Narrative of the surveying voyages of His Majesty_s ships Adventure and Beagle_ between the years 1826 and 1836_ Vol. 1 [of 3] _ Proceedings of the first expedition_ 1826-1830_ und

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Title: Narrative of the surveying voyages of His Majesty's ships
Adventure and Beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836,
Vol. 1 [of 3]
Proceedings of the first expedition, 1826-1830, under the
command of Captain P. Parker King

Author: Philip Parker King

Editor: Robert Fitzroy

Release date: February 23, 2012 [eBook #38961]
Most recently updated: January 8, 2021

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE OF
THE SURVEYING VOYAGES OF HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS
ADVENTURE AND BEAGLE, BETWEEN THE YEARS 1826 AND
1836, VOL. 1 [OF 3] ***

Transcriber's A few typographical errors have been corrected. They
note: appear in the text like this, and the explanation will
appear when the mouse pointer is moved over the
marked passage.

VOYAGES

OF THE

ADVENTURE AND BEAGLE.

———

VOLUME I.

P. P. King T.
Landseer
PATAGONIAN.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough
Street, 1838

N A R R AT I V E
OF THE

S U R V E Y I N G V O YA G E S
OF HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS

ADVENTURE AND BEAGLE,
BETWEEN

THE YEARS 1826 AND 1836,

DESCRIBING THEIR

EXAMINATION OF THE SOUTHERN SHORES

OF

SOUTH AMERICA,
AND

THE BEAGLE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE.

———

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

———

LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.

———

1839.

LONDON:
Printed by. J. L. Cox and Sons, 75, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln's-Inn Fields.

VOLUME I.

———

PROCEEDINGS

OF

THE FIRST EXPEDITION,
1826—1830,

UNDER THE COMMAND OF

CAPTAIN P. PARKER KING,

R.N., F.R.S.

TO

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

THE EARL OF MINTO, G.C.B.,
FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER

OF THE

ADMIRALTY.
———

MY LORD:

I have the honour of dedicating to your lordship, as Head of the Naval
Service, this narrative of the Surveying Voyages of the Adventure and
Beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836.
Originated by the Board of Admiralty, over which Viscount Melville
presided, these voyages have been carried on, since 1830, under his
lordship's successors in office.
Captain King has authorized me to lay the results of the Expedition which
he commanded, from 1826 to 1830, before your lordship, united to those of

the Beagle's subsequent voyages.

I have the honour to be,
MY LORD,
Your lordship's obedient servant,
ROBERT FITZ-ROY.

PREFACE.

In this Work, the result of nine years' voyaging, partly on coasts little
known, an attempt has been made to combine giving general information
with the paramount object—that of fulfilling a duty to the Admiralty, for the
benefit of Seamen.
Details, purely technical, have been avoided in the narrative more than I
could have wished; but some are added in the Appendix to each volume:
and in a nautical memoir, drawn up for the Admiralty, those which are here
omitted will be found.
There are a few words used frequently in the following pages, which may
not at first sight be familiar to every reader, therefore I need hardly
apologize for saying that, although the great Portuguese navigator's name
was Magalhaens—it is generally pronounced as if written Magellan:—that
the natives of Tierra del Fuego are commonly called Fuegians;—and that
Chilóe is thus accented for reasons given in page 384 of the second volume.
In the absence of Captain King, who has entrusted to me the care of
publishing his share of this work, I may have overlooked errors which he
would have detected. Being hurried, and unwell, while attending to the
printing of his volume, I was not able to do it justice.
It may be a subject of regret, that no paper on the Botany of Tierra del
Fuego is appended to the first volume. Captain King took great pains in
forming and preserving a botanical collection, aided by a person embarked
solely for that purpose. He placed this collection in the British Museum,
and was led to expect that a first-rate botanist would have examined and
described it; but he has been disappointed.

In conclusion, I beg to remind the reader, that the work is unavoidably of a
rambling and very mixed character; that some parts may be wholly
uninteresting to most readers, though, perhaps, not devoid of interest to all;
and that its publication arises solely from a sense of duty.
ROBERT FITZ-ROY.

London, March 1839.

INTRODUCTION

In 1825, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty directed two ships to be
prepared for a Survey of the Southern Coasts of South America; and in
May, of the following year, the Adventure and the Beagle were lying in
Plymouth Sound, ready to carry the orders of their Lordships into
execution.
These vessels were well provided with every necessary, and every comfort,
which the liberality and kindness of the Admiralty, Navy Board, and
officers of the Dock-yards, could cause to be furnished.

On board the Adventure, a roomy ship, of 330 tons burthen, without guns,[1]
lightly though strongly rigged, and very strongly built, were—
Phillip Parker King, Commander and Surveyor, Senior Officer of the
Expedition.
J. Cooke Lieutenant.
B. Ainsworth Master.
J. Tarn Surgeon.
G. Rowlett Purser.
R. H. Sholl Mate.
J. C. Wickham Mate.
J. F. Brand Mate.
T. Graves Mate and Assistant Surveyor.
G. Harrison Mate.

E. Williams Second Master.
J. Park Assistant Surgeon.
W. W. Wilson Midshipman.
A. Millar Master's Assistant.
A. Mellersh Volunteer 1st Class.
J. Russell Volunteer 2d Class.
G. Hodgskin Clerk.
J. Anderson Botanical Collector.
Gunner—Boatswain—and Carpenter.
Serjeant and fourteen Marines; and about forty Seamen and Boys.
In the Beagle, a well-built little vessel, of 235 tons, rigged as a barque, and
carrying six guns, were—
Pringle Stokes Commander and Surveyor.
E. Hawes Lieutenant.
W. G. Skyring Lieut. and Assist. Surveyor.
S. S. Flinn Master.
E. Bowen Surgeon.
J. Atrill Purser.
J. Kirke Mate.
B. Bynoe Assistant Surgeon.
J. L. Stokes Midshipman.
R. F. Lunie Volunteer 1st Class.
W. Jones Volunteer 2d Class.
J. Macdouall Clerk.
Carpenter.
Serjeant and nine Marines; and about forty Seamen and Boys.
In the course of the voyage, several changes occurred among the officers,
which it may be well to mention here.
In September, 1826, Lieutenant Hawes invalided: and was succeeded by
Mr. R. H. Sholl, the senior mate in the Expedition.

In February, 1827, Mr. Ainsworth was unfortunately drowned; and, in his
place, Mr. Williams acted, until superseded by Mr. S. S. Flinn, of the
Beagle.
Lieutenant Cooke invalided in June, 1827; and was succeeded by Mr. J. C.
Wickham.
In the same month Mr. Graves received information of his promotion to the
rank of Lieutenant.
Between May and December, 1827, Mr. Bowen and Mr. Atrill invalided;
besides Messrs. Lunie, Jones, and Macdouall: Mr. W. Mogg joined the
Beagle, as acting Purser; and Mr. D. Braily, as volunteer of the second
class.
Mr. Bynoe acted as Surgeon of the Beagle, after Mr. Bowen left, until
December, 1828.
In August, 1828, Captain Stokes's lamented vacancy was temporarily filled
by Lieutenant Skyring; whose place was taken by Mr. Brand.
Mr. Flinn was then removed to the Adventure; and Mr. A. Millar put into his
place.
In December, 1828, the Commander-in-chief of the Station (Sir Robert
Waller Otway) superseded the temporary arrangements of Captain King,
and appointed a commander, lieutenant, master, and surgeon to the Beagle.
Mr. Brand then invalided, and the lists of officers stood thus—
Adventure (1828-30).
Phillip Parker King, Commander and Surveyor, Senior Officer of the
Expedition.
T. Graves Lieut. and Assist. Surveyor.
J. C. Wickham Lieutenant.
S. S. Flinn Master.
J. Tarn Surgeon.
G. Rowlett Purser.
G. Harrison Mate.

W. W. Wilson Mate.
E. Williams Second Master.
J. Park Assistant Surgeon.
A. Mellersh Midshipman.
A. Millar Master's Assistant.
J. Russell Volunteer 2d Class.
G. Hodgskin Clerk.
J. Anderson Botanical Collector.
Gunner—Boatswain—and Carpenter.

