diabolical raids, inciting
others to do the same, until the remotest settlement mourned its dead.
In after years, when conquered, instead of expressing any contrition for his
acts, he invented for his autobiography a sympathetic sort of story, but

neither fact nor tradition comes to the rescue when it is analyzed. Black
Hawk claimed that he had one friend bound closer to him than was usual,
and in consideration of this unusual affinity he adopted the friend’s only
son. When departing to join the British, Black Hawk urged the father to
send the son to the war. To this proposition the father protested his declining
years, the favor with which the whites had always treated him, the need of
the boy’s assistance at home, and refused to allow him to leave.
Returning from the war, Black Hawk said, as he was approaching his
village he saw a column of smoke curling over a hilltop near by, which so
excited his curiosity that he visited the spot alone (fortunate intuition).
There he found his old friend sitting in sorrow upon the ground. Being
revived by some water, the old man related to Black Hawk the story of the
murder of his son near Fort Madison, whither they had gone to pass the
winter and hunt under permission of the commandant. The story continues
that the young man started one day, as usual, for a day’s hunting. At
nightfall he had not returned and the father passed a sleepless night. The
following morning the boy had not come back and the father sent the
mother to rouse the neighborhood. (Why was she not then present to
minister to him?) Footsteps upon the snow soon brought the party to the
spot where the boy was found to have shot and skinned a deer and hung it
upon a branch. Here tracks indicated the presence of white men who had
come upon and taken him prisoner. Following their trail, the body of the
boy was soon found, the face shot, the body pierced with dagger thrusts and
the scalp removed, while his arms had been pinioned at his sides. As the old
man related this story, a great storm rose which lasted for a long time, as
though the heavens were angered at the offense and threatening revenge.
The old man died, and as the storm subsided Black Hawk wrapped his
blanket around the body, and, kindling a fire, sat by it during the night.
Were this story true, the act were too dastard to find any explanation, but, as
already stated, neither contemporaneous history nor tradition from the many
who love to tell such tales confirms this weird invention. On the contrary,
Fort Madison had been finally besieged by Indians during the preceding
year (1813), the garrison starved to shadows, and only by stratagem were
the officers and men enabled to escape, which was accomplished by digging
a trench to the river, when, after firing the buildings, they descended the
river in boats.[22] Therefore, if the winter just passed, which is the only
inference deducible from Black Hawk’s account, was the winter referred to,

the father and son got no permission from the commandant, because there
was no fort remaining and no commandant, and, in view of the hostility of
the Indians, no settlers remained about the locality, unprotected as they
would have been. If by any juggling of dates the winter referred to had been
the one of ’12-’13, the peaceful Indians had by their own request been
removed far to the southwest, the garrison had just gone through the first
long siege before mentioned and only escaped butchery by the plot which
the Indian maiden had exposed.
None but hostile Indians were about the fort, and if the young man was
unknown and killed as related, he was certainly considered an enemy. If
known as the adopted son of Black Hawk, then openly fighting the
Americans, it was a fair presumption that he got no permission to hunt and
was considered as taken red-handed. The community inside Fort Madison
was in a serious mood those days and in no condition to receive Indians
with rifles on advantageous terms. Black Hawk arrived at his village filled
with indignation, as he has said. He was met by the chiefs and braves and
conducted to the lodge prepared for him. After eating, he gave an account of
himself and his travels, crediting the Americans with some valor and
marksmanship. In turn, the village chief replied that with the absence of
Black Hawk and his following, they would have been unable to defend
themselves had the Americans attacked them. Not only had they been
unmolested, but when Quash-qua-me, the Lance and other chiefs, with their
old men, women and children, descended the Mississippi to St. Louis for
protection, the Americans received them with every evidence of friendship,
sent them up the Missouri River and there abundantly provided for them.
Black Hawk found on his return that Keokuk, during his absence, had been
made principal war chief of the Sac nation, which so enraged him that I am
forced to believe his attack upon that chief, which followed, was
unwarranted, though he magnanimously concluded his philippic with the
statement that he was satisfied.
Keokuk, chief of the Sacs, who was above Black Hawk in civil affairs, had,
from reasons of polity or preference, maintained close and constant
relations of friendship with the Americans and had prospered in the
estimation of the latter. His rising fortune created friction from the first,
then envy and finally implacable hatred on the part of Black Hawk, who
found himself unable to combat the influence of Keokuk, either overtly or

covertly, by reason of his incapacity. Instead of meeting Keokuk on terms as
nearly equal as his intellect would permit, he invariably grew angry,
allowed his baser nature to master him, and left the scene vowing
vengeance on the victor. Had he been able to throw off his anger after a
brief season, as many impulsive men can do, he might yet have
accomplished much, but a yellow streak in his nature forbade it, and, I
honestly believe, impelled the man onward to ruinous decisions in spite of
himself. His melancholy made him churlish and revengeful, and
consequently dissatisfied, unless punishing some real or imaginary wrong.
British agents could not influence Keokuk, whose temper was naturally
amiable and gentle, and, if one wishes to adopt Black Hawk’s sarcasm,
politic, too. He favored peace always. In a sense he was luxurious for an
Indian, fond of pomp, and those attributes might in a measure have
superinduced his love of peace; but peaceful he was after the fire of youth
had somewhat succumbed to the influence of the whites, and so he
continued unto his dying day. His oratory was so perfect, his logic so
convincing, his person so magnetic and his pleas so engaging, that poor
Black Hawk made a sorry figure against him, and, after a few attempts,
dared never again appeal to the reason of his people against the invincible
Keokuk.[23] As an orator, Keokuk had no equal among the red men, and the
influence it acquired for him so rankled in the heart of Black Hawk that the
latter could never overcome his hatred of Keokuk. Even down to the very
last speech he ever made, at Fort Madison, he could not repress an
unfortunate fling at his rival; and too bad it was that he allowed his passion
to sway him from a plain and simple talk upon past or present events. The
words and sentiments of that little talk were truly beautiful and had
reflected much credit had he resisted the temptation to speak ill of Keokuk.
His life was then ebbing away, and had that offensive portion of his talk
been omitted, very many of his evil acts could have been pardoned and
forgotten. His melancholy and his temper were his undoing.

CHAPTER VII.

Expedition of Governor Clark to Prairie du Chien–Lieutenant
Campbell’s Battle.

During the absence of Black Hawk, in 1812 and 1813, Fort Madison fell
and considerable trouble was encountered from Indians, but, whether Sacs
or others,[24] the Sacs were never molested by the Americans. That the Sacs
were unprepared to stand an attack was freely told him on his arrival, and
Wash-e-own, who paid him a visit, was warm in his praises of American
kindness, upon which Black Hawk scornfully commented: “I made no reply
to these remarks, as the speaker was old and talked like a child.”
Such perverse assertions as this one, constantly recurring throughout his
autobiography, are irritating to one who desires candor, and in the face of
them it is difficult to deal justly in the premises without appearing almost
savage. He constantly asserts that he never fought the Americans without
being first attacked, yet who can say that the Americans had attacked or
disturbed him up to this point? And how had the Americans disturbed him
after his arrival home in 1814? His village had never been molested, though
on his account it might have been with good cause. He was still enjoying
the use and occupation of it, but, notwithstanding that fact, he was no
sooner back to it but he began an organized campaign of bloodshed on the
frontier. Like the torch applied to the dried grass of the prairie, the Sacs and
Winnebagoes, under him, spread their ravages in 1814. British agents again
had material to work on, and their machinations produced results, as the
journals of the day recite.
Black Hawk stated that he, with thirty braves, immediately on his return in
1814, out of revenge for the murder of his supposed adopted son, descended
the Mississippi, and that the battle of the “sink hole” followed. This would
need to be early in 1814, whereas the fact is that the battle of the “sink

hole” was fought nearly a year and a quarter after that time, and, what is
more, after peace had been declared between the United States and Great
Britain. Now if we cannot believe Black Hawk’s assertion in that important
matter, which is refuted by the record, then when can he be believed?
Indian depredations made necessary the rehabilitation of the fort at Prairie
du Chien[25], long since allowed to fall into a state of decay by the British,
and, by reason of the need of troops further to the east, Dickson had
removed the garrison to Green Bay. For the purpose of capturing and
repairing it, Governor Clark of St. Louis prepared an expedition to ascend
the river, which was duly chronicled in the prints of the day:
“A military expedition, of about 200 men in five barges, under the command of Gov. Clark, left St.
Louis on the 1st of May, for Prairie du Chien, supposedly with a view of building a fort there and
making a station to keep in check the Sioux, Winnebagoes and Falsavoine, lately stirred up to
hostility by the infamous British agent, Dickson. There have been several murders by them.”[26]

Another dispatch showing the success of the venture is as follows:
“St. Louis, June 18.–On Monday evening last a barge arrived here from Prairie du Chien, with
Gov. Clark and a few gentlemen who accompanied him on his expedition to that place. We are
very happy in being able to announce the fortunate result of that hazardous enterprise.
“Nothing worthy of remark attended the flotilla from the time they left St. Louis until they reached
Rock River. Such of the disaffected Sacs and Foxes as appeared on the approach of the boats were
fired on; some canoes were taken with the arms of the affrighted savages, who sued for peace on
any terms. Peace was granted them on condition they would join against the enemies of the United
States and immediately commence hostilities against the Winnebagoes. The Foxes, who lived
above Rock River at Deboque’s mines, were willing to come into the same arrangement.
“Twenty days before the arrival of the Governor at Prairie du Chien, Dickson left that place for
Mackinaw with 85 Winnebagoes, 120 Falsavoine, and 100 Sioux, recruits for the British army on
the lakes. He had information of the approach of Gov. Clark, and had charged Captain Deace,
commanding a body of Mackinaw fencibles, with the defense of the place; but Deace and his party
ran off, the Sioux and Renards having refused to oppose the Americans. As soon as the troops
landed at the town, notice was sent to the inhabitants (who had fled into the country) to return. All
came back, but a few scoundrels who knew they deserved a halter.
“Every attention was then directed to the erection of a temporary place calculated for defense.
Sixty rank and file of Major Taylor’s company of the Seventh Regiment, under command of
Lieutenant Perkins, took possession of the house formerly occupied by the old Mackinaw
company, and a new fort was progressing on a most commanding spot, when the Governor left the
Prairie.

“Two of the largest armed boats were left, under the command of Aid-de-Camp Kennedy and
Captains Sullivan and Yeizer, whose united force amounted to 125 dauntless young fellows from
this county. The regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Perkins, are stationed on shore, and
are assisted by the volunteers in the erection of the new fort. * * *”[27]

During this celebrated voyage Black Hawk and his British Sacs were busy
to undo, at the first favorable moment, all the good work done by Governor
Clark, as may be seen by an article which appeared in the Missouri
Republican:
“St. Louis, July 16.–Platoff, the Hetman Cossack in the service of Russia, offered 100,000 ducats
and his daughter to any person who would assassinate Bonaparte. Alexander discountenanced the
affair as infamous and dishonorable. How will the English Government and their agent, Robert
Dickson[28] (a native of Scotland), appear to the world when it is announced that he suborned a
Sac warrior to assassinate Governor Clark while in council at Prairie du Chien? The affair rests on
the testimony of the Indians; the fellow left Rock Island for the diabolical purpose, was admitted
to the council, but found the Americans armed at every point and all possibility of escape cut off;
he therefore prudently declined the attempt. A gentleman who was at the Prairie and in the council
informs us that this Indian rose and occupied the attention of the assembly with a harangue of
trifling import; that his eyes were fixed on the Governor as if riveted to the object. At that moment
the Governor shifted his sword from an unhandy position to one across his knees, when the savage
retired to his seat. * * *”[29]

It may be of interest, though not connected with Black Hawk, to note here
that one very strong reason for the subsequent surrender of the fort was the
decimation of its garrison:
“St. Louis, July 2.–On Sunday last, an armed boat arrived from Prairie du Chien, under the
command of Capt. John Sullivan, with his company of militia and 32 men from the gunboat
Governor Clark, their time of service (60 days) having expired. Captain Yeizer, who commands on
board the Governor Clark, off Prairie du Chien, reports that his vessel is completely manned, that
the fort is finished, christened Fort Selby, and occupied by the regulars. * * *”[30]

But Fort Selby could not spare the withdrawal of the militia mentioned, and
on July 21, 1814, the fort surrendered to Colonel McKay after a four days’
siege.
Weakened as the garrison was by the withdrawal of the militia, General
Howard, on his return from Kentucky, advised that immediate steps be
taken to reinforce it. He quickly perceived the danger from an attack and
the inability of the small force to defend the post, and he as quickly brought
into the field a relief expedition.
Following is the best account extant upon the subject, repeated verbatim:
From the Missouri Gazette, July 30, 1814.
Disaster.

“As soon as Gov. Clark returned from his successful expedition to Prairie du Chien, it was thought
proper by Brigadier-General Howard, commanding in this district (who had in the interim returned
to this place from Kentucky), to send a force to relieve the volunteers, and preserve the acquisition
so important to the welfare of our country. For this purpose, Lieut. John Campbell of the first

regulars, acting as brigade major, was entrusted with the command of 42 regulars and 65 rangers,
in three keel boats, the contractor’s and sutler’s boats in company. The whole party, including
boatmen and women, amounting to about 133, reached Rock River, within 180 or 200 miles of the
Prairie, without any accident. As soon as they entered the rapids they were visited by hundreds of
Sacs and Foxes, some of the latter bearing letters from the garrison above to St. Louis. The
officers, being unacquainted with Indian manners, imagined the savages to be friendly; to this fatal
security may be attributed the catastrophe which followed. It appears that the contractor’s and
sutler’s boat had arrived near the head of the rapids and proceeded on, having on board the
ammunition, with a sergeant’s guard; the rangers, in two barges, followed, and had proceeded two
miles in advance of the commander’s barge; the latter inclined to the east side in search of the
main channel, and being now on a lee shore, proceeded with much difficulty, and as the gale
increased were drifted into shoal water within a few yards of a high bank covered with grass, waist
high; a few steps from the bow and stern an umbrage of willows set out from shore.
“In this position the commanding officer thought proper to remain until the wind abated; sentries
were placed at proper intervals, and the men were occupied in cooking, when the report of several
guns announced an attack. At the first fire all the sentries were killed, and before those on shore
could reach the barge, 10 or 15 out of 30 were killed and wounded. At this time the force and
intentions of the Indians were fully developed. On each shore the savages were observed in quick
motion; some in canoes crossing to the battleground; others were observed running from above
and below to the scene of attack; in a few minutes from five to seven hundred were assembled on
the bank and among the willows within a few yards of the bow and stern of the barge; the Indians
gave the whoop, and commenced a tremendous fire; the brave men in the barge cheered, and
returned the fire from a swivel and small arms. At this critical juncture, Lieuts. Riggs and Rector
of the rangers, who commanded the two barges ahead, did not hear the guns, but saw the smoke,
and, concluding an attack was made, dropped down. Riggs’ boat stranded about 100 yards below
Campbell’s, and Rector, to avoid a like misfortune and preserve himself from a raking fire,
anchored above; both barges opened a brisk fire on the Indians, but as the enemy fired from
coverts, it is thought little execution was done.
“About one hour was spent in this unequal contest, when Campbell’s barge was discovered on fire,
to relieve which Rector cut his cable and fell to windward of him, and took out the survivors.
Finding he could not assist Riggs, having a number of wounded on board, and in danger of
running on a lee shore, he made the best of his way to this place, where he arrived on Sunday
evening last.

Killed and Wounded.

“There were 3 regulars killed and 14 wounded; 2 died on their passage to this place; 1 ranger
killed and 4 wounded on board Lieut. Rector’s barge. Brig.-Maj. Campbell and Dr. Stewart are
severely wounded. Two women and a child were severely wounded–one of the women and the
child are since dead. Just as we had finished detailing the above unfortunate affair, we received the
glad tidings of the arrival of Lieut. Riggs at Cap au Gray; he lost 3 men killed and 4 wounded.
Would to Heaven we could account for the remaining 2 barges.

Consolatory.

“As we were preparing the foregoing for press, gunboat Gov. Clark, commanded by Capt. Yeizer,
arrived here, in nine days from Prairie du Chien, with the contractor’s and sutler’s barges, which
were fortunately relieved at the moment the Indians were about to board them. From the officers
of the Gov. Clark we have received the following very important news from the Prairie: On the

17th inst. the long-expected British force appeared in view. Marching from the Ouisconsing
toward the village, the line of the regular troops, militia and Indians extended about 2 miles, with
24 flags flying. A British officer arrived at the fort, demanding its surrender. Lieut. Perkins
returned for an answer that he was able and prepared to defend the post entrusted to his charge.
Before the return of the flag, the British commenced a fire upon the Gov. Clark from a small
battery of 1 or 2 three-pounders, which was immediately answered from a six-pounder from the
boat. Soon after firing commenced, a large body of Indians and white troops crossed to the island
which fronts the village, and enabled them to fire on the boat at pistol-shot distance, and screen
themselves behind trees from the grape which incessantly poured from the boat. In this manner the
contest continued for two hours, until the gunboat received several shot between wind and water,
when it was concluded to move down the river; by this movement down the narrow channel they
had to run the gauntlet through a line of musketry nearly nine miles. On approaching the rapids,
Capt. Yeizer sent his skiff with nine men down to reconnoiter, who discovered Riggs’ boat
engaged with the Indians and Campbell’s barge on fire. These appearances induced the boat’s
crew to return, and the Indians to call to them to come on shore, raising to their view the English
flag, believing them to be Mackinaw voyageurs. Before dispatching the reconnoitering boat, the
Gov. Clark joined the contractor’s and sutler’s boats. Those on board were ignorant of the fate of
the boats below, and would, within half an hour, have been in the power of the savages, if they had
not thus been providentially snatched from destruction.
“Seven were wounded on board the Gov. Clark, namely, Lieut. Henderson and Ensign St. Pierre,
severely. Five privates were wounded; one died on the way down the day after his leg was
amputated.
“Every account of the attack on Campbell’s detachment reflects highest encomium on the skill and
undaunted bravery of Lieuts. Rector and Riggs of the rangers. The former, after a contest of two
hours and twenty minutes, withdrew to a favorable position, which enabled him to save the few
regular troops as well from the flames which surrounded them as the fury of the savages. The high
wind which then prevailed, and the loss of his anchors, prevented his rendering a like assistance to
Lieut. Riggs. The latter, though stranded and in a hopeless situation, kept up an incessant fire on
the Indians, and by a rusé de guerre afforded his party an opportunity of making the savages feel
some of the consequences of their perfidy. He ordered his men to cease firing for about ten
minutes, and at the same time ordered howitzers to be well loaded with grape, and the small arms
to be in readiness. The Indians, believing the rangers to be all killed, or that they had surrendered,
rushed down the bank to extinguish the fire on board Lieut. Campbell’s barge and to board Riggs’.
Our hero then opened upon them a well-directed fire, which drove them in all directions, leaving
several of their dead behind.”

When Campbell reached Rock River he called upon Black Hawk with a
handful of men as an escort–so ridiculously small that Black Hawk
repeatedly stated he could have captured and put them all to death with little
or no effort. Campbell made the Indians presents, and in return received
from Black Hawk a solemn promise that no effort to assist the British or
disturb him in his ascent would be made by the Indians, but during the night
some powder arrived from the British, who had in the meantime driven the
Americans from Fort Selby, and sent it to Black Hawk with instructions to
use the same in case any Americans attempted to pass his village to succor
the garrison at Prairie du Chien.

Black Hawk had a very facetious way of putting that request into his
biography. He stated on page 56 that Campbell and his aids, after holding a
council with him, remained all day, and then after receiving word during the
night (along with the powder), that Prairie du Chien had fallen, and that the
British wished him to join them again: “I immediately started with my party
by land in pursuit, thinking that some of their boats might get aground, or
that the Great Spirit would put them in our power if he wished them taken
and their people killed.”
It is astonishing to note how frequently he confused the behests of the
British with those supposed to emanate from the Great Spirit!
While the men were helplessly floundering in the mud to extricate their
boat, which had run aground, Black Hawk was pouring a murderous fire
into their exposed ranks, and that, too, after promising the day previous to
be friendly. To reduce the hapless wretches still more, fire was thrown by
arrows into the sails, and the boat, likely to be consumed, was abandoned;
then the Indians plunged into the water and drew it ashore. At this stage
Black Hawk virtuously knocked in the heads of all the kegs of whisky
which he found in the hold, yet when he retired down the river to the Fox
village, opposite the mouth of Rock River, he hoisted the British flag and
when, immediately after, the British came along with a keg of rum, Black
Hawk and his band had a great feast and dance,[31] ending the scene in a
protracted and hilarious spree. A refinement of the ethics of liquor-drinking
quite abstruse–this difference between whisky and rum!
Those British brought the Indians a gun which was used on the defenseless
Americans under Zachary Taylor a little later as Black Hawk stated: “We
were pleased to see that almost every shot took effect.”

CHAPTER VIII.

Major Taylor’s Battle–Battle of the Sink Hole–Various Murders–
British Agents Withdrawn from Rock River Country.

Disturbances by the Sacs now followed so frequently that Major Zachary
Taylor, with a detachment of troops, was sent against that one disturbing and
bandit element of Indian population located near the mouth of Rock River,
Black Hawk’s village.
Black Hawk attacked and repulsed Major Taylor in a manner which made the
pulse of every settler throb with fear for the safety of his family. He had,
without the least provocation, been constantly and successfully engaged in
warfare the most stubborn and unrelenting, and backed by his British friends,
the safety of the country, after Taylor’s defeat, hung in the balance. Major
Taylor’s report, a temperate and dignified document, is as follows:
“Sir:–In obedience to your orders, I left Fort Independence on the 2d ult. and reached Rock River,
our place of destination, on the evening of the 4th inst., without meeting a single Indian or any
occurrence worthy of relation.
“On my arrival at the mouth of Rock River, the Indians began to make their appearance in
considerable numbers; running up the Mississippi to the upper village and crossing the river below
us. After passing Rock River, which is very small at the mouth, from an attentive and careful
examination, as I proceeded up the Mississippi, I was confident it was impossible for us to enter its
mouth with our large boats. Immediately opposite its mouth a large island commences, which,
together with the western shore of the Mississippi, was covered with a considerable number of
horses, which were doubtless placed in those situations in order to draw small detachments on shore;
but in this they were disappointed, and I determined to alter the plan which you had suggested,
which was to pass the different villages as if the object of the expedition was Prairie du Chien, for
several reasons. First, that I might have an opportunity of viewing the situation of the ground to
enable me to select such a landing as would bring our artillery to bear on the villages with the
greatest advantage. I was likewise in hopes a party would approach us with a flag, from which I
expected to learn the situation of affairs at the Prairie, and ascertain in some measure their numbers
and perhaps bring them to a council, when I should have been able to have retaliated on them for
their repeated acts of treachery; or, if they were determined to attack us, I was in hopes to draw them
some distance from their towns towards the rapids, run down in the night and destroy them before
they could return to their defense. But in this I was disappointed. The wind, which had been in our
favor, began to shift about at the time we passed the mouth of Rock River, and by the time we

reached the head of the island, which is about a mile and a half long, it blew a perfect hurricane,
quarterly down the river, and it was with great difficulty we made land at a small island, containing
six or eight acres, covered with willows, near the middle of the river, and about sixty yards from the
upper end of the island. In this situation I determined to remain during the night if the storm
continued, as I knew the anchors of several of the boats in that event would not hold them, and there
was a great probability of their being drifted on sandbars, of which the river is full in this place,
which would have exposed the men very much in getting them off, even if they could have
prevented their filling with water.
“It was about 4 o’clock in the evening when we were compelled to land, and large parties of Indians
were on each side of the river, as well as crossing in different directions in canoes; but not a gun was
fired from either side. The wind continued to blow the whole night with violence, accompanied with
some rain, which induced me to order the sentinels to be brought in and placed in the bow of each
boat. About daylight, Capt. Whiteside’s boat was fired on at the distance of about fifteen paces, and a
corporal, who was on the outside of the boat, was mortally wounded. My orders were, if a boat was
fired on, to return it; but not a man to leave the boat without positive orders from myself. So soon as
it got perfectly light, as the enemy continued about the boat, I determined to drive them from the
island, let their numbers be what they might, provided we were able to do so. I then assigned each
boat a proper guard, formed the troops for action and pushed through the willows to the opposite
shore; but those fellows who had the boldness to fire on the boats cleared themselves as soon as the
troops were formed by wading from the island we were encamped on to the one just below us. Capt.
Whiteside, who was on the left, was able to give them a warm fire as they reached the island they
had retreated to. They returned the fire for a few moments, when they retreated. In this affair we had
two men badly wounded. When Capt. Whiteside commenced the fire, I ordered Capt. Rector to drop
down with his boat to ground and to rake the island below with artillery, and to fire on every canoe
he should discover passing from one shore to the other which should come within reach. In this
situation he remained about one hour, and no Indians making their appearance, he determined to
drop down the island about sixty yards and destroy several canoes that were laying to shore. This he
effected, and just on setting his men on board, the British commenced a fire on our boats with a six,
a four and two swivels, from behind a knoll that completely covered them. The boats were entirely
exposed to the artillery, which was distant three hundred and fifty paces from us. So soon as the first
gun fired, I ordered a six-pounder to be brought out and placed, but, on recollecting a moment, I
found the boat would be sunk before any impression could be made on them by our cannon, as they
were completely under cover; and had already brought their guns to bear on our boats, for the round
shot from their six passed through Lieut. Hempstead’s boat and shattered her considerably. I then
ordered the boats to drop down, which was done in order, and conducted with the greatest coolness
by every officer, although exposed to a constant fire from their artillery for more than half a mile.
“So soon as they commenced firing from their artillery, the Indians raised a yell and commenced
firing on us from every direction, whether they were able to do us any damage or not. From each
side of the river, Capt. Rector, who was laying to the shore of the island, was attacked the instant the
first gun was fired, by a very large party, and in a close and well contested action of about fifteen
minutes, they drove them, after giving three rounds of grape from his three-pounder.
“Capt. Whiteside, who was nearest to Capt. Rector, dropped down and anchored nigh him, and gave
the enemy several fires with his swivel; but the wind was so hard down stream as to drift his anchor.
Capt. Rector at that moment got his boat off, and we were then exposed to the fire of the Indians for
two miles, which we returned with interest from our small arms and small pieces of artillery
whenever we could get them to bear. I was compelled to drop down about three miles before a
proper place presented itself for landing, as but few of the boats had anchors sufficient to stop them
in the river. Here I halted for the purpose of having the wounded attended and some of the boats
repaired, as some of them had been injured by the enemy’s artillery. They followed us in their boats

until we halted on a small prairie and prepared for action, when they returned in as great a hurry as
they followed us.
“I then collected the officers together and put the following question to them: ‘Are we able, 334
effective men, officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, to fight the enemy with any
prospect of success and effect, which is to destroy their villages and corn?’ They were of opinion the
enemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not practicable to effect either object. I then
determined to drop down the river to the Lemoine without delay, as some of the ranging officers
informed me their men were short of provisions, and execute the principal object of the expedition,
in erecting a fort to command the river. This shall be effected as soon as practicable with the means
in my power, and should the enemy attempt to descend the river in force before the fort can be
completed, every foot of the way from the fort to the settlements shall be contested.
“In the affair at Rock River, I had eleven men badly wounded, three mortally, of whom one has since
died. I am much indebted to the officers for their prompt obedience to orders, nor do I believe a
braver set of men could have been collected than those who compose this detachment. But, sir, I
conceive it would have been madness in me, as well as a direct violation of my orders, to have risked
the detachment without a prospect of success. I believe I should have been fully able to have
accomplished your views if the enemy had not been supplied with artillery and so advantageously
posted as to render it impossible for us to have dislodged him without imminent danger of the loss of
the whole detachment.

“I am, sir, yours, etc.,

“Za. Taylor, Brev. Maj.,
“Com. Detachment.”[32]

MAJ. ZACHARY TAYLOR. GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.

GEN. (OR GOV.) WILLIAM
GOV. NINIAN EDWARDS. CLARK.

Emboldened by his successes, Black Hawk continued his warfare, and in the
murder of inoffensive settlers there was no abatement. Through the year 1814
they continued, and notwithstanding the treaty made between the two nations,
we find the English agents and Black Hawk still pursuing their depredations
in the spring of 1815.
“Traitors.–The undernamed gentry were residents within this and the neighboring territories previous
to the war, and always claimed the rights of citizens of the United States; but as soon as war was
declared they, to a man, took part against us, and were active agents in the British interest in different
parts of the Indian country:
“Robert Dickson, James Aird, Duncan Graham, Francois Boutillier, Edward La Gouthrie, Brishois,
of the Prairie du Chien, Jacob Franks, the brothers Grigneaus of Green Bay, Joseph La Croix and
Lassaillier of Milwaukee, Joseph Bailly and his cousin Barrott of St. Josephs, Mitchell La Croix,
Louis Buisson, Louis Benett, formerly of Peoria.
“It is ascertained that in the unsuccessful attack made by the unfortunate Lieut. M’Nair, four men
were killed. M’Nair was wounded and taken prisoner and conveyed two days on his march to Rock
River; but, being unable to travel, was tomahawked. A man taken up from the river at Carondelet a
few days ago was recognized to be one of the four missing of the name of Best.
“By late news from Rock River, we learn that the Kickapoos have abandoned the British and
demanded peace, agreeably to the treaty. It is further said that the Sacs, Winnebagoes and
Fallsavoine are determined to prosecute the war.”[33]

Here, long after the treaty of Ghent, signed December 24th, 1814, Black
Hawk formulated and made his dastard attack on Fort Howard, known as the
“sink hole affair.” Note how puerile, yea, preposterous, his adopted son
fiction appears in the light of contemporaneous reports and his continued war
upon the Americans! This affair, unprovoked and mean, occurred in May,
1815, and I take the liberty to copy the account of it as published immediately
after its occurrence.
“St. Louis, May 20 (1815).–Every day affords a new proof that the Rock River Sacks intend to
continue the war. They have been notified of the pacification by the military commander of this
district, as well as by Governors Clark and Edwards; yet they still continue their war parties on the
frontiers of St. Charles, and murder all those who are so unfortunate as to come within their reach.
“On Wednesday, the 10th inst., at Cap aux Gre, a party of rangers were detached to procure wood.
Whilst proceeding on this duty, a man by the name of Bernard, who was in advance of the squad,
was fired on and mortally wounded. Lieut. Massey, with a reinforcement from the fort, attacked the
Indians, and, after a rapid exchange of several shot, the savages precipitately retreated.
“On the Friday following, a young man, an inhabitant of Portage des Sioux, was pursued by four
Indians. He was returning from the village of St. Charles on horseback, and had reached the Portage
fields, when he discovered the Indians in full speed after him. Being well mounted, he escaped.
“An express arrived here on Wednesday last from Capt. Musick of the rangers stationed near Cuivre,
informing him that a number of the rangers’ horses are stolen by the Indians, who are becoming very

troublesome. The extraordinary rise of the waters of the Mississippi, overflowing its banks in many
places, and filling up the lakes and rivulets in the neighborhood, enables the Indians to attack and to
baffle pursuit.”

Extract of a letter from Lieut Drakeford, of the United States Rangers, to Col.
Russell, dated Fort Howard, May 25, 1815.
“Sir:–Yesterday, about 12 o’clock, five of our men went to some cabins on the bluff, about one-
quarter of a mile below the fort, to bring a grindstone. The backwater of the Mississippi rendered it
so that they went in a canoe. On their return they were attacked by a party of Indians, supposed to be
about fifty in number. They killed and tomahawked three and wounded one mortally. While about
this mischief, we gave them as good a fire from a little below the fort as the breadth of the
breakwater would permit of. Captain Craig and myself, with about forty men, waded across the
water and pursued them. In going about half a mile we came on them and commenced a fire, which
continued about one hour, part of which time at a distance of about forty steps, and no part of the
time further than one hundred and fifty steps. Shortly after the commencement of the battle, we were
reinforced by Capt. Musick and twenty of his men. The enemy now ran; some made their escape,
and others made to a sinkhole that is in the battleground, and from there they returned a most rapid
fire. It being very dangerous to approach nearer than fifty steps of the sink, we at length erected a
breastwork on the two wheels of a wagon, and resolved on moving it up to the edge of the sink to
fire from behind, down into the sink, and preserve us from theirs.
“We got the moving battery finished about sunset and moved it up with a sufficient number of men
behind it, whilst all other posts round were sufficiently guarded in case they should be put to the
rout.
“We had not moved to within less than ten steps of the sink before they commenced a fire from the
sink, which we returned at every opportunity and all possible advantages. Night came on and we
were obliged to leave the ground and decline the expectation of taking them out without risking man
for man, which we thought not a good exchange on our side. During the time of the battle, another
party of Indians commenced a brisk fire on the fort. Captain Craig[34] was killed in the
commencement of the battle; Lieutenant Edward Spears at the moving of the breastwork to the sink.
The morning of the 25th we returned to the ground and found five Indians killed and the sign of a
great many wounded that had been taken off in the night. The aggregate number of killed on our part
is one captain, one third lieutenant; five privates killed, three wounded, one missing; one citizen
killed and two wounded mortally.”[35]

Concerning the same affair, Captain David Musick, of the St. Louis county
rangers, in a letter or report to Col. William Russell, commander of that
district, dated Lower Cuivre Ferry, May 25, 1815, had this to say:
“About 11 o’clock yesterday we were alarmed by the firing of guns in the direction of Fort Howard,
and immediately mounted such horses as were within reach and proceeded in full speed to the
assistance of Captain Craig, whom we found closely engaged with the Indians and pretty equally
matched with respect to number.
“Having arrived in good season, just on the rear of the Indians, who immediately broke and ran, a
part of them retreated into a sinkhole and baffled every art to get them out, as they had a better
chance to kill than be killed.”[36]

To which battle a Mr. Archambeau added the finishing touches:

“St. Louis, Missouri, June 3.–The Indians must have suffered considerably in their late attack on the
rangers near Fort Howard. Two more dead Indians have been discovered some distance from the
battleground, and a vast quantity of blood marked their retreat to their canoes. Indeed, I think the
rangers behaved extremely well in this affair; only their ardor to get at the enemy exposed them too
much, which was the cause of our loss. Craig and Spears would have done better in combat with
regular troops; they evinced such a contempt of danger and death that they despised the devious
mode of Indian warfare. I am informed Lieutenant Spear’s family are by no means opulent. His
widow should receive his pay without delay. I am informed from good authority that the Indians of
Rock River have declared they are willing to bury the tomahawk if their friends, the English, will
only say the word. The last war parties sent to our frontiers were mustered by the British and sent to
murder our women and children since they received an official account of the ratification of the late
treaty. The bulk of the Kickapoo nation have separated from the hostile bands, and I am at a loss to
imagine how the redoubtable Duncan Graham can subsist so many of his Majesty’s allies at this
time. The village at Rock River and the straggling camps on this side, above and below the Lemoine,
must amount to 1,200 or 1,500 warriors–Sacks, Foxes, Ioways, Winnebagoes and Fallsavoins.”[37]

The most atrocious of his murders may be found in the following:
“The house of Mr. Robert Ramsay of St. Charles County, Missouri Territory, about 50 miles from St.
Louis, was recently attacked by the British allies. Three of his children were horribly butchered, his
wife so mangled as to leave no hope of her recovery, and he himself dangerously wounded. Hard the
necessity that may compel the extermination of these miserable beings excited to murder by the
nation that has been impudently called the ‘bulwark of religion.’ We trust decisive measures will be
taken to give security to our frontiers. It is probable that, as in 1794, many Englishmen are among
the savages, exciting them to these horrid deeds. If any such are found, they ought to be capitally
punished on the spot without mercy.”[38]

In a later communication, this same revolting crime is more particularly
related:
“A letter received at St. Louis, Missouri, has the paragraphs below. Why does British influence lead
the deluded savages to extermination? In the South as well as the West, it appears that the war in
which the Indians were involved on British account is not yet closed. Is the alliance to be dissolved
only by the destruction of one of the parties? What murders has the ‘bulwark of religion’ to account
for! Merciless Englishmen, let the wretched Indians have peace!
“You have no doubt heard of the butchery of Robert Ramsey and his family by the savages.
“Mrs. Ramsey was attending the milking of her cow and their pretty little children were amusing
themselves feeding the poultry and assisting their mother. Mr. Ramsey, who, you know, has but one
leg, was near his wife at the moment the first shot was fired. He saw his wife fall and proceeded to
lead her into the house; but as he reached the door he received a wound which prevented him going
to the relief of his children, who were caught by the Indians and cut to pieces in the yard. Mr. and
Mrs. Ramsey are dead; both were shot through the abdomen. Mrs. R. was far advanced in
pregnancy.”[39]

Matters in the West had assumed such a tragic phase that heroic measures
were projected at the seat of government, and Gen. Jackson was given
command of the military district which embraced the seat of hostilities. He at
once assigned Brig.-Gen. Smith to command the post at Prairie du Chien and
Gen. Scott to the command of military districts 8 and 9, being Tennessee,

Kentucky, Illinois and Missouri, while Jackson himself was placed under
orders to conduct a western campaign. Col. Miller with 500 men was
encamped at Portage des Sioux and the regiment of riflemen under Lieut.-
Col. Hamilton was directed by Jackson to immediately organize and march to
Prairie du Chien. The fact that Jackson was to settle with Black Hawk and his
braves at once stimulated the people with new hope, as will be seen by the
following:
“It is determined to scourge the allies of our late enemy in the Missouri Territory, etc., into a respect
for the lives and property of our frontier fellow citizens. Their depredations are constant and
distressing. The commissioners to settle a peace with them have effected nothing. The deputations
from most of the tribes were ‘insufficient,’ and from those most desirable to have met there were no
representatives at all. The detail of proceedings is interesting and shall be preserved; but at present
the flood of news from France bears down everything. It appears that General Jackson will open a
new negotiation with them upon the ‘last resort of reason.’ We understand he will soon proceed from
Nashville to St. Louis, where a handsome body of regulars will be collected, and that he will be
accompanied by a militia force from Kentucky and Tennessee. In obedience to his request, Governor
Clark of the Missouri Territory has, in general orders, directed the militia of that state to hold itself in
readiness to march at a moment’s notice; and we have every prospect that British influence among
the northern will receive the same reward that befell it among the southern Indians. It must be
eradicated.”[40]

Doubtless British influence recollected a little adventure with Jackson the
preceding 8th of January, for immediately the expedition by him was to
become a reality, overtures for peace were made and commissioners to make
a treaty were substituted for the person of Jackson, as will be seen by the
following from the Missouri Gazette of June 17th, 1815.
The following letters were received by Governor Clark on Wednesday last:
“It appears that Messrs. Turcot and Lagoterie (who were employed by the commissioners to proceed
to Rock River and announce to the Indians the object of the treaty to be held at Portage des Sioux)
were fortunate in reaching Little Mascoutille, some distance below their place of destination, without
any accident. At this place they met with a party of Fox Indians, bearing letters from the British
commandant of Prairie du Chien to Governor Clark, who informed them of the departure of Captain
Duncan Graham, deputy scalping master general, from Rock River, after bestowing on his worthy
comrades, the Sacks, 10 barrels of gunpowder and 20 fuses as a reward for their services in
butchering the helpless women and children on the frontiers.
“As usual, the Sacks received the news of peace with ‘unbounded joy,’ and even sent a British flag to
protect our messengers on their return. They acknowledged they had 200 warriors on the frontiers,
but could not tell the number of their killed and wounded. They said they would attend the treaty and
bury the tomahawk.”[41]

A treaty of peace was finally in sight–the treaty of Portage des Sioux! And
now up to this time, it must be owned by the impartial mind that rather than
receiving any wrong from the Americans, Black Hawk, without any
provocation and contrary to his promises, had waged a merciless war on the

feeble settlements simply because he hated the Americans–the enemy of his
friends, the British. Drake, to condone those atrocities, has stated on page 90
of his “Life of Black Hawk:” “Some palliation for these outrages may be
found in the fact that the British on the northwest frontier, long after they
were officially notified of the peace, continued to excite the Indians to acts of
violence against the United States, and, indeed, participated in them
likewise.” This statement, from a man snugly ensconced in an upholstered
chair, must be regarded as magnanimous! We have found here Black Hawk
the cold-blooded aggressor and murderer, and when he subsequently stated
that the treaty signed by him in 1816 was not made known to him, can he be
believed? Armstrong, another apologist for the “poor Indian,” stated that
Black Hawk was a truthful Indian, though he “withheld facts that were
material.”[42] The frightful plight of the settlers can never be realized by the
present generation; neither can the actions of the British be justly
comprehended in the face of present amity. Plotting destruction, Black Hawk
was invariably found to the front, and while successful, he found no fault
with the defense of the Americans. That remained for the time when he felt
the heel of the conqueror, resenting his years of blood-shedding. Where one
man is invariably the offender, it is safe to pronounce him an incorrigible
quarreler. Black Hawk was this and more–he was a British mercenary.