Serjeant and fourteen Marines: and about fifty[2] Seamen and Boys.
Beagle (1828-30).
Robert Fitz-Roy Commander and Surveyor.
W. G. Skyring Lieut. and Assist. Surveyor.
J. Kempe Lieutenant.
M. Murray Master.
J. Wilson Surgeon.
W. Mogg (Acting) Purser.
J. Kirke Mate.
B. Bynoe Assistant Surgeon.
J. L. Stokes Midshipman.
J. May Carpenter.
D. Braily Volunteer 2d Class.
J. Megget Clerk.
Serjeant and nine Marines: and about forty Seamen and Boys.
In June, 1829, Lieutenant Mitchell joined the Adventure; and in February,
1830, Mr. A. Millar died very suddenly:—and very much regretted.
The following Instructions were given to the Senior Officer of the
Expedition.
"By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

"Whereas we think fit that an accurate Survey should be made of the
Southern Coasts of the Peninsula of South America, from the southern
entrance of the River Plata, round to Chilóe; and of Tierra del Fuego; and
whereas we have been induced to repose confidence in you, from your
conduct of the Surveys in New Holland; we have placed you in the
command of His Majesty's Surveying Vessel the Adventure; and we have
directed Captain Stokes, of His Majesty's Surveying Vessel the Beagle, to
follow your orders.
"Both these vessels are provided with all the means which are necessary for
the complete execution of the object above-mentioned, and for the health
and comfort of their Ships' Companies. You are also furnished with all the
information, we at present possess, of the ports which you are to survey;
and nine Government Chronometers have been embarked in the Adventure,
and three in the Beagle, for the better determination of the Longitudes.
"You are therefore hereby required and directed, as soon as both vessels
shall be in all respects ready, to put to sea with them; and on your way to
your ulterior destination, you are to make, or call at, the following places,
successively; namely; Madeira: Teneriffe: the northern point of St. Antonio,
and the anchorage at St. Jago; both in the Cape Verd Islands: the Island of
Trinidad, in the Southern Atlantic: and Rio de Janeiro: for the purpose of
ascertaining the differences of the longitudes of those several places.
"At Rio de Janeiro, you will receive any supplies you may require; and
make with the Commander-in-chief, on that Station, such arrangements as
may tend to facilitate your receiving further supplies, in the course of your
Expedition.
"After which, you are to proceed to the entrance of the River Plata, to
ascertain the longitudes of the Cape Santa Maria, and Monte Video: you are
then to proceed to survey the Coasts, Islands, and Straits; from Cape St.
Antonio, at the south side of the River Plata, to Chilóe; on the west coast of
America; in such manner and order, as the state of the season, the
information you may have received, or other circumstances, may induce
you to adopt.
"You are to continue on this service until it shall be completed; taking every
opportunity to communicate to our Secretary, and the Commander-in-Chief,

your proceedings: and also, whenever you may be able to form any
judgment of it, where the Commander-in-Chief, or our Secretary, may be
able to communicate with you.
"In addition to any arrangements made with the Admiral, for recruiting your
stores, and provisions; you are, of course, at liberty to take all other means,
which may be within your reach, for that essential purpose.
"You are to avail yourself of every opportunity of collecting and preserving
Specimens of such objects of Natural History as may be new, rare, or
interesting; and you are to instruct Captain Stokes, and all the other
Officers, to use their best diligence in increasing the Collections in each
ship: the whole of which must be understood to belong to the Public.
"In the event of any irreparable accident happening to either of the two
vessels, you are to cause the officers and crew of the disabled vessel to be
removed into the other, and with her, singly, to proceed in prosecution of
the service, or return to England, according as circumstances shall appear to
require; understanding that the officers and crews of both vessels are hereby
authorized, and required, to continue to perform their duties, according to
their respective ranks and stations, on board either vessel to which they may
be so removed. Should, unfortunately, your own vessel be the one disabled,
you are in that case to take the command of the Beagle: and, in the event of
any fatal accident happening to yourself; Captain Stokes is hereby
authorized to take the command of the Expedition; either on board the
Adventure, or Beagle, as he may prefer; placing the officer of the
Expedition who may then be next in seniority to him, in command of the
second vessel: also, in the event of your inability, by sickness or otherwise,
at any period of this service, to continue to carry the Instructions into
execution, you are to transfer them to Captain Stokes, or to the surviving
officer then next in command to you, who is hereby required to execute
them, in the best manner he can, for the attainment of the object in view.
"When you shall have completed the service, or shall, from any cause, be
induced to give it up; you will return to Spithead with all convenient
expedition; and report your arrival, and proceedings, to our Secretary, for
our information.

"Whilst on the South American Station, you are to consider yourself under
the command of the Admiral of that Station; to whom we have expressed
our desire that he should not interfere with these orders, except under
peculiar necessity.

"Given under our hands the 16th of May 1826.
(Signed) "Melville.
"G. Cockburn.

"To Phillip P. King, Esq., Commander
of His Majesty's Surveying Vessel
Adventure, at Plymouth.

"By command of their Lordships.
(Signed) "J. W. Croker."

On the 22d of May, 1826, the Adventure and Beagle sailed from Plymouth;
and, in their way to Rio de Janeiro, called successively at Madeira,
Teneriffe, and St. Jago.
Unfavourable weather prevented a boat being sent ashore at the northern
part of San Antonio; but observations were made in Terrafal Bay, on the
south-west side of the island: and, after crossing the Equator, the Trade-
wind hung so much to the southward, that Trinidad could not be approached
without a sacrifice of time, which, it was considered, might be prejudicial to
more important objects of the Expedition.
Both ships anchored at Rio de Janeiro on the 10th of August, and remained
there until the 2d of October, when they sailed to the River Plata.

In Maldonado,[3] their anchors were dropped on the 13th of the same
month; and, till the 12th of November, each vessel was employed on the
north side of the river, between Cape St. Mary and Monte Video.

CONTENTS
VOLUME I.
———

CHAPTER I.

PAGE
Departure from Monte Video—Port Santa Elena—
Geological remarks—Cape Fairweather—Non-
existence of Chalk—Natural History—Approach to
Cape Virgins, and the Strait of Magalhaens (or
Magellan) 1

CHAPTER II.

Enter the Strait of Magalhaens (or Magellan), and
anchor off Cape Possession—First Narrow—
Gregory Bay—Patagonian Indians—Second
Narrow—Elizabeth Island—Freshwater Bay—
Fuegian Indians—Arrival at Port Famine 12

CHAPTER III.

Prepare the Beagle, and a decked boat (the Hope)
for surveying the Strait—Beagle sails westward,
and the Hope towards the south-east—Sarmiento's
Voyage—and description of the colony formed by
him at Port Famine—Steamer Duck—Large trees
—Parroquets—Mount Tarn—Barometrical
observations—Geological character—Report of the
Hope's cruise 26

CHAPTER IV.

Deer seen—Hope sails again—Eagle Bay—Gabriel
Channel—'Williwaws'—Port Waterfall—Natives—
Admiralty Sound—Gabriel Channel—Magdalen
Channel—Hope returns to Port Famine—San
Antonio—Lomas Bay—Loss of boat—Master and
two seamen drowned 48

CHAPTER V.

Lieutenant Sholl arrives—Beagle returns—Loss of
the Saxe Coburg sealer—Captain Stokes goes to
Fury Harbour to save her Crew—Beagle's
proceedings—Bougainville's memorial—Cordova's
memorial—Beagle's danger—Difficulties—
Captain Stokes's boat-cruise—Passages—Natives
—Dangerous service—Western entrance of the
Strait of Magalhaens—Hope's cruise—Prepare to
return to Monte Video 65

CHAPTER VI.

Trees—Leave Port Famine—Patagonians—
Gregory Bay—Bysante—Maria—Falkner's account
of the Natives—Indians seen on the borders of the
Otway Water, in 1829—Maria visits the Adventure
—Religious ceremony—Patagonian Encampment
—Tomb of a Child—Women's employment—
Children—Gratitude of a Native—Size of
Patagonians—Former accounts of their gigantic
height—Character—Articles for barter—Fuegians
living with Patagonians—Ships sail—Arrive at
Monte Video and Rio de Janeiro 84

CHAPTER VII.

Leave Rio de Janeiro—Santos—Sta. Catharina—
Monte Video—Purchase the Adelaide schooner, for
a Tender to the Adventure—Leave Monte Video—
Beagle goes to Port Desire—Shoals off Cape
Blanco—Bellaco Rock—Cape Virgins—
Possession Bay—First Narrow—Race—Gregory
Bay—View—Tomb—Traffic with Natives—
Cordial meeting—Maria goes on board—Natives
intoxicated—Laredo Bay—Port Famine 106

CHAPTER VIII.

Find that the Cutter had been burned—Anxiety for
the Beagle—Uxbridge Sealer—Beagle arrives—
Her cruise—Bellaco Rock—San Julian—Santa
Cruz—Gallegos—Adeona—Death of Lieutenant
Sholl—Adelaide sails—Supposed Channel of San
Antonio—Useless Bay—Natives—Port San
Antonio—Humming-birds—Fuegians—Beagle
sails—Sarmiento—Roldan—Pond—Whales—
Structure—Scenery—Port Gallant 118

CHAPTER IX.

Detention in Port Gallant—Humming-birds in 133
snow showers—Fuegians—Geological remarks—
Canoes—Carving—Birds—Fish—Shag Narrows—
Glaciers—Avalanches—Natives—Climate—
Winter setting in—Adelaide loses a boat—Floods
—Lightning—Scurvy—Adelaide's survey—
Bougainville Harbour—Indians cross the Strait,
and visit Port Famine—Sealing vessels sail—
Scurvy increases—Adelaide sent for guanaco meat

—Return of the Beagle—Captain Stokes very ill—
Adelaide brings meat from the Patagonians—Death
of Captain Stokes

CHAPTER X.

Account of the Beagle's cruise—Borja Bay—Cape
Quod—Stuart Bay—Cape Notch—Remarks on
weather, and errors of Chart—Evangelists—Santa
Lucia—Madre de Dios—Gulf of Trinidad—Port
Henry—Puma's track—Humming-birds—Very bad
weather—Campana Island—Dangers—Gale—Wet
—Sick—Santa Barbara—Wager's beam—
Wigwams—Guaineco Islands—Cape Tres Montes
—St. Paul—Port Otway—Hoppner Sound—Cape
Raper 154

CHAPTER XI.

Leave Port Otway—San Quintin Sound—Gulf of
Peñas—Kelly Harbour—St. Xavier Island—Death
of Serjeant Lyndsey—Port Xavier—Ygnacio Bay
—Channel's mouth—Bad weather—Perilous
situation—Lose the yawl—Sick list—Return to
Port Otway—Thence to Port Famine—Gregory
Bay—Natives—Guanaco meat—Skunk—Condors
—Brazilians—Juanico—Captain Foster—Changes
of officers 173

CHAPTER XII.

Adventure sails from Rio de Janeiro to the River 189
Plata—Gorriti—Maldonado—Extraordinary
Pampero—Beagle's losses—Ganges arrives—
another Pampero—Go up the river for water—
Gale, and consequent detention—Sail from Monte

Video—part from Consorts—Port Desire—Tower
Rock—Skeletons—Sea Bear Bay—Fire—
Guanacoes—Port Desire Inlet—Indian graves—
Vessels separate—Captain Foster—Chanticleer—
Cape Horn—Kater Peak—Sail from St. Martin
Cove—Tribute to Captain Foster—Valparaiso—
Santiago—Pinto Heights—Chilóe—Aldunate

CHAPTER XIII.

Beagle and Adelaide anchor in Possession Bay—
Beagle passes the First Narrow—Fogs—Pecket
Harbour—Adelaide arrives with Guanaco meat—
Portuguese Seamen—Peculiar light—Party missing
—Return—Proceed towards Port Famine—
Fuegians—Lieut. Skyring—Adelaide sails to
survey Magdalen and Barbara Channels—Views—
Lyell Sound—Kempe Harbour—Cascade Bay—
San Pedro Sound—Port Gallant—Diet—Rain—
Awnings—Boat cruise—Warning—Jerome
Channel—Blanket bags—Otway Water—Frequent
rain—Difficulty in lighting fires 212

CHAPTER XIV.

Place for a Settlement—Frost—Boats in danger— 230
Narrow escape—Sudden change—Beagle Hills—
Fuegian Painting—Tides—Medicine—Water
warmer than the air—Jerome Channel—Mr. Stokes
returns to the Beagle—Cape Quod—Snowy Sound
—Whale Sound—Choiseul Bay—Return to the
Beagle—Adelaide returns—Plan of operations—
Difficulties removed—Preparations—Wear and
tear of clothing—Ascend the Mountain de la Cruz
—Sail from Port Gallant—Tides—Borja Bay—
Cape Quod—Gulf of Xaultegua—Frost and snow

—Meet Adelaide—Part—Enter Pacific—Arrive at
Chilóe

CHAPTER XV.

Extracts from the Journals of Lieutenants Skyring
and Graves—Magdalen Channel—Keats Sound—
Mount Sarmiento—Barrow Head—Cockburn
Channel—Prevalence of south-west winds—
Melville Sound—Ascent of Mount Skyring—
Memorial—Cockburn and Barbara Channels—
Mass of Islets and Rocks—Hewett Bay—Cypress
trees useful—Adelaide rejoins Beagle in Port
Gallant—Captain King's narrative resumed—Plan
of future proceedings—Adelaide arrives at Chilóe
—Abstract of Lieutenant Skyring's account of her
proceedings—Smyth Channel—Mount Burney
—'Ancon sin Salida'—Natives—Kirke Narrow—
Guia Narrow—Peculiar tides—Indians in plank
Canoes—Passage to Chilóe 251

CHAPTER XVI.

Chilóe—Its probable importance—Valdivia founds
seven Cities; afterwards destroyed by the Indians—
Migration of Spanish settlers—Province and
Islands of Chilóe—Districts and population—
Government—Defence—Winds—Town—
Durability of wooden Buildings—Cultivation—
Want of industry—Improvement—Dress—Habits
of lower Classes—Morality—Schools—Language
—Produce—Manufactures—Exports and imports
—Varieties of wood—Alerse—Roads—Piraguas—
Ploughs—Corn—Potatoes—Contributions—Birds
—Shell-fish—Medical practitioners—Remedies—
Climate 269

CHAPTER XVII.

Chilóe the last Spanish possession in South
America—Freyre's Expedition—Failure—Second
Expedition under Freyre and Blanco—Quintanilla's
capitulation—Chilóe taken—Aldunate placed in
command—Chilóe a dependency of Chile—Beagle
sails to sea coast of Tierra del Fuego—Adelaide
repaired—Adelaide sails—Adventure goes to
Valparaiso—Juan Fernandez—Fishery—Goats—
Dogs—Geology—Botany—Shells—Spanish
accounts—Anson's voyage—Talcahuano—
Concepcion—Pinoleo—Araucanian Indians—Re-
enter the Strait of Magalhaens—Fuegians 298

CHAPTER XVIII.

Adelaide's last cruise—Port Otway—San Quintin
—Marine Islands—Unknown river or passage—
San Tadeo—Isthmus of Ofqui—San Rafael—
Sufferings and route of Wager's party—Channel's
Mouth—Byron—Cheap—Elliot—Hamilton—
Campbell—Indian Cacique—Passage of the
Desecho—Osorio—Xavier Island—Jesuit Sound—
Kirke's report—Night tides—Guaianeco Islands—
Site of the Wager's wreck—Bulkely and Cummings
—Speedwell Bay—Indigenous wild Potato—
Mesier Channel—Fatal Bay—Death of Mr. Millar
—Fallos Channel—Lieutenant Skyring's illness—
English Narrow—Fish—Wigwams—Indians—
Level Bay—Brazo Ancho—Eyre Sound—Seal—
Icebergs—Walker Bay—Nature of the Country—
Habits of the Natives—Scarcity of population 323

CHAPTER XIX.

Sarmiento Channel—Ancon sin Salida—Cape
Earnest—Canal of the Mountains—Termination of
the Andes—Kirke Narrow—Easter Bay—
Disappointment Bay—Obstruction Sound—Last
Hope Inlet—Swans—Coots—Deer River—Lagoon
—Singular Eddies—Passage of the Narrow—
Arrival at Port Famine—Zoological remarks 346

CHAPTER XX.

Beagle sails from San Carlos—Enters Strait—
Harbour of Mercy—Cape Pillar—Apostles—
Judges—Landfall Island—Cape Gloucester—
Dislocation Harbour—Week Islands—Fuegians—
Latitude Bay—Boat's crew in distress—Petrel—
Passages—Otway Bay—Cape Tate—Fincham
Islands—Deepwater Sound—Breaker Bay—
Grafton Islands—Geological remarks—Barbara
Channel—Mount Skyring—Compasses affected—
Drawings—Provisions—Opportunities lost 360

CHAPTER XXI.

Skyring's chart—Noir Island—Penguins— 386
Fuegians—Sarmiento—Townshend Harbour—
Horace Peaks—Cape Desolation—Boat lost—
Basket—Search in Desolation Bay—Natives—
Heavy Gale—Surprise—Seizure—Consequences
—Return to Beagle—Sail to Stewart Harbour—Set
out again—Escape of Natives—Unavailing search
—Discomforts—Tides—Nature of Coast—Doris
Cove—Christmas Sound—Cook—York-Minster—
March Harbour—Build a boat—Treacherous rocks

—Skirmish with the Natives—Captives—Boat
Memory—Petrel

CHAPTER XXII.

Mr. Murray returns—Go to New Year Sound—See
Diego Ramirez Islands from Henderson Island—
Weddell's Indian Cove—Sympiesometer—Return
to Christmas Sound—Beagle sails—Passes the
Ildefonso and Diego Ramirez Islands—Anchors in
Nassau Bay—Orange Bay—Yapoos—Mr. Murray
discovers the Beagle Channel—Numerous Natives
—Guanacoes—Compasses affected—Cape Horn—
Specimens—Chanticleer—Mistake about St.
Francis Bay—Diego Ramirez Islands—Climate—
San Joachim Cove—Barnevelt Isles—Evouts Isle
—Lennox Harbour 417

CHAPTER XXIII.