CHAPTER IX.

Treaty of Portage des Sioux, 1815–Treaty of St. Louis, 1816.

At the close of hostilities with England, a quietus to the horrors of Black
Hawk’s raids was demanded. The treaty with that power provided for it. As
shown in the preceding pages, all efforts had failed to get the Indians
together for that purpose until it was learned that Jackson was on their trail.
Then Duncan Graham fled from Rock River and the Indians generally
became suddenly impatient at the delay of the few days necessary for
notifications to meet the commissioners, William Clark, Ninian Edwards
and Auguste Chouteau, at Portage des Sioux, the place designated for treaty
negotiations. Promptly on the day, all the principal Sacs and Foxes met and
participated in this council save Black Hawk and a few of his immediate
followers. This Indian, dissatisfied, sullen, malignant, declined to
participate, and, lurking in the woods near by, where he might spy upon his
neighbors, sulked, claiming to be an English citizen and subject, and
notwithstanding the peremptory nature of the provision in the treaty of
Ghent for just such a council as the present, he neither appeared in council
nor signed the treaty which followed.
Separate treaties were made, one with the Sacs and another with the Foxes.
That with the Sacs was signed on the 13th day of September, 1815, and that
with the Foxes the following day, and to forever silence all objection and
cavil to the treaty of 1804, an article was inserted in each emphasizing and
expressly ratifying it.
That with the Sacs was as follows:
“A Treaty of Peace and Friendship, made and concluded between William Clark, Ninian Edwards
and Auguste Chouteau, Commissioners Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the
part and behalf of the said States, of the one part; and the undersigned Chiefs and Warriors of that
portion of the Sac Nation of Indians now residing on the Missouri River, of the other part:

“Whereas, The undersigned, chiefs and warriors, as well as that portion of the nation which they
represent, have at all times been desirous of fulfilling their treaty with the United States, with
perfect faith; and for that purpose found themselves compelled, since the commencement of the
late war, to separate themselves from the rest of their nation, and remove to the Missouri River,
where they have continued to give proofs of their friendship and fidelity; and,
“Whereas, The United States, justly appreciating the conduct of said Indians, are disposed to do
them the most ample justice that is practicable; the said parties have agreed to the following
articles:
“Article 1. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, for themselves and that portion of the Sacs which
they represent, do hereby assent to the treaty between the United States of America and the united
tribes of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November, one
thousand eight hundred and four; and they, moreover, promise to do all in their power to re-
establish and enforce the same.
“Art. 2. The said chiefs and warriors, for themselves and those they represent, do further promise
to remain distinct and separate from the Sacs of Rock River, giving them no aid or assistance
whatever, until peace shall also be concluded between the United States and the said Sacs of Rock
River.
“Art. 3. The United States, on their part, promise to allow the said Sacs of the Missouri River all
the rights and privileges secured to them by the treaty of St. Louis, before mentioned, and, also, as
soon as practicable, to furnish them with a just proportion of the annuities stipulated to be paid by
that treaty; provided they shall continue to comply with this and their former treaty.
“In witness whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau,
Commissioners, as aforesaid, and the aforesaid Chiefs and Warriors, have hereunto subscribed
their names and affixed their seals, this thirteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the Independence of the United States the fortieth.
Wm. Clark.
Ninian Edwards.
Auguste Chouteau.
Shamaga, the lance.
Weesaka, the Devil.
Catchemackeseo, the big eagle.
Chekaqua, he that stands by the tree.
Kataka, or sturgeon.
Mecaitch, the eagle.
Neshota, the twin.
Quashquammee, the jumping fish.
Chagosort, the blues’ son.
Pocama, the plumb.
Namachewana Chaha, the Sioux.
Nanochaatasa, the brave by hazard.

“Done at Portage des Sioux, in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary of the Commission; Thomas
Levers, Lieut-Col., commanding 1st reg’t. I.T.; P. Chouteau, agent; T. Paul, C.C.T.; Jas. B. Moore,
capt.; Samuel Whiteside, capt.; John W. Johnson, U.S. factor and Indian agent; Maurice
Blondeaux, Samuel Solomon. Noel Mograine, Interpreters; Daniel Converse, 3d lieut. To the
Indian names are subjoined a mark and seal.”[43]

This treaty was ratified December 26th, 1815.
The treaty with the Foxes, made on the following day by the same
commissioners, and ratified December 16, 1815, while not affecting Black
Hawk in particular, was so intimately connected with him that it may be
well to repeat it here. After the caption and the recital of a desire to re-
establish peace it ran as follows:
“Article 1. Every injury or act of hostility by one or either of the contracting parties against the
other shall be mutually forgiven and forgot.
“Art. 2. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the citizens of the United States of
America and all the individuals composing the said Fox tribe or nation.
“Art. 3. The contracting parties do hereby agree, promise, and oblige themselves reciprocally, to
deliver up all the prisoners now in their hands (by what means soever the same may have come
into their possession), to the officer commanding at Fort Clark, on the Illinois River, to be by him
restored to their respective nations as soon as it may be practicable.
“Art. 4. The said Fox tribe or nation do hereby assent to, recognize, re-establish and confirm the
treaty of St. Louis, which was concluded on the third day of November, one thousand eight
hundred and four, to the full extent of their interest in the same, as well as all other contracts and
agreements between the parties; and the United States promise to fulfill all the stipulations
contained in the said treaty in favor of the said Fox tribe or nation.”[44]

This document, with its trifling exactions, was signed by twenty-two Fox
chiefs and warriors without protest or comment, forcibly demonstrating the
anxiety of all for peace when removed from ulterior influences. Everyone
who participated therein appeared gratified that hostilities were ended; but
an insecurity was still sensible which nothing but the signature of Black
Hawk could quiet. In the face of the many murders so lately committed by
Black Hawk’s band and the English, the statement by Black Hawk that he
was still an English subject and his refusal to treat brought an issue squarely
between the United States and him, and the authorities at Washington were
in no humor to allow that dissembler to dictate the policy of the Indians and
continue his crusade of crime against helpless settlers. He was urged to sign
and when pressed, preferring plunder to peace, declined and stalked to his
canoe in dudgeon. Was he to be peacefully subdued?
While the United States authorities were actively planning to bring him to
terms, the leading men from the other Sac tribes and from the Foxes
continued their persuasions, and on meeting constant refusal, finally, with
some of his personal followers, unitedly demanded that he sign a treaty, and
then, fearing the possible loss of his influence, he reluctantly consented.
Another convention was at once called to meet at St. Louis May 13, 1816,

which Black Hawk attended and there “touched the goose quill,” as he has
stated. This treaty, more important than the other two, because it bound the
leader of all the insurgent Indians, was signed on the 13th day of May and
ratified December 30 of the same year and is as follows:
“A TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP, made and concluded between William Clark, Ninian
Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
on the part and behalf of the said states, of the one part, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors
of the Sacs of Rock River and the adjacent country, of the other part.
“Whereas, By the ninth article of the treaty of peace, which was concluded on the twenty-fourth
day of December, eighteen hundred and fourteen, between the United States and Great Britain, at
Ghent, and which was ratified by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the
seventeenth day of February, eighteen hundred and fifteen, it was stipulated that the said parties
should severally put an end to all hostilities with the Indian tribes, with whom they might be at
war, at the time of the ratification of said treaty, and to place the said tribes inhabiting their
respective territories, on the same footing upon which they stood before the war; provided, they
should agree to desist from all hostilities against the said parties, their citizens or subjects
respectively, upon the ratification of the said treaty being notified to them, and should so desist
accordingly; and,
“Whereas, The said United States being determined to execute every article of treaty with perfect
good faith, and wishing to be particularly exact in the execution of the article above alluded to,
relating to the Indian tribes: The President, in consequence thereof, for that purpose, on the
eleventh day of March, eighteen hundred and fifteen, appointed the undersigned William Clark,
governor of Missouri territory, Ninian Edwards, governor of Illinois territory, and Auguste
Chouteau, Esq., of the Missouri territory, commissioners, with full power to conclude a treaty of
peace and amity with all those tribes of Indians, conformably to the stipulations contained in the
said article, on the part of the United States, in relation to such tribes; and,
“Whereas, The commissioners, in conformity with their instructions in the early part of last year,
notified the Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, of the time of the ratification of said
treaty; of the stipulations it contained in relation to them; of the disposition of the American
government to fill those stipulations, by entering into a treaty with them, conformably thereto; and
invited the Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, to send forward a deputation of their
chiefs to meet the said commissioners at Portage des Sioux, for the purpose of concluding such a
treaty as aforesaid, between the United States and the said Indians, and the said Sacs of Rock
River, and the adjacent country, having not only declined that friendly overture, but having
continued their hostilities, and committed many depredations thereafter, which would have
justified the infliction of the severest chastisement upon them; but having earnestly repented of
their conduct, now imploring mercy, and being anxious to return to the habits of peace and
friendship with the United States; and the latter being always disposed to pursue the most liberal
and humane policy towards the Indian tribes within their territory, preferring their reclamation by
peaceful measures, to their punishment by the application of the military force of the nation; now,
“Therefore, The said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners, as
aforesaid, and the undersigned, chiefs and warriors, as aforesaid, for the purpose of restoring
peace and friendship between the parties, do agree to the following articles:
“Article 1. The Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, do hereby unconditionally assent to
recognize, re-establish, and confirm the treaty between the United States of America, and the
united tribes of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November,

one thousand eight hundred and four; as well as all other contracts and agreements heretofore
made between the Sac tribe or nation and the United States.
“Art. 2. The United States agree to place the aforesaid Sacs of Rock River on the same footing
upon which they stood before the war; provided, they shall, on or before the first day of July next,
deliver up to the officer commanding at cantonment Davis, on the Mississippi, all the property
they or any part of their tribe, have plundered or stolen from the citizens of the United States,
since they were notified, as aforesaid, of the time of the ratification of the late treaty between the
United States and Great Britain.
“Art. 3. If the said tribe shall fail or neglect to deliver up the property aforesaid, or any part
thereof, on or before the first day of July aforesaid, they shall forfeit to the United States all right
and title to their proportion of the annuities which, by the treaty of St. Louis, were covenanted to
be paid to the Sac tribe; and the United States shall forever afterwards be exonerated from the
payment of so much of said annuities as, upon a fair distribution, would fall to the share of that
portion of the Sacs who are represented by the undersigned chiefs and warriors.
“Art. 4. This treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting parties, unless the same
shall be disapproved by the President and Senate of the United States, or by the President only;
and in the meantime all hostilities shall cease from this date.
“In testimony whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Chouteau,
commissioners as aforesaid, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors as aforesaid, have hereunto
set their hands and affixed their seals this thirteenth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and
sixteen.”
“Wm. Clark,
“Ninian Edwards,
“Auguste Chouteau.”

“Anowart, or, the one who speaks,
“Namawenane, Sturgeon Man,
“Nasawarku, the Fork,
“Namatchesa, the Jumping Sturgeon,
“Matchequawa, the Bad Axe,
“Mashco, Young Eagle,
“Aquaosa, a Lion coming out of the water,
“Mucketamachekaka, Black Sparrow Hawk,
“Sakeetoo, the Thunder that frightens,
“Warpaloka, the rumbling Thunder,
“Kemealosha, the Swan that flies in the rain,
“Pashekomack, the Swan that flies low,
“Keotasheka, the Running Partridge,
“Wapalamo, the White Wolf,
“Caskupwa, the Swan whose wings crack when he flies,
“Poinaketa, the Cloud that don’t stop,
“Mealeseta, Bad Weather,
“Anawashqueth, the Bad Root,
“Wassekenequa, Sharp-faced Bear,
“Napetaka, he who has a Swan’s throat around his neck,
“Mashashe, the Fox,
“Wapamukqua, the White Bear.”

“St. Louis, May 13th, 1816. Done in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary to the Commission; R.
Paul, C.T. of the C.J. Bt. Caron, Samuel Solomon, Interpreters; Joshua Norvell, Judge Adv. M.M.;
Joseph Perkins, Joseph Charless, B.G. Tavar, Charles Wm. Hunter, Cerré, M. La Croix, Guyol de
Guirano, Boon Ingels, Moses Scott, James Sawyer.”
“To the Indian names are subjoined a mark and a seal.”[45]

After all the trouble given the Americans by Black Hawk, it is not to be
presumed that this treaty was lightly considered, or that the Americans
neglected to explain every line of it fully, thereby allowing opportunity for
future contention from one only too apt to contend; yet Black Hawk later
had the audacity to claim that he did not know his village passed by that
treaty when it became time for him to enjoy another war with his ancient
enemy, the Americans. Line upon line and section upon section the treaty
was carefully read and interpreted by men whose names were above
reproach, that no future claim of misunderstanding could be alleged, and to
that solemn treaty Black Hawk placed his mark and declared and promised
thereby that he would no longer torment the whites with his aggressions.
The preamble of the document should forever have estopped Black Hawk
from alleging ignorance of its provisions; with respect to all the others who
signed that treaty, the facts recited in it were so truthfuly stated, and they
were so well satisfied with its provisions, that not one of them was ever
heard to complain.

CHAPTER X.

Fort Armstrong Built–Black Hawk as a Fault-Finder–Annihilation of
the Iowas.

Black Hawk’s intermittent promises of good behavior and declarations of
future tranquility were justly distrusted by the War Department, and rather
than remain open to future disadvantage, it resolved to erect near his haunts
a fort. Accordingly, on the 10th day of May, 1816, Gen. Thomas A. Smith
and Brev. Lieut. Col. W. Lawrence, with a detachment of men, landed on
Rock Island and soon thereafter, under the direction of the latter, began the
construction of Fort Armstrong[46]–so called in honor of Gen. John
Armstrong, then late Secretary of War.
Black Hawk witnessed these movements with dissatisfaction. The Indians
had a superstitious veneration for the island, claiming, as will be seen from
Black Hawk’s words:[47] “A good spirit had care of it, who lived in a cave in
the rocks immediately under the place where the fort now stands, and has
often been seen by our people. He was white, with large wings like a
swan’s, but ten times larger. We were particular not to make much noise in
that part of the island which he inhabited, for fear of disturbing him. But the
noise of the fort has since driven him away, and no doubt a bad spirit has
taken his place.” And in further contemplation of the beauties of the place
and pleasures of this island to the Indians, Black Hawk was made to utter
many fine sentiments, of a character to command our stanchest support and
evoke a sympathy from one cover of this history to the other, had they been
ingenuous and free from the suspicion that Col. Patterson may have allowed
his generous nature to tint them a color not to be found in that Indian’s
nature.

FORT ARMSTRONG.

Though hampered by various annoyances, the troops eventually completed
Fort Armstrong and occupied it; their presence serving a healthy object
lesson to quiet those British Sacs who were too fierce to be pacified while
life lasted, and to stimulate a healthy and satisfactory trade between the
remote points of the north and northwest and those to the south. It
frequently has been alleged that Black Hawk and his people never received
their annuities. This is untrue as the record of the time has disclosed.[48]
In November, 1820, we find the Sacs were drawing their annuities and had
been on the 3d of each November; in fact, those annuities had been made
permanent, and while bickerings about a fair division at times had been
noticeable, the tribes and head men were satisfied.[49]
It may be well to add here, that when Rev. Jedediah Morse made the report
just cited, he was a commissioner appointed by the President for the
purpose of ascertaining the actual state of the Indian tribes of the northwest,
and having visited Fort Armstrong in the summer of 1820, he found British
flags still floating and English medals still worn almost exclusively in Black
Hawk’s village. An exchange of these for American flags and medals had
been recommended in a letter written to him November 20, 1820, from that

post, and he adopted the suggestion in his report;[50] but the flags and medals
continued in evidence, notwithstanding Morse’s report.
Following those manifestations, hostility to American rule was also
expressed in mutterings and quiet threats in 1823, when Beltrami stopped
there, and which he expressed in his books as follows: “For, both from
instinct and from feelings transmitted from father to son, they cordially
despise and hate them”[51] (the Americans), which certainly did not indicate
that the treaty of 1804 was responsible for their hatred; it indicated also that
the treaty of 1816 rested very lightly upon their shoulders and that the
erection of Fort Armstrong was a wise precaution. If it may be thought that
the treaty of 1804 made Black Hawk a fault-finder with the Americans, it
may be well to introduce a specimen of his chronic affliction, found in the
papers of Capt. T.G. Anderson, British Indian Agent, in Vol. 10, Wis. Hist.
Coll’s., pp. 145, 146.
“Speeches of Black Hawk and Na-i-o-gui-man, at Drummond’s Island, July 12, 1821.
“Present, Lieut.-Col. Wm. McKay, British Indian Superintendent; Capt. Thos. G. Anderson, Clerk;
Maj. James Winnett, and other officers of the Sixty-eighth British Regiment, together with Lieut.
L. Johnston.
“The Black Hawk, Speaker:
“‘Father, I am not very able to speak–probably I may say something improper. I may have
something to reproach my father with. I could not get any of my chiefs to come with me.[52] One
of the Reynard or Fox chiefs accompanied me, and some of the Menominees who reside among
us. My mind has been entirely taken up since I left home with the idea that every stroke of my
paddle carried me nearer to my Great Father’s fire, where his soldiers, the red coats, would be
charitable to me and cover my naked skin; and that in consequence of my not having been able for
three years to step across the barriers, which separate us from them, I would receive a double
proportion of my Great Father’s bounty.
“‘The Americans, my father, surround us, but we are ever ready to meet them. Now, my father, as
we see you but seldom, I hope you will open your stores and give us more presents than you do to
other Indians who visit you annually. Now I speak to you, my father, in hopes you will be
charitable to us, and give us something to take to our wives and children. They are expecting to be
warmed by the clothing of their Great Father.’
“Taking some strings of wampum, he added: ‘Father, I got this from the White Elk (Capt. McKee),
to open a smoother path from our country to all your fires. I spoke to the Pottawattomies with it,
and they were happy to accede to our proposals of friendship. Now, my father, we have always
obeyed your voice and will ever listen to your counsels. With regard to the Indians, we have a
good road from our country to your fires; but there are whites who appear strong, and tell us they
will not allow us to see you any more. Should that be the case, we will be miserable. But if the
road continues good, as Capt. McKee told us it would, we will see you every day’ (year).
Delivered the wampum.
“Answer of the Superintendent:

“‘Children, I have listened to your discourse. Every word has entered into my ears. When you
came here three days (years) ago, I gave you of your Great Father’s bounty a much greater
proportion than I did to other Indians, and told you your presents would in future be given you at
Amherstburg. You were displeased. You went away dissatisfied. I have again this year treated you
well. You appear dissatisfied still, and want more. I now tell you that your presents are at
Amherstburg, and that in future you must go there if you wish to receive your Great Father’s
bounty. I have done everything in my power to please you and render you happy; but my efforts
appear to have been thrown away upon you. Go home, and I do not wish to see dissatisfied
children about me again. With respect to the road being stopped up as you say, that is news to me.
I do not know that any steps have been taken to effect that; and, indeed, if you behave yourselves,
as I have always recommended you to do, I do not believe you will be hindered from seeing your
Great Father’s fires.’”[53]

It will be seen from that meeting with his friends that Black Hawk was a
hard man to get along with, even with his friends. He returned home; but
instead of behaving himself he joined Pash-e-pa-ho in a war which robbed
the Iowas of their lands and exterminated their tribes, so that thereafter their
nation became a tradition. If Black Hawk should be heard to complain of
the loss of his lands to the Americans for a trifling price, how much more
should others whom he had wantonly robbed and whose kin he had
murdered be heard? Old men, young men, old women, young women and
children in swaddling clothes were murdered in the most brutal manner;
their homes were confiscated and their tribal name effaced from history, to
be no more known of men. Aye, upon that bloody battlefield it was decreed
that Black Hawk should be buried and from it a ghoulish hand should steal
his body; a fitting retribution, one might justly say!
On the first day of May, 1823, the Iowas were celebrating their return from
a successful hunt by feasts, games and horse-racing. The mellow sun had
just arisen to witness their mock jousts and races. Intent upon the harmless
tournament, none had noticed the gradual gathering in the neighboring grass
and woods of the vicious Sacs during the night. The women and children
had been left at the village, while the men, discarding their arms, gathered
some distance away to enjoy their frolic, unarmed and unsuspecting. A race
had been appointed for the most famous, and thus, while all were eagerly
preparing for its issue, the murderous Sacs pounced upon them.
All that day the unequal struggle waged; the unarmed Iowas against their
armed and powerful foes. Man after man went down before the fury of the
victors. Home after home was made desolate from the blow of the
tomahawk, the thrust of the spear and the ugly gash of the knife in the
hands of the hideous, howling Sacs; very devils incarnate. Parties of

twenty-five armed Sacs sought out a similar number of unarmed Iowas
whose strength had been well nigh spent and slaughtered them. Fresh bands
of the same number from the reserves did the like with other tired and spent
defenders until evening approached, when, unsupported by the arms which
had been left back at the village, and fighting against hopeless odds, the
Iowas could no longer sustain an honest cause; then, and then only, as the
mantle of evening fell upon that gory battlefield, with a few scattered
exceptions, the last of the Iowas was sent to the hunting grounds of his
dreams. The victorious Sacs fell upon the women, children, invalids and
cripples and murdered all save a pitiful handful, which Black Hawk piously
offered afterward to adopt into his tribe.
No one can estimate the number of dead. Pashepaho and Black Hawk have
attempted the task, but when it is known that the ordinary wild Indian
cannot comprehend numbers, we must leave all calculation open to
conjecture. Suffice it to say, the Iowa nation was annihilated, its lands
confiscated, and a scene of desolation was upon the land for many years
thereafter.
Following the account of Fulton, we find on page 120 et seq. the following:
“When Mr. Jordan first saw the battleground in 1828, the graves of the slain still appeared fresh,
as if they had not been made more than a year or two before. Black Hawk had often detailed to
him the plan of the attack and the incidents of the engagement. Contrary to the usual Indian
custom, this battle was brought on in the daytime. The battlefield is a level river bottom prairie,
about four miles in length and two miles wide near the middle, narrowing to points at either end.
The main area of the bottom rises about twenty feet above the river, with a narrow strip of lower
land skirting the margin of the stream, covered with trees. The river bank was fringed with a dense
growth of willows. Near the lower end of the prairie, and extending up to the bank of the river,
was situated the Iowa village. Two miles above the town, near the middle of the prairie, was
situated a small natural mound which was then covered with a growth of small trees and shrubs. In
the rear of this mound lay a belt of wet prairie which was covered with a rank grass. Bordering
this on the north, the land rises abruptly into broken bluffs covered with a heavy forest many miles
in extent. It was through this forest that the Sac and Fox war party approached in the night before
the attack, and secreted themselves in the tall grass mentioned, intending to remain in ambush
through the day, and make observations to aid them in the attack which they contemplated making
on the following night. From this position their spies could take a full survey of the situation of the
village and watch the movements of the Iowas.
“Near the mound mentioned, the Iowas had their racecourse, where they were frequently wont to
resort to engage in the amusement of horse-racing. Unfortunately for them, this day they had
selected for their sports. Unconscious of the proximity of a lurking foe, they repaired to the racing
ground, leaving most of their arms in the village with the old men, women and children,
unprotected. The Sacs and Foxes, under the leadership of their wily old chief, Pash-e-pa-ho,
perceived their advantage. He directed his subordinate in command, Black Hawk, with a band of
young warriors to file off through the tall grass and avail themselves of the cover of the timber

along the river bank, to reach the village with the utmost speed and there commence the battle.
This movement was successfully executed, while Pash-e-pa-ho with his division made a
simultaneous assault from their ambush upon the unarmed Iowas, who were engaged in their
amusements at the racecourse. Black Hawk, with his warriors at the village, poured a furious
volley upon the defenseless inhabitants, completing the slaughter with tomahawk and scalping
knife. The unarmed Iowas at the racecourse attempted to reach the village, two miles distant, but
most of them were slain in their flight by Pash-e-pa-ho’s warriors. The survivors reached their
village only to find it in flames and to behold their slaughtered friends in the midst of the
devouring element. So great was the advantage of their assailants that the Iowas could make but a
feeble resistance. Their enemies, however, accorded to them the credit of making a brave but
hopeless resistance and of yielding only because of the advantage their enemies had taken. The
Iowas asked a parley and submitted their fate to the will of their conquerors. For a time they lived
in the country as an integral part of the Sac and Fox nation. This condition of a conquered people
they felt to be a galling one, and they complained of the tyranny of the Sacs and Foxes.”

CHAPTER XI.

Treaties of 1822-24-25–Winnebago Outbreak–Attack on the Boats–
Arrest and Discharge.

The Sacs and Foxes were also trespassers upon Illinois soil, dispossessing by
conquest, after the manner just related, the Santeaux, who claimed the soil
from which they were driven.[54] Black Hawk was always strenuously
insistent for the principle that land could not be alienated, therefore his nation
could not, by treaty, legally have alienated their lands. If lands were
inalienable by grant, how, then, could they have been alienated by conquest?
The difference was in instance and not principle with Black Hawk, and he no
doubt argued that the case was different with Santeaux and Iowas, because
his was a party in interest. And so with the treaty of 1804; it was good if it
helped Black Hawk and very bad if it contained anything good for the
Americans.
That the Americans were intent on doing the best for the Indians which then
could be done under all circumstances is everywhere apparent in the several
treaties with the Sacs and Foxes. On September 3d, 1822,[55] another treaty
was negotiated with them, which also recognized the 1804 compact, and
doubtless Black Hawk thought this all right, because it gave to them an
additional $1,000.00 for the privilege of being relieved from the obligation of
building a factory as that treaty had provided. This 1822 affair bears the
signature of Black Hawk.
Again on August 4th, 1824, a treaty was made between the Sacs and Foxes
recognizing the former treaties.[56]
On August 19th, 1825, another treaty for the purpose of suspending the
constant internecine wars of the Indians was made at Prairie du Chien,
wherein all former treaties were recognized.[57] With all these various
ratifications one would naturally infer that the treaty of 1804 was pretty

thoroughly understood by the Indians, and particularly by Black Hawk, yet in
the face of them all he continued his hostility to the Americans whenever the
possibility of making them trouble arose, and if it did not arise from the
efforts of others, he was ever alert to set it in motion on his own account. The
Winnebago outbreak, coming along in 1827, afforded him the next
opportunity to display his genius for war, and he was quick to place himself
against his ancient foe, the Americans. The unfriendly attitude of certain
unruly Sioux, sometimes called or classed as the Dakotas in the prints of
those days, was quickly brought to his attention, and without delay he was on
the road north to find trouble in which to participate.
In those days there were good and bad Dakotas, as with the Sacs, and the
malcontent element of the former was generally finding itself in trouble.
Upon two notable occasions parties of Dakotas wantonly murdered
unoffending Chippewas, the latest offense being under the very walls of Fort
Snelling and at a time when the Chippewas were dispensing a liberal
hospitality to them–a most atrocious crime![58]
These deeds were so revolting that Col. Josiah Snelling, the commandant,
very properly applied the custom prevalent among the Indians by turning the
four captured culprits over to the injured Chippewas for punishment. Each
Dakota was given thirty paces law, and a chance to run for his life; but
Chippewa bullets were swifter, and four vicious Dakotas were speedily
forwarded to their fathers. Revenge toward the whites for the part they played
in that affair rankled within the breasts of the friends of the dead Dakotas and
they diplomatically set about settling the grudge in a most civilized and
sensible manner, at the expense of their friends, the Winnebagoes. Red Bird, a
Winnebago chief of note, contemporaneously, or soon thereafter,[59] led a
losing enterprise against the Chippewas, returning to his camp crestfallen and
sullen. It was at this fecund moment that emissaries from the Dakotas fell
upon him with all manner of adroit badinage for his fallen estate, impressing
upon his mind, with much innuendo, to what belittled influence his parts had
been reduced in the estimation of his people and to what distressing ridicule
he was being subjected by the laughter of the Americans. While in the
receptive mood to which these tactics had driven his mind, he was in the
same perverted manner made to believe that the four guilty Dakotas turned
over to the Chippewas and killed were Winnebagoes. Thus was the
foundation laid for the “Winnebago war” of 1827! The murder of one
Methode, with his wife and five children, was discovered. Following this, on

the 26th of June, 1827, Red Bird, with We-kau and Chic-hon-sic, called at
various places in Prairie du Chien (the garrison and its stores having been
removed just previously to Fort Snelling), obtained from a trader ammunition
and, as some have said, whisky, and left for the cabin of one Registre
Gagnier, who resided with his wife, young son, baby daughter and an old
discharged American soldier named Solomon Lipcap some two miles from
the village. The three entered, begged and received food, and, taking
advantage of their entertainers’ unguarded condition, shot down and instantly
killed Gagnier and Lipcap. Madam Gagnier, in the frenzy of her excitement,
seized the gun of her dead husband, and while protecting her son finally
drove the savages into the yard, where they scattered. She then ran to the
village with her boy, forgetting the infant daughter, which had been lying
upon the bed when the Indians entered. The posse which immediately
returned found Gagnier and Lipcap scalped, but the girl baby, alive, was
discovered under the bed, though scalped and savagely cut in the neck.
Stranger yet, she recovered and grew to woman’s estate.
Thomas L. McKenney, who gained the woman’s story from her own lips, has
narrated it in a manner worthy so illustrious a writer, disclosing a heroism
sufficient to warrant the erection to her memory of a monument more than a
little pretentious. In the order of mundane things, however, heroines fare very
badly when burly heroes can be found or manufactured to consume the
contributions of a hero-loving public, and probably Madam Gagnier will get
no monument.
Next evening a keel-boat, its sides literally filled with leaden balls, arrived
from Fort Snelling, bearing the dead bodies of two of its crew and four
wounded members, two mortally and two slightly; also the body of a dead
Indian, the result of a conflict of unusual fierceness and inequality with Sac
and Winnebago Indians at the mouth of the Bad Axe about sunset of the 26th.
This boat, the Oliver H. Perry, with its consort, had gone up to Fort Snelling,
under the command of Captain Allen Lindsay, some time before, and meeting
on the route[60] with many exactions and exasperating and suspicious ovations
from the Dakotas whose villages were along the river, asked and received at
Fort Snelling thirty-two muskets and a quantity of powder and ball.
Arriving on the downward passage[61] at the the last of their villages, Wa-ba-
sha, now Winona, Minnesota, the Dakotas were found dancing a war dance
and making threats, but, offering no resistance (the Winnebagoes and Sacs
present having assumed that dangerous function), Captain Lindsay very

naturally considered all danger over and allowed the boats, which had been
lashed together for protection, to separate. That which sat deeper in the water,
having the advantage of the river’s undercurrents, gained several miles’
advantage. This boat, commanded by a Sac half-breed named Beauchamp,
was manned by a crew of sixteen, officers and men. The Frenchmen of the
party, growing suspicious of the actions of new bands of Indians gathering as
the boat approached the Bad Axe, urged the crew to caution, but the usual
contempt for Indian prowess and the thought that all danger had been passed
caused a foolhardy disregard of the Frenchmen’s warning. Naturally a supine
security followed.
The wind had sprung into unusual strength from the east and, in the face of
continued admonition, some of the crew were for tying up for the night then
and there, river crews in those days being much used to the enjoyment of
their own wishes.
A large body of Indians had collected on an island to the west of the channel
near to which the boat must pass, and as it reached this point was rapidly
drifting toward the bar on the island’s edge. Suddenly the trees and rocks
reverberated with blood-curdling war-whoops and a volley of bullets rained
upon the deck, wounding a negro named Peter so desperately that he
afterward died. The crew instantly sought shelter by lying flat below the
water line, because the bullets penetrated the bulwarks. The second volley
resulted in the instant death of an American named Stewart, who had risen to
return the first fire through a loophole. The exposure causing a target to be
made of his head, he fell back dead, his finger still upon the trigger of his
undischarged gun. No further attempt was made to return the Indians’ second
volley, and they, encouraged by this non-resistance, rushed to their canoes
with intent to board. The men who had remained flat recovered in a measure
from their panic and the boarders were received with a disastrous fire and
repulsed. One canoe in particular was severely received, two of its crew being
killed, and in the death struggle overturned, compelling the others to swim for
their lives.
Presently a voice in the Sac tongue hailed the boat, demanding to know if the
crew were English. Beauchamp, who was a half-breed Sac, answered in the
affirmative.
“Then,” replied the querist, “come on shore and we will do you no harm, for
we are your brethren, the Sacs.”

“Dog,” retorted Beauchamp, “no Sac would attack us thus cowardly. If you
want us on shore, you must come and fetch us.”
Confident that it was impossible to storm the boat with success, the plan was
abandoned by all save two daring Indians, who leaped aboard. One seized the
steering oar and strove to run the boat aground, while the other discharged
some guns found abandoned on the deck, wounding one white. After this
exploit, he hastened to the bow of the boat and, lying upon the deck,
endeavored to assist his companion in stranding the boat. Succeeding in this,
he dropped the pole, and with supreme contempt for danger began loading
and firing, passing unscathed through the return volley. In the general
fusillade Beauchamp succeeded in shooting the Indian at the steering oar,
who dropped dead upon the deck and was carried into Prairie du Chien, but in
retaliation the savage in the bow, with his third fire, shot Beauchamp and he
fell upon the deck mortally wounded. At this critical loss of the commander,
some of the crew were for an immediate surrender, but the suggestion was
quickly vetoed by Beauchamp, who cried: “No, friends, you will not save
your lives so. Fight to the last, for they will show no mercy. If they get the
better of you, for God’s sake throw me overboard. Do not let them get my
hair.” In the meantime Jack Mandeville, a powerful member of the crew, with
the heart of a lion, jumped into the breach, and as Beauchamp was cheering
him with cries of “fight on,” Mandeville shot the Indian through the head and
he, with his gun, fell overboard. Bullets from the shore continued to pour into
the boat, and one party of the crew favored attempting an escape in the skiff,
but Mandeville, who now assumed command, threatened death to the first
man who suggested anything but fight.
He routed out the timid and skulkers. Darkness was approaching, which
boded evil for the crew. The bullets were falling with painful precision, and if
the boat was allowed to remain aground it was clear that every man must die
by the most refined torture.
With the judgment and determination of a brave man, Mandeville jumped
overboard and began the use of his herculean strength to dislodge the boat
from the bar.
The savages rushed upon him, but with an armored club he beat them back.
Only warily and at intervals could the whites fire in their efforts to protect
Mandeville. Seeing the futility of this style of warfare, four of the crew
resolutely jumped upon the bar to their leader’s assistance, and in a space too

brief for the relation the boat was put afloat and the crew quickly and safely
working her down stream, the gathering gloom assisting their escape from the
bullets which followed.
The battle had raged for three hours with a fierceness which no Indian but
Black Hawk could precipitate, and there he was, directing a cause which was
none of his own, he and his British band, notwithstanding his pledges and
protestations, fighting the Americans with the ferocity of a wild beast. The
casualties were two of the crew killed outright and four wounded, two
mortally and two slightly, while the loss of the Indians was variously
estimated at from seven to twelve killed and many wounded.
The other boat, which had aboard William J. Snelling, son of Colonel
Snelling, followed, but the darkness saved it from any damage, the volley
which was fired passing harmlessly overhead.
It has been said the Indian force numbered thirty-seven, but these figures
appear ridiculous when parties at Prairie du Chien, present when the boat
landed, reported over five hundred bullet holes in the craft, and Mr. Snelling
reported 693, which would allow eighteen bullets to the Indian and leave no
reckoning for the many which missed the boat entirely. As this conflict
occurred on the same day which saw the Gagnier family murdered by Red
Bird and his companions, it is not conceivable how Red Bird could have been
present. In fact, he was not, as Black Hawk admitted after his acquittal. He
was the leader and he said so.[62]
It should be noted in this place that the miserable rumor mentioned by
Reynolds in his “My Own Times” and by other writers, of the action of the
crew upstream in debauching certain Winnebago squaws, had no foundation
whatever.
Black Hawk was subsequently arrested for this attack, but the lack of
evidence allowed him to escape an indictment. When discharged he made no
secret of his participation in the affair, but prior thereto he was the most
discreet Indian the imagination can portray. The only reference to the court
proceedings made by the newspapers at the time is to be found in the Miner’s
Journal of Galena for Saturday, September 13, 1828, and is as follows:
“A gentleman who was present at the time of the arraignment and trial of these Indians at Prairie du
Chien has given us the following particulars:
“A special term of the United States Circuit Court for the county of Crawford, sitting as a court of
oyer and terminer for the trial of seven Indian prisoners (Winnebagoes), confined at Prairie du

Chien, was held at that village on the 25th ult., by the Hon. James D. Doty, additional U.S. Judge for
Michigan. Wan-i-ga, or ‘the Sun,’ and Chick-hong-sic, or ‘the Petit Boeuff,’ were tried severally on
two indictments, one for the murder of Registre Gagnier, as accomplices of Red Bird, deceased. On
the second indictment, Chick-hong-sic was tried for the murder of Solomon Lipcap, and Wan-i-ga
was also tried on the same as his accomplice. On the third indictment, Wan-i-ga was tried for
scalping Louisa Gagnier, with intent to kill. On first indictment, defendants were found guilty. On
second, Chick-hong-sic guilty, Wan-i-ga acquitted. On third, Wan-i-ga found guilty; the others
acquitted. In the case of the United States vs. Wau-koo-kah and Mah-na-at-ap-e-kah, for the murder
of Methode and family, a nolle prosequi was entered and the prisoners discharged.
“There being no bills found against Kanon-e-kah, or ‘The youngest of the Thunders,’ and Kara-
zhon-sept-kah, or ‘The Black Hawk,’ imprisoned for attacking and firing on the keel boat last year,
nor against the son of Red Bird, they were discharged.
“Counsel for the prosecution, John Scott, Esq., of Ste. Genevieve, Mo.; for the defense, assigned by
the Court, Charles S. Hempstead, Esq., of St. Louis.
“Wan-i-ga and Chick-hong-sic were sentenced to be executed on the 26th of December.”