Set out in boats—Find Guanacoes—Murray
Narrow—Birch Fungus—Tide—Channel—
Glaciers—View—Mountains—Unbroken chain—
Passages—Steam-vessels—Jemmy Button—Puma
—Nest—Accident—Natives—Murray's Journal—
Cape Graham—Cape Kinnaird—Spaniard Harbour
—Valentyn Bay—Cape Good Success—Natives—
Lennox Island—Strait le Maire—Good Success
Bay—Accident—Tide race—San Vicente—San
Diego—Tides—Soundings—North-East Coast—
San Sebastian—Reflections—Port Desire—Monte
Video—Santa Catharina—Rio de Janeiro 438

CHAPTER XXIV.

A few Nautical remarks upon the passage round
Cape Horn; and upon that through the Strait of
Magalhaens, or Magellan 463

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER

FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

Map of South America Loose.
Strait of Magalhaens Loose.
Patagonian Frontispiece.
Monte Video to face page
1
Distant View of Mount Sarmiento (with two other views) 26
Curious Peak—Admiralty Sound (with other views) 52
Patagonian 'toldo' and tomb 94
Monte Video Mole 105
Rio de Janeiro 106
Fuegian Wigwams at Hope Harbour, in the Magdalen 126
Channel
Monte Video—Custom-House 187
Corcovado Mountain 188
Mount Sarmiento 252
San Carlos de Chilóe 275
Breast Ploughing in Chilóe 287
Point Arena—Chilóe (with other views) 300
South West opening of Cockburn Channel (with views of 407
Headlands)
Wollaston Island, near Cape Horn 433
Chart of a part of South America, by Captain P. P. King 463
———
Note.—The loose Plates are to be folded into pockets in the covers of the
volumes.

ERRATA et CORRIGENDA.

———
Page 76, line 4 from bottom, for lying, read being.
118, Heading, line 4, for Beagle sailed, read Beagle sails.
123, line 17, insert narrow, before and shoal.
164, line 23, instead of the, read our.
174, line 6, for cuts, read cut.
193, line 5, for have, read had.
223, (Note) line 2 from bottom, for they, read he.
229, line 9, for was, read were.
265, line 8, after day, insert a colon instead of a comma.
273, line 21, after as well, insert as.
301, line 23, for Lieutenants Skyring and Graves again took with them,
read Lieutenant Skyring again took with him.
411, line 2, dele the.
437, line 16, for contiue, read continue.
443, line 19, for wit, read with.
462, line 21, for Santa Catalina, read Santa Catharina.
473, line 17, after which is, insert a.
481, bottom line, for 53. 32. 30, read 53. 52. 30.
485, line 7, (of positions) for 53. 31, read 53. 51.
—— bottom line, for 11. 51, read 3. 26.

488, line 9, for Northern, read Southern.
489, line 4 from bottom, for 46. 03, read 46. 30; and for 40. 50, read
40. 05.
490, line 6, for 50°, read 49°.
491, line 6, for 36. 56, read 36. 16.
493, line 9, for 54. 30. 00, read 54. 05. 20; and for 73. 1. 30, read 73.
25. 30.
526, for Variation, read Dip.
MAMMALIA.
529, line 8, for Harlau read Harlan.
531, line 6, for Keroda read Kerodon.
BIRDS.
532, line 1, for Dumérel, read Duméril.
—— line 7, for Miloago, read Milvago.
—— line 19, for Sparoerius, read Sparverius.
533, line 16, dele Spix.
—— bottom line, for Silvia, read Sylvia, and in next page the same.
534, line 12, dele Fursa, Veillot.
—— line 10 from bottom, for Smaragdimis, read Smaragdinus.
536, line 9 from bottom, for Strutheo, read Struthio.
—— line 6 from bottom, for rinacea, read binacea.
537, line 14, for Totamus, read Totanus.
538, line 5, for subtas, read subtus.

—— lower lines, where Hœmatopus occurs, read Hæmatopus.
540, last line, for meneque, read mineque; and for pariè, read parcè.
541, line 12, for Catarrhoctes, read Catarrhactes.
—— line 2 from bottom, for ud, read ad.
543, line 13, for gracillimus, read gracillimis.
SHELLS.
545, last line, for brachyptera, read brachypterus; for Patachonica,
read Patachonicus.

C. Martens T.
Landseer
MONTE VIDEO.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

SURVEYING VOYAGES

OF THE

ADVENTURE AND THE BEAGLE,

1826-1830.

———

CHAPTER I.
Departure from Monte Video—Port Santa Elena—Geological remarks—Cape Fairweather—
Non-existence of Chalk—Natural History—Approach to Cape Virgins, and the Strait of
Magalhaens (or Magellan)

We sailed from Monte Video on the 19th of November 1826; and, in
company with the Beagle, quitted the river Plata.
According to my Instructions, the Survey was to commence at Cape San
Antonio, the southern limit of the entrance of the Plata; but, for the
following urgent reasons, I decided to begin with the southern coasts of
Patagonia, and Tierra del Fuego, including the Straits of Magalhaens.[4] In
the first place, they presented a field of great interest and novelty; and
secondly, the climate of the higher southern latitudes being so severe and
tempestuous, it appeared important to encounter its rigours while the ships
were in good condition—while the crews were healthy—and while the
charms of a new and difficult enterprize had full force.
Our course was therefore southerly, and in latitude 45° south, a few leagues
northward of Port Santa Elena, we first saw the coast of Patagonia. I
intended to visit that port; and, on the 28th, anchored, and landed there.
Seamen should remember that a knowledge of the tide is of especial
consequence in and near Port Santa Elena. During a calm we were carried
by it towards reefs which line the shore, and were obliged to anchor until a
breeze sprung up.
The coast along which we had passed, from Point Lobos to the north-east
point of Port Santa Elena, appeared to be dry and bare of vegetation. There
were no trees; the land seemed to be one long extent of undulating plain,
beyond which were high, flat-topped hills of a rocky, precipitous character.
The shore was fronted by rocky reefs extending two or three miles from
high-water mark, which, as the tide fell, were left dry, and in many places
were covered with seals.

As soon as we had secured the ships, Captain Stokes accompanied me on
shore to select a place for our observations. We found the spot which the
Spanish astronomers of Malaspina's Voyage (in 1798) used for their
observatory, the most convenient for our purpose. It is near a very steep
shingle (stony) beach at the back of a conspicuous red-coloured, rocky
projection which terminates a small bay, on the western side, at the head of
the port. The remains of a wreck, which proved to be that of an American
whaler, the Decatur of New York, were found upon the extremity of the
same point; she had been driven on shore from her anchors during a gale.
The sight of the wreck, and the steepness of the shingle beach just
described, evidently caused by the frequent action of a heavy sea, did not
produce a favourable opinion of the safety of the port: but as it was not the
season for easterly gales, to which only the anchorage is exposed, and as
appearances indicated a westerly wind, we did not anticipate danger.
While we were returning on board, the wind blew so strongly that we had
much difficulty in reaching the ships, and the boats were no sooner hoisted
up, and every thing made snug, than it blew a hard gale from the S.W. The
water however, from the wind being off the land, was perfectly smooth, and
the ships rode securely through the night: but the following morning the
gale increased, and veered to the southward, which threw a heavy sea into
the port, placing us, to say the least, in a very uneasy situation. Happily it
ceased at sunset. In consequence of the unfavourable state of the weather,
no attempt was made to land in order to observe an eclipse of the sun; to
make which observation was one reason for visiting this port.
The day after the gale, while I was employed in making some astronomical
observations, a party roamed about in quest of game: but with little success,
as they killed only a few wild ducks. The fire which they made for cooking
communicated to the dry stubbly grass, and in a few minutes the whole
country was in a blaze. The flames continued to spread during our stay, and,
in a few days, more than fifteen miles along the coast, and seven or eight
miles into the interior were overrun by the fire. The smoke very much
impeded our observations, for at times it quite obscured the sun.
The geological structure of this part of the country, and a considerable
portion of the coast to the north and south, consists of a fine-grained

porphyritic clay slate. The summits of the hills near the coast are generally
of a rounded form, and are paved, as it were, with small, rounded, siliceous
pebbles, imbedded in the soil, and in no instance lying loose or in heaps;
but those of the interior are flat-topped, and uniform in height, for many
miles in extent. The valleys and lower elevations, notwithstanding the
poverty and parched state of the soil, were partially covered with grass and
shrubby plants, which afford sustenance to numerous herds of guanacoes.
Many of these animals were observed feeding near the beach when we were
working into the bay, but they took the alarm, so that upon landing we only
saw them at a considerable distance. In none of our excursions could we
find any water that had not a brackish taste. Several wells have been dug in
the valleys, both near the sea and at a considerable distance from it, by the
crews of sealing vessels; but, except in the rainy season, they all contain
saltish water. This observation is applicable to nearly the whole extent of
the porphyritic country. Oyster-shells, three or four inches in diameter, were
found, scattered over the hills, to the height of three or four hundred feet
above the sea. Sir John Narborough, in 1652, found oyster-shells at Port
San Julian; but, from a great many which have been lately collected there,
we know that they are of a species different from that found at Port Santa
Elena. Both are fossils.
No recent specimen of the genus Ostrea was found by us on any part of the
Patagonian coast. Narborough, in noticing those at Port San Julian, says,
"They are the biggest oyster-shells that I ever saw, some six, some seven
inches broad, yet not one oyster to be found in the harbour: whence I
conclude they were here when the world was formed."
The short period of our visit did not enable us to add much to natural
history. Of quadrupeds we saw guanacoes, foxes, cavies, and the armadillo;
but no traces of the puma (Felis concolor), or South American lion,
although it is to be met with in the interior.
I mentioned that a herd of guanacoes was feeding near the shore when we
arrived. Every exertion was made to obtain some of the animals; but, either
from their shyness, or our ignorance of the mode of entrapping them, we
tried in vain, until the arrival of a small sealing-vessel, which had hastened
to our assistance, upon seeing the fires we had accidentally made, but which
her crew thought were intended for signals of distress. They shot two, and

sent some of the meat on board the Adventure. The next day, Mr. Tarn
succeeded in shooting one, a female, which, when skinned and cleaned,
weighed 168 lbs. Narborough mentions having killed one at Port San Julian,
that weighed, "cleaned in his quarters, 268 lbs." The watchful and wary
character of this animal is very remarkable. Whenever a herd is feeding, one
is posted, like a sentinel, on a height; and, at the approach of danger, gives
instant alarm by a loud neigh, when away they all go, at a hand-gallop, to
the next eminence, where they quietly resume their feeding, until again
warned of the approach of danger by their vigilant 'look-out.'
Another peculiarity of the guanaco is, the habit of resorting to particular
spots for natural purposes. This is mentioned in the 'Dictionnaire d'Histoire
Naturelle,' in the 'Encyclopédie Méthodique,' as well as other works.
In one place we found the bones of thirty-one guanacoes collected within a
space of thirty yards, perhaps the result of an encampment of Indians, as
evident traces of them were observed; among which were a human jaw-
bone, and a piece of agate ingeniously chipped into the shape of a spear-
head.
The fox, which we did not take, appeared to be small, and similar to a new
species afterwards found by us in the Strait of Magalhaens.

The cavia[5] (or, as it is called by Narborough, Byron, and Wood, the hare,
an animal from which it differs both in appearance and habits, as well as
flavour), makes a good dish; and so does the armadillo, which our people
called the shell-pig.[6] This little animal is found abundantly about the low
land, and lives in burrows underground; several were taken by the seamen,
and, when cooked in their shells, were savoury and wholesome.
Teal were abundant upon the marshy grounds. A few partridges, doves, and
snipes, a rail, and some hawks were shot. The few sea-birds that were
observed consisted of two species of gulls, a grebe and a penguin
(Aptenodytes Magellanica).
We found two species of snakes and several kinds of lizards. Fish were
scarce, as were also insects; of the last, our collections consisted only of a
few species of Coleoptera, two or three Lepidoptera, and two
Hymenoptera.

Among the sea-shells, the most abundant was the Patella deaurata, Lamk.;
this, with three other species of Patella, one Chiton, three species of
Mytilus, three of Murex, one of Crepidula, and a Venus, were all that we
collected.
About the country, near the sea-shore, there is a small tree, whose stem and
roots are highly esteemed for fuel by the crews of sealing-vessels which
frequent this coast. They call it 'piccolo.' The leaf was described to me as
having a prickle upon it, and the flower as of a yellow colour. A species of
berberis also is found, which when ripe may afford a very palatable fruit.
Our short visit gave us no flattering opinion of the fertility of the country
near this port. Of the interior we were ignorant; but, from the absence of
Indians and the scarcity of fresh water, it is probably very bare of pasturage.
Falkner, the Jesuit missionary, says these parts were used by the Tehuelhet
tribes for burying-places: we saw, however, no graves, nor any traces of
bodies, excepting the jaw-bone above-mentioned; but subsequently, at Sea
Bear Bay, we found many places on the summits of the hills which had
evidently been used for such a purpose, although then containing no
remains of bodies. This corresponds with Falkner's account, that after a
period of twelve months the sepulchres are formally visited by the tribe,
when the bones of their relatives and friends are collected and carried to
certain places, where the skeletons are arranged in order, and tricked out
with all the finery and ornaments they can collect.
The ships sailed from Port Santa Elena on the 5th December, and proceeded
to the southward, coasting the shore as far as Cape Two Bays.
Our object being to proceed with all expedition to the Strait of Magalhaens,
the examination of this part of the coast was reserved for a future
opportunity. On the 13th, we had reached within fifty miles of Cape Virgins,
the headland at the entrance of the strait, but it was directly in the wind's
eye of us. The wind veering to S.S.W., we made about a west course. At
day-light the land was in sight, terminating in a point to the S.W., so exactly
like the description of Cape Virgins and the view of it in Alison's voyage,
that without considering our place on the chart, or calculating the previous
twenty-four hours' run, it was taken for the Cape itself, and, no one
suspecting a mistake, thought of verifying the ship's position. The point,

however, proved to be Cape Fairweather. It was not a little singular, that the
same mistake should have been made on board the Beagle, where the error
was not discovered for three days.[7]
From the appearance of the weather I was anxious to approach the land in
order to anchor, as there seemed to be every likelihood of a gale; and we
were not deceived, for at three o'clock, being within seven miles of the
Cape, a strong wind sprung up from the S.W., and the anchor was dropped.
Towards evening it blew so hard, that both ships dragged their anchors for a
considerable distance.
On the charts of this part of the coast the shore is described to be formed of
"chalk hills, like the coast of Kent." To geologists, therefore, especially, as
they were not disposed to believe that such was the fact, this was a question
of some interest. From our anchorage the appearance of the land favoured
our belief of the existence of chalk. The outline was very level and steep;
precipitous cliffs of whitish colour, stratified horizontally, with their upper
part occasionally worn into hollows, strongly resembled the chalk cliffs of
the English coasts.
The gale prevented our landing for three days, when (19th) a few minutes
sufficed to discover that the cliffs were composed of soft clay, varying in
colour and consistence, and disposed in strata running horizontally for
many miles without interruption, excepting where water-courses had worn
them away. Some of the strata were very fine clay, unmixed with any other
substance, whilst others were plentifully strewed with round siliceous
gravel,[8] without any vestige of organic remains. The sea beach, from high-
water mark to the base of the cliffs, is formed by shingle, with scattered
masses of indurated clay of a green colour.[9] Between the high and low tide
marks there is a smooth beach of the same green clay as the masses above-
mentioned, which appears to have been hardened by the action of the surf to
the consistence of stone. Generally this beach extends for about one
hundred yards farther into the sea, and is succeeded by a soft green mud,
over which the water gradually deepens. The outer edge of the clay forms a
ledge, extending parallel with the coast, upon the whole length of which the
sea breaks, and over it a boat can with difficulty pass at low water.