FORT SNELLING.

COL. JOSIAH SNELLING. MILITARY TRACT OF ILLINOIS.

CHAPTER XII.

The Military Tract–Perils of Frontier Life–Gathering Settlements About
Black Hawk’s Village–Friction–Attempted Compromise–
Correspondence–Gaines at Fort Armstrong.

It may be possible that this fresh outbreak was superinduced by the gradual
appearance of the hated American further and further northward toward Black
Hawk’s village, but, if true, the act was indefensible as it was meddlesome.
He deliberately assisted in precipitating the trouble between Red Bird (who
was a remarkably decent Indian) and the Americans, without the slightest
provocation.
By acts of Congress[63] bounty land warrants were voted to the soldiers of the
war of “’twelve,” and for their especial benefit the so-called “Military Tract”
was erected in the State of Illinois, comprising the territory between the
Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 169 miles north to a line drawn from the great
bend of the river above Peru to the Mississippi, containing 5,360,000 acres.[64]
Into this, two classes of settlers poured–as Catlin aptly put it, “the
overwhelming torrent of emigration to the ‘Far West.’”
From the conclusion of the first peace with Great Britain, the native white
population increased at a ratio astonishing to the observer and writer of those
days, particularly James Hall, and with the advent of the “twenties” the
overflow was moving into this “Military Tract.” One class comprised the
soldier, who was the beneficiary, with his family, while the other was
composed of families from Kentucky and Tennessee, the purchasers of those
warrants, which had been gradually working northward from the beginning of
the century, and which up to this time largely predominated in the population
of Illinois. In both of these classes were the Indian fighters; men whose
homes had been desolated or whose fathers and mothers had been murdered
by blood-thirsty savages; men whose bodies carried lead placed there by

Indian muskets, and who, from sad experience, were not likely to receive
with composure the raids of bandit Sacs. These men were tired of tilling the
soil with rifles lashed to the plowbeam and of being constantly called away
from the field to awful scenes of carnage, where perhaps neighbor or wife or
child had just been burned at the stake. Gen. A.C. Dodge, who was a pioneer
by birth, a man whose honesty of purpose and soundness of judgment on
Indian questions have never yet been questioned, forcibly illustrated those
conditions in a speech at the semi-centennial of Burlington, Iowa: “In the
settlement of Kentucky five of my father’s uncles fell under the Indian
hatchet. Among the incidents of his very earliest recollection was to have
seen the dead and bleeding body of one of those uncles borne in the arms of
another on horseback to the stockade fort in which they lived. My own
brother, Henry LaFayette Dodge, * * * was captured and burned to death at
the stake.”
James Hall, the friend and defender of the Indian, has pictured the
vicissitudes of the pioneers who blazed the way for later generations to
follow. Among other things, we find, on page 152, Vol. 2, “Sketches of the
West,” the following:
“They left behind them all the comforts of life. They brought but little furniture, but few farming
implements, and no store of provisions. Until their lands were cleared and brought into culture, and
their domestic animals became productive, they depended for subsistence chiefly upon the game of
the forest. They ate their fresh meat without salt, without vegetables, and in many instances without
bread; and they slept in cabins hastily erected, of green logs, and in which they were exposed to
much of the inclemency of the weather. To their other sufferings that of sickness was often added;
and they found themselves assailed, in situations where medical assistance could not be procured, by
diseases of sudden development and fatal character.
“While thus overburthened by toil and assailed by disaster, the settler found employment for all the
energy of his character and all the inventive powers of his mind. The savage was watching, with
malignant vigilance, to grasp every opportunity to harass the intruder into the hunting grounds of his
fathers. Sometimes he contented himself with seizing the horses or driving away the cattle of the
emigrant, depriving the wretched family of the means of support, and reserving the consummation of
his vengeance to a future occasion; sometimes, with a subtle refinement of cruelty, the Indian
warrior crept into a settlement by stealth, and created universal dismay by stealing away a child, or
robbing a family of the wife and mother; sometimes a father was the victim, and the widow and
orphans were thrown upon the protection of the friends who, on such occasions, were never deaf to
the claims of the unfortunate, while as often the yelling band surrounded the peaceful cabin at the
midnight hour, applied the firebrand to the slight fabric, and murdered the whole of its defenseless
inmates.”

Exhausted by such scenes, these men had come to Illinois with their children,
whose tender memories had gathered material never to be effaced, to enjoy
peaceful pursuits and erect homes for their families. When, therefore, Black

Hawk sought to renew such tactics, he trod the mine which exploded and tore
his power to shreds. The final conflict was inevitable, and though during the
first portion of the campaign, for want of discipline, those spirited,
independent and unrestrained young fellows brought no great honor to their
arms, when the iron hand of Gen. James D. Henry brought them to reason,
they marched with a grim determination to avenge the murders of their
ancestors by hurling Black Hawk forever from the power to molest them
more, and they did it in a manner sufficiently decisive.
In 1829[65] these settlers, observing the fertility of the lands at the mouth of
Rock River, the protecting influence of a Government fort, pushed over to
that point and squatted upon the lands there. Settlements multiplying by the
reputation of the land, the President was persuaded that the time had come to
survey and open them up for sale, and he issued his proclamation
accordingly. This survey included the village occupied by Black Hawk.
It has been urged by some that there was no necessity for opening up this
tract for settlement, because the nearest settlements were far away, leaving an
extensive belt between, which should first have been occupied. Who is to
judge of man’s choice in the public domain but the man himself? The fort and
public buildings made a respectable settlement by themselves. Add to these
the traders and a garrison with all the hangers-on, and the neighborhood
became an inviting one for settlers. The mines to the north were booming; the
river boats were carrying great numbers of passengers, who always stopped at
this point, and one must repeat, why should it not be attractive?
When requested, Keokuk and the other chiefs issued proclamations, and, with
most of their people, removed to the west side of the river.[66] Wapello, the
head chief of the Foxes, and Pash-e-pa-ho of the Sacs, making the decision
almost unanimous, also went over, but Black Hawk, finding it possible to
annoy the Americans, refused, claiming that when he signed the treaty of
1816 he had been deceived and never knew that his village had been included
in its terms. His offenses had been condoned so many times by the indulgent
Americans that he had grown to consider himself above danger from them,
and doggedly remained, in defiance of the wish of the President and the
proclamations of Keokuk and Wapello. The promotion of Keokuk to be chief
of the Sacs had its influence, for any proclamation Keokuk might make
would certainly be defied by Black Hawk. Keokuk urged him to avoid
friction by peaceably removing with the others, but this appeal only
strengthened his determination to remain, and he sat back upon his haunches

like the bull before the locomotive, and, to carry the simile to a logical
conclusion, was very naturally annihilated.
The disposition to quarrel may be seen from the following extract from a
letter written to Governor Clark by Agent Forsythe:
Rocky Island, 17th May, 1829.
Sir:–Some time early in the spring, a number of settlers came to the Sac village on Rock river and
enclosed nearly all the Sac Indians’ corn fields. The Indians, on their arrival, were surprised at this,
as also the destruction committed by the settlers by tearing down many of their lodges. The settlers
who reside at the Sac village have called on me frequently, wishing me to drive the Indians away;
that they must go, ought to go, pointing out the necessity of sending them away, etc., etc.
I yesterday had a meeting with a number of Indians, and had a very long talk with them on the
subject of all the Indians moving onto their own lands.
Quash-qua-me denying that he ever sold any land above Rock river, etc., the Black Hawk also
saying that the white people were in the habit of saying one thing to the Indians and putting another
on paper; and both those Indians made use of every argument they were masters of to convince me
that they never had sold the land above Rock river, etc.
I acquainted all the Indians with the provisions of the treaty of 1804, where Quash-qua-me’s name is,
as one of the chiefs who sold the land in question (the other chiefs being dead). I also reminded the
Black Hawk of the treaty of 1816, when the commissioners refused to smoke with him and the other
Sac chiefs (who accompanied him down to St. Louis), to make peace, until they signed the treaty,
etc.
The Black Hawk denied that any mention was made to him about land in making the treaty of 1816;
but that the commissioners must have inserted in the treaty what was not expressly explained to him
and friends.
The Indians and myself had a great deal of talk at this meeting, the most of which was quite
unnecessary, at the winding up of which I told the Indians I would not listen to any complaints that
might come in future from any Indians who would remain at Rocky river.
The chief Keokuk inquired of me in private if he and some of his friends could remain at Rocky
river to raise the corn they had planted,[67] saying at the same time that most of the principal chiefs
and braves had gone to reside at a place a few miles within the mouth of Ioway river, and that more
than one-half of those now at Rocky river would also go shortly to the same place.
I told Keokuk that he had heard what I had said to the Indians in council, and that it was out of my
power to give any Indians such permission as he asked for.
It is my opinion that but few Indians will remain at Rocky river this summer, but yet I am fearful that
some difficulties will take place among them and the settlers during the ensuing summer. All the Fox
Indians formerly residing in this vicinity have gone and made a new village at the Grand Mascatin.

As has been stated, Black Hawk was not a chief, and was never recognized as
such. He was simply a brave who had gathered around him a party of
disaffected spirits, eager to foment strife; being no Pontiac or Tecumseh, and
having no call upon him by his nation or his tribe to rectify any wrongs, his
controversies in 1830 had degenerated into petty quarrels with the incoming
settlers.

He refused to cross the Mississippi because he was meanly jealous of Keokuk
and his influence and because of his hatred of the Americans, and not because
of fealty to any principle. He considered every argument of his friends to
mean that his removal meant his absorption as an attraction. Removal west,
with Keokuk above him, meant desuetude and dry rot for his schemes. He
preferred being a small quarreler to being none at all, and he remained.
The Indian inclosures were made with stakes driven into the ground, to which
poles were transversely laid and tied with strips of bark. When the crop of
1830 had been planted within these enclosures, or otherwise, the Indians left
for a summer hunt. Returning when the corn was in the milk, it was gathered
and their horses were turned into the fields. The aftermath of those meagerly
cropped fields was uninviting while the ripening grain of the whites was near
at hand, and, without any ceremony, the slight fences were trampled down
and the grain of the white man more or less consumed or destroyed. A casual
glance at this state of things would disclose no premeditation on the part of
the Indians to molest the whites, but the whites complained and seem to have
proven beyond all doubt that the Indians, finding they could harass the whites
by these tactics, carried them a little further, until they secretly drove horses
into the fields and upon various occasions killed the live stock of the whites.
The correspondence entire upon the subject, as found in public document No.
2 of the proceedings of the Twenty-second Congress, first session, is scattered
along through this chapter. These depredations continued until autumn, when
Black Hawk and his band departed on their winter’s hunt.
By way of experiment, a compromise for the year 1830 was attempted
whereby the whites and Indians were to try to live together in peace, but the
antagonistic natures of both made success impossible and the attempt was
abandoned, with the determination by the whites that if Black Hawk annoyed
them in their future efforts to develop their farms his actions would be met
with resistance and his removal by force demanded of the authorities. In the
spring of 1831 the Indians returned to find the whites prepared to resist them.
Black Hawk’s wick-a-up was occupied. This act brought his contention to a
climax, as might have been expected, by openly attempting the destruction of
property. This he did without molesting the owner, adroitly provoking the
Americans to menace and possibly force him to assume an attitude of defense
of Indian rights and the “graves of his fathers.” On April 30, 1831, the
following letter was sent to Governor Reynolds, setting forth grievances, and

signed by a numerical force which should command attention from any
executive:
“April 30, 1831.
“His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:
“We, the undersigned, being citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, beg leave to state to your honor
the grievances which we labor under, and pray your protection against the Sac and Fox tribe of
Indians, who have again taken possession of our lands near the mouth of Rock River and its vicinity.
They have, and now are, burning our fences, destroying our crops of wheat now growing, by turning
in all their horses. They also threaten our lives if we attempt to plant corn, and say they will cut it up;
that we have stolen their lands from them, and they are determined to exterminate us, provided we
don’t leave the country. Your honor, no doubt, is aware of the outrages that were committed by said
Indians heretofore. Particularly last fall, they almost destroyed all our crops, and made several
attempts on the owners’ lives when they attempted to prevent their depredations, and actually
wounded one man by stabbing him in several places. This spring they act in a much more outrageous
and menacing manner, so that we consider ourselves compelled to beg protection of you, which the
agent and garrison on Rock Island refuse to give, inasmuch as they say they have no orders from
government; therefore, should we not receive adequate aid from your honor, we shall be compelled
to abandon our settlement, and the lands which we have purchased of government. Therefore, we
have no doubt but your honor will better anticipate our condition than it is represented, and grant us
immediate relief in the manner that to you may seem most likely to produce the desired effect. The
number of Indians now among us is about six or seven hundred. They say there are more coming,
and that the Pottawattomies and some of the Winnebagoes will help them, in case of an irruption
with the whites. The warriors now here are the Black Hawk’s party, with other chiefs, the names of
whom we are not acquainted with. Therefore, looking up to you for protection, we beg leave to
remain yours, etc.”[68]
“John Wells, “Erastus Kent, “G.V. Miller,
“B.F. Pike, “Levi Wells, “Edward Burner,
“H. McNiel, “Joel Wells, “Joel Thompson,
“Albert Wells, “Michael Bartlet, “Joel Wells, Jr.,
“Griffith Ausbury, “Huntington Wells, “J.W. Spencer,
“Thomas Gardiner, “Thomas Davis, “Joseph Danforth,
“J. Vandruff, “Thomas Lovitt, “William Brazher,
“S. Vandruff, “William Heans, “Jonah H. Case,
“John L. Bain, “Charles French, “Samuel Wells,
“Horace Cook, “M.S. Hulls, “Charles French,
“David B. Hail, “Eli Wells, “Benjamin Goble,
“John Barrel, “Asaph Wells, “Gentry McCall.”
“William Henry,

Receiving no reply to that request, the citizens waited until the 19th of May,
when they fancied they would have to send a personal embassy to Reynolds,
which they did, in as much haste as possible, as they were expecting
momentary trouble from those Indians. They accordingly drew up the

following petition and sent it by one of the most respectable of their citizens,
who in person laid it before the Governor:
“Farnhamburg, May 19th, 1831.
“To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:
“We, the undersigned, citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, having previously sent a petition to
your honor, praying your protection against these Sac Indians, who were at that time doing every
kind of mischief, as was set forth and represented to your honor; but feeling ourselves more
aggrieved, and our situation more precarious, we have been compelled to make our distress known
to you by sending one of our neighbors, who is well acquainted with our situation. If we do not get
relief speedily, we must leave our habitations to these savages, and seek safety for our families by
taking them down into the lower counties and suffer our houses and fences to be destroyed, as one of
the principal war chiefs has threatened, if we do not abandon our settlement, his warriors should
burn our houses over our heads. They were, at the time we sent our other petition, destroying our
crops of wheat, and are still pasturing their horses in our fields, burning our fences, and have thrown
the roof off one house. They shot arrows at our cattle, killed our hogs, and every mischief.
“We have tried every argument to the agent for relief, but he tells us they are a lawless band, and he
has nothing to do with them until further orders, leaving us still in suspense, as the Indians say, if we
plant we shall not reap, a proof of which we had last fall; they almost entirely destroyed all our crops
of corn, potatoes, etc. Believing we shall receive protection from your excellency, we shall go on
with our farms until the return of the bearer; and ever remain your humble supplicants, etc.,”

Which petition was signed by nearly the same citizens as the first. Benjamin
F. Pike, the bearer of the above petition, and also Hiram Sanders and
Ammyson Chapman, made oath to the truth of the allegations contained in it,
as follows:
“State of Illinois, St. Clair County.
“Present, Benjamin F. Pike, before me, a Justice of the Peace in and for the said county, and made
oath and deposed, that he has resided in the vicinity of Rock River, in the State of Illinois, for almost
three years last past; that he is well acquainted with the band of the Sac Indians whose chief is the
Black Hawk, and who have resided and do now reside near the mouth of Rock River, in this State;
that he understands so much of the said Indian language, as to converse with the said Indians
intelligibly; that he is well satisfied that said Indians, to the amount of about three hundred warriors,
are extremely unfriendly to the white people; that said Indians are determined, if not prevented by
force, to drive off the white people, who have some of them purchased land of the United States,
near said Indians, and said Indians to remain the sole occupiers of the said country.
“That said Indians do not only make threats to this effect, but have, in various instances, done much
damage to said white inhabitants, by throwing down their fences, destroying the fall grain, pulling
off the roofs of houses, and positively asserting that if the whites do not go away, they would kill
them; that there are about forty inhabitants and heads of families in the vicinity of said Indians, who
are immediately affected by said band of Indians; that said Pike is certain that said forty heads of
families, if not protected, will be compelled to leave their habitations and homes from the actual
injury that said Indians will commit on said inhabitants. That said band of Indians consists, as above
stated, of about three hundred warriors, and that the whole band is actuated by the same hostile
feelings towards the white inhabitants; and that, if not prevented by an armed force of men, will
commit murders on said white inhabitants. That said Indians have said, that they would fight for
their country where they reside, and would not permit the white people to occupy it at all. That said

white inhabitants are desirous to be protected, and that immediately, so that they may raise crops this
spring and summer.
“Benjamin F. Pike.
“Sworn and subscribed before me, this 26th May, 1831.
“John H. Dennis, J.P.”
“The deposition of Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, taken before Stephen Dewey, Esq., a
Justice of the Peace for Fulton County.
“State of Illinois, Fulton County.
“Personally appeared before me, Stephen Dewey, an acting Justice of the Peace in and for said
county of Fulton, and State of Illinois, Hiram Sanders, and Ammyson Chapman, of the aforesaid
county and State, and made oath that some time in the month of April last, they went to the old
Indian Sac town, about thirty miles up Rock River, for the purpose of farming and establishing a
ferry across said river, and the Indians ordered us to move away, and not to come there again and we
remained there a few hours.
“They then sent for their chief, and he informed us that we might depart peaceably, and if we did not
that he would make us go.
“He therefore ordered the Indians to throw our furniture out of the house; they accordingly did so,
and threatened to kill us if we did not depart. We therefore discovered that our lives were in danger,
and consequently moved back again to the above county.
“We supposed them to be principally Winnebagoes.
“H. Sanders,
“A. Chapman.
“Sworn and subscribed this 11th. day of May, 1831.
“Stephen Dewey, J.P.”

There were several other petitions sent to the Governor from Henderson
River and elsewhere; likewise a number of depositions were taken, the
substance of which will be found in General Gaines’ report to the Secretary of
War.
For almost twenty-seven years, much over an average Indian’s lifetime, the
Government had faithfully observed its compact of 1804 to allow the Sacs
and Foxes the privilege of remaining on the ceded lands until surveyed and
thrown upon the market. With each new treaty acknowledging that one,
additional annuities had been granted them, until the annual distribution
amounted to $27,000.00: “The Sacs and Foxes are already drawing an
annuity of twenty-seven thousand dollars for thirty years to come, in cash,
and by the present treaty that amount will be enlarged to thirty-seven
thousand dollars per annum.”[69] The last named treaty, mentioned by Catlin,
brought these Indians seventy-five cents per acre for their lands. Yet Black
Hawk, regardless of the obligation of his lawful superiors and his own, under

those repeated treaties and payments, lingered and quibbled and quarreled,
thinking, no doubt, by this time that he could not or would not be removed at
all.
The little band of whites, unable to contend successfully against the
overwhelming numbers of Indians and their exasperating thefts and
annoyances, applied to the agent and got no relief and, as it seemed to the
settlers, almost no thought. The United States authorities, particularly
Governor Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, were the ones
to furnish protection, vi et armis or otherwise. Governor Reynolds was very
unwilling at first to send the militia to the scene without invitation from those
army officers; therefore, when he received the first petition, instead of
replying at once to it, he applied to the Indian agents at Rock Island and to
General Gaines. Failing of receiving any consideration, the second message
from the citizens, who thought he had ignored them, compelled the “Old
Ranger,” as the Governor was called, to take the initiative by calling out the
militia to the number of 700, which he did on May 26th, with instructions to
rendezvous at Beardstown June 10, 1831.[70] On the day of issuing that call,
he wrote Governor Clark a letter, calculated to leave no room for doubt as to
the course he should pursue and the manner of his treatment of the Indians if
they did not move.
“Belleville, 26th May, 1831.
“Sir:–In order to protect the citizens of this State, who reside near Rock River, from Indian invasion
and depredations, I have considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of this State of about
seven hundred strong, to remove a band of the Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island. The
object of the government of the State is to protect those citizens, by removing said Indians,
peaceably, if they can, but forcibly if they must. Those Indians are now, and so I have considered
them, in a state of actual invasion of the State.
“As you act as the public agent of the United States in relation to those Indians, I considered it my
duty to inform you of the above call on the militia, and that in or about fifteen days a sufficient force
will appear before said Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over to the west side of the
Mississippi; but to save all this disagreeable business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them
to remove to the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace to the citizens of
the State. There is no disposition on the part of the people of this State to injure those unfortunate
and deluded savages if they will let us alone; but a government that does not protect its citizens
deserves not the name of a government. Please correspond with me to this place on this subject.

“Your obedient servant,

“John Reynolds.
“Gen. Clark, Supt., etc.”

Reynolds’ letter hastened the following reply, which clearly indicated that
much had really been done by Governor Clark to remove the Indians:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th inst., informing me of
your having considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of about seven hundred for the
protection of the citizens of Illinois who reside near Rock Island from Indian invasion and for the
purpose of removing a band of Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island, etc.
“You intimate that to prevent the necessity of employing this force, perhaps a request from me to
those Indians to remove to the west side of the Mississippi would effect the object of procuring
peace to the citizens of your State. In answer to which, I would beg leave to observe, that every
effort on my part has been made to effect the removal of all those tribes who had ceded their lands.
For the purpose of affording you a view (in part) of what has been done in this matter, I enclose you
herewith extracts from the reports of the agents for the Sacs and Foxes, by which it will be seen that
every means, short of actual force, has been employed to effect their removal.
“I have communicated the contents of your letter to Gen. Gaines, who commands the western
division of the army, and who has full power to act and execute any military movement deemed
necessary for the protection of the frontier. I shall also furnish him with such information regarding
the Sacs and Foxes as I am possessed of, and would beg leave to refer you to him for any further
proceedings in relation to this subject. I have the honor to be, with great respect,

“Your obedient servant,

“Wm. Clark.
“His Excellency, John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois.”

The fact that Governor Reynolds did not immediately hear from General
Gaines or the Indian agents led him into the mistaken belief that they were
entirely inactive and unsympathetic as to the fate of the settlers. The contrary
is the truth, as the following letters, mentioned in the foregoing, from Agent
St. Vrain, a most courteous and conscientious man, will disclose. This same
good man was subsequently butchered in a most shocking manner by the
Indians:[71]
“Rock Island, May 15, 1831.
“Respected Sir:–I have again to mention to you that the Black Hawk (a Sac chief) and his party are
now at their old village on Rock River. They have commenced planting corn and say they will keep
possession. I have been informed that they have pulled down a house and some fences, which they
have burned. They have also turned their horses in wheat fields and say they will destroy the wheat,
so that the white people shall not remain among them.
“This is what I expected from their manner of acting last fall, and which I mentioned to you in my
letter of the 8th October last. I would not be at a loss were it not for the 7th article of the treaty with
the Sacs and Foxes of 3d November, 1804.
”I respectfully ask, would it not be better to hold a treaty with those Indians and get them to remove
peaceably, than to call on the military to force them off? None of this band has as yet called on me

for information. A few have been at my agency to have work done at the smith’s shops. I have the
honor to be,

“Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.
“Gen. William Clark, Supt. Ind. of St. Louis.”
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Respected Sir:–Since my last of the 15th inst. on the subject of the band of Sac Indians, etc., the
Indian village on Rock River near Rock Island, I have heard from the Indians and some of the
whites, that a house had been unroofed instead of pulled down and burned and that the fence had
caught fire by accident. As regards the destroying of the wheat, etc., the Indians say that a white man
hauled some timber through a field and left the fence down, by which means their horses got into the
field. This, however, has been contradicted by the white inhabitants of that place. They say that the
Indians are constantly troubling them by letting their horses into their fields and killing their hogs,
etc., etc. This, however, I am confident is occasioned in a great measure by whisky being given to
the Indians in exchange for their guns, traps, etc.
“I had a talk with the principal chief and braves of that band of Indians. I spoke to the Black
Thunder, who is the principal of that band. The Black Hawk is only a brave, but has considerable
influence with them. I told them that they had sold those lands to the government of the United
States, and that they ought to remove to their own lands. They then said that they had only sold the
lands south of the river. I then produced the treaties and explained to them that they had relinquished
their right as far as the Ouisconsin. Quash-quam-me (the jumping fish) then said that he had only
consented to the limits being Rock River; but that a Fox chief agreed (as he understands, afterwards)
for the Ouisconsin; that he (Quash-quam-me) had been deceived, and that he did not intend it to be
so. I had considerable talk with them on this subject, and could discover nothing hostile in their
disposition, unless their decided conviction of their right to the place could be construed as such. I
have been informed that a white man and his family had gone to an Indian village on the borders of
Rock River, about forty miles from Rock Island, for the purpose of establishing a ferry, and that the
Indians at that place had driven them away, at the same time saying to them that they would not hurt
them, but they should not live there. This village is occupied by a mixture of Winnebago, Sac and
Fox bands and headed by the Prophet, a chief. I have the honor to be

“Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.
“Gen. William Clark, Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”

That General Clark was more active than credited by Reynolds will also be
learned from the ensuing letter, which he at once dispatched to General
Gaines:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 28, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of a letter of 26th inst. just received from the
Governor of Illinois, by which you will perceive he has thought it necessary to call out a force of
about 700 militia for the protection of the citizens of that State, who reside near Rock River, and for
the purpose of removing a band of Sacs which he states are now about Rock Island.

“As the commanding General of this division of the army, I have thought it my duty to communicate
to you the above information; and for the purpose of putting you in possession of the views of the
Government in relation to this subject, as well as to inform, you of the means which have been
heretofore employed for the removal of the Sacs now complained of, I enclose to you herewith
copies of my correspondence with the War Department and with the agent for those tribes, also
extracts from such of their reports as had immediate relation to the subject.[72]
“The Sacs and Foxes have been counseled with on the subject of their removal from the lands which
they had ceded to the United States. The prospect of collisions with the white settlers who were then
purchasing those lands, and the interminable difficulties in which they would be involved thereby
were pointed out, and had the effect of convincing a large majority of both tribes of the impropriety
of remaining at their old villages. They, therefore, acquiesced in the justice of the claim of the United
States and expressed their willingness to comply with my request to remove to their new village on
Ioway river, west of the Mississippi, all but parts of two bands headed by two inconsiderable chiefs,
who, after abandoning their old village, have, it appears, returned again, in defiance of all
consequences.
“Those bands are distinguished and known by the name of ‘The British Party,’ having been for many
years in the habit of making annual visits at Malden in Upper Canada for the purpose of receiving
their presents, and it is believed to be owing in a great measure to the counsels they have there
received, that so little influence has been acquired over them by the United States agents.
“In justice to Keokuk, Wapello, The Stabbing Chief, and, indeed, all the other real chiefs and
principal men of both tribes, it should be observed that they have constantly and zealously co-
operated with the Government agents in furtherance of its views, and in their endeavors to effect the
removal of all their property from the ceded lands.
“Any information in my possession which you may deem necessary in relation to this subject will be
promptly afforded. With high respect, I have the Honor to be

“Your most obedient servant,

“William Clark.
“Major-Gen. Edmund P. Gaines, Commanding Western Department, U.S.A”
“P.S. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes (Mr. St. Vrain) has received his instructions and will perform
any service you may require of him with the Sacs and Foxes.”

Reynolds must have received General Clark’s letter on the date of writing,
since he concurrently addressed General Gaines as follows:
“Belleville, May 28, 1831.
“General Gaines.
“Sir:–I have received undoubted information that the section of this State near Rock Island is
actually invaded by a hostile band of the Sac Indians, headed by Black Hawk; and in order to repel
said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State I have, under the provisions of the Constitution
of the United States and the laws of this State, called on the militia, to the number of seven hundred
men, who will be mounted and ready for service in a very short time. I consider it my duty to lay
before you the above information, so as you, commanding the military forces of the United States in
this part of the Union, may adopt such measures in regard to said Indians as you deem right.
“The above-mentioned mounted volunteers (because such they will be) will be in readiness
immediately to move against said Indians, and, as Executive of the State of Illinois, I respectfully

solicit your co-operation in this business. Please honor me with an answer to this letter.
“With sincere respect for your character,

“I am, your obedient servant,

“John Reynolds.”

To which rather tart epistle General Gaines replied instanter:
“H.Q. Western Department, May 29, 1831.
“His Excellency, Governor Reynolds.
“Sir:–I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday’s date, advising
me of your having received undoubted information that the section of the frontier of your State near
Rock Island is invaded by a hostile band of Sac Indians, headed by a chief called Black Hawk. That
in order to repel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State, you have called on the militia
to the number of seven hundred militiamen, to be in readiness immediately to move against the
Indians, and you solicit my co-operation.
“In reply, it is my duty to state to you, that I have ordered six companies of the regular troops
stationed at Jefferson Barracks to embark to-morrow morning and repair forthwith to the spot
occupied by the hostile Sacs. To this detachment I shall, if necessary, add four companies. With this
force I am satisfied that I shall be able to repel the invasion and give security to the frontier
inhabitants of the State. But should the hostile band be sustained by the residue of the Sac, Fox and
other Indians, to an extent requiring an augmentation of my force, I will, in that event, communicate
with your Excellency by express, and avail myself of the co-operation which you propose. But,
under existing circumstances, and the present aspect of our Indian relations on the Rock Island
section of the frontier, I do not deem it necessary or proper to require militia, or any other
description of force, other than that of the regular army at this place and Prairie du Chien.
“I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

“Your obedient servant,

“Edmund P. Gaines,
“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”

Dignifying Black Hawk’s return with the term invasion was a misnomer, at
least an exaggeration, on the part of Reynolds, but Gaines promptly set out
for Fort Armstrong, where he quickly absorbed the situation and
communicated it to Reynolds.
“Headquarters, Rock Island, June 5, 1831.
“John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois.
“Sir:–I do myself the honor to report to your Excellency the result of my conference with the chiefs
and braves of the band of Sac Indians settled within the limits of your State near this place.
“I called their attention to the facts reported to me of their disorderly conduct towards the white
inhabitants near them. They disavow any intention of hostility, but at the same time adhere with
stubborn pertinacity to their purpose of remaining on the Rock River land in question.

“I notified them of my determination to move them peaceably if possible, but at all events to move
them to their own side of the Mississippi River, pointing out to them the apparent impossibility of
their living on lands purchased by the whites without constant disturbance. They contended that this
part of their country had never been sold by them. I explained to them the different treaties of 1804,
’16 and ’25, and concluded with a positive assurance that they must move off, and that I must as
soon as they are ready assist them with boats.
“I have this morning learned that they have invited the Prophet’s band of Winnebagoes on Rock
River, with some Pottawattomies and Kickapoos, to join them. If I find this to be true, I shall gladly
avail myself of my present visit to see them well punished; and, therefore, I deem it to be the only
safe measure now to be taken to request of your Excellency the battalion of mounted men which you
did me the honor to say would co-operate with me. They will find at this post a supply of rations for
the men, with some corn for their horses, together with a supply of powder and lead.
“I have deemed it expedient under all the circumstances of the case to invite the frontier inhabitants
to bring their families to this post until the difference is over.

“I have the honor to be, with great respect,

“Your obedient servant,
“Edmund P. Gaines,
“Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”
“P.S. Since writing the foregoing remarks, I have learned that the Winnebagoes and Pottawattomie
Indians have actually been invited by the Sacs to join them. But the former evince no disposition to
comply; and it is supposed by Colonel Gratiot, the agent, that none will join the Sacs, except,
perhaps, some few of the Kickapoos.
E.P.G.”

The situation had developed such symptoms, to the mind of General Clark,
that, after writing Governor Reynolds and urging Gaines forward, he made
the following report to the Secretary of War:
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, May 30, 1831.
“Sir:–On the 28th inst. I had the honor of receiving a letter from the Governor of Illinois dated the
26th, informing me of the measures which he had considered it necessary to pursue for the
protection of the citizens of his State from Indian invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of
Sacs then about Rock Island. A copy of his letter and my answer is herewith enclosed.
“Deeming the information received from the Governor of Illinois important, I immediately
communicated it to General Gaines, who happened to be in this place at the time; and shortly after
was called upon by Governor Reynolds himself, to whom I gave such information respecting the
Sacs complained of as had come to my knowledge, and also furnished him with such of the reports
of the agent for those tribes as had relation to the subject. To the commanding General I furnished
similar information; and also for the purpose of possessing him of the views of the Government on
that subject, I gave him copies of such of my correspondence with the War Department as had any
relation thereto.
“I also enclose to you copies of two reports of the agent for the Sacs and Foxes of the 15th and 28th
inst. By the first it will be seen that the band complained of is determined to keep possession of their
old village;[73] and it is probable from a knowledge of the disposition evinced in the matter by the

Sacs and for the purpose of dispossessing them, that the commanding General has thought proper to
make a display in that quarter of a part of the force under his command, six companies of which are
now leaving this place for Rock River. The expedition (be the result what it may) cannot fail of
producing good effects, even should the Indians be disposed to move peaceably to their own lands;
and if not, their opposition should, in my opinion, be put down at once.
“I have the honor to be, with high respect,

“Your most obedient servant,

“William Clark.
“The Hon. John H. Eaton, Secretary of War.”
“Rock Island, June 12, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that, agreeably to my intimation to you, I visited the village of
Sac Indians near this place yesterday for the purpose of persuading off the Winnebago Prophet and
some young men of his band whom I knew had previously been there, and, I believe, with an
intention to support the Sac Indians. I found that the Prophet had just left there for his village, which
is within my agency upon Rock River, and although he had previously promised that he would return
home and remain there, I have reason to believe that his object is to get as many of his band and of
the other bands of the Winnebagoes (who reside at Rock River, within my agency) as he can, for the
purpose of joining the Sacs and of supporting them in their present pretensions.
“I have recently been at some of the principal villages of Winnebagoes within my agency, and have
ascertained from unquestionable authority that, although they had been invited to join the Sacs, they
had refused to do so. I think it will be prudent for me to follow the Prophet, to prevent him from
influencing any of the Indians up the river to join him. Should I, however, find that any of the
warriors have left before my arrival amongst them, I will (if you think it best) return immediately to
this place, bringing with me three or four influential chiefs who can be relied on and who will, with
my assistance, I think, be able to control them.
“In my opinion there are at least 400 warriors at the Sac village which I visited yesterday, apparently
determined to defend themselves in their present position. On the receipt of your letter of the 4th
instant, I immediately hastened to this place with a view to give you the most satisfactory
information upon the subject of it and tender my services in any way you may think useful.

“I am, respectfully yours,

“Henry Gratiot, Sub-Agent, etc.
“Maj.-Gen. Gaines.”

CHAPTER XIII.
Council–Militia Organized–March to Black Hawk’s Village–Flight–
Village Burned–Treaty of 1831.

Once awakened, General Gaines lost no time in bringing about a convention
with the Indians, to avoid, if possible the trouble of a demonstration, but
Black Hawk was fired with hatred and unprepared to accept any terms
whatsoever. A council or talk was had in the council chamber at Fort
Armstrong, which Black Hawk and his British sympathizers attended in
numbers, and all fully armed. General Gaines opened the council by stating
that the great father at Washington desired only what was right, and closed by
insisting that the Indians should remove peaceably. Black Hawk replied that
the Sacs had never sold their lands and were determined not to give up their
village. General Gaines then asked: “Who is Black Hawk? Is he a chief? By
what right does he appear in council?” To these questions Black Hawk that
day made no reply, but on the following morning he was again in his seat.
When the council opened he arose and, addressing General Gaines, said: “My
father, you inquired yesterday, ‘Who is Black Hawk? Why does he sit among
the chiefs?’ I will tell you who I am. I am a Sac; I am a warrior, and so was
my father. Ask those young men who have followed me to battle, and they
will tell you who Black Hawk is; provoke our people to war and you will
learn who Black Hawk is.”[74] It is further recorded of this meeting that in the
heat of passion Black Hawk called General Gaines a liar and made
demonstrations to kill him, which were only averted by the coolness of
Gaines in parrying his threats by words of calmness. In this delicate affair
Antoine LeClaire, the interpreter, was a powerful factor in smothering the
threatened disturbance. The situation has been briefly set out in fortieth of
Niles Register, page 310, as follows:
“Encampment, Rock Island, June 8th.
“We yesterday had a talk with the Indians, and from their determination not to leave the white
settlements, and from their numbers, we shall have pretty serious work; that is, we shall have no
play. They came into the council house yesterday with their spears, hatchets and bows strung. I have
no doubt, from the extreme agitation of the interpreter, that there was more danger than most were
aware of, as our troops were near a quarter of a mile off and they were about ten for one of us.”

GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES. GOV. JOHN REYNOLDS.

MR. FRANCIS ARENZ. COL. SAMUEL C. CHRISTY.