The very few shells we found were dead. Strewed about the beach were
numbers of fish, some of which had been thrown on shore by the last tide,
and were scarcely stiff. They principally belonged to the genus Ophidium;
the largest that we saw measured four feet seven inches in length, and
weighed twenty-four pounds. Many caught alongside the ship were, in
truth, coarse and insipid; yet our people, who fed heartily upon them, called
them ling, and thought them palatable. The hook, however, furnished us
with a very wholesome and well-flavoured species of cod (Gadus).
Attached to the first we found two parasitical animals; one was a Cymothoa,
the other a species of Lernæa, which had so securely attached itself under
the skin, as not to be removed without cutting off a piece of the flesh with
it. An undescribed species of Muræna was also taken.
Whilst we were on shore, the Beagle moved eight or nine miles nearer to
the Cape, where Captain Stokes landed to fix positions of remarkable land.
One peaked hill, from the circumstance of his seeing a large animal near it,
he called Tiger Mount. Mr. Bowen shot a guanaco; and being at a distance
in shore, unable to procure assistance, he skinned and quartered it with his
pocket-knife, and carried it upon his shoulders to the boat.
Next morning the ships weighed, and proceeded towards Cape Virgins.
When a-breast of Cape Fairweather, the opening of the river Gallegos was
very distinctly seen; but the examination of it was deferred to a future
opportunity. Passing onward, the water shoaled to four fathoms, until we
had passed extensive banks, which front the river.
Our approach to the entrance of the Strait, although attended with anxiety,
caused sensations of interest and pleasure not easily to be described.
Though dangers were experienced by some navigators who had passed it,
the comparative facility with which others had effected the passage showed
that, at times, the difficulties were easily surmounted, and we were willing
to suppose that in the former case there might have been some little
exaggeration.
The most complete, and, probably, the only good account of the navigation
of the Strait of Magalhaens is contained in the narrative of Don Antonio de
Cordova, who commanded the Spanish frigate Santa Maria de la Cabeza, on
a voyage expressly for the purpose of exploring the strait. It was published

under the title of 'Ultimo Viage al Estrecho de Magallanes.' That voyage
was, however, concluded with only the examination of the eastern part, and
a subsequent expedition was made, under the command of the same officer,
the account of which was appended to the Cabeza's voyage; so that
Cordova's expedition still retained the appellation of 'Ultimo Viage, &c.' It
is written in a plain and simple style, gives a most correct account of every
thing seen, and should therefore be in the possession of every person who
attempts the navigation of the strait.
Cordova's account of the climate is very uninviting. Speaking of the rigours
of the summer months (January, February, and March), he says, "Seldom
was the sky clear, and short were the intervals in which we experienced the
sun's warmth: no day passed by without some rain having fallen, and the
most usual state of the weather was that of constant rain."[10]
The accounts of Wallis and Carteret are still more gloomy. The former
concludes that part of his narrative with the following dismal and
disheartening description: "Thus we quitted a dreary and inhospitable
region, where we were in almost continual danger of shipwreck for near
four months, having entered the strait on the 17th of December, and quitted
it on the 11th of April 1767: a region where, in the midst of summer, the
weather was cold, gloomy, and tempestuous, where the prospects had more
the appearance of a chaos than of nature; and where for the most part the
valleys were without herbage and the hills without wood."
These records of Cordova and Wallis made me feel not a little apprehensive
for the health of the crew, which could not be expected to escape uninjured
through the rigours of such a climate. Nor were the narratives of Byron or
Bougainville calculated to lessen my anxiety. In an account, however, of a
voyage to the strait by M. A. Duclos Guyot, the following paragraph tended
considerably to relieve my mind upon the subject:—"At length, on Saturday
the 23d of March, we sailed out of that famous Strait, so much dreaded,
after having experienced that there, as well as in other places, it was very
fine, and very warm, and that for three-fourths of the time the sea was
perfectly calm."
In every view of the case, our proximity to the principal scene of action
occasioned sensations of a peculiar nature, in which, however, those that

were most agreeable and hopeful preponderated. The officers and crews of
both ships were healthy, and elated with the prospect before them; our
vessels were in every respect strong and sea-worthy; and we were possessed
of every comfort and resource necessary for encountering much greater
difficulties than we had any reason to anticipate.

There has existed much difference of opinion as to the correct mode of
spelling the name of the celebrated navigator who discovered this
Strait. The French and English usually write it Magellan, and the
Spaniards Magallanes; but by the Portuguese (and he was a native of
Portugal) it is universally written Magalhaens. Admiral Burney and
Mr. Dalrymple spell it Magalhanes, which mode I have elsewhere
adopted, but I have since convinced myself of the propriety of
following the Portuguese orthography for a name which, to this day, is
very common both in Portugal and Brazil.

CHAPTER II.
Enter the Straits of Magalhaens (or Magellan), and anchor off Cape Possession—First Narrow
—Gregory Bay—Patagonian Indians—Second Narrow—Elizabeth Island—Freshwater Bay—
Fuegian Indians—Arrival at Port Famine.

A contrary tide and light winds detained us at anchor near Cape Virgins
until four o'clock in the afternoon, when, with the turn of the tide, a light air
carried us past Dungeness Point, aptly named by Wallis from its
resemblance to that in the English Channel. A great number of seals were
huddled together upon the bank, above the wash of the tide, whilst others
were sporting about in the surf. Cape Possession was in sight, and with the
wind and tide in our favour we proceeded until ten o'clock, when the anchor
was dropped. At daylight we found ourselves six miles to the eastward of
the cape. The anchor was then weighed, and was again dropped at three
miles from the cape until the afternoon, when we made another attempt; but
lost ground, and anchored a third time. Before night a fourth attempt was
made, but the tide prevented our making any advance, and we again
anchored.

Mount Aymond[11] and "his four sons," or (according to the old quaint
nomenclature) the Asses' Ears, had been in sight all day, as well as a small
hummock of land on the S.W. horizon, which afterwards proved to be the
peaked hillock upon Cape Orange, at the south side of the entrance to the
First Narrow.
At this anchorage the tide fell thirty feet, but the strength of the current,
compared with the rate at which we afterwards found it to run, was
inconsiderable. Here we first experienced the peculiar tides of which former
navigators have written. During the first half of the flood[12] or westward
tide, the depth decreased, and then, after a short interval, increased until
three hours after the stream of tide had begun to run to the eastward.
The following morning (21st) we gained a little ground. Our glasses were
directed to the shore in search of inhabitants, for it was hereabouts that
Byron, and Wallis, and some of the Spanish navigators held communication
with the Patagonian Indians; but we saw none. Masses of large sea-weed,
[13] drifting with the tide, floated past the ship. A description of this

remarkable plant, although it has often been given before, may not be
irrelevant here. It is rooted upon rocks or stones at the bottom of the sea,
and rises to the surface, even from great depths. We have found it firmly
fixed to the ground more than twenty fathoms under water, yet trailing
along the surface for forty or fifty feet. When firmly rooted it shows the set
of the tide or current. It has also the advantage of indicating rocky ground:
for wherever there are rocks under water, their situation is, as it were,
buoyed by a mass of sea-weed[14] on the surface of the sea, of larger extent
than that of the danger below. In many instances perhaps it causes
unnecessary alarm, since it often grows in deep water; but it should not be
entered without its vicinity having been sounded, especially if seen in
masses, with the extremities of the stems trailing along the surface. If there
be no tide, or if the wind and tide are the same way, the plant lies smoothly
upon the water, but if the wind be against the tide, the leaves curl up and are
visible at a distance, giving a rough, rippling appearance to the surface of
the water.
During the last two days the dredge had furnished us with a few specimens
of Infundibulum of Sowerby (Patella trochi-formis, Lin.), and some dead
shells (Murex Magellanicus) were brought up by the sounding-lead.

We made another attempt next morning, but again lost ground, and the
anchor was dropped for the eighth time. The threatening appearances of the
clouds, and a considerable fall of the barometer indicating bad weather,
Captain Stokes agreed with me in thinking it advisable to await the spring-
tides to pass the First Narrow: the ships were therefore made snug for the
expected gale, which soon came on, and we remained several days wind-
bound, with top-masts struck, in a rapid tide-way, whose stream sometimes
ran seven knots. On the 28th, with some appearance of improving weather,
we made an attempt to pass through the Narrow. The wind blowing strong,
directly against us, and strengthening as we advanced, caused a hollow sea,
that repeatedly broke over us. The tide set us through the Narrow very
rapidly, but the gale was so violent that we could not show more sail than
was absolutely necessary to keep the ship under command. Wearing every
ten minutes, as we approached either shore, lost us a great deal of ground,
and as the anchorage we left was at a considerable distance from the
entrance of the Narrows, the tide was not sufficient to carry us through. At
slack water the wind fell, and as the weather became fine, I was induced to
search for anchorage near the south shore. The sight of kelp, however,
fringing the coast, warned me off, and we were obliged to return to an
anchorage in Possession Bay. The Beagle had already anchored in a very
favourable berth; but the tide was too strong to permit us to reach the place
she occupied, and our anchor was dropped a mile astern of her, in nineteen
fathoms. The tide was then running five, and soon afterwards six miles an
hour. Had the western tide set with equal strength, we should have
succeeded in passing the Narrow. Our failure, however, answered the good
purpose of making us more acquainted with the extent of a bank that lines
the northern side of Possession Bay, and with the time of the turn of tide in
the Narrow; which on this day (new moon) took place within a few minutes
of noon.
As we passed Cape Orange, some Indians were observed lighting a fire
under the lee of the hill to attract our notice; but we were too busily
engaged to pay much attention to their movements. Guanacoes also were
seen feeding near the beach, which was the first intimation we had of the
existence of that animal southward of the Strait of Magalhaens.
When day broke (29th) it was discovered that the ship had drifted
considerably during the night. The anchor was weighed, and with a

favourable tide we reached an anchorage a mile in advance of the Beagle.
We had shoaled rather suddenly to eight fathoms, upon which the anchor
was immediately dropped, and on veering cable the depth was eleven
fathoms. We had anchored on the edge of a bank, which soon afterwards, by
the tide falling, was left dry within one hundred yards of the ship. Finding
ourselves so near a shoal, preparations were made to prevent the ship from
touching it. An anchor was dropped under foot, and others were got ready to
lay out, for the depth alongside had decreased from eleven to seven
fathoms, and was still falling. Fortunately we had brought up to leeward of
the bank, and suffered no inconvenience; the flood made, and as soon as
possible the ship was shifted to another position, about half a mile to the
S.E., in a situation very favourable for our next attempt to pass the Narrow.
This night the tide fell thirty-six feet, and the stream ran six knots.
The ensuing morning we made another attempt to get through the Narrow,
and, from having anchored so close to its entrance, by which the full benefit
of the strength, as well as the whole duration of the tide was obtained, we
succeeded in clearing it in two hours, although the distance was more than
twenty miles, and the wind directly against us, the sea, as before, breaking
repeatedly over the ship.
After emerging from the Narrow we had to pass through a heavy 'race'
before we 'reached' out of the influence of the stream that runs between the
First and Second Narrow, but the tide lasted long enough to carry us to a
quiet anchorage. In the evening we weighed again, and reached Gregory
Bay, where the Beagle joined us the next morning.
Since entering the Strait, we had not had any communication with the
Beagle on account of the weather, and the strength of the tide; this
opportunity was therefore taken to supply her with water, of which she had
only enough left for two days.
The greater part of this day was spent on shore, examining the country and
making observations. Large smokes[15] were noticed to the westward. The
shore was strewed with traces of men and horses, and other animals. Foxes
and ostriches were seen; and bones of guanacoes were lying about the
ground.

The country in the vicinity of this anchorage seemed open, low, and
covered with good pasturage. It extends five or six miles, with a gradual
ascent, to the base of a range of flat-topped land, whose summit is about
fifteen hundred feet above the level of the sea. Not a tree was seen; a few
bushes[16] alone interrupted the uniformity of the view. The grass appeared
to have been cropped by horses or guanacoes, and was much interspersed
with cranberry plants, bearing a ripe and juicy, though very insipid fruit.
Next day the wind was too strong and adverse to permit us to proceed. In
the early part of the morning an American sealing vessel, returning from the
Madre de Dios Archipelago on her way to the Falkland Islands, anchored
near us. Mr. Cutler, her master, came on board the Adventure, passed the
day and night with us, and gave me much useful information respecting the
nature of the navigation, and anchorages in the Strait. He told me there was
an Englishman in his vessel who was a pilot for the strait, and willing to
join the ship. I gladly accepted the offer of his services.
In the evening an Indian was observed on horseback riding to and fro upon
the beach, but the weather prevented my sending a boat until the next
morning, when Lieutenant Cooke went on shore to communicate with him
and other Indians who appeared, soon after dawn, upon the beach. On
landing, he was received by them without the least distrust. They were eight
or ten in number, consisting of an old man and his wife, three young men,
and the rest children, all mounted on good horses. The woman, who
appeared to be about fifty years of age, was seated astride upon a pile of
skins, hung round with joints of fresh guanaco meat and dried horse-flesh.
They were all wrapped in mantles, made chiefly of the skins of guanacoes,
sewed together with the sinews of the same animal. These mantles were
large enough to cover the whole body. Some were made of skins of the
'zorillo,' or skunk, an animal like a pole-cat, but ten times more offensive;
and others, of skins of the puma.
The tallest of the Indians, excepting the old man, who did not dismount,
was rather less than six feet in height. All were robust in appearance, and
with respect to the head, length of body, and breadth of shoulders, of
gigantic size; therefore, when on horseback, or seated in a boat, they
appeared to be tall, as well as large men. In proportion to the parts above-
mentioned, their extremities were very small and short, so that when

standing they seemed but of a moderate size, and their want of proportion
was concealed by the mantle, which enveloped the body entirely, the head
and feet being the only parts exposed.

When Mr. Cooke landed, he presented some medals[17] to the oldest man,
and the woman; and suspended them round their necks. A friendly feeling
being established, the natives dismounted, and even permitted our men to
ride their horses, without evincing the least displeasure, at the free
advantage taken of their good-nature. Mr. Cooke rode to the heights,
whence he had a distinct view of the Second Narrow, and Elizabeth Island,
whither, he explained to the Indians who accompanied him, we were going.
Mr. Cooke returned to the ship with three natives, whom he had induced to
go with us to Elizabeth Island; the others were to meet them, and provide us
with guanaco meat, to which arrangement the elders of the family had, after
much persuasion, assented. At first they objected to their companions
embarking with us, unless we left hostages for their safety; but as this was
refused, they did not press the point, and the three young men embarked.
They went on board singing; in high glee.
While the ship was getting under way, I went ashore to a larger number of
Indians who were waiting on the beach. When my boat landed they were
mounted, and collected in one place. I was surprised to hear the woman
accost me in Spanish, of which, however, she knew but a few words.
Having presented medals to each of the party, they dismounted (excepting
the elders), and in a few minutes became quite familiar. By this time
Captain Stokes had landed, with several of his officers, who increased our
party to nearly double the number of theirs: notwithstanding which they
evinced neither fear nor uneasiness. The woman, whose name was Maria,
wished to be very communicative; she told me that the man was her
husband, and that she had five children. One of the young men, whom we
afterwards found to be a son of Maria, who was a principal person of the
tribe, was mounted upon a very fine horse, well groomed, and equipped
with a bridle and saddle that would have done credit to a respectable
horseman of Buenos Ayres or Monte Video. The young man wore heavy
brass spurs, like those of the Guachos of Buenos Ayres. The juvenile and
feminine appearance of this youth made us think he was Maria's daughter,
nor was it until a subsequent visit that our mistake was discovered. The

absence of whiskers and beard gives all the younger men a very effeminate
look, and many cannot be distinguished, in appearance, from the women,
but by the mode in which they wrap their mantles around them, and by their
hair, which is turned up and confined by a fillet of worsted yarn. The
women cross their mantle over the breast like a shawl, and fasten it together
with two iron pins or skewers, round which are twisted strings of beads and
other ornaments. They also wear their hair divided, and gathered into long
tresses or tails, which hang one before each ear; and those who have short
hair, wear false tails made of horse-hair. Under their mantle the women
wear a sort of petticoat, and the men a triangular piece of hide instead of
breeches. Both sexes sit astride, but the women upon a heap of skins and
mantles, when riding. The saddles and stirrups used by the men are similar
to those of Buenos Ayres. The bits, also, are generally of steel; but those
who cannot procure steel bits have a sort of snaffle, of wood, which must,
of course, be frequently renewed. Both sexes wear boots, made of the skins
of horses' hind legs, of which the parts about the hock joints serve for the
heels. For spurs, they use pieces of wood, pointed with iron, projecting
backwards two or three inches on each side of the heel, connected behind
by a broad strap of hide, and fastened under the foot and over the instep by
another strap.
The only weapons which we observed with these people were the 'bolas,' or
balls, precisely similar to those used by the Pampas Indians; but they are
fitter for hunting than for offence or defence. Some are furnished with three
balls, but in general there are only two. These balls are made of small bags
or purses of hide, moistened, filled with iron pyrites, or some other heavy
substance, and then dried. They are about the size of a hen's egg, and
attached to the extremities of a thong, three or four yards in length. To use
them, one ball is held in the hand, and the other swung several times around
the head until both are thrown at the object, which they rarely miss. They
wind round it violently, and if it be an animal, throw it down. The bolas,
with three balls, similarly connected together, are thrown in the same
manner.
As more time could not be spared we went on board, reminding the natives,
on leaving them, of their promise to bring us some guanaco meat. Aided by
the tide, the ships worked to windward through the Second Narrow, and
reached an anchorage out of the strength of tide, but in an exposed situation.