If any proof of hostility had been theretofore wanting, that demonstration
supplied it and determined General Gaines to act heartily in conjunction with
Governor Reynolds, and hastily as well.
Men left their plows, and, with little or no preparation, hastened to
Beardstown, where twice the number of volunteers asked assembled. In
bringing this expedition about, with as little hardship as possible, Governor
Reynolds summoned none south of St. Clair or east of Sangamon counties.
None brought provisions and many failed to bring firearms, as requested in
the call, but through the unusual resourcefulness of Colonels Enoch C. March
and Samuel C. Christy, who were appointed quartermasters, supplies were
quickly and abundantly provided, and by the good fortune of finding with Mr.
Francis Arenz, a merchant of Beardstown, a consignment of brass guns,
designed for the South American trade, but not so used, arms for all were
provided. Governor Reynolds seemed determined not to conform to the
punctilio of bureau fighting.
To organize the army, Governor Reynolds appointed as his aids James D.
Henry and Milton K. Alexander. The task was difficult, but it was done
satisfactorily. It must be remembered that the men were unaccustomed to
subordination; many aspiring politicians whose appeals could not be ignored
clamored for recognition; many more troops than were needed appeared, and
to turn any number back might have jeopardized the success of the
expedition, yet all conditions were met and harmoniously adjusted.
Joseph Duncan of the state militia, afterward Governor, was appointed
Brigadier General, to assume immediate command of the brigade,[75] and
William Thomas was appointed Brigade Quartermaster; William G. Brown,
Paymaster General, and A. Atkins, Isom M. Gillham and Enoch B. Wethers,
aids to General Duncan. E.D. Taylor was his Adjutant and J.J. Hardin
Inspector General on his staff.
The brigade was divided into two regiments, a minor odd battalion and a spy
battalion. The First Regiment was composed of seven companies,
commanded by Captains Adam Smith, William F. Elkin, Achilles Morris,
Thomas Carlin,[76] John Lorton, Samuel C. Pierce or Pearce and Samuel
Smith, the staff officers being James D. Henry,[77] Colonel; Jacob Fry,

Lieutenant-Colonel; John T. Stuart, Major; Thomas Collins, Adjutant;
Edward Jones, Quartermaster; Thomas M. Neale, Paymaster.
The Second Regiment was composed of seven companies, commanded by
Captains H. Mathews, John Haines, George Bristow, William Gillham, Hiram
Kincaid, Alexander Wells and William Weatherford; the staff officers, so far
as known, being: Daniel Lieb, Colonel; Nathaniel Butler, Major, and W.
Jordan, Quartermaster.
The odd battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by
Captains William Moore, John Loraine and Solomon Miller, with the staff
made up of Nathaniel Buckmaster, Major; James Semple, Adjutant; David
Wright, Quartermaster; Joseph Gillespie, Paymaster; Charles Higbee,
Surgeon, and John Krupp, Armorer. Richard Roman was Surgeon’s Mate;
John H. Blackwell, Quartermaster Sergeant.
The spy battalion, first mentioned, was composed of four companies,
commanded by Captains Erastus Wheeler, William B. Whiteside, William
Miller and Solomon Preuitt, with the staff officers as follows: Samuel
Whiteside, Major; Samuel F. Kendle, Adjutant; John S. Greathouse,
Quartermaster, and P.H. Winchester, Paymaster;[78] John F. Gillham, Armorer.
[79]

Thus organized, the little army left camp near Rushville for Fort Armstrong,
June 15,[80] 1831, about 1,600 strong, reaching a point on the Mississippi
about eight miles south of Black Hawk’s village, called Rockport, after a
pleasant and prosperous march of four days. E.C. Berry, Adjutant-General of
the State, accompanied the army, which was met at Rockport by General
Gaines, who had brought on a steamboat loaded with provisions, secured by
the General Quartermasters March and Christy, and here Major John Bliss,
First U.S. Infantry, mustered it into the United States service.
At that point the army encamped for one night, where a plan of operation was
concerted. The following morning the army moved forward with an old
regular soldier for a guide, the steamboat at the same time starting, with
General Gaines, up the river[81] for Vandruff’s Island, where it was expected
the Indians would concentrate, opposite their village, to pick off the soldiers
as they approached. It was planned that the volunteers should cross the
slough to this island, rout the enemy and ford the main river to the village,
where the regular troops were to meet them from Fort Armstrong. The island
was covered with bushes and vines, so thick as to render them impenetrable

to the sight at a distance of twenty feet. General Gaines ran his steamboat up
to the south point of the island and fired several rounds of grape and canister
into the bushes to test the presence of the enemy. The spy battalion formed in
line of battle and swept the island until it was ascertained that the ground rose
so high and so suddenly that General Gaines’ shot could have taken no effect
one hundred yards from shore. The main body of volunteers, in three
columns, came following, but before they could reach the northern border of
the island the troops became so indiscriminately mixed, officers and men
together, that no man was able to distinguish his own company or regiment.
Gaines had ordered the artillery of the regulars to be stationed on a high bluff
which looked down on the contemplated battlefield half a mile distant, from
which, had the expected battle ensued, more friends than foes had been
killed, many times over.

BRIG. GEN. JOSEPH
DUNCAN. GOV. THOMAS FORD.

GOV. THOMAS CARLIN. MAJ. JOHN T. STUART.

CAPT. W.F. ELKIN. COL. WILLIAM THOMAS.

COL. J.J. HARDIN. COL. JACOB FRY.

When the army finally reached the main body of the stream it was found bold
and deep, fordable at no place nearer than half a mile and with no means of
transportation convenient to carry the troops across. There, within sight of the
enemy’s village, they were compelled to waste much time in idleness until
scows could be brought to ferry them over.
After unusual effort the volunteers reached the village, only to find it
abandoned, the Indians having quietly withdrawn to the west side of the
Mississippi that morning. A most abortive and humiliating campaign!
Whilst in camp down the river the previous evening a canoe filled with
friendly Indians, bearing a white flag, called upon General Gaines to inform
him of their neutrality, and ascertain a place of safety to which they might
remove from the dangers of the anticipated battle of the morrow. Had Gaines
desired to pursue a tactful course and punish the Indians, he might have
learned definitely the position of the enemy and planned a successful
campaign, but he gruffly told them to be gone, and that night they returned to
the village, where preparations were immediately made to abandon it, as they
did the following morning.
Governor Ford, who was a private of Whiteside’s battalion in this expedition,
has been especially severe with Gaines in his narration of the lack of
preparation and the frightful confusion which ensued, together with the peril
in which the troops found themselves by Gaines’ disposition of the cannon on
the heights above. It always is easy to plan an enterprise after it has been
concluded and all its details fathomed by experience; much easier than
before, with its uncertainties and possible failure. The Indians left; no blood
was shed; no accidents happened to man or beast, and so long as the wish
became a fact, though somewhat ingloriously done, there should be no cause
for such acrimonious comments as Ford saw fit to record.
The enemy having escaped, the volunteers were determined to leave behind
them a record of their displeasure. The rain descended in torrents, and though
shelter might have been found for many in the frail houses, the Indian village
was put to the torch and soon consumed with flames.
The volunteers then marched for Fort Armstrong the following morning and
encamped several days on the left bank of the Mississippi, where the city of
Rock Island now stands. The island, Rock Island, was then a most romantic

bit of nature. To this landscape Governor Ford in his narrative did ample
justice: “It was then in a complete state of nature–a romantic wilderness. Fort
Armstrong was built upon a rocky cliff on the lower part of an Island near the
center of the river. * * The shores on each side, formed of gentle slopes of
prairie, extending back to bluffs of considerable height, made it one of the
most picturesque scenes in the western country. The river here is a beautiful
sheet of clear, swift-running water, about three-quarters of a mile wide; its
banks on both sides were uninhabited, except by the Indians, from the lower
rapids to the fort, and the voyagers upstream, after several days’ solitary
progress through a wilderness country on its borders, came suddenly in sight
of the white-washed walls and towers of the fort, perched upon a rock,
surrounded by the grandeur and beauty of nature, which, at a distance, gave it
the appearance of one of those enchanted castles in an uninhabited desert, so
well described in the Arabian Nights Entertainment.”[82] Reynolds, in his “My
Own Times,” page 338, mentions a supposition that Gaines purposely
retained the troops in camp at Rockport over night to allow the Indians to
escape, and that he and Duncan knew of their flight when the brigade moved
upon the village. If he did, then his arrangement of the contemplated battle
was justified. But whether he knew of the departure or not, his measures for
pursuit were prompt, vigorous and effective, and Black Hawk realized the
fact. When demanded to return for a “peace talk,” some of the Indians
appeared at the fort without Black Hawk. Immediately Gaines sent word
down to the camp, twelve miles below, that unless the remaining warriors
came in at once and sued for peace he would chastise them. Very soon these
recalcitrants, five or six hundred in number, appeared upon the river,
picturesquely dotting it with their canoes for the whole distance.

Z.H. VERNOR. JAMES SEMPLE.

SURGEON RICHARD
JOSEPH GILLESPIE. ROMAN.

CAPT. ERASTUS WHEELER. CAPT. SOLOMON PREUITT.

MAJ. NATHANIEL
MAJ. JOHN BLISS. BUCKMASTER.

On the 30th of June, 1831, in full council, Black Hawk and twenty-seven
chiefs and warriors signed a treaty with Governor Reynolds and General
Gaines, which was faithfully interpreted, word by word, by Antoine LeClaire,
and is as follows:
“ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT AND CAPITULATION made and concluded this thirtieth day of
June, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, between E.P. Gaines, Major-General of the United
States Army, on the part of the United States; John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois, on the part of the
State of Illinois; and the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians, usually called the ‘British
Band of Rock River,’ with their old allies of the Pottawatomie, Winnebago and Kickapoo nations:
“WITNESSETH: That, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians have, in violation of the
several treaties entered into between the United States and the Sac and Fox nations in the years 1804,
1816 and 1825, continued to remain upon and to cultivate the lands on Rock River, ceded to the
United States by the said treaties, after the said lands had been sold by the United States to
individual citizens of Illinois, and other states. And, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians,
in order to sustain their pretensions to continue upon the said Rock River lands, have assumed the
attitude of actual hostility towards the United States, and have had the audacity to drive citizens of
the State of Illinois from their homes, to destroy their corn, and to invite many of their old friends of
the Pottawatomies, Winnebagoes and Kickapoos to unite with them (the said British Band of Sacs)
in war, to prevent their removal from said lands: And, Whereas, many of the most disorderly of these
several tribes of Indians did actually join the said British Band of Sac Indians, prepared for war
against the United States, and more particularly against the State of Illinois, from which purpose
they confess that nothing could have restrained them but the appearance of force far exceeding the
combined strength of the said British Band of Sac Indians, with such of their aforesaid allies as had
actually joined them; but being now convinced that such a war would tend speedily to annihilate
them, they have voluntarily abandoned their hostile attitude and sued for peace.
“First–Peace is therefore given to them upon the following conditions, to which the said British
Band of Sac Indians, with their aforesaid allies, do agree; and for the faithful execution of which the
undersigned chiefs and braves of the said band, and their allies, mutually bind themselves, their heirs
and assigns forever.
“Second–The British Band of Sac Indians are required peaceably to submit to the authority of the
friendly chiefs and braves of the United Sac and Fox nations, and at all times hereafter to reside and
hunt with them upon their own lands west of the Mississippi River, and to be obedient to their laws
and treaties; and no one or more of the said band shall ever be permitted to recross this river to the
place of their usual residence, nor to any part of their old hunting grounds east of the Mississippi,
without the express permission of the President of the United States or the Governor of the State of
Illinois.
“Third–The United States will guarantee to the united Sac and Fox nations, including the said British
Band of Sac Indians, the integrity of all the lands claimed by them westward of the Mississippi River
pursuant to the treaties of the years 1825 and 1830.
“Fourth–The United States require the united Sac and Fox nation, including the aforesaid British
Band, to abandon all communication, and cease to hold any intercourse with any British post,
garrison, or town; and never again to admit among them any agent or trader who shall not have
derived his authority to hold commercial or other intercourse with them by license, from the
President of the United States or his authorized agent.

“Fifth–The United States demand an acknowledgment of their right to establish military posts and
roads within the limits of the said country guaranteed by the third article of this agreement and
capitulation, for the protection of the frontier inhabitants.
“Sixth–It is further agreed by the United States, that the principal friendly chiefs and head-men of
the Sacs and Foxes bind themselves to enforce, as far as may be in their power, the strict observance
of each and every article of this agreement and capitulation; and at any time they may find
themselves unable to restrain their allies, the Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, or Winnebagoes, to give
immediate information thereof to the nearest military post.
“Seventh–And it is finally agreed by the contracting parties, that henceforth permanent peace and
friendship be established between the United States and the aforesaid band of Indians.
“In Witness Whereof, we have set our hands, the date above mentioned.
“Edmund P. Gaines,
“Major-General by Brevet, Commanding.
“John Reynolds,
“Governor of the State of Illinois.”
Chiefs.
Pash-e-pa-ho Stabbing Chief his X mark
Washut Sturgeon Head his X mark
Cha-kee-pax-he-pa-ho Little Stabbing Chief his X mark
Chick-a-ka-la-ko Turtle Shell his X mark
Pem-e-see the one that flies his X mark

Warriors and Braves.

Ma-ca-la-mich-i-ca-tak the Black Hawk his X mark
Men-a-con the Seed his X mark
Ka-ke-ka-mah all Fish his X mark
Nee-peek Water his X mark
A-sam-e-saw the one that flies too fast his X mark
Pan-see-na-nee Paunceman his X mark
Wa-wap-o-la-sa White Walker his X mark
Wa-pa-qunt White Hare his X mark
Ke-o-sa-tah Walker his X mark

Fox Chiefs.

Wa-pa-la the Prince his X mark

Kee-tee-see the Eagle his X mark
Pa-we-sheek one that sifts through his X mark
Na-mee one that has gone his X mark

Fox Braves and Warriors.

Al-lo-tah Morgan his X mark
Ka-ka-kew the Crow his X mark
She-she-qua-nas Little Gourd his X mark
Koe-ko-skee his X mark
Ta-ko-na the Prisoner his X mark
Na-kis-ka-wa the one that meets his X mark
Pa-ma-ke-tah the one that stands about his X mark
To-po-kia the Night his X mark
Mo-lan-sat the one that has his hair his X mark
pulled out
Ka-ke-me-ka-peo sitting in the grease his X mark
Witnesses.
Joseph M. Street, U.S. Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien.
W. Morgan, Colonel 1st Infantry.
J. Bliss, Brevet Major 1st Infantry.
Geo. A. M’Call, aid-de-camp to Maj.-Gen. Gaines.
Sam’l Whiteside.
Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.
John S. Greathouse.
M.K. Alexander.
A.S. West.
Antoine LeClaire, Interpreter.
Jos. Danforth.
Dan S. Witter.
Benj. F. Pike.[83]

During the progress of this treaty the women and children remained
encamped on the west bank of the river, reduced by the improvidence of the
men to the extremity of starvation. In many cases they had nothing to cover
their nakedness, presenting a spectacle so appealing to Gaines and Reynolds
that the former took from the general store of provisions and delivered to
Black Hawk and his band a quantity sufficient to tide them over until another

crop should have been gathered. Black Hawk accepted them and went his
way with many protestations of satisfaction.
Black Hawk in his book has stated that at this time he was perfectly willing to
remove to the west bank of the river for a cash consideration of $10,000 to
himself, and thus abandon his village and the graves of his fathers. Rather a
sordid ultimatum for a patriot!
The regular troops reached Jefferson Barracks on their return, July 6th, and
the volunteers, in riding to their various counties, required a little more time.
The latter, who had hoped to end the controversies with Black Hawk in an
open fight, were loud in their protests when they discovered that instead of
bullets the Indians were to receive provisions, calling the expedition a corn
war and other names of ridicule, but the sober judge of all the circumstances
will render his opinion in favor of the justness of Gaines’ and Reynolds’
actions.

CHAPTER XIV.

Unrest–Messengers and War Parties Sent Out–Attack on the Sioux–They
Retaliate–Attack on the Menominees–A Council.

The Sioux and Sacs and Foxes had been enemies for generations. Predatory
excursions by each nation into the other’s country had decimated the ranks of
both, until the Government found it necessary to interfere and demand a
treaty of peace between them. Accordingly, on the 19 of August, 1825,
William Clark and Lewis Cass, as commissioners on behalf of the United
States, met representatives from the Chippewas, Sacs and Foxes, Sioux,
Menominees, Winnebagoes, Iowas and portions of the Ottawas and
Pottowattomies at Prairie du Chien, where the first step toward a general
peace was taken by making a treaty wherein it was finally agreed (Article 2)
that the United States should run a boundary line between the Sioux on the
north and the Sacs and Foxes on the south, as follows: Commencing at the
mouth of Upper Iowa River, on the west bank of the Mississippi, and
ascending said Iowa River to its left fork; thence up the fork to its source;
thence crossing the fork of Red Cedar River in a direct line to the second or
upper fork of the Des Moines River; thence in a direct line to the lower fork
of the Calumet (Big Sioux) River, and down that river to its junction with the
Missouri River.[84]
Article 1 provided for a perpetual peace between the Sioux and Chippewas
and confederated tribes of Sacs and Foxes and between the Iowas and Sioux.
Article 7 determined the boundaries of the Winnebago country in Illinois and
Wisconsin, most of which, including the lead mines, the Sacs and Foxes had
claimed and ceded by the treaty of 1804, and which fact, when considered,
brings the consideration for the lands actually acquired within reason.
Article 9 defined the boundaries of the territory of the Ottawas, Chippewas
and Pottowattomies, none of which the Sacs and Foxes ever owned, though

they conveyed it by the treaty of 1804.

GEN. JOSEPH M. STREET. GEN. LEWIS CASS.

JEFFERSON BARRACKS.

This treaty of 1825, recognizing the right of the United States to sundry other
lands theretofore ceded by the Sacs and Foxes, over which they had some
shadow of authority, drew the line immediately north of the Black Hawk
village,[85] and this fact may have caused the impression by some of the
Indians, designedly or otherwise, that the treaty of 1804 contained the same
stipulation.
By Article 10 “all the tribes aforesaid acknowledge the general controlling
power of the United States, and disclaim all dependence upon and connection
with any other power.”
Evidently the pact relating to peace between the Sioux and Sacs and Foxes
had been avoided or disputed by one or both the subscribing parties, for on
July 15th, 1830, at Prairie du Chien, it became necessary to call another
council and make another treaty whereby the Sacs and Foxes ceded to the
United States a strip of country twenty miles in width, lying south of the line
established by the treaty of August 19, 1825, and extending along on the
south side of said line from the Mississippi to the Des Moines. In the same
treaty the Sioux ceded to the United States a like strip twenty miles wide,
extending along the north side of said line from the Mississippi to the Des
Moines. This forty-mile strip was known as the “Neutral Ground,” into which
the tribes on either side of the line were allowed to enter and hunt and fish
unmolested.
Unmindful of these treaties, however, we find a war party of Sacs and Foxes,
in 1831, near the headwaters of Blue Earth River, pouncing upon some
unoffending Sioux and murdering two of them in cold blood,[86] as will be
seen by the following:
“Indian Agency, St. Peters,
“August 8, 1831.
“General:–What I have always feared and what has been predicted by me, in the most decided form,
has recently taken place. The Sac or Fox Indians, about forty, invaded the Sioux territory on or about
the 25th of last month (July). These were mounted men, who penetrated the country as far as
Cintajah, or the Grey Tail, near the headwaters of the Terre Blue River, which is a tributary of the St.
Peter’s, and contiguous to this post. There is no mistake; the Sac Indians have killed two of the most
respectable men of the Wahpakoota Sioux, at the time and place above stated, and this, too, at least
sixty miles from the ceded territory, as concluded upon at the treaty of July, 1830, at Prairie du
Chien. The Wahpakootas ask for immediate redress, and I beg leave to assure you that the sooner
their just expectations in this important matter be met, the better for me and for this country. I mean
after what was promised by the Government, through the commissioners, at the treaty of 1830, in

presence of the assembled tribes. The Sacs lost one man in their attack upon the Sioux, who were in
sight of their encampment at the time.
“I have written to Col. Morgan, or officer commanding the troops at Prairie du Chien, a copy of
which letter is herewith enclosed. I have not gone much into detail, as the matter in question does not
admit of delay. The traders must lose $20,000 worth of credits already given for the country in
possession of the Wahpakootas, if the present difficulty be not very speedily adjusted. I have the
honor to be, with the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,
“Law. Taliaferro,
“Indian Agent, St. Peters.
“General William Clark,
“Superintendent of Indian Affairs.”

“Indian Agency, St. Peters, August 12, 1831.
“General:–I declined sending off my express on the 8th inst., understanding that one of the
Wahpakoota chiefs would be here in a day or two. Tah-sau-gah-now, the principal chief, reached this
place last night, and confirms the statement made to you on the 8th as to the attack of the Sac Indians
upon his people. He desires me to say to you, that in a few days you may expect to hear of a number
more of his people losing their scalps, as there was considerable firing heard in the direction of the
camp of the second chief, from whom he had separated but the day previous. The Sacs scalped the
two Sioux, after which their bodies, together with the Sac killed in the conflict, were buried by the
Wahpakootas. The chief wishes me to state further to you, that it is his intention, at my earnest
request, to remain quiet until the first of October, when, if the Government settles the difficulty as
declared at the treaty of Prairie du Chien, his people will be satisfied; otherwise, they will, with all
their force, carry the war into the Sac country to protect themselves. He also states that he has a
heart, and it is hard for him to see his people shot down like the buffalo on the lands acknowledged
by all nations to belong to them. I have the honor to be, with high respect, sir, your obedient servant,
“Law. Taliaferro,
“Indian Agent, St. Peters.
“General William Clark,
“Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”

Notwithstanding the promise to wait, this unprovoked attack aroused other
bands of the Sioux, who lost no time avenging the act in the following
manner: A band of the Foxes living near the Dubuque mines had made an
engagement to meet the agent at Prairie du Chien. Learning of this
contemplated visit, one John Marsh informed the Sioux of the time and place
thereof. Between midnight and the morning of the day fixed for the approach
of the Foxes, a band of Sioux, which had been joined by a few young
Menominees, passed down the river some twelve or fifteen miles below
Prairie du Chien, where a thick growth of bushes afforded ample opportunity
for an ambush. The channel there was narrow, with less current than a
broader, and was the one always selected by Indians for voyaging upon the
river. Kettle, the Fox chief, was leading his party up the channel in person,
when, passing the point of bushes there, the Sioux and Menominees opened

fire, killing Kettle and several of his followers. The frightened Foxes fled to
their Dubuque village, while the Sioux and Menominees returned home to
dance over the event.
No action was taken against them by the authorities, for the reason, perhaps,
that the act was retaliatory, lex talionis being the law of the Indian, treaty or
no treaty.[87]
Black Hawk, after his fiasco of 1831, had retired to the west side of the
Mississippi. He had agreed to remain tranquil; his people had been provided
with enough to maintain a provident band through the ensuing winter, but no
sooner had the soldiers dispersed than he began fomenting trouble, and
trying, as he had tried in 1831, to form a confederacy to fight the whites. War
parties of various sizes were soon on foot to stir up trouble with those Indians
then known to be on good terms with the whites, as will be set forth in the
correspondence which I have seen fit to copy in full rather than make
extracts.
“Cantonment Leavenworth, July 29, 1831.
“Sir:–Last night two young men of the Ioway tribe arrived at this post on express for the purpose of
informing me that about 120 Sacs from the Mississippi, in three different war parties, were on the
way up the Mississippi in search of the Ottoes, Omahas or Sioux. I immediately sent off a runner to
apprise all the Indians above this, and put them on their guard. One of these parties passed the Ioway
village, proceeded on, and crossed the Missouri at the Black Snake Hills, and are now on this side
somewhere above this place. Four men of this last party turned back from the Ioway village and bore
off with them two horses belonging to one of our citizens in Clay county. I understand the whites
have pursued them.
“On the 21st instant, 32 Sacs from Rock River passed this point on their way to the Osage towns.
They were accompanied by two Osages, one of whom called himself the son of Clament. I think it
highly probable that these Rock River Sacs will give us much trouble in this quarter. I have the
honor, etc.,
“John Dougherty,
“Indian Agent.
“To Gen. Wm. Clark,
Supt. Indian Affairs.”

On July 30th, 1831, a band of Menominees, having business with the agent at
Prairie du Chien, was assembled on an island almost under the guns of the
fort. Menominees loved whisky, and these Indians drank themselves socially
full, carrying their revels far into the night, when further drinking put them
entirely hors de combat. About two hours before daylight of the 31st a war
party of Sacs and Foxes, which had been watching the debauch, fell upon the
helpless Menominees, killed twenty-five of them outright and wounded

others. A few, less confused by liquor, roused themselves and pursued the
Sacs and Foxes a short distance without doing more damage than wounding a
few. The women, fearing possible harm to each other, had hidden all the
firearms to be found, thus leaving the Menominees doubly insecure.
The Sacs and Foxes fled direct to Black Hawk’s camp, and about that
individual secreted themselves beyond discovery.
Those Menominees, while lovers of whisky, were pronounced by Hon. James
H. Lockwood, who was present at Prairie du Chien at the time, and who was
intimately acquainted with Menominee character, to be, with surprisingly few
exceptions, a quiet, peaceable race, Tomah, the then acting chief, occupying
in Menominee annals a high character for ability and exemplary enterprises.
“United States Indian Agency,
At Prairie du Chien, August 1, 1831.

“Sir:–One year had scarcely elapsed after the sealing of the treaty of 1830 at this place, before one of
the parties has broken its solemn engagements, and dyed the scene of the ratification in the blood of
those Indians whom they took by the hand in the presence of their great father’s commissioners.
“Two or three hours before day, on the morning of the 31st July, a party consisting of 80 or 100 Sacs
and Foxes surprised a Menominee camp, three or four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, on
the east side of the Mississippi, and killed twenty-five of the latter, and wounded many who may
probably recover. There were about thirty or forty Menominees, men, women and children, in the
camp, most of whom were drunk, and the women had hidden their guns and knives, to prevent their
hurting each other. The Sacs and Foxes, though so greatly superior in numbers, and attacking by
surprise a drunken and unarmed encampment, lost several men who were seen to fall in the onset,
and retreated in less than ten minutes, with only a few scalps, pursued by four or five Menominees,
who fired on them until they were half a mile below the village. I received information, and was on
the ground in an hour and a half after the murders were committed. The butchery was horrid, and the
view can only be imagined by those acquainted with savage warfare.
“At seven o’clock a.m., I addressed the letter marked ‘A’ to the officer commanding at Fort
Crawford, giving him the first intimation of the massacre, and received in answer his letter of this
date, marked ‘B’. Lieut. Lamotte, stationed on the west bank of the Mississippi, two miles below
Prairie du Chien, saw the Indians pass up about 9 o’clock p.m. the night the murders were
committed and again saw them descend with great rapidity at daylight the next morning.
An express was dispatched by the commanding officer here to Rock Island at two o’clock on the day
of the murders; but no other steps to arrest these daring violators of the provisions of the treaty of
July, 1830, have, as I believe, been taken.
“To-day, the remaining Menominees asked to speak to me, and I met them accordingly. They
complain of the violation of the treaty, and say they have fallen victims to their confidence in the
security that was promised them under the sanctions of a treaty made in the presence of their fathers,
Gen. Clark and Col. Morgan. That Col. Morgan promised them a free and secure path to this place,
and that if they were struck, he would march an army of his warriors into the country of those who
struck them with their warriors, and take man for man of their enemies. They say they have lost
many of their bravest men. ‘One of our chiefs has lost all his family; his wife and his children and
his brother were all murdered, and he is left alone. He is not here; he is in his lodge mourning.’ They

added, ‘Take pity on our women and our orphan children, and give us something to console us, and
we will wait a while to see if our great father, whom you tell us is strong, will help us to punish those
Sacs and Foxes, who shake hands and smoke the pipe of peace to-day, and to-morrow break it and
kill those they smoked with.’ Under existing circumstances, I deemed it prudent and humane to give
them a few things and to provide some necessaries for their destitute children, the amount of which I
will forward by mail. I also promised to lay the affair before their great father, the President, and ask
him to have justice done for them agreeably to their treaty, if they would go into their country and
remain quiet. They have promised to do so a short time, yet I learn from other sources that runners
have been dispatched to Green Bay and among the Sioux.
“The Menominees also complain that they were promised that if they would be quiet, their great
father would see justice done between them and the Chippeways. That nothing is done, nor are their
dead covered. They remarked, ‘Shall we remain quiet on the faith of our great father until we are all
killed? When will our great father answer us?’
“They inform me that a white man (a discharged soldier from St. Peters) had killed a Menominee a
few days past. On inquiry I learned that the white man had a fight with two Indians, and in the fight
he struck the Indian on the head with a stick and fractured his skull, and he died the day after. There
is no white person who can testify anything about it, and the white man has gone off, I know not
where.
“I have received no answer to my letters respecting the murder of the Menominees by the
Chippeways, and am unable to satisfy them on that subject. I now hope that on the present
representation of facts, the Government will feel the necessity of a prompt interference, to save this
fort from a general rupture.
“The pacification of July, 1830, has been violated under the guns of Fort Crawford, and if some
immediate course is not taken to chastise those violators of that solemn arrangement, the influence of
the officers of the United States will be destroyed and the power of the Government disregarded by
the Indians.

“Respectfully, etc., etc.,

“Jos. M. Street, Indian Agent.
“Gen. William Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”
“U.S. Indian Agency at Prairie du Chien,
July 31, 1831, 7 o’clock A.M.

“Sir:–After a personal inspection of the scene of massacre, I hasten to inform you that last night the
Sacs and Foxes struck the Menominees, encamped on the east side of the Mississippi, about three or
four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, and killed twenty-four[88] of the latter, butchering them
in a most shocking manner.
“The Sacs and Foxes came up and left their canoes just above the old fort and completely surprised
the Menominees, who, under the sanction of the peace of 1830 at this place, and their vicinity to the
fort, were unsuspicious of danger.
“The attack was made about two hours before daylight, and the assailants were gone before light.
“So daring a violation of the treaty of July, 1830, made at this village, and within cannon shot of the
fort, evinces a spirit little in accordance with its humane and pacific object.
“I am also this moment informed that runners will be immediately dispatched by the Menominees to
Green Bay and to the Sioux.

“I shall be at Judge Lockwood’s during the day.

“Respectfully yours, etc.,

“Joseph M. Street, U.S. Indian Agent.
“To Capt. G. Loomis; Commanding Fort Crawford.”
“Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
“St. Louis, Sept. 12, 1831.
“Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ult. on the subject of the
late violation of the treaty of Prairie du Chien by the Fox Indians; and have, in accordance with your
instructions, given the necessary directions to the agent at Rock Island to convene the chiefs of the
Fox tribes, etc., at that place, to meet, if possible, on the 26th inst. Col. Morgan will, agreeably to the
directions of Gen. Atkinson, be present at the council and will make the necessary demand of a
surrender of the principal men connected with the outrage complained of; and I have reason to
believe that if the requirements of the act of intercourse of 1802, as well as the stipulations of the
treaty of 1825, shall be strictly complied with, it will be owing to the prompt and decisive measures
pursued by the department. The result of this council shall be promptly communicated.
“I take the liberty of enclosing to you herewith two letters from Major Taliaferro, of the 8th and 12th
August, and one from Gen. Street, received by the last mail, charging the Sacs with another violation
of the treaty of 1825. The facts, however, in relation to this last affair have been differently stated by
the Sacs, who were the first (it appears) to commence them. They say that the affair took place on
their own land, on the waters of the Ioway River; that a party of the Sioux, in a buffalo chase, fired
upon some of their people and killed a Sac, and that the rest of their people coming up, pursued the
Sioux, and killed two of them.[89] I have the honor to be, with high respect, Your most obedient
servant,
“Wm. Clark.
“The Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War.”
“Rock Island Indian Agency,
“September 10, 1831. \
“Respected Sir:–I have been informed, and it is currently reported, that two Sioux and three Sac
Indians met in a prairie, within the limits of the Sac and Fox lands; that one of the Sacs went up
towards the Sioux with the intention of shaking hands with them; but the Sioux refused and threw
off their blankets and breech cloths, evidently showing an unfriendly disposition towards the Sacs;
the Sac still continued approaching them until they shot him dead. The other two Sacs, who had been
concealed from the view of the Sioux, pursued them until they killed both the Sioux. This is the
report of the Sac Indians.[90]
“I, in concert with Major Bliss, called a council of the principal chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians for
the purpose of demanding the leaders of the band which were concerned in the massacre at Prairie
du Chien. The result is as contained in the enclosed journal, which was kept for the purpose. The
Indians remained at this place about four days; they got credit from their traders and departed with
the intention of making an immediate move to their hunting grounds. I presume that you have heard
of the death of Morgan, the Fox brave. One of his followers, after hearing of the circumstance, said
that it was useless for him to live any longer, now that Morgan was no more. He took his rifle and
went out and shot himself.
“Since writing the above, Captain Low told me that the Menominees were preparing to march
against the Sacs and Foxes, and that they would listen to no one, but were determined to take

revenge. Should I get any further information on the subject, I will immediately inform you of it. I
have the honor to be

Your obedient servant,

“Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent. \
“General William Clark,
“Superintendent Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”

“JOURNAL OF A COUNCIL HELD WITH THE CHIEFS AND WARRIORS OF THE SAC AND
FOX INDIANS AT FORT ARMSTRONG ON THE FIFTH SEPTEMBER, 1831, BY MAJOR
BLISS, FIRST INFANTRY, COMMANDING, AND FELIX ST. VRAIN, THE U.S. AGENT.
“At about 12 o’clock the council was opened by the commanding officer, as follows:
“‘Chiefs and Warriors of the Sacs and Foxes: By the treaty of Prairie du Chien, made at the request
of the President of the United States with the Sioux, Menominees and other Indian tribes, you
solemnly promised and agreed that there should be peace between you and those tribes. You also
agreed that if either tribe should attack either of the other tribes, that the persons of those who should
be concerned in the outrage should be delivered up to the officers of the United States. About four or
five nights since a war party of Foxes and some Sacs, led on by Pash-qua-mee, attacked a peaceable
party of Menominees near Fort Crawford and killed 26 men, women and children. Wrong has been
done and the treaty of Prairie du Chien has been violated.
“‘It becomes our duty, therefore, as officers of the United States, to demand that you, the chiefs and
warriors of the Sac and Fox Indians, deliver and surrender to us Pash-qua-mee and all the principal
Indians of the Sacs and Foxes who were engaged in this late massacre of the Menominees near Fort
Crawford, and we do demand them. We wait for your answer. We hope it may be such as to convince
the President, the Great Council and the citizens of the United States that the Sacs and Foxes are not
liars; that they always speak truth and perform as they promise.’
“After a short delay, Tiornay (the Strawberry), a Fox chief, replied: ‘My Father: I have heard you
and the commanding officer. We were all at the treaty at Prairie du Chien. We have the talk in our
minds. All the chiefs you see here have told the young men left behind all that was said at that time.
It is because you do not know our manners that you think ill of this. When we hear of a war party
going out, we do all in our power to stop it. You have heard what I say. We did not tell them to go to
war.
“‘My Father and Commanding Officer: How can we stop our men, when your white men cannot
stop the whites from committing crimes? Both of our cases are hard; our young men will not do
what we wish, and yours act in the same way. This is all I have to say.’
“Kottekennekak, the Bald Eagle, a Fox brave, then said: ‘My Father: Though we were all at Prairie
du Chien, how can we stop our young men? They go off while we are asleep and we know nothing
of it. It was not by our consent that the young men struck the Menominees at Prairie du Chien. We
have done all we could; but the young men will not listen to us.’
“Quash-quah-ing, the Jumping Fish, a British chief: ‘My Father and my Friends: All the chiefs are
dead and the young men have told me to speak for them. You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie
du Chien, but the Menominees struck us first and we struck back. The chiefs have said, “Do not let
us strike first.” What do you expect us to do? We only do what our old chiefs have told us. The
chiefs that have spoken told the truth; but what can we do when our young men will not listen?’
“Keokuk, he that has been everywhere, a Sac brave:

“‘You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie du Chien. I was there myself; but you tell a little more.
After the treaty was concluded at Prairie du Chien, I and four chiefs went to General Clark and
Colonel Morgan and said to them, “What will you do with those that strike first?” They told us that
the principal men should be delivered. This is what I mean when I say “a little more.” It was then
discovered and explained that the word “principal” had not been interpreted.
“‘My old man (pointing to Quash-quah-ing) did not understand. After the affair of last year we went
to General Clark and Colonel Morgan and, notwithstanding the attack of the Menominees, they
made all good and even. But now, if what they did and what we have now done was put in scales, it
would balance. I expect it is because our names are Sacs and Foxes that you make a noise about it.
When we do the least thing, you make a great noise about it. Last winter I went to the Missouri.
There an Ioway killed an Omaha. Why was he not hung? They were at the treaty. The reason I say so
much against you is because our hearts are good. Our chiefs were killed with the pipe of peace and
the wampum in their hands. This is all I have to say. As for my chiefs and braves, they will do as
they please. I have said all that I have to say; but why do you not let us fight? Your whites are
constantly fighting. They are now fighting way east. Why do you not interfere with them? Why do
you not let us be as the Great Spirit made us, and let us settle our difficulties?’”

As this speech of Keokuk’s was received by the Indians with applause for its
ingenuity, the commanding officer thought it proper to add that such treaties
as were made at Prairie du Chien were frequently made between the white
nations at the east and enforced.
That it was not because they were Sacs that the present demand was made,
but because it was not wished that the Sacs would become liars. That as it
regarded the Omahas, whenever they demanded redress for the murder from
the United States, it would then be time to interfere. That the affair did not
concern the Sacs.
James H. Lockwood, Vol. 2, p. 170, and John H. Fonda, Vol. 5, p. 256, in
writing of these events from memory for the Wisconsin Historical
Collections, fixed upon the year 1830 for the murders of the Sioux and
Kettle’s Foxes, Fonda including the Menominee affair in the same year. A.R.
Fulton, in his “Red Men of Iowa,” inferentially used the same year for the
three events; all agreed that the three followed in rapid succession.
Lockwood has made so many glaring errors in other parts of his narrative that
it is easy to believe that he was wrong in placing any of them in 1830. The
three affairs did occur with unusual propinquity of succession, but in 1831, as
the contemporaneous reports herein given have shown, and which must be
believed against memory. L.C. Draper, usually accurate, fell into Lockwood’s
mistake in his note to Fonda’s letter, by not taking time to investigate.

CHAPTER XV.

Ne-a-pope’s Mission–Keokuk’s Village–Council–Black Hawk Moves
Down Iowa River and up the Mississippi to Rock River–Atkinson
Moves up to Fort Armstrong.

With these contentious spirits, Black Hawk, restless Black Hawk, employed
his genius, sending out runners to all points of the compass, some going as
far as the Gulf of Mexico, to rally round him the confederacy which
Tecumseh attempted, but who, with his transcendent genius for organization
and war, failed, and so did Black Hawk, much more ingloriously, though
assured by his runners of an irresistible force to join him the moment he
rose to strike the whites. He had in 1831 sent his lieutenant, Ne-a-pope,[91]
to the British in Canada to solicit aid. That Indian, inauspiciously returning
through the village of Wa-bo-ki-e-shiek, the cross-bred Winnebago prophet,
who lived at his village on the left bank of Rock River forty miles from its
mouth, told the latter vicious meddler of the object of the Canadian trip.
The unscrupulous prophet, delighted at the possibility of making trouble for
the whites, performed for Ne-a-pope numerous incantations, received a few
visions, and made a prophecy that if Black Hawk would take up the hatchet
once more against the whites he would be joined by the Great Spirit and a
great army of worldlings, and in no time at all he would vanquish the whites
and be restored to his ancient village. It is more than probable that this
hocuspocus had great influence with Black Hawk, which, added to Ne-a-
pope’s falsehoods, determined Black Hawk to open another campaign
against the whites without delay. To begin with, his followers had wantonly
wasted their provisions, and even before winter had set in he had
inaugurated nightly raids upon the storehouses of the whites, stealing the
grain and vegetables there stored with a devilish glee. These raids continued
with exasperating frequency and regularity all winter and spring. He even

brought himself to believe that he could easily create dissension among the
followers of Keokuk and overthrow his power entirely.
Emissaries from the camp of Black Hawk had been busy in Keokuk’s
village on the Iowa River,[92] and, by insidious industry, murmurs began
arising upon all sides. Seizing this supreme moment, while Keokuk’s
reputation, influence and life, perhaps, were quivering in the balance, Black
Hawk threw off the mask and defiantly marched with his entire force to
Keokuk’s village to dispute the supremacy of Keokuk, steal away his
warriors and wage war upon the whites.
There at the village all was bustle and confusion. The rifle was loaded and
the knife and the hatchet strapped about the warriors’ loins. They had
importuned Keokuk to lead them to battle, and so subtle had been the work
of Black Hawk’s men that those importunities could not be ignored. The
torrent of a mighty and heedless anger raged and carried conservatism,
treaties, sentiment and every motive before it. Menaced now by Black
Hawk, who had so recently solemnly promised to behave himself for all
time, every frontier family stood in danger of the tomahawk. Had the united
Sacs and Foxes levied war against the whites, the wavering tribes from
Illinois north might have joined them and devastated the country and
desolated every hearth.
Black Hawk harangued the Indians with all his energy, firing them to a
pitch of excitement he had not expected and compelling Keokuk then and
there to promise to lead them to war; but in promising he, like Antony, was
permitted to make a speech–and like Antony’s it swayed the mob–against
Black Hawk.
“Kill your old men and squaws and children,” cried he, “for never will you
live to see them more,”[93] and haste was urged in doing it. An electric wave
from the skies never could have stricken those howling beasts of the
moment before as did that condition precedent. “You have been imposed
upon by liars,” he shouted, and when he had finished speaking, he stood, a
conqueror, in a silence inspired by awe, and Black Hawk and his band
moved sullenly down the river to war upon the whites once too often.
It has been said, and no doubt truly, that one Josiah Smart,[94] the
representative of George Davenport, was present to learn of Black Hawk’s

success and was so secreted as to overhear every word of those memorable
proceedings, and for their truth he has vouched.
On April 1, 1832, Gen. Henry Atkinson, then in command at Jefferson
Barracks, received an order dated March 17th, announcing the
determination of the Government to interfere and demand from the Sacs
and Foxes at least eight or ten of the principal murderers of the
Menominees. In obedience to that order, General Atkinson started on April
8th for the upper Mississippi with six companies of the Sixth Infantry (220
men) and the following officers of the expedition, in the steamboats
Enterprise and Chieftain:
Brig.-Gen. Henry Atkinson, Commanding.
Brev. Maj. Bennet Riley, Commanding 6th Regiment.
Capt. Zalmon C. Palmer, 6th Regiment.
Capt. Henry Smith, 6th Regiment.
Capt. Thomas Noel, 6th Regiment.
Capt. Jason Rogers, 6th Regiment.
Capt. George C. Hutter, 6th Regiment.
First Lieut. Asa Richardson, 6th Regiment.
First Lieut. J. Van Swearengen, 6th Regiment.
Second Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston, 6th Regiment, Asst. to Adjt. Gen.
Second Lieut. Joseph D. Searight, 6th Regiment.
Second Lieut. Nathaniel J. Eaton, 6th Regiment, Acting Commissary of
Subsistence.
Brevet Second Lieut. T.L. Alexander, 6th Regiment, Adjutant of
Detachment.
Brevet Second Lieut. Thomas J. Royster, 6th Regiment.
J.S. Van Derveer, 6th Regiment.
J.S. Williams, 6th Regiment.
Second Lieut. W. Wheelwright, 1st Artillery, Ordnance Officer.
Will Carr Lane, Surgeon.
Maj. Thomas Wright, Paymaster.

On April 10th the expedition arrived at the rapids of the Des Moines about
2 P.M., where General Atkinson was informed that Black Hawk on the 6th
had crossed to the east bank of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the lower
Iowa, with 400 or 500 horsemen, beside others to portage canoes, making a

total force able to bear arms of over 500 men, the whole band, men, women
and children, amounting, as then estimated, to about 2,000 souls,[95] and
going, as Black Hawk has told in his book, “to make corn.”

CHAPTER XVI.

Council–Atkinson’s Call for Troops–Reynolds’ Proclamation–Black
Hawk Defiant–Gratiot’s Journey.

What the intentions of General Atkinson might have been, above his actual
instructions, when leaving St. Louis, are entirely conjectural. The same may
be said with reference to the 10th, but when he arrived at Fort Armstrong,
during the night of the 12th, they are plainly evident.
On the 13th, at 10 A.M., he called a council, at which Keokuk and his head
men, some seventy in number, including Wapello, attended, and there he
demanded the surrender of ten of the principal men concerned in the murders.
Keokuk replied that he was unable to deliver them up because some had
joined the Prophet’s band at his village, toward which Black Hawk was then
rapidly marching along the left bank of Rock River, and the others were with
Black Hawk.
When first the demand was made the Indians retired to the plain close by to
consult. On determining on the foregoing statements among other things,
Keokuk returned and finished his talk as follows: “You wish us to keep at
peace and have nothing to do with the Rock River Indians. We will do so. In
token of our intentions, you see we have laid our spears there together. While
you are gone to Prairie du Chien we will endeavor to speak to Black Hawk’s
band and try to persuade them to go back. If we do not succeed, I can do no
more; then we will go home and try to keep our village at peace. The one who
has raised all this trouble is a Winnebago called the Prophet.” Wapello spoke
to the same effect.
As it was evident that Keokuk, by reason of his continued acts of friendship,
might lose much of his influence if too much were exacted of him, all
demands, including hostages, which were first asked, were waived and the
council adjourned to the 19th of April.

General Atkinson immediately started up the river for Fort Crawford, where
he secured all the reinforcements which could be spared from that garrison; at
the same time he sent messengers to Fort Winnebago and the lead mines
district to admonish the settlers to place themselves in a state of defense.

GEN. HENRY ATKINSON.

GEORGE DAVENPORT,
ASSISTANT
CAPT. HENRY SMITH, U.S.A. QUARTERMASTER.

LIEUT. N.J. EATON, U.S.A. LIEUT. M.L. CLARK, U.S.A.

Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, with two companies of the First Infantry, returned
with Atkinson to Fort Armstrong, which was reached on the 19th.
Immediately after the conclusion of the council on the 13th, General Atkinson
dispatched a letter to Governor Reynolds, who had not been idle, asking the
latter for the assistance again of his militia, to drive Black Hawk and his band
from the State once more. Promptly on the 16th, the Governor responded
with a call for an indefinite number of men, accompanied by this appeal:
“To the MILITIA OF THE NORTHWESTERN SECTION OF THE STATE.
“FELLOW CITIZENS:
“Your country requires your services. The Indians have assumed a hostile attitude and have invaded
the State in violation of the treaty of last summer.
“The British band of Sacs and other hostile Indians, headed by Black Hawk, are in possession of the
Rock River country, to the great terror of the frontier inhabitants. I consider the settlers on the
frontiers to be in imminent danger.
“I am in possession of the above information from gentlemen of respectable standing, and also from
General Atkinson, whose character stands high with all classes.
“In possession of the above facts and information, I have hesitated not as to the course I should
pursue. No citizen ought to remain inactive when his country is invaded and the helpless part of the
community are in danger. I have called out a strong detachment of militia to rendezvous at
Beardstown on the 22d inst.
“Provisions for the men and food for the horses will be furnished in abundance.
“I hope my countrymen will realize my expectations and offer their services as heretofore, with
promptitude and cheerfulness in defense of their country.”

Meantime, to protect the frontier, he on the same day called for a battalion of
200 militia under Major Isaiah Stillman of Fulton County, to patrol the
country to the north and westward. On the 20th Judge Richard M. Young,
Col. James M. Strode and Benjamin Mills wrote from Dixon’s Ferry to the
Governor, urging haste in protecting the settlements along that part of
Kellogg’s trail between Peoria and Dixon’s Ferry, and at once another
battalion of 200 men, under Major David Bailey of Tazewell County, was
called out for the purpose, and both battalions quickly responded.
On the 19th, General Atkinson met the friendly Sacs and Foxes, who in the
meantime had brought in three young men engaged in the Menominee
murders. Wapello, who delivered them up, said: “There are the young men
who have taken pity on the women and children. There are three of them.
These are my chiefs. These are the men who went into the braves’ lodge to

give themselves up. Father, I have received these young men. I now deliver
them to you.”
Keokuk spoke in the same strain, and received assurances that the young men
should receive generous treatment.[96]
Until the 24th, General Atkinson had sent embassies to Black Hawk to
dissuade him from his enterprise, but hearing nothing from them, he
dispatched two young Sacs with a mild talk. On the 26th they returned,
bringing Black Hawk’s answer that “his heart was bad and that he was
determined not to turn back.”
During these negotiations occurred one of the most daring and heroic
incidents of the campaign. Col. Henry Gratiot, father-in-law to the late Hon.
E.B. Washburne, had early established smelting works at Gratiot’s Grove, just
over the line into the present county of LaFayette, Wisconsin. By his humane
and honorable treatment of the Winnebagoes he had secured their unbounded
confidence, and the Government had made him agent for the Winnebagoes,
under the celebrated John Kinzie, then at Fort Winnebago. Upon him General
Atkinson relied as the one man above all others who could gain the ear of the
Winnebago “Prophet,” who was in his agency, and Black Hawk’s evil genius,
and turn the deluded British band back to its Iowa reservation. From Fort
Crawford General Atkinson had dispatched a[97] request to undertake this
perilous mission. Colonel Gratiot received the same April 16 and started,
taking one white man. On the 19th he arrived at the Turtle village of the
Winnebagoes, where, in order to secure a hearing, he was delayed until the
22d. There twenty-four Winnebago chiefs and head men were added to his
embassy, including Broken Shoulder, Whirling Thunder, White Crow, Little
Medicine Man and Little Priest among the number.[98] He hurriedly rode to
Dixon’s Ferry, where canoes were taken and the journey completed to the
Prophet’s village on the 25th. There, despite his flag of truce, Colonel Gratiot
was surrounded by hostile Sacs, who, with every demonstration of violence,
[99]
made him prisoner, Black Hawk himself, who had hoisted the British flag
in camp, supervising the incident, and evil times had certainly fallen upon the
head of Colonel Gratiot had not the Prophet, seeing the danger of his agent,
rushed to his rescue, crying, “Good man, good man, my friend. I take him to
my wigwam. I feed him. He be good friend of my Indians.”

WA-BO-KI-E-SHIEK, THE
COL. HENRY GRATIOT. PROPHET.

HENRY EDDY. GEN. SAMUEL WHITESIDE.

When the Prophet had him securely in the wigwam, Colonel Gratiot
explained the peaceful object of his mission and the perfidy of the Indians if
they refused to deal honorably with him. He further sought, with all the
eloquence and logic he could master, to dissuade the Prophet and Black
Hawk from their unrighteous expedition. The Prophet listened attentively, but
if any impression had been made upon him it was not noticeable in word or
action, and neither could he be persuaded to try to influence Black Hawk to
give up his mad enterprise. However, as a friend, the Prophet was determined
to save Colonel Gratiot’s life, if such a thing were possible. He kept him in
the wigwam for two or three days, watching an opportunity to free them. The
ferocious Sacs clamored louder each hour for scalps, and no doubt would
have succeeded in taking them had not the Prophet seduced them away
temporarily by promises until the desired opportunity should arrive.
Returning hastily on the 27th, he said to Colonel Gratiot: “Chouteau,[100] you
have always been my friend and the friend of my people, and you and your
party must not be harmed, but there is great trouble. My young men will
never consent to give you up and so you must leave without their knowledge.
Your canoes are on the shore; go to them at a moment when I shall indicate
and leave instantly, and go with all speed–like wild fire–for the young men
will give you chase. All will depend on the strength of your arms.”
The signal was given, and scarcely had the canoes been launched when an
alarm in the village brought the Sacs and young Winnebagoes to the river,
where a wild war-whoop was sounded and an exciting chase down Rock
River was begun to capture and kill Colonel Gratiot. Gratiot’s men pulled for
their lives, first losing and then gaining. The maddened Sacs whooped and
shrieked with anger at the possible miscarriage of their plans as they lent
renewed vigor to their strokes, but a sense of their overwhelming danger put
courage and strength into the oars of the pursued and they finally distanced
their pursuers, arriving safely at Fort Armstrong on April 27th, unnerved and
exhausted, to report that nothing could be done by moral suasion to prevent
the advance of Black Hawk and that nothing but force would avail.
While captive in the Prophet’s tent Black Hawk came to see him, and in
response to the appeal of Gratiot to return, replied that his heart was bad; that
he was going sixty miles up the river, and if molested would fight.[101]

CHAPTER XVII.

The Militia Moves to Rock River.

At Beardstown the forces rapidly gathered. Colonels March and Christy were
again placed in charge of the commissary department, but Christy, unable to
give the service that attention which it demanded, resigned, leaving March to
go alone to St. Louis for supplies, with instructions to have them at Yellow
Banks (now Oquawka), on the Mississippi River, by the time the army
reached that point. Col. E.C. Berry, Adjutant-General, and Col. Henry Eddy,
Quartermaster-General of the State Militia, accompanied the expedition clear
through. Gen. Samuel Whiteside was appointed Brigadier-General and the
other field officers were elected by the troops.
Two companies of foot appeared, which were formed into a battalion under
the command of Major Thomas Long, and though infantry was not asked for
in the call for troops, it was deemed impolitic to decline them, and they were
disposed of by the following order:
“Headquarters, Beardstown, April 29, 1832.
“Special Order.–Major Thomas Long, commanding the odd battalion of infantry.
“Sir:–You are hereby commanded to repair forthwith on the steamboat employed in the service of
the United States to the mouth of Henderson’s River, and there await further orders. And you will
strictly prohibit all shooting and other disorderly conduct in your command, and use all military
precaution to protect the steamboat upon which you are conveyed, and use every exertion to meet
the army at the point designated on the 2d of May next.
“By order of Brig.-Gen. Whiteside.
“Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

On the 30th Governor Reynolds had received a message from Atkinson
stating that the Indians had begun that day a movement up Rock River. Had
the order to Major Long not been issued, the army might have been ordered
to Peoria or Hennepin and Black Hawk could easily have been headed off at
Dixon’s Ferry, saving thereby much blood and treasure, but Reynolds feared

he could not overtake March and divert him to the course up the Illinois
River, therefore the circuitous march to Yellow Banks was undertaken. We
have fortunately preserved to us an account of that march, made by Private
O.H. Browning, later United States Senator, and later Secretary of the
Interior.
“Minutes of an expedition undertaken to the northern part of the State of Illinois, in the spring of
1832, against the hostile bands of Sac and Fox Indians, who, it was rumored, had invaded that
portion of said State which lies contiguous to and upon both sides of Rock River.
“Sunday, April 22, 1832.
“About 12 o’clock an order from John Reynolds, Governor of the State of Illinois, reached
Quincy, requiring the colonel commandant of the militia of Adams County to raise a company of
fifty mounted men and march them without delay to Beardstown on the Illinois River, the place
appointed for the rendezvous of the army.
“Monday, 23.
“Militia of county convened at Quincy. Second order received from Governor increasing the
requisition from 50 to 100 men, all of whom volunteered. Elected William G. Flood captain of
Quincy company, Ed. L. Pearson first lieutenant and Thomas Crocker second lieutenant. Philip W.
Martin elected captain of Bear Creek company, Howard first and Lillard second lieutenant. Elam S.
Freeman chosen to take command as major until we reached Rushville, to which place we were
directed to march instead of Beardstown.
Tuesday, 24.
“Spent in making preparations to march.
“Wednesday, 25.
“Convened in Quincy and between 11 and 12 o’clock marched with 80 or 85 mounted volunteers.
Three miles from Quincy heavy fall of rain. Continued our march 15 miles and encamped at
Lasley’s.
“Thursday, 26.
“Marched from Lasley’s to west bank of Crooked Creek in Schuyler County and encamped 11
miles from Rushville.
“Warm, and sultry. Encampment much infested with rattlesnakes. Killed several. At 8 o’clock
commenced raining and continued without intermission during the night. Had no tents. Could not
sleep. Stood in mud ankle deep till day.
“Friday, 27.
“Morning cold and rainy. Decamped early. Crossed Crooked Creek in boat and marched through
mud knee deep to our horses to Rushville. Stopped and took some refreshments. Got merry and
continued our march three miles east of Rushville on the road to Beardstown and encamped.
“Saturday and Sunday, 28 and 29.
“Remained at the encampment, troops collecting from various places coming up from
headquarters at Beardstown.
“Monday, 30.
“Whole army, consisting of 1,300 horses and some foot, removed seven miles and again
encamped four miles north of Rushville. The two companies from Adams were now attached to the

Greene, Montgomery and Bond troops and formed into a regiment to the command of which Col.
Jacob Fry of Greene County was elected. Major Gregory commanded the battalion of Greene troops
and Capt. Philip W. Martin of Adams was elected to the command of the battalion composed of the
Adams, Bond and Montgomery troops. David Crow succeeded Martin in the command of the Bear
Creek Company of Adams troops. E.S. Freeman of Adams was appointed adjutant to the regiment,
Hiram Bennett of Montgomery quartermaster, E.L.R. Wheelock of Adams paymaster, Dr. Dulaney
of Greene surgeon and Calvert Roberts of Montgomery sergeant-major. A brigade had been formed
previous to the troops leaving Beardstown, to command which General Samuel Whitesides was
appointed by Governor Reynolds, who accompanied the army on its march. Mr. Nathaniel
Buckmaster of Madison County received the appointment of brigade major, after having been a
candidate for the command of the regiment, consisting in part of the troops from his own county, and
after having been rejected by them.
“Tuesday, May 1.
“Took up line of march for Yellow Banks, 70 or 75 miles distant; traveled about 25 miles and
encamped in McDonough County.
“Wednesday, May 2.
“Continued our march successfully and encamped at night, by order of Mr. Buckmaster, in a large
prairie, two miles from timber or water. Night cold and tempestuous–much dissatisfaction and
murmuring among the troops. All cursing Buck for keeping them in the prairie.
“Thursday, May 3.
“About 12 o’clock reached Henderson River; not fordable–no boats or canoes. No pioneers had
been sent forward to construct bridges. Army crossed in great disorder by felling trees into the river
at different places, making thereby a show of bridges upon which the troops crossed with difficulty
and swam their horses–two or three horses drowned. Continued our march to the Yellow Banks in
Warren County, which we reached before night and encamped. Provision scarce. Hogs shot by the
soldiers. Supplies brought up Mississippi River by steamboat William Wallace. No guard placed out
at night.”

Private Browning was evidently a fair weather soldier and not at all disposed
to accept camp life in a soldier-like way, like his superior, Major Buckmaster.
Governor Reynolds is authority for the statement that after separating the
army into two divisions the 2,000 horses, with their riders, crossed the
swollen Henderson River in less than three hours, with the loss of but one
horse. The boat with provisions had not yet arrived, which caused Governor
Reynolds much anxiety. Neither did it appear on the fourth nor the morning
of the fifth, when Reynolds in despair dispatched three pioneers, Messrs.
Hewitt, Luther Tunnell and Orestus Ames, to go to Fort Armstrong, some
fifty miles distant, for provisions. Before night they reached Atkinson’s
headquarters, and by the morning of the sixth a boat, the William Wallace,
hove to with ample supplies.[102] The times were trying and should have been
met as bravely and patiently as soldier life demands.

MAJ. THOMAS LONG. O.H. BROWNING.

COL. WILLIAM ROSS. CAPT. BENJAMIN BARNEY.

The spirit of unrest in the pioneer breast when in restraint must, of course, be
considered and many extenuations allowed, but Private Browning, a lawyer,
should not have been so critical. This spirit of unrest and insubordination was
responsible for Stillman’s defeat and the unhappy and futile ending of this
campaign. It should be noticed, too, in this connection that in the face of the
Indian Creek massacre, when all were bound by every principle of humanity
to avenge it, Major Buckmaster re-enlisted and fought to do it, while Private
Browning did not.
From Yellow Banks Reynolds desired to move with all speed on to Dixon’s
Ferry to overtake Black Hawk, if possible at that late date, but with the
provisions sent by Atkinson, which arrived just at dark on the 6th, came a
message that Black Hawk was returning down the river and that the
volunteers were needed at the mouth of Rock River. Therefore camp was
broken the following morning and the march to that point made in one day,
arriving May 7th, about nightfall.[103]
The report of Black Hawk’s descent proved untrue and added another
important factor to the Stillman miscarriage, because Reynolds, by marching
direct to Dixon’s Ferry, could have followed the hypothenuse of the triangle
on solid ground and had an easy journey. As it followed, however, he was
forced to pursue both sides of the triangle, over swampy ground and through
almost impassable bogs and bayous, until the strength of the troops was spent
and their temper turned. But, above all, time was lost. While the rains made
bad marching and bad tempers, they likewise promised great returns to the
husbandman, and the fact that many were forced to leave their plows
contributed to imperil the good disposition of the troops. The probable loss of
a crop meant much to them that year, for the reason that the two preceding
years had been failures and destitution was abroad in the land.[104] Men
dropped their plows when the call came, without asking questions, but under
delays and hardships, while they cursed Black Hawk, they murmured.
A fine illustration of the alacrity with which those men responded was written
in the history of Pike County.
“On Friday, the 20th day of April, 1832, in response to Governor Reynolds’ call for volunteers to
fight Black Hawk, the following order was issued: ‘Company Orders–The volunteer company of
Pike County will meet at Atlas on Monday the 23d, ready to take up the march by sunrise, except
such part of the company as are living on the east side of the county, which part will meet the
company at the house of William Hinman, about four miles this side of Phillips’ Ferry, on the same

day, all with a good horse, and rifle, powder horn, half pound of powder and one hundred balls, with
three days’ provisions. The commanding officer of said company flatters himself that every man will
be prompt to his duty.
“‘W. Ross,
“‘Capt. 1st Rifles, Pike Co.’”

The Captain called upon Benjamin Barney at his blacksmith shop and told
him of the nature of the order he had received and asked him forthwith to
mount a horse and start out to notify the settlers to assemble immediately.
Benjamin Barney was engaged at his forge at the time, making a plow, but he
at once laid down his hammer and tongs, untied his leathern apron, left his
fire to smoulder and die, and started immediately upon his mission. The men
responded, and, bidding their families good-by, went forward, leaving their
work to languish. Beardstown, then Yellow Banks, and finally the mouth of
Rock River were reached, and at the latter place the troops were met by the
officers and men of the regular army, and here the volunteers were sworn[105]
into the United States service by Gen. Henry Atkinson on the 8th day of May.
Lieut. I.R.B. Gardenier, then on detached service at the Dubuque lead mines,
was ordered to Galena at this time by request of its citizens, to assist in its
defense. There he was placed at the head of a volunteer company to drill
them, and there he remained, with a brief exception, until July 14th, when he
was superseded by Nicholas Dowling.
While mentioning members of this celebrated old Sixth regiment, it will be of
interest to copy the roster complete from the official army register:
Colonel, Henry Atkinson, Brevet Brigadier General.
Lieutenant-Colonel, Daniel Baker.
Major, William Davenport.
Captains, Bennet Riley, I. Clark, Jr., Jacob Brown, Zalmon C. Palmer, W.N. Wickliffe, Henry Smith,
Thomas Noel, Jason Rogers, George C. Hutter and Clifton Wharton.
First Lieutenants, R. Holmes, G.W. Waters, Levi M. Nute, M.W. Batman, George Andrews, Asa
Richardson, John Nichols, G.H. Crossman, J. Van Swearengen and Joseph S. Worth.
Second Lieutenants, H. St. J. Linden, Gustavus Dorr, Albert S. Johnston, Joseph D. Searight, F.J.
Brooke, P. St. George Cooke, Nathaniel J. Eaton, Robert Sevier, Gus S. Rousseau, Thomas F.
Drayton, William Hoffman, Albert Cady, Jonathan Freeman, M.L. Clark, T.L. Alexander, J.S. Van
Derveer, Thomas J. Royster, J.S. Williams and John Conrod.
Of the First Infantry and participating were Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, Major John Bliss, the
mustering officer of 1831.
Captains William S. Harney,[106] William R. Jouett, E.A. Hitchcock, who, with the junior officers
and men, went to Rock Island and then to Dixon, and Capt. R.B. Mason. First Lieut. W.M. Boyce,
Second Lieut. Levin Gale and Captain Thomas Barker and First Lieut. W.L. Harris, who remained at
Fort Crawford.

With the first named captains of the First were First Lieutenants Albert S. Miller, J.W. Kingsbury,
J.J. Abercrombie; Second Lieutenants E.G. Mitchell, Jefferson Davis and J.K. Greenough.
Second Regiment, Col. Hugh Brady.
Fourth Regiment, Lieut.-Col. David E. Twiggs, Capt. James H. Hook, First Lieut. W.M. Graham,
Second Lieut. F.D. Newcomb. Fifth Regiment, Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, Capt. Gideon Lowe, First
Lieut. James Engle and Second Lieut. Amos Foster.
At the breaking out of hostilities in 1832 Major John Bliss, of the First Regiment, was in command
of Ft. Armstrong; Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, of the First, was in command of Ft. Crawford; Col.
Henry Atkinson, of the Sixth, was in command of Jefferson Barracks; Major William Davenport, of
the Sixth, was in command of Canton Leavenworth, and Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, of the Fifth, was in
command of Ft. Winnebago, the five Government forts prominent in this war.

CAPT. W.S. HARNEY, U.S.A LIEUT. JOHN S.C. HOGAN.

GEN. HUGH BRADY. MAJ. D.E. TWIGGS.

FORT CRAWFORD.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Roster–Movement up Rock River Begun–The Prophet’s Village Burned–Forced March to
Dixon’s Ferry.

Prior to that time, several officers had been granted furloughs, and when
Black Hawk crossed the river were far away from their regiments, but
immediately upon hearing of the hostile intention of the Indians, every officer
returned to this point and rejoined his regiment. Among the number were
Capt. W.S. Harney and Lieut. Jefferson Davis.
All being now in readiness to march, it may be well to repeat the names of all
officers elected and appointed up to the morning of May 9th, when the last
change in the personnel of the staff was made.

CYRUS EDWARDS. JAMES T.B. STAPP.

DAVID PRICKETT. COL. JOHN THOMAS.

MAJ. ALEXANDER BEALL. GEORGE OREAR.

CAPT. W.G. FLOOD. SAMUEL HORNEY.

Governor John Reynolds, the commander-in-chief of the militia, who for
many reasons was desired to march with the volunteers, named as his staff:

James Turney, Paymaster General.[107]
Cyrus Edwards, Quartermaster General.
Vital Jarrot, Adjutant General.
Joseph M. Chadwick, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.
James T.B. Stapp, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.
Reddick Horn, Chaplain.

Brigade Officers.

Samuel Whiteside, Brigade General.
Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major.
William Ross, First Aid.
James Semple, Second Aid.[108]
David Prickett, Third Aid.
William E. Starr, Brigade Paymaster.
William Thomas, Brigade Quartermaster.

First Regiment.

John Thomas (then signed Junior), Colonel.
Solomon Preuitt, Lieutenant Colonel.
John Starkey, Major.
A.W. Snyder, Adjutant.
J.A. Blackwell, Quartermaster.
William G. Brown, Paymaster.
Richard Roman, Surgeon.
J.M. McTyre Cornelius, Surgeon’s Mate.
Samuel Sybold, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
Alexander Shields, Sergeant-Major.

Second Regiment.

Jacob Fry, Colonel.
Charles Gregory, Lieutenant-Colonel.
Philip W. Martin, Major.
Elam S. Freeman, Adjutant.
Hiram C. Bennett, Quartermaster.
James Durley, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
E.L.R. Wheelock, Paymaster.

William H. Dulaney, Surgeon.
John F. Foster, Surgeon’s Mate.
Calvin Roberts, Sergeant-Major.

Third Regiment.

Abraham B. DeWitt, Colonel.
William Weatherford, Lieutenant-Colonel.
Alexander Beall, Major.
Murray McConnel, Adjutant.
George Orear, Quartermaster.
Andrew Mackitee, Paymaster.
Samuel M. Prosper, Surgeon.
James Morrison, Surgeon’s Mate.
Levin N. English, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
Robert Davis, Sergeant-Major.

Fourth Regiment.

Samuel M. Thompson, Colonel.
Achilles Morris, Lieutenant-Colonel.
Moses G. Wilson, Major.
John B. Watson, Adjutant.
Samuel Horney, Quartermaster.
William Carpenter, Paymaster.
Jacob M. Eddy, Surgeon.
Adams Dunlap, First Surgeon’s Mate.
William Constant, Second Surgeon’s Mate.
Edward Doyle, Sergeant-Major.
A. McHatton, Sergeant-Major (Successor).
William Fitzpatrick, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
William Sprouce, Gunsmith.
Richard Jones, Color Bearer.
James Baker, Wagon Master.

Spy Battalion.

James D. Henry, Major.
William L.E. Morrison, Adjutant.
M t W i k Q t t

Montgomery Warrick, Quartermaster.
Robert Blackwell, Paymaster.
Joseph C. Woodson, Surgeon.
Peter Randall, First Surgeon’s Mate.
Benjamin Birch, Second Surgeon’s Mate.
M.E. Rattan, Sergeant-Major.
John F. Posey, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
Jesse M. Harrison, Paymaster’s “Sergeant.”
William Cook, Color Bearer.

Spy Battalion.

Thomas James, Major.
James Moore, Adjutant.
James Whitlock, Quartermaster to May 15th. Resigned.
Scipio Baird, Quartermaster.
Michael Horine, Paymaster.
William Headen, Surgeon.
George Gordon, Surgeon’s Mate.
N.C. Johnston, Sergeant-Major. Resigned May 5th.
John James, Sergeant-Major.
James W. Vaughan, Armorer.
Moses Haskins, Bugleman.
J. Milton Moore, Color Bearer.

Foot Battalion.

Thomas Long, Major.
John Summers, Adjutant.
Vawter Henderson, Quartermaster.
J.L. Thompson, Paymaster.
Matthew Duncan, Surgeon.
Jonathan Leighton, Surgeon’s Mate.
Sion R. Green, Sergeant-Major.
Thomas J. (or I.) Marshall, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
Benjamin Howard, Fife Major.
Thomas Burton, Drum Major.

The First Regiment consisted of six companies, commanded by the following

captains: Julius L. Barnsback and Josiah Little of Madison County and
Gideon Simpson, William Moore,[109] John Winstanley and John Tate of St.

Clair County. Thomas was first elected Captain of Simpson’s company, but
on being promoted to Colonel, Simpson was elected to succeed him. Preuitt
was elected Captain of Little’s company, but upon his promotion to
Lieutenant-Colonel, Little was elected.
The Second Regiment was composed of nine companies, commanded,
respectively, by Captains Thomas Chapman, Samuel Smith,
Thomas McDow and Jeremiah Smith of Greene County, Levi D. Boone of
Montgomery County, Benjamin James of Bond County, William G. Flood
and David Crow of Adams County, and James White of Hancock County.
Gregory was first elected Captain of Chapman’s company and Fry of Samuel
Smith’s company, but both were promoted.

WILLIAM HEADEN. WILLIAM CARPENTER.

ROBERT BLACKWELL. JAMES WHITLOCK.

JAMES W. VAUGHAN. CAPT. J.L. BARNSBACK.

LIEUT. STARKEY R.
CAPT. GIDEON SIMPSON. POWELL.

The Third Regiment consisted of six companies, commanded, respectively,
by Captains Benjamin Barney and Elisha Petty of Pike County, John Harris
of Macoupin, and William B. Smith, William T. Givens and Nathan or
Nathaniel Winters of Morgan County. William Ross was first elected Captain
of Barney’s company, but upon his promotion to the staff Barney was elected.
The Fourth Regiment consisted of four companies, commanded by Captains
Samuel Hollingsworth and William C. Ralls of Schuyler County and
Abraham Lincoln and Levi W. Goodan of Sangamon County. Moses G.
Wilson was first elected Captain of Hollingsworth’s company, but upon his
promotion to Major, Hollingsworth was elected.
Henry’s Spy Battalion was composed of four companies, commanded by
Captain John Dawson of Sangamon, Captain Thomas Carlin of Greene,
Captain John Dement of Fayette and Erastus Wheeler of Madison.
James’ Spy Battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by
Captains Daniel Price and Peter Warren of Shelby County and Thomas
Harrison of Monroe.
Long’s Foot Battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by
Captains Jacob Ebey, Japhet A. Ball and Seth Pratt of Sangamon.[110]
In addition to these troops, the battalions of Stillman and Bailey, ordered to
range the country and concentrate at Dixon’s Ferry, which they did on the
10th, were considered, of course, a part of the army, though not then sworn
in.
The battalion of Major Isaiah Stillman was composed of three companies,
commanded by Captains David W. Barnes and Asel F. Ball of Fulton County
and Abner Eads of Peoria County.
Major David Bailey’s Battalion was composed of four companies,
commanded by Captains M.L. Covell and Robert McClure of McLean
County, Captain John G. Adams of Tazewell and Captain James Johnson of
Macon County. On the 16th, however, after Stillman’s defeat, the new Fifth
Regiment was organized from these two commands, and I.C. Pugh was
elected captain of the company commanded by Captain James Johnson, who
was elected Colonel. No staff officers were appointed for the two battalions
prior to their merger into the Fifth Regiment.

While dwelling on the composition of the Fifth Regiment, it may be well to
name its officers as I find them on the original roster in my possession:
James Johnson, Colonel.
Isaiah Stillman, Lieutenant-Colonel.
David Bailey, Major.
James W. Crain, Adjutant.
Hugh Woodrow, Quartermaster.
David C. Alexander, Paymaster.
Samuel Pillsbury, Surgeon.
Daniel McCall, Sergeant-Major.
Joshua C. Morgan, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.

On the 9th of May, with not a man on the sick list, General Atkinson issued
the following orders:
“Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.
“Mouth of Rock River, 9th May, 1832.

“Order No. 12.
“The mounted volunteers will move in the morning under Brig.-Gen. Whiteside, by the route of
Winnebago Prophet’s village, with a view of reaching the hostile band of Indians assembled on Rock
River, near or above Dixon’s Ferry. The regular troops will move by water and meet the mounted
troops at Prophet’s village. Should General Whiteside, however, on reaching Prophet’s village, be of
opinion that it would be prudent to come up with the enemy with as little delay as possible, he will
move upon him, and either make him surrender at discretion, or coerce him into submission.

“Order No. 13.
“Colonel Taylor, First Regiment, will assume the command of the Infantry of Illinois at this place.
They will move by water in conjunction with the U.S. Infantry now under his orders, and will be
assigned to the charge of transporting a portion of the munitions, supplies, etc., for the troops.

“Order No. 14.
“Lieut. Robert Anderson, Third Regiment Artillery, will, till further orders, perform the duties of
Assistant Inspector General of the troops now in the field.”

CAPT. LEVI D. BOONE. CAPT. W.T. GIVENS.

CAPT. NATHAN WINTERS. CAPT. PETER WARREN.

CAPT. DANIEL PRICE. CAPT. ISAAC C. PUGH.

ARCHIBALD WILLIAMS. W.A. RICHARDSON.

By order No. 9 Colonel Taylor was also given command of the regular troops
under orders for active service, viz.: Six companies of the Sixth Regiment
Infantry, under the command of Major Riley, and the companies of the First
Regiment Infantry from Fort Crawford, and Captain Harney’s Company of
the First Infantry of the garrison of Fort Armstrong. Lieutenant Burbank,[111]
Acting Quartermaster of the post, was ordered to store such clothing,
provisions and stores as should be left by the troops under marching orders.
Major Beall[112] was further charged with the safe-keeping of the three Indian
prisoners then in confinement, which completed all arrangements for
marching.
The volunteer army set out on the 10th and reached the Prophet’s village in
the afternoon. Near that place the spies which Governor Reynolds had sent
out on the 8th to reconnoiter and locate the enemy[113] met the army and
reported that they had captured an Indian, who had truly informed them that
Black Hawk was on Rock River, above Dixon’s Ferry, as had been previously
reported. Disappointed at such a delay as the march to Black Hawk’s camp
would incur, the men fired the Prophet’s village and burned every vestige of
it–an act wholly unwarranted and useless. About twelve miles above the
Prophet’s village the army camped, and, for reasons utterly inconceivable at
this late day, decided to abandon all the cumbersome baggage and provisions
and force a march to overtake the Indians. Whether the troops, who
considered it part of their duty to dictate policies to their superior officers,
clamored for such a move, or whether it emanated from the officer in
command, has never been explained to this day, either in books or personal
interviews had by the writer. Whiteside got all the blame for it, but I believe
that his action was governed by pressure from the headstrong militia, who
desired to accomplish too much in a limited time, and the passion of
Governor Reynolds to manage the campaign to a rapid and glorious finish. It
was an unfortunate act at best. Perishable property was piled up to waste,
unprotected and regardless of future needs. With scarcely enough to last them
in a forced march to another base, where abundance might await them, these
impatient men marched into a wilderness where defeat might overtake them,
with only rations enough to last for a period of three or four days. This
criminal indiscretion was the first cause of dissatisfaction among the men.
The commander should have known that those who urge the most haste have

for all time been first to find fault when the first evidence of its indiscretion
appears and at once vetoed the foolhardy move.
Whiteside was a famous old Indian fighter; brave as a lion and ready and
eager at all times to meet an enemy; but he had never before handled a large
body of men, and in this case at least it may be said that bravery alone was
not an indisputable qualification for leadership. It rarely is. It later remained
for James D. Henry, in a case almost forlorn, to terminate further moves like
this injudicious one, and thereby end the war, as he did. After writing General
Atkinson of the action, Governor Reynolds, with the troops, moved rapidly
for Dixon’s Ferry, which was reached on the 12th, where James W.
Stephenson, James M. Strode and others were found, all of whom stated that
from scouts just returned it was ascertained beyond doubt that the Indians,
who had fixed upon a point of rendezvous about thirty miles up the river,
were at that time scattered over a large area, securing food, and in all
probability recruits, and that an attempt to march against them would be
useless at that moment. Governor Reynolds at once realized the force of the
point and abandoned his projected attack and agreed to rest until Atkinson
appeared, which he hoped would be very soon. The scouts sent out, and
hereafter noticed, were sent to Shabbona’s village, and had it not been for the
unfortunate action of Stillman, there probably had been no trouble in ending
the campaign without loss of time or blood. But the country was covered with
water, the ground was swampy and almost impassable to footmen, the river
was high, and only by the most heroic efforts was it made possible to
navigate the keel boats and Mackinaw boats upstream.[114] Men waded up to
their middle to pull them along, and then only a snail pace could be
accomplished. A change to the other side of the river was attempted, with no
better results, and finally Atkinson was compelled to issue the following
order:
“Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.,
“Near Marie de Ogee, Rock River, 11th May, 1832.
“Order No. 15.
“The troops on foot will move in ascending the river, in the following order: The First Infantry will
march in front, the Sixth Infantry in the center and the Illinois Infantry in the rear. An advance guard
from the First Infantry will precede the column from 400 to 1,000 yards; a flank guard from the
Sixth Infantry will be thrown out from 200 to 400 yards, and more, if necessary, according to the
ground. The Illinois Infantry will march in the rear and furnish the rear guard, which is not at any
time to leave any of the boats in the rear. The river will be crossed to avail the troops of the best
ground for navigation and marching; the troops will encamp in the order of march. In case of attack
the troops will form to the front, the rear or upon the flank as circumstances may demand.”

The march was slow and toilsome, but made with decency and, considering
the surface of the country, dispatch. But it was necessarily so difficult to
make progress that Atkinson did not reach Dixon’s Ferry until the 17th, when
all was confusion and the men loud in their demands to be discharged. So
utterly unmanageable had they become that it became necessary on that day
to issue the following order, and which, by the by, was rigidly enforced by
Col. Zachary Taylor:
“Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.,
“Dixon’s Ferry, Rock River, 17th May, 1832.
“Order No. 16.
“The frequent unauthorized firing of arms in and about the vicinity of the encampments of the
different corps of the army, composed of the U.S. Infantry and the State troops now in the field,
compels the Commanding General to forbid a practice so dangerous to the individual members of
the different corps and derogatory to the military character of well-organized troops. No officer or
private, therefore, will fire again in camp or on the march without permission or an order from the
commanding officer of his regiment or company.”

From the mouth of the river the soldiers had indulged this boisterous pastime,
with no restraint whatever, and it is said that this abridgment of their pioneer
prerogative provoked much indignation, but firing at once ceased.

CAPT. GIDEON LOWE, U.S.A.

LIEUT. COL. ZACHARY TAYLOR’S HEADQUARTERS AT FORT
CRAWFORD.

JOHN DIXON.

DIXON’S FERRY.

CHAPTER XIX.

Dixon’s Ferry–Plight of Reynolds’ Messengers–Stillman’s Defeat.

Dixon’s Ferry, now Dixon, Illinois, at the period of this campaign consisted
of a ferry, the simple flat-bottomed affair of those days, and a 90-foot log
cabin, built in three sections, both owned by John Dixon. The patriarchal
appearance of this old pioneer had brought to him the title “Na-chu-sa” from
the Indians, meaning in the Winnebago dialect “Long hair white,” and from
the whites “Father Dixon.” By his kindness, gentleness, honesty and courage
he had won the love of every person, white and red, who had ever met him,
and to those in the land who had not met him his reputation had extended, so
that the mention of his name meant an overture for peace.
In the spring of 1827 his brother-in-law, O.W. Kellogg, broke a trail through
the country from Peoria to Galena, to facilitate the rapidly increasing
overland travel to the lead mines. “Kellogg’s trail,” as it was then called,
crossed Rock River at this place, and in 1828, when Father Dixon received
the contract for carrying the mails from Peoria to Galena and Gratiot’s Grove,
he took with him from Peoria to Rock River a half-breed named Joseph Ogee,
[115]
who established a permanent, though unlicensed, ferry. Prospective
competition or a friend must have suggested his laches in this respect, for on
December 7, 1829, he received from Jo Daviess County, whose jurisdiction
embraced all that section of country, the statutory license to operate the same.
But by 1830 the restraint of a ferryman’s life had become so exceedingly
irksome to one of his nomadic nature that Father Dixon was constrained to
take it off his hands and remove his family thence, which he did, arriving
there April 11, 1830.
When Ogee established his ferry he built a hut of logs, unfit for habitation to
any but a rover like himself. The needs of Father Dixon’s family and
increasing travel required something better, and this improvement he at once

supplied by making additions, so that he soon had the comfortable house-
store-hotel displayed in the illustration. He, with his family of wife and five
children, from that time forward entertained travelers and traded with the
Indians until the Indians were no more and travel many years later had
become diverted to bridges and other thoroughfares made by the new and
ever-multiplying settlements. He was made postmaster, and thenceforth
Dixon’s Ferry was of commanding prominence in Illinois travel and Illinois
geography. At this period, however, Father Dixon’s was the only family on
Rock River above the old Black Hawk village.
On his march up the river Black Hawk camped one night near the Dixon
cabin, and with Ne-a-pope and the Prophet ate with the family, Mrs. Dixon
waiting upon them in a manner so courteous as completely to captivate Black
Hawk and command from him thereafter his highest admiration. During this
stop the family, after a careful observation, estimated the number of able-
bodied warriors with the expedition to be 800, and that number was reported
to the troops, which arrived there May 12. Under the order of April 16th from
Governor Reynolds, Majors Stillman and Bailey recruited to their battalions
the companies already named.
Leaving Pekin May 8th,[116] Bailey’s battalion reached Boyd’s Grove the first
night out, where Stillman, with his three companies, joined them and all
camped for the night. The following day, at Bureau Creek, another
detachment under a Captain Bowman, which had been ranging through the
country toward Dixon’s Ferry, joined these forces, reporting the theft of many
of their horses by the Indians. At Dad Joe’s Grove the combined forces
camped the second night, marching the following day (the 10th), across the
present county of Lee to Dixon’s Ferry, where Reynolds and the militia joined
them on the morning of the 12th.
The first act of the Governor was one of circumspection. Selecting from his
ablest and most discreet officers Captain John Dement, Colonel James T.B.
Stapp, Wyat B. Stapp, Major Joseph M. Chadwick and Benjamin Moore, and
Louis Ouilmette, a French trader, thoroughly familiar with those parts and
with Indian character, and who, with others, was waiting at Dixon’s Ferry,
they were directed to start for Paw Paw Grove,[117] some forty miles to the
southeast, in the present confines of Shabbona township, DeKalb County, and
there have a “talk” with the Pottowatomies, whose village was at that place,
and assure themselves of the positive neutrality of that nation.

CAPT. J.A. BALL. LIEUT. EDWARD D. BAKER.

OTTAWA AT THE TIME OF THE WAR.

The prairies were covered with water, there were no roads, the day was dark
and threatening, and, to frustrate their mission completely, a large party of
Black Hawk’s band overtook them. The enemy undertook by every art known
to savage tactics to lure the men into an ambush. To refute Black Hawk’s
constant protestations of peace, this scouting party of his was discovered to
be actively recruiting among the Pottowatomies and Winnebagoes. The
attempts to decoy the messengers into the Indian camp were diplomatically
avoided, and so was a pitched battle, which could only have resulted in
annihilation of the whites. After forty-eight hours of ceaseless endeavor,
without food, the party finally succeeded in reaching headquarters. By this
time the forces of Stillman and Bailey were marching up the river on their ill-
fated expedition.
There were at Dixon’s Ferry, when Reynolds arrived, several prominent men
from the mining country, including Colonel James M. Strode, commander of
the militia of Jo Daviess County, James W. Stephenson, William S. Hamilton,
son of Alexander Hamilton, Col. Henry Gratiot and Louis Ouilmette, the
trader. Colonel Henry Dodge of Michigan territory had organized a company
to protect the frontier until he could communicate with Reynolds and
systematically organize the mining district forces in a manner materially to
assist the latter. James H. Gentry was captain of this company; Henry L.
Dodge, son of Colonel Dodge, was elected first lieutenant; Paschal Bequette,
a son-in-law, was elected second lieutenant, while Charles Bracken was aid to
the colonel. The file consisted of some fifty men. This company of rangers,
leaving Mineral Point May 8th, covered the northwestern frontier until
Whiteside’s Brigade reached Dixon’s Ferry, and was camped on the north
side of Rock River, not far from Black Hawk’s camp, when Whiteside and his
troops reached that point. Here Colonel Dodge was keeping a watchful eye
on Black Hawk’s every movement and warily awaiting the moment he could
pounce down upon the old Indian if he saw fit to offer war,[118] an emergency
which the intrepid little band was fully equal to.
Dodge saw the frightful consequences of an ill-advised expedition up Rock
River and urged against it. Failure meant active co-operation with Black
Hawk by the neutral and undecided Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies, and
this in turn meant that the entire northwest frontier would be overrun with
marauding bands and murderers.

But the impatient troops of Stillman and Bailey were ambitious to fight and
would listen to no restraint. They had enlisted to kill “Injuns.” Nothing but a
valorous conquest would receive their attention, and General Whiteside and
Governor Reynolds were constrained to allow the following order to be
issued:
“Headquarters Camp No. 10, Dixon’s Ferry,
“12th May, 1832.
“The troops under the command of Major Stillman, including the battalions of said Major Stillman
and Major Bailey, will forthwith proceed with four days’ rations to the head of Old Man’s Creek,
where it is supposed the hostile Sac Indians are assembled, for the purpose of taking all cautious
measures to coerce said Indians into submission, and report themselves to this department as soon
thereafter as practicable.
“By order of Brigadier Samuel Whiteside, commanding brigade of mounted volunteers.
“N. Buckmaster,
“Brigade-Major.”

Writers upon this subject have so stated before, and others have told the
writer that such was the case here. Furthermore, a rankling jealousy existed
between Stillman and Bailey, each contending that he should be the other’s
superior and allowed the command of the combined troops. Governor
Reynolds did his very best to harmonize the men by recognizing Stillman, but
the rancorous hatred which existed among the troops for their rivals
destroyed, in a great measure, their effectiveness.
On the morning of Sunday, the 13th of May, the two brigades marched up
from Dixon’s Ferry for Old Man’s Creek. Many adventurous spirits from the
main army were permitted to accompany the troops, as were a few others,
like Colonel Strode, who wanted to see the “fun” which was promised. A
baggage train of six wagons, drawn by oxen, guarded by about fifty men,
under Mr. Hackelton of Fulton County, and bearing the four days’ rations,
followed in the rear. The day was black and threatening, and before the
battalions had proceeded ten miles a pelting rain compelled them to halt and
camp for the night.[119] All through the night the rain continued, holding the
troops there until the morning of the 14th was well advanced, when the march
was resumed. About dark of the same day Old Man’s Creek was reached and
crossed and the troops dismounted to camp for the night. The creek, then
much swollen by recent rains, formed on the south side a disagreeable
swamp. The object of crossing to the north side was to avoid this morass and
also avail themselves of the natural advantages which the north side afforded
for protection, as well as the more solid ground for camping.

MONUMENT ON
STILLMAN’S
DAVID HAACKE. BATTLEFIELD.

ORDER MAY 25.

MAJ. ISAIAH STILLMAN. MAJ. DAVID BAILEY.

WYATT B. STAPP. OLIVER W. HALL.

The creek was lined on both sides with tall willows, while just a little to the
north the ground was covered with a growth of small black oak trees,
denominated generally scrub oak. These same “scrub oak,” grown to thrice
the thickness of a man’s body, stand to this day, and, judging from a present-
day standpoint, one can easily see how a handful of resolute men could
defend themselves there against overwhelming odds. To the willows the
horses were tied, fires were made, coffee pots put to boiling and a general
preparation for supper was going forward, when three Indians appeared in
camp bearing a white flag.[120] They were taken in, but in the haste of supper
preparations and the absence of an interpreter, their mission, if for peace, was
not discovered at once. As a matter of fact, however, Black Hawk had in his
lifetime disregarded so many treaties and flags of truce, that it is no small
wonder some of the men were for dispatching them on the spot. An abiding
sense of his many misfeasances, no doubt, prompted him to station five other
Indians on a neighboring hill, some three-quarters of a mile to the north,
where they might watch and report the manner in which his flag was
received. The presence of these five Indians on the hill, unexplained, may
rightfully be styled a misprision, and sufficient to set the camp into a spasm
of turmoil. About twenty of Eads’ men mounted their horses to charge the
five Indians, who in turn wheeled to run away. This action was taken by the
excited and undisciplined troops to mean a retreat, and Eads’ men
immediately began firing upon their retiring foe. Other small squads joined
the haphazard pursuit, in the course of which two of the five Indians were
killed.
The camp became a bedlam, and while Stillman, Bailey, Adams, Eads and
other officers tried desperately to restrain the troops and restore order, as well
might they have commanded the rains to cease and the sun to return for half
an hour as to have expected obedience from those raw and independent
spirits. They were having the “fun” for which they had enlisted.
Black Hawk the while was at the mouth of the creek with half a hundred
warriors, where he had been giving a dog feast to Shabbona, Waubansee and
other influential Pottowatomies in his frantic efforts to secure reinforcements
against the whites.
The interchange of shots ahead led those in camp to believe that a general
engagement was upon them, whereupon Thomas B. Reed of Eads’ company

shot down in cold blood one of the three bearers of the flag of truce, an
offense so dastardly as to permit of no excuse. It may be urged that the troops
were frenzied by excitement or dazed with the thought that the 800 Indians
were coming down upon them like an avalanche, but such was not the case; it
was part of the program of “fun” which impelled it. The confusion which
followed permitted the two remaining Indians of the party of three to escape
and join in the massacre of the whites which followed soon after. Squads of
two, three and more continued to leave camp to join the chase, presenting in
the twilight a thin and irregular line, without order and without a head, until
nearly four miles were covered by these stragglers.
As had been adroitly arranged, no doubt, by the survivors of the party of five,
the foremost of the pursuers were suddenly plunged into Black Hawk’s
presence, behind a growth of chaparral at the mouth of the creek, where this
wily old savage had arranged his braves, few in number, but many more than
the first white arrivals, and the instant the whites appeared the Indians sent up
whoops, shrieks and howls calculated to frighten even a brave man. As the
savages dashed headlong into the advance column, or rather squad, of the
whites, with the spirit and suddenness of an electric shock, the reckless
pursuers realized their awful temerity, and the futility of fighting, even under
careful protection and with the full strength of the battalions, what might be
the 800 warriors known to belong to Black Hawk’s command.
Stunned by the sudden and furious onslaught of Black Hawk, the troops
wheeled to retreat, yelling as they fled “Injuns! Injuns!” (like the madmen
they now truly became), that their approaching comrades might in turn retreat
to safety. In no time at all the cry had reached camp, which became as panic-
stricken as the returning troopers.[121]
At the foot of the hill on which the five Indians had rested James Doty of
Eads’ company was killed, and while many of the horses became mired in the
mud of the creek, Gideon Munson, a Government scout, was also slain. As
the troops came headlong on, Captain Adams,[122] than whom no braver man
ever lived, attempted to make a stand with a handful of companions upon the
brow of the hill which lies about half a mile to the south of the creek, to cover
the retreat of the fugitives. Darkness was upon them and they had no reason
to believe that less than the full force of 800 was upon them, yet they stood
their ground to sell their lives as dearly as possible to save those who by the
delay might reach points of safety.

STILLMAN’S BATTLEFIELD.

JOHN E. BRISTOL. ALFRED HAINES.

JONATHAN HAINES. LIEUT. ASAHEL GRIDLEY.

The moonlight was only sufficient to confuse the panic-stricken troops still
more, and in that heroic fight unto death which Captain Adams and his men
made, he scarcely knew whether he was fighting friend or foe. In the
gloaming the conflict went on, and in the darkness of the night, while the
scattering forces were safely fleeing on to Dixon’s Ferry, Captain Adams and
his little band fell one by one, until the last man bit the dust, and then a scene
of malignant deviltry almost incredible was perpetrated.[123] Mr. Oliver W.
Hall of Carlinville, Illinois, who was present on the field the following day,
wrote a brief description of it as follows:
“We were camped at Dixon’s Ferry at the time of Stillman’s defeat. Now
Stillman had about two hundred and seventy-five well-mounted men, with
baggage wagons, and he started out on his own accord, camping late in the
evening on the north side of that little creek. The ford was just above, where
the willows stood thick on each side of the creek. While Stillman’s men were
cooking supper, three or four Indians on their ponies rode up on that high hill
just north of Stillman’s camp, about sundown, and five or six of Stillman’s
men caught their horses and ran them to where the Indians were in camp, in
the timber, about a mile and a half from Stillman’s camp, north. The Indians
killed one of our men and ran the balance of them into camp. The first that
Stillman knew of any danger was when the Indians came yelling over that
high hill just north of Stillman’s camp, and it was a perfect stampede with
Stillman’s men. Some of them got their horses, but lots of them got away on
foot, and after the Indians had killed eleven of our men they went back to
Stillman’s camp and cut the spokes out of the wagons and poured out a barrel
of whisky. Well, we lay on our arms the next night on the south side of the
creek, for we had left our tents at Dixon’s Ferry, as we had to go back to meet
the boat to get our rations. There were twenty-five hundred of us with
shotguns and rifles and muskets, all flintlocks, and we were mounted, all but
two or three companies. We picked up nine dead men as we came up from
Dixon’s Ferry on a forced march the next morning after Stillman’s defeat.
The last two that we found were Major Perkins and Captain Adams,[124] with
both their heads cut off and their heads skinned all over and left by them. We
found them on that descent as you go down to the creek from the high land,
about half way down, and we buried nine men in one grave about two
hundred yards southwest of those willows, just below the ford and on sideling
ground, not as far south as the top of the hill. We buried one young man about

three-quarters of a mile north of Stillman’s camp (if true, this was James
Doty), where he was found, and another young man about one-half a mile
east, where he was found. (This was Gideon Munson.)
“Now the road crossed the creek just east of those willows, where there were
a few scattering, scrubby trees. The nine men were buried about two hundred
yards southwest of those willows and on the west side of the road leading to
Dixon’s Ferry. We never knew how many Indians there were.”
If the statement concerning Doty and Munson is true, then but eight men
could have been buried in the common grave, because but twelve were killed,
and two were buried to the south. The fact is, Munson was buried in this one
grave.
The names of Captain Adams’ companions were David Kreeps, Zadock
Mendinall and Isaac (nicknamed Major) Perkins, of Captain Adams’
company; James Milton of Captain Pugh’s company; Tyrus M. Childs, Joseph
B. Farris and Corporal Bird W. Ellis of Captain David W. Barnes company,
and Sergeant John Walters of Captain Ball’s company.
Joseph Draper of Captain Covell’s company was also shot and his body found
five miles due south of the battlefield, on what is now known as Mrs. George
F. Smith’s farm, where it was buried.
Young Ellis, who was but a boy in years, was able to crawl two and a half
miles south of the battlefield, where his body was found beside a strapping
Indian, who had demanded his life, though it was then ebbing away. In this
enfeebled condition he fought and killed his antagonist, sinking into death
soon after. Ellis was buried on the spot, now the farm of Mr. A.C. Brown.
The death of Private Joseph Draper was particularly pathetic, and is narrated
in the historical records of McLean County as follows:
“In the confusion resulting from Black Hawk’s attack, Draper lost his horse. A comrade, John Lundy,
took Draper onto his horse. While retreating they found a stray horse which Draper insisted upon
mounting. It had no saddle or bridle, but it was supposed it would follow the other horses; instead, it
turned and ran toward the Indians, who shot Draper. He fell from the horse, crawled off into the
underbrush, where his body was found by the burial party. He had written on his canteen an account
of his wounds. No copy of the writing on his canteen has been preserved.”

It would scarcely seem credible that a man in full possession of his faculties
would remain on a horse running toward the enemy instead of dropping off to
seek the shelter of the bushes and secrete his sound body, especially in the
light of the fact that he was able securely to hide himself when wounded, but

so it must have been in that fearful panic, because his comrade, Lundy, has
vouched for the first part of the story and the man’s canteen told the rest; and
the words of a dying man cannot be doubted, particularly when alone in the
night, miles away from friends and ministering care, with the raw and
desolate prairie for a bed, howling wolves and Indians prowling near and the
rough winds of spring about to blow his spirit into eternity.
After five miles’ pursuit, the Indians abandoned it to return to mutilate the
bodies, as described by Mr. Hall, but the whites continued their flight,
running, riding, yelling, crying, hopelessly crazed, until Dixon’s Ferry was
reached in the early hours of the morning of the 15th. Others who became
confused in the darkness, and deflected to the south, never stopped until the
Illinois River had been reached at a point near the present city of Ottawa.
From here they scattered (some forty) for their homes.
It was a clear case of panic. Men were crazed. They who in a sober moment
would have walked straight to death without a protest; they who would bend
to no command of a superior officer; they who would not obey or follow,
were driven as easily as a flock of panic-stricken sheep. It has been said and
written that whisky was the cause of this unfortunate rout, but this is
hopelessly improbable in the face of the fact that but two casks were taken
with the baggage train to be consumed by 275 men, who lived in a whisky
drinking age, when five or ten drinks, more or less, made little difference in a
daily average. Mr. John E. Bristol, of Eads’ company, who at ninety-one is
alive and hearty to-day, vouches for the truth of this assertion and the other
one that but two small casks were taken along. Mr. Hall specifically states
that one cask was emptied by the Indians, and Black Hawk makes the same
statement, therefore it is certain that whisky cut no figure in the panic.

ELISHA DIXON. WILLIAM DIMMETT.

LEVI DANLEY. JAMES BENSON.

THOMAS O. RUTLEDGE. MRS. E.B. BAKER.

LEWIS ROSS. REV. REDDICK HORN.

In justice to Stillman, his version of the affair, published in “The Missouri
Republican” of July 10th, 1832, should be given:
“To the Editors of the Missouri Republican: Gentlemen–I have this day discovered in your paper of
the 22d ult. an account of the engagement between the men under my command and the hostile Sac
and other Indians on the Rock River. Finding that statement altogether incorrect, I take the liberty to
give an outline of the transaction, which I am compelled to do in the utmost haste.
“On the 12th I received orders from His Excellency, John Reynolds, Commander-in-Chief, etc., to
march immediately from Dixon’s Ferry to what is commonly known as Old Man’s Creek, about 30
miles distant, and coerce the said hostile Indians into subjection. We took up our march on the 13th,
and on the 14th, at 2 o’clock, one of our spies discovered two Indians on our left. The Indians
immediately fired on him, and undertook to make their escape by swimming Rock River; this,
however, they did not succeed in; our spy brought his gun to bear on the forward one, who was
tumbled into the river–the horse immediately turned his course and swam back, the surviving Indian
being, from the unmanageable disposition of his horse, compelled to follow until he shared the fate
of his companion. Both horses were brought in. We reached our camping ground on the north side of
Old Man’s Creek about 6 o’clock, after having used every precaution to guard against being
deceived by the Indians, having kept out the most experienced spies and a very strong guard front,
rear and flank, during the day. Soon after our arrival we discovered a small party of men in our
advance, supposed at this time to be a part of our front guard. Lieutenant Gridley being then
mounted, passed up a ravine for the purpose of ascertaining. It was soon after, however, ascertained
that our spies with the whole of our advance guard had come in. Captain Covell with a party
detached, followed. On the approach of Lieutenant Gridley, while rising the bluff, the Indians faced
and leveled their guns. When prudence directed a return, the Indians pursued and were met by
Captain Covell at nearly the same moment, when the fire was exchanged without effect. The Indians
retreated and were pursued. Three were killed and three taken, with a loss of one of our men (as
supposed). Our men were all immediately formed and took their march in the direction of Sycamore
Creek, five miles above. After marching about three miles an Indian appeared and made signs of
peace. I was informed of the fact, and orders were given for a halt. Myself, together with most of the
field and staff officers advanced with Captain Eads as interpreter. We were soon informed that the
Indians would surrender in case they would be treated as prisoners of war. This was promised them,
and they returned with the intelligence, after promising to meet us at a specified point. On arriving at
that point, however, no Indians appeared to make the proposed treaty, which convinced us of
treachery.
“Directions were immediately given for our men to advance, while Captain Eads proceeded a few
yards alone to make further discoveries. On reaching Sycamore Bluff, the Indians were discovered in
martial order; their line extended a distance of nearly two miles, and under rapid march. Their
signals were given for battle–war-whoops were heard in almost every direction–their flanks
extending from one creek to the other. Orders were given for a line of battle to be formed on the
south of the marsh between the two creeks, while the Indians were advancing with the utmost
rapidity; their fire was tremendous, but on account of the distance, of little effect. Night was closing
upon us in the heart of an Indian country, and the only thing to brighten our prospects, the light of
our guns. Both officers and men conducted themselves with prudence and deliberation, until
compelled to give ground to the superior foe, when the order for a retrograde movement was given,
and our men formed in Old Man’s Creek. Here a desperate attempt was made by the Indians to
outflank us and cut off our retreat, which proved ineffectual, some clubbing with their fire-locks,
others using their tomahawks and spears.

“A party of our men crossed the creek, and with much difficulty silenced their fire, which made a
way for the retreat of our whole party, which was commenced and kept up, with few exceptions, in
good order.
“Many of our officers and men having been in the battles of Tippecanoe, Bridgewater, Chippewa and
Ft. Erie, have never faced a more desperate enemy. Having had the advantages of ground, the enemy
being on an eminence, operated much in our favor. In passing Old Man’s Creek many of them got
their guns wet and were deprived of the use of them. Our force consisted of 206 men; that of the
Indians not known, but consisting of a whole hostile band. Eleven of our men were killed, 5
wounded, with a loss of 34 to the enemy. From report, their encampment consisted of 160 lodges.
Our men mostly arrived at Dixon’s Ferry about 3 o’clock a.m., and it is to be hoped that in a short
time the number of troops stationed at that point and elsewhere will be able to bring them into
subjection, and relieve our frontier from a much dreaded foe.
“I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,
“I. Stillman,
“Brig.-Gen. 5 Brig., Ill. Mil. and Act. Maj. N. Ill. Vol.
“In Camp, 19 June, 1832”

It cannot be said of this explanation that it offers any extenuating
circumstances for that inglorious retreat or that abandonment by Stillman’s
men of gallant Captain Adams and his men to fight it out alone and die.[125]

WILLIAM McCULLOUGH. JAMES K. ORENDORF.

WILLIAM COPES. WILLIAM McKEE.

JOHN A. WAKEFIELD. COL. JAMES M. STRODE.

SERGT. FRED STAHL. CAPT. MILTON M. MAUGHS.

CHAPTER XX.

Call for Additional Troops–Burial of the Dead–Arrival of Atkinson–
Lead Mines Militia–Erection of Forts–Dodge’s March to the Four
Lakes Country.

The straggling arrival of the panic-stricken troops into camp at Dixon’s Ferry,
from three o’clock to daylight of the morning of May 15th, threw Whiteside’s
camp into confusion. The force of Dodge’s warning had now a depressing,
yea, disastrous effect on the army, and the conduct of the men was most
humiliating to Governor Reynolds. With one accord the officers flocked to
his tent to hear the exaggerations of the runaways and plan a possible
maneuver to counteract the fleeting fortune of their volunteer arms.
The catastrophe, instead of inspiring the troops with resolution to revenge
their fallen comrades, spread disaffection, and demands arose from all sides
to be discharged from a campaign which promised nothing but trouble and a
long absence from home. The Governor, foreseeing the plight likely to visit
him, at once, by the light of a solitary candle, wrote out the following call for
2,000 more volunteers to rendezvous at Hennepin on the 10th of June:
“Dixon’s Ferry, on Rock River, May 15, 1832.
“It becomes my duty to again call on you for your services in defense of your country. The state is
not only invaded by the hostile Indians, but many of our citizens have been slain in battle. A
detachment of mounted volunteers, about 275 in number, commanded by Maj. Stillman, were
overpowered by hostile Indians on Sycamore Creek, distant from this place about thirty miles, and a
considerable number killed. This is an act of hostility which cannot be misconstrued. I am of the
opinion that the Pottawatomies and Winnebagoes have joined the Sacs, and all may be considered as
waging war against the United States. To subdue these Indians and drive them out of the state, it will
require a force of at least 2,000 mounted volunteers, in addition to troops already in the field. I have
made the necessary requisition of proper officers for the above number, and have no doubt that the
citizen soldiers of the state will obey the call of their country. They will meet at Hennepin, on the
Illinois River, in companies of 50 men each, on the 10th of June next, to be organized into brigades.
“John Reynolds, Commander in Chief.”

John Ewing of Franklin County and John A. Wakefield and Robert Blackwell
of Fayette County were the trusted messengers selected to carry this call over
the state. At the same time, Col. James M. Strode, colonel and commander of
the Jo Daviess County militia, was empowered and requested to organize his
county for immediate action.
Governor Reynolds also sent word of the defeat to Colonel Dodge at the
camp of the latter on the north side of the river some distance above, with the
request that he forthwith take measures to protect the frontier of Michigan
Territory (now Wisconsin).
Major Horn[126] of Reynolds’ staff was dispatched to St. Louis with a message
to Colonel March, who was at that place, to forward the supplies for the new
levy to Hennepin. With his conspicuous vigor the order was executed, but not
by leaving the provisions at Hennepin. Fort Deposit, or later Fort Wilbourn,
so-called from Captain John S. Wilbourn of the militia from Morgan County,
was a point on the south bank of the Illinois River about midway between the
present cities of Peru and LaSalle. It was nearer the seat of action at Dixon’s
Ferry and was accordingly chosen by Major Horn, and there he deposited the
provisions. Thither, too, the troops marched, and, as Albert Sidney Johnston
wrote in his journal on June 12, 1832: “General and staff arrived at this place
this evening. The Illinois volunteers having arrived here in great numbers, the
General decided upon organizing them at this point, supplies for the troops
having been placed in depot at this place, and the route to Dixon’s quite as
good and as near as the mouth of Fox River.”
That explains the erection of this base, and in the same connection it may be
said that the old army trail subsequently became known as the “Peru road,”
was the one traveled by Abraham Lincoln on his return home via Peoria, and
was the route traversed by Colonel John Dement, Receiver of the Dixon Land
Office, when subsequently he carried the public moneys from Dixon to Peru
to be shipped by boat to St. Louis, the industrial and financial center of the
times.
Another message was sent to General Atkinson, not yet arrived from Fort
Armstrong, and finally Major Adams[127] was dispatched to Quincy to procure
corn for the horses. By daylight the various expresses were hurrying on their
respective ways over the state.
With the abandonment of the baggage and supplies down the river, the
improvidence of the troops with the provisions brought along and the

destruction and confiscation of Stillman’s by Black Hawk, there was
imminent danger of a famine, but Mr. Dixon came to the rescue by
slaughtering his oxen, milch cows and young stock, which the troops
devoured without bread or salt. After a hasty breakfast, a general march for
the battlefield to bury the dead was begun, and by evening finished.
The sight of the mangled remains of their comrades did not inspire the
majority of the men with a wish to prolong their service. Dissatisfaction,
much of it unexplained, prevailed, and nothing but a demand for a discharge
from further service was heard.

SURGEON HORATIO
CAPT. S.H. SCALES NEWHALL.

JESSE W. SHULL. THE LEAD MINES DISTRICT.

COL. HENRY DODGE AS A U.S.
COL. HENRY DODGE. RANGER.

CAPT. JAMES CRAIG. CAPT. J.R.B. GRATIOT.

Gathering the fragments of the mutilated bodies together, they buried Captain
Adams and his faithful companions that evening, the 15th. The dismantled
baggage wagons, ruined saddlebags, dead horses, destroyed provisions and
the whisky keg, said by Black Hawk to have been emptied by his direction,
were found upon the field.
The army camped that night upon the south bank of the creek, with little to
disturb it save the casual firing of small arms in the distance, which might
have indicated the presence of the enemy, but Major Henry and his battalion
of spies, detached to scour the country and test the presence of the Indians,
returned to camp at an early hour of the morning without discovering a sign
of them.
On the morning of the 16th the army began its return march for Dixon’s Ferry
for provisions, presuming, of course, that Atkinson’s forces would be there
against their arrival in the evening, but the progress of the keel boats up the
river had necessarily been very slow, and when the army reached Dixon’s
Ferry the regulars had not yet arrived. This caused a storm of protest to reach
the ears of the officers, which demanded decisive action. The unplanted
crops, the futility of the enterprise and innumerable other reasons were urged
for disbanding. The “fun” of an Indian campaign had proved too serious for
the younger generation.
In this dreadful state of insubordination the Governor held the troops until the
morning of the 17th, when, after a fervid appeal to their patriotism to
continue their service to protect the exposed frontier until the new levies
arrived, the remaining troops of Stillman and Bailey, recovering their lost
senses, immediately consented, whereupon the Fifth Regiment was
organized, as before mentioned. Delaying for a few hours the decision, which
must inevitably have come in favor of the other men, hopeful that Atkinson
would come, Governor Reynolds was happily relieved by the arrival of
Atkinson’s forces and Major Long’s foot battalion about noon, with stores,
which momentarily quieted the clamoring of the volunteers. With these
reinforcements came Captain W.S. Harney and Lieutenant Jefferson Davis,
each of whom had been absent on furlough, but who, on the crossing of Black
Hawk into Illinois, had returned to his regiment at Fort Armstrong in time to
march up the river with Atkinson.

Before dark of the 15th, Strode, Captain J.W. Stephenson and others from the
mining district reached Galena with the intelligence of Stillman’s defeat, and
the possibilities of immediate and general Indian hostilities created the
greatest excitement among the people. The notes of a bugle at once called the
settlers and miners together on the old race course on the bottom near the
river,[128] and by reason of his popularity, Captain Stephenson quickly
organized a company of mounted rangers, which elected him captain. Strode,
however, could not manipulate his militia, as he had confidently expected and
promised. Candidates for office contested the supremacy of Strode, then a
candidate for State Senator (and later elected), with suggestions that he
should get out of the way. With this conflict among leaders, men did not
respond as expected, and to still more complicate Reynolds’ already
distressing plight, Strode’s troubles reached Dixon’s Ferry. Resolving upon
asking the advice of Atkinson, he started an express for Atkinson’s camp at 3
o’clock in the morning of Saturday, May 19th, consisting of Sergeant Fred
Stahl and William Durley, Vincent Smith, Redding Bennett and James Smith,
who bore dispatches for Atkinson and who took John D. Winters, the mail
contractor, for guide. On Sunday, 20th, Stahl returned and added to the alarm
by reporting that his party had been ambuscaded by the Indians just on the
edge of Buffalo Grove (now Polo, Illinois), fifty miles from Galena, about 5
o’clock of Saturday afternoon, and that Durley was instantly killed and left
on the spot.
Strode was in despair. He declared martial law, and had not Atkinson, on his
arrival at Dixon’s, anticipated his troubles and sent relief, poor Strode might
have been discomfited. As it was, Lieutenant Jefferson Davis and a small
detachment was ordered to hasten to his assistance. Arrived there, Davis, with
the co-operation of H. Hezekiah Gear, a man of strong personality, great force
of character and of commanding influence with the sturdy miners, smoothed
the ruffled tempers of the miners and softened them into an eager desire for
enlistment, and the organization of the Twenty-seventh Regiment followed.
This regiment, organized on the 19th and 21st, was composed of the
companies of Captains Milton M. Maughs, Nicholas Dowling, Clack Stone,
Charles McCoy, Benjamin J. Aldenrath, H. Hezekiah Gear, Samuel H. Scales,
Jonathan Craig, L.P. Vansburgh, all from Jo Daviess County. It was
commanded by Colonel Strode, ranged the northwestern part of the state and
was mustered out at Galena, September 6th. Owing to the careless
manipulation of the records in those days, it is impossible to state the

remaining officers of the regiment, except to note the name of Dr. Horatio
Newhall as surgeon and the casual use of the name of Captain Stephenson as
major, but as he was subsequently attached to Dodge’s squadron as major,
and acted almost entirely with Dodge thereafter, his should be classed as an
independent company, not in Strode’s regiment.[129]
In addition to the Twenty-seventh Regiment, Jo Daviess organized two
independent companies, which later became permanently attached to Dodge’s
squadron and were mustered out September 14 at Galena by Lieut. J.R.B.
Gardenier, who for the most part acted as commandant of the company of
Nicholas Dowling. One of those two companies was commanded by Capt.
James Craig and the other was the company of Captain Stephenson, until he
was elected major. On that date Enoch Duncan was elected captain, vice
Stephenson.

A.L. CHETLAIN. LOUIS CHETLAIN.

LIEUT. CHARLES GRATIOT. NATHANIEL T. PARKINSON.

MAJ. THOMAS JAMES. CAPT. J.H. ROUNDTREE.

EDWARD D. BOUCHARD. CAPT. HIRAM ROUNDTREE.

Of the body called Dodge’s squadron, Henry Dodge was Colonel, James W.
Stephenson was Major and later Lieutenant-Colonel, W.W. Woodbridge,
Adjutant, Addison Philleo, Surgeon, and John Bivens, Surgeon’s Mate. The
moment Dodge received word from Reynolds of Stillman’s disaster, he lost
not one minute in returning to the mining district to quiet the Winnebagoes,
who might and probably would have risen with the Pottowatomies and
overwhelmed the settlers over the entire northwestern country, but Dodge and
Henry Gratiot gave them no time to formulate a plan. The Winnebagoes were
the natural friends and allies of the Sacs and the constant and unscrupulous
enemy of the whites when the least opportunity arose, but since the affair of
1827 they feared Dodge.
His public position in 1832 was Colonel of Michigan Militia,[130] to which
command was added, immediately on the commencement of hostilities, the
command of the mounted volunteers of Iowa County and the Galena
volunteers in Illinois, when they served by companies in Michigan Territory.
Starting before dawn of May 15th for the lead mines settlements, he in an
incredibly short time had preparations moving for the safety of every settler
in southwestern Michigan. In a week’s time stockades made of logs ten or
twelve feet high, buried end up, in forms of squares or parallelograms, with
blockhouses inclosed and lookouts at one or more corners, were finished and
ready for occupation at the following places, after which all persons so
disposed were comfortably “forted,” as the expression was in those days:
Fort Union (headquarters), Colonel Dodge’s residence near Dodgeville.
Colonel Dodge commanding.
Fort Defiance, at the farm of Daniel M. Parkinson, about five miles
southeast of Mineral Point. Captain Hoard commanding.
Fort Hamilton, at William S. Hamilton’s diggings, later Wiota.
Fort Jackson, at Mineral Point. Capt. John F. O’Neal commanding.
Mound Fort, on the high prairie about a mile and a half south of Ebenezer
Brigham’s residence at Blue Mounds. Capt. John Sherman commanding.
Parish’s Fort, at the residence of Thomas J. Parish, later Wingville.
And forts, unnamed, at Cassville, Platteville, Gratiot’s Grove, under
command of J.R. B. Gratiot, Diamond Grove, White Oak Springs, Old

Shullsburg and Elk Grove, at the farm of Justus DeSeelhorst.
About the 22d or 23d of May, Colonel Dodge and Col. Henry Gratiot, sub-
agent of the Winnebagoes, assembled a company of fifty mounted volunteers,
commanded by Captains James H. Gentry and John H. Roundtree, and
marched to the head of the Four Lakes, where, on the 25th, the assembled
Indians were asked to declare their intentions. If they decided to aid, counsel
or abet the Sacs, or harbor them in their country, such acts would be received
as a declaration of war and would be visited with condign punishment. Dodge
emphatically proclaimed the Sacs liars and traitors, who wished only to draw
the Winnebagoes into a war to distract attention from their own actions, while
they might escape when hostilities went against them, thus leaving the
Winnebagoes to bear the brunt of the punishment which must follow in blood
and uncomfortable peace conditions.
So vigorous, yet so diplomatic, were Dodge and Gratiot, that peaceful
relations were at once assured and, with slight exception, maintained by all.
[131]

THE TOWNSEND FAMILY: ALL THE ABOVE
BROTHERS SERVED IN THE WAR.

CHAPTER XXI.

Atkinson’s Movement up Rock River–Indian Creek Massacre–Narratives.

On the 18th, after ten days’ rations had been issued, Atkinson, by order No.
17, directed Whiteside to be in readiness to move up the river the following
morning, while Col. Johnson was to remain with his battalion at Dixon’s as a
corps of reserve until the return of the main army, which contemplated a
movement after the Indians the following morning, or until further orders.
Later in the day rumors of possible attacks caused Atkinson, for better
security of the post, to order the company of Capt. James White to be in
readiness to move to Fort Armstrong at any moment. The necessity for
departure that day was not, however, apparent, but early the following
morning the alarm along the frontier had grown to such proportions that not
only was Capt. White ordered to proceed at once, but Capt. Seth Pratt’s
company was added to the detail, under orders of Capt. White, to proceed at
once down the river in the “large” keel boat with the sick and wounded, to
report to Major Thomas J. Beall, then in command of Fort Armstrong, Major
John Bliss being left at Dixon’s in charge of that post.
While many wild rumors were constantly afloat, no positive danger of attack
was apprehended up to this time, but when a delegation of influential and
reputable men from the settlements on the Fox and Du Page rivers met the
army the following day, some distance up the river, and reported actual
attacks and more in prospect, another order, No. 20, directed Col. Johnson,
with Major Bailey and the four companies of Captains Covell, McClure,
Pugh and Adams (then commanded by First Lieutenant Benjamin Briggs,
who succeeded to the command), to proceed at once to those scenes, after
first securing from Col. Taylor, while marching, two kegs of rifle powder and
one hundred pounds of lead. This disposition left the three companies of
Captains Eads, Barnes and Ball, under Lieut-Col. Stillman at Dixon’s Ferry.

To ascertain the route pursued by the Indians after Stillman’s defeat, a party
composed of Elijah Iles and four others was ordered out. These men passed
around the late camp a distance of eight or ten miles. A trail was found going
in the direction of the Illinois River, which was followed some distance
without results. The second night out they were alarmed by evidence which
clearly proved the presence of Indians; pony tracks, leaves turned up by the
feet of the ponies and other indisputable indications, which were followed by
the sight of three Indians, evidently searching for them. These were eluded
and the second night passed without event. Continuing the next morning a
course down Rock River, Black Hawk’s late camp on that river was found
about noon, deserted, with many canoes and other articles of Indian property
left behind. Again striking out for the army, the little party reached it about
night, when news of the murders at Indian Creek was received.
This scouting party learned that the trail toward the south was a ruse to divert
the army from intercepting their march to the north, which the Indians
covered with remarkable cleverness, a few of them going on to Indian Creek
to participate in the murders, while the others returned north.[132]
On the 19th the army, ostensibly to pursue the Indians, moved twelve miles
up the river from Dixon’s Ferry and there camped for the night. The
following morning the march was resumed with more vigor, and by dark
Stillman’s battlefield was reached almost simultaneously with an express
bearing tidings of the murder of fifteen persons at the Davis settlement,
twelve miles above Ottawa, on Indian Creek, which empties into the Fox
about ten miles above its mouth. The effect of this staggering news was
immediately to place the army in the best possible state of defense against
attack, which might be made by the confederated tribes of Sacs, Foxes,
Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies at any moment, as was then feared.
Accordingly general order No. 21 was fulminated, and detachments were sent
to Dixon’s Ferry and other points, as will be noticed hereafter:
“The order of encampment and the order of march observed by the mounted volunteers will be
continued. Should the brigade be attacked in front on its march, the advance guard will, as far as
practicable, maintain its ground until the line can be formed and come up to its assistance. Col.
DeWitt and Col. Fry’s regiments will move up and form line to the front, 100 paces in rear of the
advance guard and dismount; the regiments having been previously told off in squads of seven, the
fourth man of each squad will take charge of the horses. The two regiments will then be formed on
foot and advance to the attack. In an attack on the right flank, Col. DeWitt’s and Col. Fry’s regiments
will form line on the right flank, with the battalion of spies on their right. In case of an attack in the
rear, Col. Fry’s regiment, Col. James’ odd battalion, and Col. Thomas’ regiment will form line,
facing to the rear.

“In the several formations directed, those regiments not named will remain in position, and be held
in readiness to support the point of attack when ordered. Brig.-Gen. Whiteside will cause these
dispositions for battle to be practiced as often as he may deem necessary. The piece of artillery will
be brought into action as circumstances may require. Should the camp be attacked, they will be
formed in front of their tents and in rear of the fires. The regiments thus posted will remain in their
respective positions until otherwise directed by the commanding officer. The Spy Battalion will
occupy the center of the camp, and be held in reserve, to be directed upon any point that may require
support. At night, the fires will be made 40 yards in front of the line of tents; the guard will consist
of four companies, one to be posted on the center of each front, 150 to 200 yards in advance. The
sentinels will be posted at a proper distance, which will be varied according to the nature of the
ground. If the guard should be attacked, it will maintain its position as long as practicable, and if
forced to retire, will do so in good order under the direction of the officer of the day, who will
instruct the guard when mounted as to its disposition in this event.
“By order of Brig-Gen. Atkinson.
“A.S. Johnston, A.-D.-C–A.A.A. Gen.”

This massacre was instigated by three of Black Hawk’s braves and executed
by them with the assistance of about seventy disaffected Pottowatomies and
Winnebagoes.[133]
In the spring of the year 1830 William Davis had made a claim on “Big
Indian Creek,” erecting a cabin, blacksmith shop (being a blacksmith by
trade), and later a mill. When Black Hawk invaded the state in 1832, Davis
was finishing a dam for the purpose of furnishing power to run the mill,
preventing thereby the running upstream of the fish, as was claimed by the
Indians. A numerous band of Pottowatomies, under their chief, Meau-eus,
lived in their village on this creek, six miles above the dam, subsisting largely
on the fish caught in that little stream. Meau-eus, having been always a fine
hater of the whites, grew excessively angry at this obstruction, and in an
attempt to destroy it resistance followed, in which the Indians claimed one of
the band was unmercifully flogged by Davis, a man of powerful physique.
For final adjustment, the controversy was carried before Shabbona, who, in
conjunction with Wau-ban-se, concluded an arrangement whereby the Indians
were persuaded for the future to fish below the dam, which involved but little
additional labor and which they did for a time with apparent good will, but
beneath the surface a hatred lodged, only to be spent when, through the
assistance of Black Hawk’s braves, the settlement perished.
John and J.H. Henderson, Allen Howard, William Pettigrew, William Hall
and others, with their families, had from time to time settled near the place,
until the settlement had grown to be one of the most promising in northern
Illinois.

After Black Hawk passed Dixon’s Ferry, it was not long before his emissaries
discovered the situation and made the best of it by recruiting to his ranks the
entire band, the very thing the Governor attempted to prevent when he sent
out his express from Dixon’s. The Indians at once ceased to fish, a
circumstance which Davis and J.H. Henderson proceeded to investigate by
visiting the village. They found it abandoned, as they had feared, as was that
of Wau-ban-se, who, by the advice of Shabbona, had taken his men to the
village of the latter after both had sent their women and children to Ottawa
for protection.
Stillman’s defeat followed, and then came Shabbona’s famous ride to warn
the settlements of the dangers which he too well realized were in store for the
Davis settlement. Never lived there a more devoted and upright Indian than
Shabbona! From the day he left the fortunes of Tecumseh he neglected no
opportunity to manifest his friendship for the whites, and never was a more
perilous ride projected in a frontier country than the one he took with his son,
Pype-gee, and his nephew, Pypes, that memorable day down the Fox River
Valley, on to Holderman’s settlement, and, separating, thence on to Bureau
Creek, passing through the Indian Creek settlement on the route, missing
none in all that vast territory.
Howard and the two Hendersons took their families to Ottawa and then
returned to work their farms. Pettigrew likewise took his wife and two
children to the same place, but finding no trouble in sight at the end of a few
days, he brought them all back again, reaching Davis’ house at noon of the
day of the massacre. Robert Norris and Henry George, young men from the
neighboring settlements, were also at the Davis house, so on that particular
day Davis naturally thought their numbers sufficient to resist any attack; in
fact, he had urged against any member of the settlement removing to Ottawa
for protection.
Pypes, or Pipe, as he was sometimes called, carried his messages safely on
down as far as Rochelle’s village, below the Illinois River, where he tarried,
as we are told, to urge his suit with a maid of great beauty at that village.
Returning home by way of the Indian Creek settlement, he discovered,
toward dark of the 19th, a large band of Indians entering the timber, which
fact he reported to Shabbona so soon as he reached the latter’s village, about
midnight.[134]

Once more the grand old chief mounted his pony and rode out into the night,
as he had before done so many times, to spread a warning. By sunrise, every
person in the settlement had again been notified and given a chance to flee to
Ottawa, but Davis, again protesting, prevented.
As Shabbona subsequently told the story, these Indians camped near the head
of the timber on the creek, while reconnoitering parties surveyed and learned
the exact location and pursuit of each settler and determined on a propitious
moment for the assault. These did their work thoroughly, leaving no
possibility for escape by any number of the intended victims. About 4 o’clock
of May 20th the scattered settlers were suddenly confronted by seventy
Indians, led there by two Pottowatomies named To-qua-mee and Co-mee, all
of whom had so adroitly covered their movements as to be able to reach the
very dooryards before discovery. The barking of a dog attracted the attention
of Mrs. Davis, who exclaimed, on looking out the door: “My God! Here they
are now.”
Mr. Pettigrew attempted to barricade the door, but was shot down amidst
shrieks and whoops, signals for the slaughter which followed. The men at the
blacksmith shop were so completely surprised that no opportunity for defense
was offered. Hall was instantly dispatched. Norris attempted resistance, but
his gun was seized and in another instant he, too, was dead. Davis, the
strongest of the party, fought desperately by clubbing his rifle, but to no
purpose against such frightful odds, for no sooner would he dispose of one
antagonist than others would take his place with added ferocity, for Davis was
the man they most of all hated and feared, and well he earned the distinction
of being a fighter on that dreadful day. The ground about his dead body was
torn and bloody, indicating a conflict second only to the hand-to-hand contest
of gallant Captain Adams at Stillman’s defeat. The brains of children were
dashed out against a stump; the women were butchered, and, after the most
revolting mutilations, their bodies were hanged, heads downward, to
neighboring trees.[135] Young William Davis and John W., a son of William
Hall, made their escape after desperate chances. Henry George, in attempting
to escape, jumped into the mill pond, but a bullet quickly disposed of him.
Spears, knives, tomahawks and rifles performed their bloody and deadly
offices, and the fiends afterward confessed they relished the sight because the
women squawked like ducks as the steel penetrated their flesh. Mrs. Davis, in
her fright, threw both arms about Rachel Hall, and when shot down the
muzzle of the rifle had been so close as to burn the flesh to a blister. Aside

from the few who escaped, but two, Sylvia and Rachel Hall, aged,
respectively, seventeen and fifteen years, were spared, whether from a
sentimental demand made by the two Indians, To-qua-mee and Co-mee,
before consenting to act as guides, or for the purpose of ransom, cannot be
definitely determined, but from subsequent developments it is probable that
both reasons were factors in their preservation.
These two Indians, who subsequently confessed their part in the affair to
Louis Ouilmette, after their acquittal, insisted that it was agreed the two
young ladies should be spared because of the infatuation of those young red
men for them. They had been frequent visitors at the Hall home, and
endeavored, after the fashion of the Indian, to purchase the girls from Mr.
Hall.
Following is the narrative of the captivity of the Hall girls, reduced to writing
by them and John W. Hall, the manuscripts being now in possession of Hon.
James H. Eckles of Chicago, and by him loaned to be used herein. Mrs.
Eckles is a granddaughter of Mrs. Munson.
“A short and concise account of the capture, treatment and rescue of the two
Misses Hall. The capture occurred on the 20th of May, 1832, in the afternoon,
by the Sacs and Foxes, and the rescue on the 1st of June following.
The following is a statement of the two girls, made in the presence of William
Munson and W.S. Horn, their husbands:
“In the afternoon of the 20th day of May, 1832, we were alarmed by Indians rushing suddenly into
the room where we were staying. The room or house was situated on the north bank of Indian Creek,
in the county of LaSalle, State of Illinois, about 12 miles north of Ottawa. Here our father and
family, consisting of father, mother, four sisters and three brothers, were stopping a few days.
Father’s name was William Hall, about 45 years old. Mother’s name was Mary Jane Rebecca, aged
45. The eldest sister’s name was Temperance Cutright, who was living in McLean County, Illinois,
at the time, and was about 27 years old; eldest brother’s name was John W., who was at home, aged
23; Edward H. Hall, aged 21; Greenbury Hall, aged 19 (these two last named were not at the house
at the time when the Indians made the attack); Sylvia Hall, aged 17; Rachael Hall, aged 15;
Elizabeth, aged 8. The house in which we were belonged to Wm. Davis, who, with his family,
contained nine members. Mr. Pettigrew’s family, consisting of four members, were also at the house,
where those families were stopping together, in order to protect each other in case of danger from the
Indians. John H. Henderson, Henry George and Robert Norris also were stopping at the same house.
“John H. Henderson, Alexander Davis, Edward and Greenbury Hall, Allen Howard, Wm. Davis, Jr.,
were in the field, about 100 rods south, at the time when the Indians approached the house. Wm.
Hall, Wm. Davis, John W. Hall, Norris and George were at the time in a blacksmith shop about sixty
or eighty steps from the house, rather down the creek, and near the bank and not far from the north
end of a mill dam, which was being built.

“Mr. Pettigrew was in the house, when all of a sudden the Indians came to the door of the house.
Pettigrew, with a child in his arms, flew to the door and tried to shut it, but failed to accomplish his
object, being shot, and fell in the house. Then commenced a heart-rending scene. Mrs. Pettigrew had
her arms around Rachael at the time she was shot, and the flash of the burning powder blew in her
face. We were trying to hide or get out of the way, while there was no place to get. We were on the
bed when the Indians caught us, and took us out into the yard, two Indians taking each of us by the
arms and hurrying off as fast as possible, and while going, we saw an Indian take Pettigrew’s child
by the feet and strike its head against a stump, and Davis’ little boy was shot by an Indian, two other
Indians holding the boy by each hand.
“We passed on to the creek, about 80 steps, when they dragged Rachael into the creek and about half
way across, when they turned back and went near half way to the house, where Sylvia and Rachael
got together and were hurried up the creek on the north side, being the same side the house stood
upon, to where the Indians had left their ponies, about 1-1/2 miles from the house. Here we found
the Indians with father’s horses and some of the neighbors tied up with their ponies. We were then
placed on a pony apiece, on an Indian saddle, and placed near the center of the procession, each of
our ponies being led, and occasionally the ponies we were riding received the lash from someone
behind.
“We supposed that there was somewhere about 40 warriors, no squaws being in this party. In this
way we traveled until late in the night, when the party halted about two hours, and the Indians
danced a little, holding their ponies by the bridles. We rested during this time on some blankets, and
both permitted to sit together. Then we were remounted and traveled on in the same order until one
or two o’clock the next day, when they halted again near some bushes, not far from a grove of timber
(on our right). Just before we stopped, Rachael made signs to them that she was tired, and was
allowed to get off her pony and walk awhile, and while walking we came to a stream of water some
three feet deep, and she was compelled to wade through the water. Here we rested one or two hours
while the ponies picked a little, and some beans were scalded by the Indians and some acorns
roasted, and the Indians ate heartily, and we tried to, but it was very hard to get much down while
expecting all the time to fare like our beloved friends, or worse. After thus resting, we were packed
up as usual, and traveled on a while, when some of the Indians left us for some time. When they
returned we were hurried on at a rapid rate some five miles, while the Indians that were following
had their spears drawn, and we expected that the party while absent had seen some whites, and that if
we were overtaken they would destroy us.
“After having rode at this rapid rate for about one hour, they slacked or checked their speed and rode
on as usual, until near sundown, when the whole party halted for the night, and, having built a fire,
the Indians required us to burn some tobacco and corn meal in the fire, which was placed in our
hands by them, which we did, not knowing why we did so, except to obey them. We, however,
supposed it might be to show that they had been successful in their undertaking. The Indians then
prepared their supper, consisting of dried meat sliced, coffee boiled in a copper kettle, corn pounded
and made in a kind of soup; they then gave us some of this preparation in wooden bowls, with
wooden ladles. We partook of those provisions, but did not relish them, after which the Indians
partook of their supper, prepared in the same manner. After supper the warriors held a dance, and
after the dance concluded, we were conducted to a tent or wigwam, and a squaw placed on each side
of us, where we remained during this night, sleeping what we could, which was but little. The
Indians kept stirring round all night. In the morning, breakfast in about the same manner as supper.
Breakfast over, the Indians cleared off a piece of ground about 90 feet in circumference, and placed a
pole about 25 feet high in the center, and 15 or 20 spears set up around this pole, and on the top of
the spears were placed the scalps of our murdered friends. Father’s, mother’s and Mr. Pettigrew’s
were recognized by us. There were also two or three hearts placed upon separate spears; then
squaws, under the directions of the warriors, as we understood it by their jabbering, painted one side
of our faces and heads red and the other black, we being seated on our blankets near the center pole,

just leaving room for the Indians to pass between us and the pole. Then the warriors commenced to
dance around us with their spears in their hands, and occasionally sticking them in the ground. And
now we expected at every round the spears would be thrust through us and our troubles brought to
an end, yet no hostile demonstration was made by them toward us.
“After they had continued their dance about half an hour or more, two old squaws led us away to one
of their wigwams and washed the paint off our faces, as well as they could, after scrubbing very
hard. Then the whole encampment struck tents and started in a northward direction, while the whole
earth seemed to be alive with Indians. This being the third day of our suffering, we were very much
exhausted, and still we must obey the savage murderers, and while traveling now, we were separated
from each other during traveling hours, under charge of two squaws to each of us, and being
permitted to stay together when not on the march under the direction of our four squaws, we now
traveled slowly over rough, barren prairie land until near sundown, when we camped again, being
left with our four squaws, with whom we were always in company, day or night, they sleeping on
each side of us during the night.
“The warriors now held another dance, but not around us this time, as before. Here we had all the
maple sugar we desired, while the Indians seemed to make as good preparations for our
accommodation as they could.
“About this time our dresses were changed, the Indians furnishing the dresses. The one furnished
Rachael was a red and white calico dress, ruffled around the bottom. Sylvia’s was blue calico. The
Indians now tried to get us to throw away our shoes and put on moccasins, which we would not do.
They also threw away Rachael’s comb, and she went and got it again and kept it. We now traveled
and camped about as usual, until the seventh day, when the Indians came to where we were and took
Sylvia off on to the side of a hill, about 40 rods from where we were before, to where the Indians
seemed to have been holding a council, and one of the Indians said that Sylvia must go with an old
Indian, which we afterward learned was the chief of the Winnebagoes, and called himself White
Crow, and was blind in one eye, and that Rachael was to remain with the Indians we had been with
all the time. Sylvia said she could not go unless Rachael went also. He, the White Crow, then got up
and made a speech, loud and long, and seemed very much excited and interested. After he had
concluded his speech, some Indian, who called himself Whirling Thunder, went and brought Rachael
to where Sylvia was, and the chiefs shook hands together, and horses were brought, switches cut to
whip them with, and we were both placed on horses, while one of the young Indians stepped up, and
with a large knife cut a lock of hair out of Rachael’s head over the right ear, and one out of the back
of the head and said to the old chief White Crow that he would have her back (as we afterwards
learned) in three or four days. One of the Indians also cut a lock of hair out of the front part of
Sylvia’s head. Then we started and rode at a rapid rate, until the next morning near daylight, when
we halted at the encampment of the Winnebagoes, and where a bed was prepared on a low scaffold
with blankets and furs, upon which we lay down until after daylight. This was the morning of the
ninth day of our captivity. After breakfast the whole encampment packed up and placed us and
themselves in canoes, and we traveled all day until near sundown, by water, and camped on the bank
of the stream, the name of which we never knew, neither can we now tell whether we traveled up or
down; neither can we tell what went with the horses on which we rode the day before.
“On the morning of the 9th we were up and had breakfast as usual with the Indians very early, after
which White Crow went round to each camp or wigwam, as far as we could see, and stood at the
opening with a gourd with pebbles in it, shaking it and occasionally talking as if he was lecturing,
then he went off and was gone all day, while we remained in camp. He came back at night, and for
the first time spoke to us in English and asked if father or mother was alive, and whether we had any
brothers or sisters. We told him we thought not, for we expected they were all killed. When he heard
this he shook his head and looked very sorry, and then informed us that he was going to take us
home in the morning.

“Things remained as usual through the night. Next morning, being the 10th, White Crow went
through the same performance as on the morning of yesterday. Then 26 of the Winnebagoes went
with us into the canoes and crossed over the stream, swimming their ponies by the side of the
canoes. After landing on the other shore, all were mounted on the ponies, and we traveled all day
through wet land, sloughs and a growth of underbrush, no water being where the underbrush grew.
“At night we came to where there were two or three families encamped. (They expressed great joy at
seeing us.) Here we stopped for the night and camped. At the camp where we staid, White Crow and
Whirling Thunder staid. Here we had pickled pork, potatoes, coffee and bread for supper for
ourselves and the two chiefs, which we relished better than anything we had since our captivity.
“After all the Indians had laid down, except White Crow, we laid down on the bed prepared for us,
and White Crow came and sat down by our bed and commenced smoking his pipe and continued
there, smoking the most of the time until morning, never going to sleep, as we believe.
“The next morning, 11th, breakfast about the same as supper. The Indian families with whom we
staid bid us good-bye, and the same company of 26 Indians as the day before started with us, and we
traveled over land that seemed to be higher than that traveled over the day before, and more barren
timber. About 10 a.m. we came to some old tracks of a wagon, and now for the first time we began
to have some hopes that these Indians were going to convey us home, as they said they would. And
as we passed on we began to see more and more signs of civilization. About three o’clock p.m. we
stopped and had some dinner, broiled venison and boiled duck eggs, and if they had not been boiled
so soon, the young ducks would have made their appearance, and our stomachs would have revolted
at such a mess as this. But the Indians would never starve, if they could always get young ducks
boiled in the shell.
After this sumptuous feast, we traveled on until we found we were near the fort at the Blue Mounds.
White Crow then took Rachael’s white handkerchief, or one that had once been white, and made a
flag of it, raised it on a pole, rode on about one-half mile, and halted. There the Indians formed a ring
around us, and White Crow and two others went on towards the fort until they came within about
one-half mile of the fort, where they halted and remained until an interpreter met him and
ascertained what he wanted. When the interpreter learned what was wanted, he returned to the fort,
and the Indian Agent, Henry Gratiot, in company with a company of soldiers, returned to where we
were enclosed. White Crow then delivered us over to the company of soldiers, and we returned with
the troops to the fort and found, to the great joy of our hearts, two of our uncles in the company,
Edward Hall and Reason Hall.
“We remained here in the fort two nights and one day; obtained here a change of clothing. It was
now about the 1st of June. We started in company with the same 26 Indians and a company of
soldiers, with the Indian agent, Henry Gratiot, for Gratiot’s Grove, which place we reached at night,
and remained over night with a family, the agent and interpreter remaining with us, while the Indians
camped near by. Next morning White Crow made a speech to the company, in which he referred to
the incidents of our rescue. He also proposed to give each of us a Sac squaw for a servant during life,
which we declined, telling him that we did not desire to have them placed in such a situation. Then
we, in company with the troops, went on to the fort at the White Oak Springs (the Indians bidding us
a final adieu at Gratiot’s Grove). Here we remained three or four days, when J.W. Hall, our dear
brother, who we supposed murdered, met us, and from whom we learned that all the families that
were at the house of Davis, and all the individuals that were present, were killed, himself excepted.
Those in the field at the time of our captivity made their escape to the fort at Ottawa, LaSalle
County, Illinois, and he, J.W. Hall, after seeing all fall by the hands of the Indians, made his escape
by jumping down the bank of the creek and keeping under said bank on the side nearest the Indians,
until he could venture out in the prairie and get across to said fort. His statements will be found in
this work. There we remained two or three weeks, and while there we were furnished with materials
(by the merchants and others, who seemed to take a great interest in our welfare) to make us some

clothing, which we made, in order to prepare ourselves to pass through the country honorably,
decently and respectably. And we are very sorry we cannot recollect the names of those kind friends,
that they might appear upon record as a testimony of their kindness to us in our destitute condition.
May the blessings of our Father in Heaven rest upon them all!
“From this place we went, in company with brother John W. Hall and uncle Edward Hall to Galena.
Here we staid at the house of Mr. Bells, with whom we had a little acquaintance, some days. While
here we received rations from the army. We also found kind friends in abundance, and received
donations in clothing and other things, and needed nothing to make us comfortable as we could be
under such circumstances. For what was supplied, all those friends have our thanks, and now we
take our leave of them and pass down the Fevre River, to the Mississippi, then to St. Louis, Mo.
Here we stopped with Governor Clark, where we received all the attention necessary to make us
comfortable and happy, that could be bestowed by himself and kind family. We also here received
many presents in the way of clothing, and through his (Hon. Gov. William Clark) influence, a sum of
money was raised and placed in his hands for our special benefit, amounting in all, we believe, to the
sum of four hundred and seventy dollars, to be laid out in land and intrusted to the care of Rev. R.
Horn, of Cass County, Illinois, which was done at our request. There were also other smaller sums
donated to pay our expenses up the river homeward. Those kind friends also have our thanks for
their kindness and liberality. We remained here a few days and took our leave of those kind friends,
probably never to meet again in this world. Leaving here, we took boat for Beardstown, Cass
County, Illinois, on the Illinois River, where we were safely landed in due time and escorted out in
the country five miles east, by brother J.W. Hall and uncle Edward Hall, who had been with us all
the time since leaving Blue Mounds, to where we had an uncle, Robert Scott, living here. Here we
remained about two months while brother J.W. Hall went up to Bureau County, Illinois, which is
about 40 miles from where we were captured, Uncle Edward returning to Galena. About the last of
September or first of October, 1832, brother J.W. Hall returned, and in his company we went to
Bureau County, Illinois, where we remained with brother J.W. Hall until the next spring.
“Some time in March, 1833, sister Rachael was married to a William Munson. Then sister Sylvia
staid part of the time with brother Green and part with Rachael until in May, 1833, sister Sylvia was
also married to William S. Horn, and removed to Cass County, Ill.[A] Thus we have given the
circumstances of our captivity and rescue as near as we can recollect at this date, September 7, 1867,
in the county of Nemaha, State of Nebraska, where Sylvia Horn lives and where I and my husband
have been paying them a visit.
“Rachael Munson,
“Sylvia Horn.”

In presence of:
“W.S. Horn,
“W. Munson.”

State of Nebraska} September, 1867.
County of Nemaha.}

“I, John W. Hall, being requested by my sisters, Sylvia Horn and Rachael Munson, to state what I
recollect in reference to the massacre of my father’s family, and the captivity of my two sisters,
Rachael and Sylvia, would most gladly comply with their request, so far as I can; but after 35 years
of toil have passed over my head since that memorable occasion, my memory is in some things
rather dim; yet there are some things that I do remember most distinctly, and shall as long as I have a
being (I think).

MRS. RACHAEL HALL
MUNSON. MRS. SYLVIA HALL HORN.

INDIAN CREEK MONUMENT.

Inscribed thereon is: “William Hall, aged 45;
Mary J. Hall, aged 45; Elizabeth Hall, aged 8;
William Pettigrew, wife and two children; –– Davis,
wife and five children, and Emery George.
Killed May 20, 1832.”

“It was in 1832, as near as I now recollect, on or about the 15th or 16th of May, Old Shabbona, chief
of the Pottawatomies, notified my father and other neighbors that the Sac and Fox Indians were
hostile, and would in all probability make a raid on the settlement where we lived and murder us and
destroy our property, and advised him to leave that part of the country (LaSalle County, Illinois) and
seek a place of safety; but Indian rumors were so common, and some of our neighbors did not
sufficiently credit this old Indian, and we were advised by them, in connection with others, to collect
together as many as possible and stand our ground and defend each other; so after spending the night
and consulting together and hiding all heavy property that we could, my father loaded up his wagon
and we started for Ottawa, and meeting Mr. Davis, who lived about two and a half miles west, who
had been at Ottawa the day before, and had learned that a company had gone out in a northerly
direction, to see what they could learn about the Indian movement, who were to report on their
return, to Mr. Davis, in case of danger, he, my dear father, was prevailed on by Davis to abandon his
retreat and stop at Davis’, where Mr. Pettigrew and family, Mr. Howard and son, Mr. John H.
Henderson and two men that were hired by Mr. Davis, Robert Norris and Henry George, were all
stopping. On or about the 20th day of May myself and dear father were working under a shed
adjoining a blacksmith shop, and on the west side, next to the dwelling house, Mr. Davis and Norris
were at work in the shop. Henry George and William Davis, Jr., were at work on a mill dam a little
south of the shop. It being a very warm day in the afternoon, someone brought a bucket of cool
water from the spring to the shop, and we all went into the shop to rest a few minutes and quench
our thirst.
“Brother Edward Hall, Greenberry Hall and Mr. Howard and son, Henderson and two of Mr. Davis’
sons were at this time in the field, on the south side of the creek, and in full view of the house, and
about one-half mile from the house, planting corn. While we were sitting resting ourselves in the
shop, we heard a scream at the house. I immediately said, ‘There are the Indians now!’ and jumped
out of the door of the shop, it being on the opposite side from the house, and the others followed as
fast as they could, and as we turned the corner of the shop, I discovered the dooryard full of Indians.
I next saw the Indians jerk Mr. Pettigrew’s child, four or five months old, taking it by the feet and
dashing its brains out against a stump. Seeing Mr. Pettigrew back in the house, I heard two guns,
seemingly in the house, and then the tomahawk soon ended the cries of those in the house, and as
near this moment as possible they fired about twenty shots at our party of five, neither of us being
hurt, that I know of. The next motion of the Indians was to pour some powder down their guns and
drop a bullet out of their mouths and raise their guns and fire; this time I heard a short sentence of a
prayer to my right and a little behind. On turning my eyes to the right I saw that my dear father was
lying on the ground shot in the left breast and expiring in death. On looking around, I saw the last
one of the company were gone or going, and the Indians had jumped the fence and were making
towards me. Mr. Davis was running in a northeast direction for the timber. Looked back and said,
‘Take care,’ he having his gun in his hands. I at this time discovered quite a number of Indians on
horseback in the edge of the woods as though they were guarding the house, to prevent any escape.
Then it flashed into my mind that I would try and save myself. I think there were 60 or 80 Indians. I
immediately turned toward the creek, which was fifteen or twenty steps from where I stood. The
Indians by this time were within three paces of me, under full charge, with their guns in hand. I
jumped down the bank of the creek, about 12 feet, which considerably stunned me. At this moment
the third volley was fired, the balls passing over my head, killing Mr. Norris and George, who were
ahead of me, and who had crossed the creek to the opposite shore, one in the water and the other on
the bank. I then passed as swiftly as possible down the stream, on the side next the Indians, the bank
hiding me from them. I passed down about two miles, when I crossed and started for Ottawa,
through the prairie, overtaking Mr. Henderson, who had started ahead of me, and we went together
until we got within four miles of Ottawa, when we fell into company with Mr. Howard and son and

three sons of Mr. Davis and my two brothers, all of whom were in the field referred to, except one of
Mr. Davis’ sons, who was in the shop when the first alarm was given, and who immediately left
when he heard the cry of Indians. We all went to Ottawa together in the short space of one hour or
less, it being twelve miles (and the county seat of LaSalle County). Here we aroused the inhabitants
and raised a company during the night and started the next morning for the dreadful scene of
slaughter and butchery.
“On the way we met with Stillman’s defeated troops, who had been defeated a night or two before,
they having encamped within four miles of where the bloodthirsty Indians passed the night, after
they had killed my dear friends, and instead of going with us and helping bury the dead, they passed
on to Ottawa, and we went to the place where the massacre took place. And what a scene presented
itself! Here were some with their hearts cut out, and others cut and lacerated in too shocking a
manner to mention, or behold without shuddering. We buried them all in great haste, in one grave,
without coffin, box or anything of the kind, there to remain until Gabriel’s trump shall wake the
nations under the ground, and call to life the sleeping dead.
“We then returned to Ottawa and organized a company out of a few citizens and some of Stillman’s
defeated troops, into which company I enlisted. The next day we were on the line of march, in
pursuit of the red savages, to try, if possible, to get possession of my two eldest sisters, who were
missing, and who, we were satisfied, had been carried away with the Indians when they retreated,
from signs found on the trails. We proceeded up Rock River, above Sycamore Creek, and our
provisions failing, we returned to Ottawa and laid in provisions for a second trip. Here I had a
conversation with General Atkinson and proposed that some means be used with friendly Indians, in
order to purchase my sisters, as I feared the Indians would, in case we overtook them, kill my sisters.
He then informed me that he had that morning made arrangements with Winnebago Indians to try to
purchase my sisters.
“Now we started the second time in pursuit, and proceeded up Rock River, and fell in with a
company of volunteers, under General Dodge, from whom we learned that the friendly Indians had
succeeded in obtaining my sisters, and that they were at White Oak Grove or Springs. Then, in
company with a company of regulars, under General Atkinson’s orders, we marched to a place called
the Burr Oak Grove, or Kellogg’s old station. Here I, with some others, was detached to guard one of
the company, who had stabbed his comrade, to Galena, and we started at midnight. Arriving at
Galena, I obtained a furlough, and went to the White Oak Springs, where I found my sisters, and
returned with them to Galena, stopping at the house of Mr. Sublets, visiting Mr. Rhodes and Mr.
Bells, who were acquaintances of father’s.
“Here we remained a week or ten days. Then bidding those kind friends adieu on board the steamer
Winnebago, we glided down Fever River to the Mississippi, and down that stream to St. Louis, Mo.,
and stopped at the Honorable William Clark’s mansion (governor of Missouri), where we met and
enjoyed the company of his kind family. Here we remained about one week, and were made as
comfortable and happy as his family and friends could make us.
“We received presents and money, an account of which has been given by my sisters in their
statement, and here I wish to express my thanks to those kind friends for their hospitality, sympathy
and love, for I feel that we have been brought under lasting obligations to them.
“Leaving here, we took a steamer for Beardstown, on the Illinois River, in Cass County, near to
which we had an uncle Scott living. Arriving safely at Beardstown, we were conveyed to our uncle’s,
five miles out, where we remained a few days, and, leaving my sisters here, I went up the Illinois
River to Bureau County and lived in a camp until I could build me a house. This county adjoins
LaSalle on the west. The Indians, having received a dreadful scourging, had become peaceable, and
in the fall I returned to Cass County and took my sisters and returned to Bureau County again, where
we tried to make ourselves as comfortable as possible. This fall I married, and my sisters lived with
me through the winter and in the spring, after which they both married, and now I am at the house of

the eldest, Sylvia Horn, and dictated the above lines, while my brother-in-law, W.S. Horn, committed
them to paper.
“September, 1867.
“J.W. Hall.”
In presence of:
“W.S. Horn,
“Sylvia Horn.”

Late in the afternoon of the 20th, while Capt. George McFadden, Wilbur
Walker and others who had been to ask Governor Reynolds and General
Atkinson for the four companies ordered by them to go under Colonel
Johnson were passing this point, some two miles distant, on their return trip,
the shots of that frightful massacre were heard, but in their haste to reach
their own settlements they did not pause to investigate the cause.
The following day the company of Capt. Joseph Naper, from Chicago, which
had been ranging the country, reached the scene and buried all the dead
except little Jimmie Davis, a lad of seven years, who had been spared at first
and taken along, but who, being unable to keep the pace demanded, was shot
a short distance out. The scene was awful, but the lad showed a spirit of
fortitude attained by none other in this war of brutal slaughter. The two
Indians who had him in charge held him between them, one by each hand,
while another shot him down in cold blood, and then, before life was extinct,
his scalp was lifted and his body left a prey for wolves or carrion birds. The
little fellow blanched like marble, but received the fatal shot without a
quaver. Later his body was fortunately discovered and buried with the others.
To-qua-mee and Co-mee, who were indicted for complicity in the murders,
were brought to bar for the crime, but by reason of the uncertainty of the
times and judges to try them, the first term of court passed with nothing done
except to admit the culprits to bail on the bond of Shab-bo-na, Shem-e-non,
Snock-wine, Sha-a-toe, Mee-au-mese and Sash-au-quash, chiefs and head
men of the Pottowatomie nation. Before the next term of court could be held
the tribe had been removed west of the Mississippi, whither went the two
defendants. When needed for trial they were sought by Sheriff George E.
Walker, who alone journeyed into the Indian country. He gathered together
the several chiefs, according to custom, who decided the two must return,
which they did, with no effort or inclination to escape. This conduct, together
with the lavish use of paint, rendered recognition almost impossible by the

Hall girls, who were the chief witnesses for the State, and procured their
acquittal by the jury.[136]
A deep scar ran across the face of To-qua-mee, by which the Hall girls easily
recognized him at the murder of their parents, and by which they could easily
have recognized him on his trial, but, thanks to the ingenuity of counsel, who
had him so bedaub his face with paint, recognition was all but impossible. A
little later, when he bathed in the Illinois River with his friends, the imposture
was discovered and he was forced to flee for his life to escape the wrath of
the settlers.

CAPT. ROBERT BARNES. CAPT. WILLIAM HAWS.

LIEUT. COL. WILLIAM
COL. JOHN STRAWN. COWEN.

CHAPTER XXII.

General Panic–Independent Companies Raised–Atkinson’s March
Continued–Insubordination–Army Disbanded–Interim Regiment
Raised.

If Stillman’s defeat spread consternation, the Indian Creek massacre created a
veritable and universal panic in the West. Counties began the organization of
companies and regiments, Putnam alone contributing an entire regiment,
called the Fortieth, which was mustered into the field May 21st. It was
composed of the companies of Captains George B. Willis, Robert Barnes,
William M. Stewart and William Haws, with the following staff: Colonel,
John Strawn; Lieutenant-Colonel, William Cowen; Major, Elias Thompson;
Adjutant, Henry K. Cassell; Quarter-master, Jeremiah Strawn; Paymaster,
Peter Barnhart; Surgeon, B.M. Hayse; Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Roland
Mosley; Surgeon’s Mate, Richard Hunt; Sergeant-Major, William Myers;
Drum Major, Ward Graves; Fife Major, Michael Reed.
After ranging that section of the country until June 18th, when all danger was
thought to be over, it was mustered out at Hennepin.
Colonel Moore’s Vermilion County regiment was another, while ten
companies of foot and mounted rangers ranged over territory generally local:
Capt. Peter Menard, mounted, of Peoria County, mustered out at Dixon’s
August 14th;[137] Cyrus Matthews, foot, of Morgan, mustered out at Fort
Wilbourn August 1st; Capt. George McFadden, mounted, of LaSalle,
mustered out at Ottawa June 29th; Capt. John Stennett, mounted, of Schuyler,
mustered out September 4th; Capt. M.L. Covell of McLean, mounted,
mustered out at Bloomington August 3d; Capt. John S. Wilbourn, foot, of
Morgan, mustered out June 9th; Capt. Solomon Miller, mounted, of St. Clair,
mustered out at Belleville August 2d; Capt. William Warnick, mounted, of
Macon (ranged that county only), mustered out September 24th at Decatur;

Capt. Charles S. Dorsey, mounted, of Tazewell (ranged that county only),
mustered out at Pekin July 9th; Capt. James Walker of Will, and, finally, the
company of Capt. Earl Pierce, about which nothing can be learned, mustered
out August 16th.
The life of Captain Wilbourn’s company was ephemeral. Reports reached
Beardstown that trouble was imminent at Hennepin and that reinforcements
were needed at once. Accordingly twenty-nine men volunteered from
Beardstown under Capt. John S. Wilbourn, took the steamer Caroline,
Captain Doty commanding, and proceeded forthwith to Hennepin. Captain
Doty, for the better protection of those aboard, and also aggressively to deal
with the enemy, mounted a field piece upon the boat, where it might do
execution at long range. At Hennepin, however, the rumor was found to be
false and without delay the company was sent back to Beardstown and
mustered out June 9th, and this was all the service that the company of
Captain Wilbourn saw.
Neighboring states were also placed in a state of panic, and to escape possible
raids, Michigan, Indiana and Missouri called out the militia, the first two
actually sending a force to Chicago. The last named, while calling out its
militia, did not send it forward. The following general order, made in
response to the call of Governor Miller of Missouri, ordering Major-General
Gentry to have 1,000 men in readiness to march at a moment’s warning to the
frontier, appears in the Missouri Republican of June 12th, 1832:
“GENERAL ORDER.

“Columbia, May 31, 1832.
“Sir:–Having been required by General Order to raise and organize the Ninth Brigade, which I have
the honor to command, 300 mounted volunteers, for the defense of the frontiers of the State of
Missouri, to be held in readiness to march at a moment’s warning, you will, therefore, with the least
possible delay, cause to be raised and organized in the Twenty-sixth Regiment, Ninth Brigade, and
Third Missouri Militia, which you have the honor to command, 100 mounted volunteers.
“You will organize 100 volunteers, to be raised into two companies–50 men each–and cause an
election to be held in each for one captain, one lieutenant, and one ensign, and as soon as all the
company officers are elected, you will make a return to me, certifying the name and rank of each
person elected, etc., that they may be commissioned accordingly. Their services will be accepted for
six months, unless sooner discharged; but no pay or compensation need be expected unless ordered
by the Governor into actual service. Each volunteer will keep constantly in readiness a horse, with
necessary equipment, a rifle in good order, with an ample supply of ammunition, etc., so as to be
ready to march at a moment’s warning.
“Jesse T. Wood,
“Brig.-Gen., Commanding Ninth Brigade, Third Div., Mo. Militia.”

“Thomas G. Berry,
“Col. Commanding Twenty-sixth Reg., Ninth Brig., Third Div., Mo. Militia.”

Very naturally the frontier was regarded as a slaughtering pen, where flame
and the tomahawk were ravaging the settlements almost to extinction, and
one would think such scenes as the Indian Creek massacre would have incited
the militia to revenge the atrocities of monsters who could butcher women
and children; but such was the disorder, lack of organization, dissension and
open insubordination among many of the influential that, though they passed
scalps, plunder and other evidences of hideous crimes, the troops murmured,
and upon one plea and another flatly asked for discharge.

H.K. CASSELL. JEREMIAH STRAWN.

CAPT. PETER MENARD. CAPT. CYRUS MATHEWS.

FORT DIXON; ERECTED BY LIEUT. COL. ZACHARY TAYLOR ON THE
NORTH SIDE OF ROCK RIVER, WITHIN THE PRESENT CITY OF DIXON,
ILL.

Atkinson did everything a gallant officer could to spur the army on to an
early capture of the enemy. On the 22d, at the third camp above Dixon’s, he
issued the following order:
“Headquarters, Right Wing, West Dept.,
“Third Camp above Dixon’s, on Rock River, 22d May, 1832.

“Order No. 22.
“The troops will move this morning as early as practicable. General Whiteside will call on the
Commanding General for special instructions as to the operations of the Illinois volunteers. Major
Long’s Battalion will join General Whiteside’s Brigade, and receive his orders. Col. Taylor, First
Regiment Infantry, will accompany the volunteers as inspector general of that corps, and will
superintend the regularity of its movements, order of encampment, of battle, etc., etc. Capt. Harney
of the First Infantry will accompany Col. Taylor as assistant inspector.
“By order of Brig. Gen. Atkinson,
“A.S. Johnston, A.D.C., A.A.A. Gen.”

The purpose of these orders was to have such men as Taylor and Harney, who
were courageous and tactful fighters, pursue the enemy to the death, and
effectually would they have done it had the troops manifested the least
disposition for the task.
Further alarming reports of danger to the frontier below Dixon’s prompted
General Atkinson, on the 23d, to withdraw with the regulars to Dixon’s, from
which point Stillman was ordered with his three companies to proceed to join
the main army for scouting service, leaving Lieutenant Williams of Colonel
James’ odd battalion in command of the volunteers remaining, while Major
Bliss continued in charge of the regulars at that post, which was ordered to be
fortified for better security. Accordingly Fort Dixon was erected on the north
side of Rock River, opposite.
The special instructions mentioned in the foregoing order were as follows:
“Headquarters Right Wing, Western Department,
“Third Camp above Dixon’s Ferry, Rock River, 22d May, 1832.

“Special Order No. 11.
“It being ascertained that the hostile Indians have left Rock River and passed up Sycamore Creek,
and probably across to Fox and DuPage rivers, General Whiteside will move with the Illinois
volunteers up Sycamore Creek, scour the country in that direction for the enemy, pass from thence to
Fox River of the Illinois, and be governed by circumstances as to a further pursuit of him,
persevering, however, until he is subdued or driven from the country. As soon as this service is
performed and Governor Reynolds may deem the frontier secure, or take other measures for its

defense, the Illinois volunteers, in the United States service, will be mustered by the brigade major
and discharged, he taking care to note on the muster rolls all delinquents.
“General Whiteside will, during his operations, inform the commanding general by express, at
Dixon’s Ferry, which is established as general headquarters and the base of operations, of every
occurrence that may require his attention.[138]
“By order of Brig. Gen. Atkinson,
“Alb. S. Johnston, A.D.C., A.A. General.”

After three days’ vain search, the army reached a Pottowatomie village on
Sycamore Creek, where much of the plunder secured from Stillman was
found cached, likewise many of the scalps taken from his men and the
murdered victims of Indian Creek. All Indian property found there was
confiscated by the men, who were becoming audacious. At that point the trail
of the Indians lay to the north, while their homes lay to the south. Taylor
urged pursuit with his accustomed vigor, but the undercurrent of
dissatisfaction was so strong that Governor Reynolds called to his tent all the
captains of his army for a conference. A tie vote resulted, whereupon General
Whiteside, in his wrath at seeing the scalps of his friends and women and
children ignored, declared he would no longer lead them except to be
discharged. Therefore the army turned its course southward, a detour being
made by some of the troops to rob Shabbona’s Paw Paw village of the little
plunder remaining, thence over to Fox River, which was reached May 25th,
and where the following order was promulgated:
“Headquarters Camp No. ––, Fox River, May 25, 1832.
“Special Order. Col. DeWitt (and the other officers):
“You are hereby commanded forthwith to cause an inquiry and search of regiments in your line and
report the articles of any description taken by the men at the Paw Paw and the Indian villages on
Sycamore Creek belonging to the Indians, by whom taken, with the supposed value of such articles,
to headquarters this evening.
“By order of Brig. Gen. Whiteside,
“N. Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

Lawlessness was running rampant! Leisurely following Fox River, its mouth
was reached on the morning of the 27th, where on that day and the next the
volunteers were mustered out of service by Major Buckmaster.[139]
While the mortification which fell upon the gallant “Old Ranger” Governor,
Reynolds, was crushing to his fine sense of honor, it was probably best for the
dissemblers to go, even at so great a sacrifice of life and personal feeling. An
opportunity was given the patriotic and well disposed volunteers to accept a
twenty-day service to guard the frontier while the new levy could be brought

into the field and finish the campaign. On the 29th General Atkinson reached
the scene from Dixon’s and established his headquarters opposite the mouth
of the Fox, and immediately urged that 1,000 men volunteer for the twenty-
day temporary service, which, he hoped, would assure him of 3,000 men
when in conjunction with the new levy.

ORDER MAY 22, TO CAUSE INQUIRY.

The utter disregard of the troops for discipline; their contempt for superiors;
contempt for their period of enlistment, not one-half expired, and almost open
insubordination, cannot be appreciated by the present generation, unless the
matter has been made the subject of conversation with a survivor who may

have opened his mind in confidence. The following order should be a
revelation to explain Stillman’s defeat. Dislike of Whiteside alone could not
have been sufficient to demand such an order:
“Headquarters, May 24, 1832.
“General Orders:
“The great disorder in the brigade occasioned by the men’s quitting their places in the line and
scattering over the country, renders it absolutely necessary to inflict punishment on everyone who
violates orders in that particular.
“Colonels of regiments and majors of separate battalions will require that every man shall keep his
place in the ranks if the individual is able to march, and if not, he will obtain permission of his
captain to march in the rear of the army.
“All footmen will march with Major Long’s battalion. Should any man attempt to pass out of the
army on either flank, or should he be found out without permission, he will be taken in custody of
the guard and, if he be an officer, will immediately be arrested. The officer of the day will be
particularly charged with the execution of this order.
“By order of the Brig. Gen.
“N. Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

There were so many jealousies and irritations, there was such lack of
cohesion, and certainly lack of organization and discipline, that men naturally
disposed to continue their service lost interest by the contagion of disaffection
and wished themselves well rid of it. It may therefore be said that the
dispersion of the army was the act of wisdom.
General Whiteside was an energetic and patriotic man, and so it should be
said of Governor Reynolds. Both had been rangers in the war of 1812,
suffering dangers and fatigues without number. Both had been in responsible
military positions and acquitted themselves creditably, but the army was
composed of such divergent, discordant, independent and headstrong
characters that harmony was impossible.
Crops for the second year were being neglected; business interests left to be
resumed at the end of thirty days[140]–as was supposed–were urging many to
return. The prospect of a long campaign, complaints for burning the village of
the Prophet and the forced march to Dixon’s thereafter–allowing the Stillman
expedition, when probably the men favored it at the time–all conspired to
raise a state of affairs so disagreeable all round that disintegration was
inevitable and proper. Immediately the mustering out was finished, on May
27th, six companies, commanded by Captains Samuel Smith of Greene
County, Benjamin James of Bond County, Elijah Iles–with whom Lincoln
was a private–Alexander White and Alexander D. Cox of Sangamon, William

C. Ralls of Schuyler and Adam W. Snyder of St. Clair, flew to the rescue of
this regiment. Jacob Fry, on the 31st, was made colonel; James D. Henry,
lieutenant-colonel; John Thomas, major; E.P. Oliphant, adjutant; John W.
Scott, paymaster; William Kirkpatrick, quartermaster; H. Dulaney and John
B. Rutledge, surgeons; Thomas R. Waldron, quartermaster’s sergeant;
Jonathan Leighton, surgeon’s mate, and William McAdams, sergeant-major.
This regiment, the flower of the first army, was made up of resolute and
fearless men, among them Privates Joseph Gillespie, Francis Jarrott, Pierre
Menard, Richard Roman, James Semple, John T. Stuart, John Dement, John
J. Hardin and General Samuel Whiteside–men who would not permit crops,
business or any other enterprise to keep them away from the path of duty as
they then saw it.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Various Illinois Murders, Including Those of Sample, Payne and the St.
Vrain Party.

Before recording the actions of this little regiment, or parts of it, all of them
important, time must be taken to consider intermediate incidents of greatest
importance and sadness. The first demonstration by the Indians after crossing
the Mississippi was blood-curdling to the last degree, and proof positive that
the wily old Sac was for war, and had not come for the purpose of “making
corn” at all.
In the autumn of 1831 a young Methodist preacher named James Sample took
up a claim near Black Hawk’s village, built a cabin and was engaged in
subduing the land in the spring of 1832, when Black Hawk’s approach in
April was proclaimed. Sample, with others, fled to the island garrison for
refuge. Remaining there some weeks without any overt demonstration
coming to notice, all danger was considered past, and Sample and his young
wife of a few months determined to dispose of their effects and return to their
friends south of the Illinois River. Proceeding for a time along the old Sauk
trail, always used by Black Hawk in journeying to Maiden to receive his
annuities from the British government, it was their intention to remain the
first night with Henry Thomas, who lived about one mile north of it on
Kellogg’s trail, where the same passed West Bureau timber. But the cabin was
found vacant and all the doors and windows barricaded against intrusion,
which compelled the travelers to journey on. They must have camped for the
night in the timber, swam the creek and then set out for Smith’s cabin, some
six miles distant, only to find it as empty as the first, as was also Elijah
Epperson’s, a mile to the south. The travelers, weary and faint from hunger,
were forced to continue until sixty miles had been covered.[141]

At this time, while picking their way over the prairies, they were astounded to
hear whoops from a band of Indians to their rear, who, having discovered
their presence at the Epperson cabin, were then giving them chase. Jaded
though the horses were, the faithful beasts took heart and were soon rapidly
distancing their pursuers, and but for the frightful condition of the ground
would have carried the Samples to safety, but while attempting the passage of
a muddy spot the horse of Mrs. Sample mired in the inextricable mud and
could not move. Try as he would, the faithful animal was fast mired. By the
time Sample had abandoned further efforts to release the horse, the Indians
were upon them, intent upon murder. Resolved to sell life dearly as possible,
he fired his pistol and one Indian dropped dead. Others of the band quickly
pounced upon the hapless pair, bound them hand and foot, and carried them
back to camp, to be disposed of in a manner most revolting and fiendish.
Everything Sample owned he offered them to spare the life of his wife and
return her safely to the people at Fort Armstrong, but blood was demanded,
and nothing but the blood of both would avenge the death of their comrade,
so swiftly both were tied to trees, to watch the fiendish brutes gather faggots
to place around them. When these were knee high the torch was applied, and
the helpless victims, writhing in the agonies of a lingering death, were
reduced to ashes.
These murders were committed in the western part of the state, and, isolated
as they were, one might conclude that none others would follow, but as Black
Hawk advanced up Rock River the infection to take the lives of white people
spread in all directions.
About May 1st, in response to Black Hawk’s request to make common cause
with him against the whites, the Pottowatomies held a council at the mouth of
Rock Creek to consider the question and decide on their course during the
conflict which was inevitable. That they anticipated one cannot be denied,
and that many wished to join Black Hawk is equally certain, corroborated as
the fact was by Shabbona himself, who was present and whose influence
dominated the sentiment of the council to a large degree. Billy Caldwell,
Robinson and George E. Walker were also present to contribute their
influence for the peace party. That sentiment, after a long deliberation,
prevailed, with an open and unanimous declaration that any Pottowatomie
who joined Black Hawk’s forces would be proclaimed a traitor; but
notwithstanding the friendly resolutions of the council, Black Hawk prevailed
upon a few of them to join him and to carry on the predatory warfare and

assist in the murders of Indian Creek, Adam Payne and others through the
Illinois, Fox and DuPage river districts.[142]
When Shabbona, Pype-gee and Pypes made their famous ride, the panic-
stricken settlers along these rivers generally flocked to the stockades,
barricading their homes as best they could. During the raids which followed
the store of George B. Hollenback was looted, the Indians drinking of the
liquor until too stupid to carry their program of crime further. But for this fact
murders without number might have been committed. As it was, the time
consumed in sobering up allowed leisure for all who wished to reach the
nearest stockade.

SHA-BO-NA. WAU-BAN-SE.

CHIEF ALEXANDER SHERIFF GEORGE E.
ROBINSON. WALKER.

CAPT. JOSEPH NAPER. REV. STEPHEN R. BEGGS.

FORT DEARBORN.

In what is now Will County, Plainfield was the designated refuge, and to the
little fortification, which was built of logs and fence rails, around the log
cabin of Rev. S.R. Beggs, the name of Fort Beggs was given. It was not much
of a fortification, but it served the purposes of protection to the people, who
placed themselves under orders of Chester Smith as captain until Captain
Naper called with his little company, after the Indian Creek murders, and
escorted the entire garrison to Chicago for better protection. They went none
too soon, for the entire country along the Illinois, Fox, DuPage and
Auxplaines (Desplaines) was very soon overrun with murderous bands of
Indians, invariably led by prominent Sacs. As their actions became more and
more annoying and then distressing, men from Chicago and vicinity, under
Capt. James Walker, constituted themselves a band of rangers, doing yeoman
service, ranging through to Ottawa as an independent company, until placed
under Major Buckmaster when he later came to take charge of the DuPage
River district, and under whom the Indians were soon dispersed.
The murder at this time of Rev. Adam Payne, a Dunkard preacher, was as
pitiful as it was atrocious. He was a man found at all times sacrificing his
personal comforts and his substance to alleviate the distresses and
discomforts of his fellowman, and particularly the Indian. His ministrations to
their needs had been rewarded by professions of religion from numbers, and
among the Pottowatomies he was venerated to the last degree. His family had
been stopping at Hollenback’s Grove, where he expected to find them at or
near the home of Mr. Cummings, his stepson.[143]
On reaching Plainfield he found that they had gone to Ottawa for safety,
where, in fact, they were in safety at that moment. He wished to reach them
instead of marching to Chicago, as the garrison at Fort Beggs was preparing
to do. He was importuned to go along, but by reason of his abiding faith in
the Indians’ appreciation of his works and his trust in the protection of God,
he determined to set out for Ottawa. The fact that he had traveled from Ohio
to Illinois, thence by way of Hickory Creek to Plainfield without the least
interruption from the Indians, was reason enough to convince him that he
would not be disturbed if he continued. Accordingly he started the very
morning the garrison set out for Chicago under Captain Naper. He was
mounted on a fine bay mare, carried a large spyglass in his saddlebags, and

with the aid of the two he was confident he could, if threatened, elude any
ordinary foe.
About the middle of the afternoon, as he was skirting Holderman’s Grove,
unconscious of danger, he was awakened from a reverie by shots fired from a
foe concealed in a clump of underbrush. One ball entered his shoulder and
another inflicted a wound, which soon proved mortal, in the body of his
beautiful mare. Realizing that no time was to be lost in garrulous appeals for
sympathy and that the only possible chance for escape lay in the old-
fashioned way of flight, he pricked his mare forward and for five miles
maintained a safe distance ahead of his three pursuers on ponies. But the
effect of the mare’s wound was now apparent. She staggered and fell dead
under her rider. The three pursuers quickly came upon him and leveled their
guns, while he simply raised his hands to Heaven and appealed for mercy.
The appeal was heeded by two of them, but, so we are told by one of the
party, who subsequently removed west, the third pulled his trigger and fired
and Mr. Payne dropped dead. If two of these fiends had been so humane in
lowering their weapons it is remarkable that they should all have joined in
severing the head from the body, as they did. A long black beard flowed from
the victim’s chin, and by this one of the party seized the head, threw it over
his shoulder and together the three returned to camp. At this very moment Mr.
Payne’s brother Aaron was in the volunteer ranks, and it may not be amiss to
relate an incident which occurred at the battle of the Bad Axe. He, too, was a
Dunkard preacher, but, being a sensible man, the murder of his brother called
every honest human passion into play, one being the desire to revenge his
brother’s death, though this he subsequently denied.
In pursuing the retreating Indians, he, with others, came upon a squaw and a
boy crouched behind a tree, but, under the belief that the pair were harmless,
no attention was paid to them. As the last of the rangers passed the boy raised
his gun and shot Payne from his horse, two balls entering his back near the
spine. The enraged rangers wheeled and riddled both squaw and boy with
bullets, an act which might be deplored in a discussion of casuistic questions,
but not to be considered in a case so infamous as this. These bullets Mr.
Payne carried during a very long life.
General Scott, attracted to this simple man as he was lying in the hospital at
Prairie du Chien, had this to say of him:
“While inspecting the hospital at Fort Crawford, I was struck with a remarkably fine head of a tall
volunteer lying on his side, and seeking relief in a book. To my question, ‘What have you there, my

friend?’ the wounded man pointed to the title page of ‘Young’s Night Thoughts.’ I sat down on the
edge of the bunk, already interested in the reader, to learn more of his history. The wounded
volunteer said his brother, Rev. Adam Payne, fell an early victim to Black Hawk’s band, and he (not
in the spirit of revenge, but to protect the frontier settlements) volunteered as a private soldier. While
riding into the battlefield of Bad Axe he passed a small Indian boy, whom he might have killed, but
thought him a harmless child. ‘After passing, the boy fired, lodging two balls near my spine, when I
fell from my horse.’ The noble volunteer, although suffering great pain from his wound, said he
preferred his condition to the remorse he should have felt if he had killed the boy, believing him to
be harmless.”

Public feeling, by these murders, had been worked to such a pitch that a
rumor, no matter how impossible or ridiculous, was sufficient to throw a
community into a panic, consequently over in Fulton County occurred the
silly “Westerfield scare,” which threw the population of the entire county into
the improvised fortifications. At such times one Indian might have captured
the county without the slightest resistance.
While Dodge was covering Michigan territory (Wisconsin), independent
regiments and companies from the south were organized and sent rapidly
forward to protect the country between Plainfield and Chicago and Ottawa
and the Mississippi, the most important being the Vermilion County regiment
organized by Colonel Moore on the 23d of May, the staff officers of which, as
near as can be ascertained from the defective records and correspondence,
were: Colonel, Isaac R. Moore; Lieutenant-Colonel, Daniel W. Beckwith. It
was composed of the seven companies of Captains John B. Thomas,
Alexander Bailey, of which Gurdon S. Hubbard was Second Lieutenant,
Eliakem Ashton, James Palmer, I.M. Gillispie, James Gregory and Corbin R.
Hutt; also of Morgan L. Payne, subsequently transferred to Buckmaster’s
battalion. Of this Vermilion organization Governor Reynolds learned May
28th. The regiment ranged constantly until June 23d, when, finding its
territory purged of the enemy and peace thoroughly conserved by Major
Buckmaster’s battalion, it was mustered out.
At this period of atrocious murders, the killing of Felix St. Vrain, the Fort
Armstrong agent for the Sacs and Foxes, was particularly thrilling as well as
pathetic. This man, appointed about a year previous to supersede Agent
Forsythe, had always been found the stanch friend of the Indian, and such had
been the appreciation of his labors that “The Little Bear” had adopted him as
his brother.
Aaron Hawley, John Fowler, Thomas Kenney, William Hale, Aquilla Floyd
and Alexander Higginbotham, who had been to Sangamon County to buy
cattle, had heard of the Indian troubles, and, abandoning their project, were

hurrying home to assist in the protection of their homes. On the 22d of May
they left Dixon’s Ferry for Galena and traveled as far as Buffalo Grove,
where they found the body of Durley, who, as will be remembered, was the
murdered member of the Frederick Stahl party. The party immediately
returned to Dixon’s, reported the murder and remained there over night. As
General Atkinson, who had just returned there on the 23d, had dispatches for
Fort Armstrong, he detailed Felix St. Vrain, the most competent officer for
the service, to travel to Galena with the party and from that point carry the
dispatches down the Mississippi to the fort.[144]
At Buffalo Grove the returning party found and buried the body of Durley
about a rod from the spot where he fell. The party then resumed its march,
traveling toward Fort Hamilton for a distance of ten miles. Here it halted and
camped for the night.
At daylight the little band started out again on its march and proceeded about
three miles and then stopped again to cook breakfast. After the meal had been
finished and the men were about a mile further on their journey, they fell in
with a band of thirty Sacs under the command of “The Little Bear.” St. Vrain
regarded this as peculiarly propitious and at once assured his companions that
no trouble need be feared from his friend, who had many times been an
inmate of his house and partaken of his hospitality. Though he approached the
Indian with outstretched hand, the overture of peace was spurned, and death
to everyone sworn. In vain St. Vrain pleaded for his companions and urged
his relations as agent and adopted brother. The Indians attempted in the most
methodical and cold-blooded manner imaginable to murder every man
present.
Seeing the hopelessness of further parley or an attempt to fight such odds,
each man dashed for freedom, trusting to the superior speed of the horses to
distance the ponies of the Indians, and the motion of the flight to dodge
bullets. But first Fowler was shot down, a few yards distant, then St. Vrain, a
little further out, and Hale about three quarters of a mile from the scene of the
parley.
Exulting in the glory of their deeds of blood, the Indians, after scalping the
three, cut off the head and hands and feet of St. Vrain and took out his heart,
which was cut up and passed in pieces to the braves to eat,[145] that they might
take pride in the statement that they had eaten of the heart of one of the
bravest of Americans. After these ghoulish acts, the pursuit of the survivors

was resumed, and in it Mr. Hawley was killed, though his body was never
recovered and nothing ever definitely heard thereafter concerning it.
However, as Black Hawk himself was subsequently found in possession of
his coat, it can be easily conjectured that Hawley’s horse mired in the mud,
and then, while helpless, the rider was shot down, his body spirited away and
his clothing used by his murderers.
The three other fugitives directed their course toward Galena, pursuing it
successfully for three or four miles, when they met part of the same band of
Indians, who gave them another chase of five or six miles, after which the
pursued evaded them altogether. The men then crossed Brush Creek, and,
sighting another band, immediately back-tracked six or eight miles to Plum
River, where they camped in a thicket until night. Traveling all that night and
the succeeding night, resting the intervening day, the three survivors reached
Galena the morning of the third day.
Aaron Hawley’s horse being the fastest, was the first to get away, and it was
always supposed that he was cut off by another party of the same band of
Indians and killed, as stated. When last seen by the other three he was making
his course toward the Pecatonica.
On the 8th of June the bodies of St. Vrain, Fowler and Hale were
recovered[146] and buried four miles south of Kellogg’s Grove, “old place.” A
bill for the relief of the widow and heirs of St. Vrain was passed by Congress
January 6th, 1834. His tragic death was deplored the country over by reason
of his unusual acquaintance and his great reputation for good deeds all his life
long.
Felix de Hault de Lassus de St. Vrain[147] (such was his full name) in personal
appearance was tall and slightly built, with black eyes and black curling hair,
worn rather long. He was born in St. Louis, Missouri, March 23d, 1799. His
grandfather, Pierre Charles de Hault de Lassus et de Luziére, Knight of the
Grand Cross of the Royal Order of St. Michael, was born in Bouchain in
Hainault (now Department of the North), where his ancestors had lived from
time immemorial, holding offices of the highest importance and trust. This
grandfather was compelled to leave France during the “Reign of Terror,” for
the Spanish possessions on the Mississippi, where the oldest son
subsequently became Governor de Lassus of Upper Louisiana. Mr. Felix St.
Vrain’s father, Jacques, was an officer in the French navy. After the transfer
of Louisiana to the United States members of the family, with the exception

of the Governor, were appointed to offices of trust under our Government. St.
Vrain married Mademoiselle Marie Pauline Grégoire, daughter of Charles
Cyril Grégoire, also of France.
The Indians had always recognized him to be a man of unusual bravery and
devotedly attached to their welfare; in fact, he was opposed to the use of the
military that spring in sending Black Hawk back to the west side of the
Mississippi, and early in April he went to St. Louis to dissuade the authorities
from interfering, but the many and constantly increasing depredations of
Black Hawk’s band were perverting the well-disposed Indians to similar acts,
and it was decreed that the murderers of the Menominees must be taught a
substantial lesson in behavior. Accordingly St. Vrain boarded the boat with
General Atkinson and returned to Fort Armstrong. Upon this boat he was
detected with the soldiers by the Indian spies, who immediately reported the
fact to Black Hawk. Without investigating their charge of treason, all of St.
Vrain’s life of devotion to the Indians was blotted out. In the manner of all his
miserable judgments in the past, Black Hawk now swore revenge on the
agent and selected “The Little Bear” as his deputy to execute the decree.
Gen. George W. Jones, brother-in-law of St. Vrain, identified the body and
took back to camp with him the dress coat and pouch which he wore on that
day. These articles are to this day in the possession of the Grégoire family.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Atkinson’s March to Mouth of Fox River–Dodge’s March to Meet Him–
Captain Iles’ March.

On the 29th of May General Atkinson crossed over from Dixon’s Ferry to
Ottawa to take up his headquarters opposite the mouth of Fox River, where
Fort Johnston was established, and where he remained until June 8th, Col.
Zachary Taylor returning to Dixon’s to take charge of that post with the
regulars who returned with him. On May 29th Atkinson issued General Order
26:
“Colonel Fry of the Illinois volunteers will assume command of the troops at this place, and give the
orders necessary for its defense and the protection of the inhabitants in its vicinity until the troops
shall have been organized and officers elected according to the laws of the state, which election will
take place to-morrow[148] morning, and the officers elected will be obeyed and respected
accordingly. Mr. Achilles Morris and William Kirkpatrick[149] are appointed to appraise the horses,
the equipage and private arms of the troops.”

To give additional protection to the northwest corner of the State, the
companies of Captains Iles and Snyder were selected from Fry’s regiment
and ordered forward.
Captain Iles’ company marched first, reaching Galena by way of the Apple
River Fort route, June 10th. On June 11th[150] it leisurely started on its return
trip, remaining over in Taylor’s camp at Dixon’s a short time, and then as
leisurely continued to Fort Wilbourn, where it was mustered out by Lieut.
Robert Anderson June 16th, after having served its period of twenty days’
enlistment. No event of interest transpired to give character to the march, and
had it not been for the prominence of its men during subsequent years, it
would probably never have been chronicled. In 1883 Captain Iles published a
book, entitled “Early Life and Times,” in which, on pages 45 et seq. we have
happily preserved to our use that march of celebrated men:
“A few companies from the disbanded troops again enlisted for twenty days, to remain and protect
the settlers until new troops could assemble. I was elected captain of one of these companies,

although there was hardly a man in it but what was better suited to be a commander. It was made up
of generals, colonels, captains, and distinguished men from the disbanded army. I was proud of it.
“My company was mustered in by young Lieut. Anderson, a graduate of West Point, acting as
adjutant (of Fort Sumter fame). While the other companies were ordered to scout the country, mine
was held by Gen. Atkinson in camp as a reserve. One company was ordered to go to Rock River
(now Dixon), and report to Col. Taylor, afterwards president, who had been left there with a few
United States soldiers, to guard the army supplies. The place was also made a point of rendezvous.
Just as the company got to Dixon, a man came in and reported that he and six others were on the
road to Galena, and in passing through a point of timber about twenty miles north of Dixon, they
were fired on and the six killed, he being the only one to make his escape. One of the number killed
was Col. St. Vrain, Indian agent. Colonel Taylor ordered the company to proceed to the place, bury
the dead, go on to Galena, and get all the information they could about the Indians. But the company
took fright, and came back to the Illinois River helter-skelter. (Note.–This is purely a flight of the
imagination. No such company was sent, and none fled.)
“Gen. Atkinson then called on me[151] and wanted to know how I felt about taking the trip; that he
was exceedingly anxious to open communication with Galena, and to find out, if possible, the
whereabouts of the Indians before the new troops arrived. I answered the general, that myself and
men were getting rusty, and were anxious to have something to do, and that nothing would please us
better than to be ordered out on an expedition; that I would find out how many of my men had good
horses and were otherwise well equipped, and what time we wanted to prepare for the trip. I called
on him again at sunset, and reported that I had about fifty men well equipped and eager, and that we
wanted one day to make preparations. He said, ‘Go ahead,’ and he would prepare our orders.
“The next day[152] was a busy day, running bullets and getting our flintlocks in order–we had no
percussion locks then. Gen. Henry, one of my privates, who had been promoted to the position of
major of the companies, volunteered to go with us. I considered him a host, as he had served as
lieutenant in the war of 1812, under Gen. Scott; was in the battle of Lundy’s Lane, and in several
other battles. He was a good drill officer, and could aid me much. Mr. Lincoln, our late president,
was a private in my company. After Gen. Atkinson handed me my orders, and my men were
mounted and ready for the trip,[153] I felt proud of them, and was confident of our success, although
numbering only forty-eight. Several good men failed to go, as they had gone down to the foot of the
Illinois rapids to aid in bringing up the boats of army supplies. We wanted to be as little encumbered
as possible, and took nothing that could be dispensed with, other than blankets, tin cups, coffee pots,
canteens, a wallet of bread, and some fat side meat, which we ate raw or broiled.
“When we arrived at Rock River[154] we found Col. Taylor on the opposite side, in a little fort built
of prairie sod. He sent an officer in a canoe to bring me over. I said to the officer that I would come
over as soon as I got my men in camp. I knew of a good spring half a mile above, and I determined
to camp at it. After the men were in camp I called on General Henry, and he accompanied me. On
meeting Colonel Taylor (he looked like a man born to command) he seemed a little piqued that I did
not come over and camp with him. I told him we felt just as safe as if quartered in his one-horse fort;
and, besides, I knew what his orders would be, and wanted to try the mettle of my men before
starting on the perilous trip I knew he would order. He said the trip was perilous, and that since the
murder of the six men all communication with Galena had been cut off, and it might be besieged;
that he wanted me to proceed to Galena, and that he would have my orders for me in the morning,
and asked what outfit I wanted. I answered nothing but coffee, side meat and bread.
“In the morning[155] my orders were to collect and bury the remains of the six men murdered,
proceed to Galena, make a careful search for the signs of Indians, and find out whether they were
aiming to escape by crossing the river below Galena, and get all information at Galena of their
probable whereabouts before the new troops were ready to follow them.

“John Dixon, who kept a house of entertainment here and had sent his family to Galena for safety,
joined us and hauled our wallets of corn and grub in his wagon, which was a great help. Lieutenant
Harris, U.S. Army, also joined us, and I now had fifty men to go with me on the march. I detailed
two to march on the right, two on the left, and two in advance, to act as lookouts to prevent a
surprise. They were to keep in full view of us and to remain out until we camped for the night.
“Just at sundown the first day, while we were at lunch, our advance scouts came in under whip, and
reported Indians. We bounced to our feet, and having a full view of the road for a long distance,
could see a large body coming toward us. All eyes were turned to John Dixon, who, as the last one
dropped out of sight, coming over a ridge, pronounced them Indians. I stationed my men in a ravine
crossing the road, where any one approaching could not see us until within thirty yards; the horses I
had driven back out of sight in a valley. I asked General Henry to take command; but he said ‘No,
stand at your post,’ and walked along the line talking to the men in a low, calm voice. Lieutenant
Harris, U.S.A, seemed much agitated; he ran up and down the line and exclaimed: ‘Captain, we will
catch hell!’ He had horse pistols, belt pistols, and double-barrelled gun. He would pick the flints,
reprime, and laid the horse pistols at his feet. When he got all ready he passed along the line slowly,
and, seeing the nerves of the men all quiet–after General Henry’s talk to them–said, ‘Captain, we are
safe; we can whip five hundred Indians.’ Instead of Indians they proved to be the company of
General Dodge, from Galena, of one hundred and fifty men, en route to find out what had become of
General Atkinson’s army, as, since the murder of the six men, communication had been stopped for
more than ten days. My look-out at the top of the hill did not notify us, and we were not undeceived
until they got within thirty steps of us. My men then raised a yell and ran to finish their lunch.
“Next morning,[156] in passing into a grove of timber, my front scouts again came under whip and
reported Indians. I asked where? They pointed to my two scouts on the right, trying to catch an
Indian pony; one had on a red shirt, and they mistook them for Indians. These two men had been in
Stillman’s defeat, and as their horses were weak and it was easier to march out of line, I had detailed
them to go in the road in front. I now ordered them to the rear and to drop behind as far as they
chose, and detailed two other men, on whom I could rely, to take the advance.
“When we got within fifteen miles of Galena, on Apple River, we found a stockade filled with
women and children and a few men, all terribly frightened. The Indians had shot at and chased two
men that afternoon, who made their escape to the stockade. They insisted on our quartering in the
fort, but instead we camped one hundred yards outside, and slept–what little sleep we did get–with
our guns in our arms. General Henry did not sleep, but drilled my men all night, so the moment they
were called they would bounce to their feet and stand in two lines, the front ready to fire and fall
back to reload while the others stepped forward and took their places. They were called up a number
of times, and we got but little sleep. We arrived at Galena the next day,[157] and found the citizens
prepared to defend the place. They were glad to see us, as it had been so long since they had heard
from the army. The few Indians prowling about Galena and murdering were simply there as a ruse.