The wind having been very strong and against the tide, the ship had much
motion, which made our Patagonian passengers very sick, and heartily sorry
for trusting themselves afloat. One of them, with tears in his eyes, begged to
be landed, but was soon convinced of the difficulty of compliance, and
satisfied with our promise of sending him ashore on the morrow.
After we anchored, the wind increased to a gale, in which the ship pitched
so violently as to injure our windlass. Its construction was bad originally,
and the violent jerks received in Possession Bay had done it much damage.
While veering cable, the support at one end gave way, and the axle of the
barrel was forced out of the socket, by which some of the pawls were
injured. Fortunately, dangerous consequences were prevented, and a
temporary repair was soon applied.
The Beagle, by her better sailing, had reached a more advanced situation,
close to the N.E. end of Elizabeth Island, but had anchored
disadvantageously in deep water, and in the strength of the tide. Next
morning we made an attempt to pass round Elizabeth Island, but found the
breeze so strong that we were forced to return, and were fortunate enough
to find good anchorage northward of the island, out of the tide.
The Patagonians, during the day, showed much uneasiness at being kept on
board so much longer than they expected; but as they seemed to understand
the cause of their detention, and as their sickness ceased when we reached
smooth water, they gradually recovered their good-humour, and became
very communicative. As well as we could understand their pronunciation,
their names were 'Coigh,' 'Coichi,' and 'Aighen.' The country behind Cape
Negro they called 'Chilpéyo;' the land of Tierra del Fuego, 'Oschērri;'
Elizabeth Island, 'Tŭrrĕtterr;' the island of Santa Magdalena, 'Shrēe-ket-tup;'
and Cape Negro, 'Oērkrĕckur.' The Indians of Tierra del Fuego, with whom
they are not on friendly terms, are designated by them 'Săpāllĭŏs.' This
name was applied to them in a contemptuous tone.
Aighen's features were remarkably different from those of his companions.
Instead of a flat nose, his was aquiline and prominent, and his countenance
was full of expression. He proved to be good-tempered, and easily pleased;
and whenever a shade of melancholy began to appear, our assurance of

landing him on the morrow restored his good-humour, which was shown by
singing and laughing.
The dimensions of Coichi's head were as follows:—
From the top of the fore part of the to the eyes 4
head inches.
Do do to the tip of the 6
nose
Do do to the mouth 7
Do do to the chin 9
Width of the head across the temples 7½
Breadth of the shoulders 18½
The head was long and flat, at the top; the forehead broad and high, but
covered with hair to within an inch and a half of the eyebrow, which had
scarcely any hair. The eyes were small, the nose was short, the mouth wide,
and the lips thick. Neck short, and shoulders very broad. The arms were
short, and wanting in muscle, as were also the thighs and legs. The body
was long and large, and the breast broad and expanded. His height was
nearly six feet.
The next day we rounded Elizabeth Island, and reached Cape Negro, where
we landed the Indians, after making them several useful presents, and
sending some trifles by Aighen to Maria, who, with her tribe, had lighted
large fires about the country behind Peckett's Harbour, to invite us to land.
Our passengers frequently pointed to them, telling us that they were made
by Maria, who had brought plenty of guanaco meat for us.
Our anxiety to reach Port Famine prevented delay, and, as soon as the boat
returned, we proceeded along the coast towards Freshwater Bay, which we
reached early enough in the afternoon to admit of a short visit to the shore.
From Cape Negro the country assumed a very different character. Instead of
a low coast and open treeless shore, we saw steep hills, covered with lofty
trees, and thick underwood. The distant mountains of Tierra del Fuego,
covered with snow, were visible to the southward, some at a distance of
sixty or seventy miles.

We had now passed all the difficulties of the entrance, and had reached a
quiet and secure anchorage.
The following day was calm, and so warm, that we thought if Wallis and
Cordova were correct in describing the weather they met with, Duclos
Guyot was equally entitled to credit; and we began to hope we had
anticipated worse weather than we should experience. But this was an
unusually fine day, and many weeks elapsed, afterwards, without its equal.
The temperature of the air, in the shade on the beach, was 67½°, on the sand
87½°; and that of the water 55°. Other observations were made, as well as a
plan of the bay, of which there is a description in the Sailing Directions.
Here we first noticed the character of the vegetation in the Strait, as so
different from that of Cape Gregory and other parts of the Patagonian coast,
which is mainly attributable to the change of soil; the northern part being a
very poor clay, whilst here a schistose sub-soil is covered by a mixture of
alluvium, deposited by mountain streams; and decomposed vegetable
matter, which, from the thickness of the forests, is in great quantity.
Two specimens of beech (Fagus betuloides and antarctica), the former an
evergreen,—and the winter's bark (Wintera aromatica), are the only trees of
large size that we found here; but the underwood is very thick, and
composed of a great variety of plants, of which Arbutus rigida, two or three
species of Berberis, and a wild currant (Ribes antarctica, Bankes and
Solander MSS.), at this time in flower, and forming long clustering bunches
of young fruit, were the most remarkable. The berberis produces a berry of
acidulous taste, that promised to be useful to us. A species of wild celery,
also, which grows abundantly near the sea-shore, was valuable as an
antiscorbutic. The trees in the immediate vicinity of the shore are small, but
the beach was strewed with trunks of large trees, which seemed to have
been drifted there by gales and high tides. A river falls into the bay, by a
very narrow channel, near its south end; but it is small, and so blocked up
by trees as not to be navigable even for the smallest boat: indeed, it is
merely a mountain torrent, varying in size according to the state of the
weather.
Tracks of foxes were numerous about the beach, and the footsteps of a large
quadruped, probably a puma, were observed. Some teal and wild ducks

were shot; and several geese were seen, but, being very wary, they escaped.
Upon Point St. Mary we noticed, for the first time, three or four huts or
wigwams made by the Fuegian Indians, which had been deserted. They
were not old, and merely required a slight covering of branches or skins to
make them habitable. These wigwams are thus constructed: long slender
branches, pointed at the end, are stuck into the ground in a circular or oval
figure; their extremities are bent over, so as to form a rounded roof, and
secured with ligatures of rush; leaving two apertures, one towards the sea,
and the other towards the woods. The fire is made in the middle, and half
fills the hut with smoke. There were no Indians in the bay when we arrived,
but, on the following evening, Lieutenant Sholl, in walking towards the
south end of the bay, suddenly found himself close to a party which had just
arrived in two canoes from the southward. Approaching them, he found
there were nine individuals—three men, and the remainder women and
children. One of the women was very old, and so infirm as to require to be
lifted out of the canoe and carried to the fire. They seemed to have no
weapons of any consequence; but, from our subsequent knowledge of their
habits, and disposition, the probability is they had spears, bows, and arrows
concealed close at hand. The only implement found amongst them was a
sort of hatchet or knife, made of a crooked piece of wood, with part of an
iron hoop tied to the end. The men were very slightly clothed, having only
the back protected by a seal's skin; but the females wore large guanaco
mantles, like those of the Patagonian Indians, whom our pilot told us they
occasionally met for the purpose of barter. Some of the party were
devouring seal's flesh, and drinking the oil extracted from its blubber, which
they carried in bladders. The meat they were eating was probably part of a
sea lion (Phoca jubata); for Mr. Sholl found amongst them a portion of the
neck of one of those animals, which is remarkable for the long hair, "like a
lion's mane," growing upon it. They appeared to be a most miserable,
squalid race, very inferior, in every respect, to the Patagonians. They did
not evince the least uneasiness at Mr. Sholl's presence, or at our ships being
close to them; neither did they interfere with him, but remained squatting
round their fire while he staid near. This seeming indifference, and total
want of curiosity, gave us no favourable opinion of their character as
intellectual beings; indeed, they appeared to be very little removed from
brutes; but our subsequent knowledge of them has convinced us that they

are not usually deficient in intellect. This party was perhaps stupified by the
unusual size of our ships, for the vessels which frequent this Strait are
seldom one hundred tons in burthen.
We proceeded next morning at an early hour. The Indians were already
paddling across the bay in a northerly direction. Upon coming abreast of
them, a thick smoke was perceived to rise suddenly from their canoes; they
had probably fed the fire, which they always carry in the middle of their
canoe, with green boughs and leaves, for the purpose of attracting our
attention, and inviting us to communicate with them.
It was remarked that the country begins to be covered with trees at Cape
Negro; but they are stunted, compared with those at Freshwater Bay. Near
this place, also, the country assumes a more verdant aspect, becoming also
higher, and more varied in appearance. In the neighbourhood of Rocky
Point some conspicuous portions of land were noticed, which, from the
regularity of their shape, and the quantity as well as size of the trees
growing at the edges, bore the appearance of having been once cleared
ground; and our pilot Robinson (possessing a most inventive imagination)
informed us that they were fields, formerly cleared and cultivated by the
Spaniards, and that ruins of buildings had been lately discovered near them.
For some time his story obtained credit, but it proved to be altogether void
of foundation. These apparently cleared tracts were afterwards found to be
occasioned by unusual poverty of soil, and by being overrun with thick
spongy moss, the vivid green colour of which produces, from a distance, an
appearance of most luxuriant pasture land. Sir John Narborough noticed,
and thus describes them: "The wood shows in many places as if there were
plantations: for there were several clear places in the woods, and grass
growing like fenced fields in England, the woods being so even by the sides
of it."[18]
The wind, after leaving Freshwater Bay, increased, with strong squalls from
the S.W., at times blowing so hard as to lay the ship almost on her
broadside. It was, however, so much in our favour, that we reached the
entrance of Port Famine early, and after some little detention from baffling
winds, which always render the approach to that bay somewhat difficult, the
ships anchored in the harbour.

CHAPTER III.
Prepare the Beagle, and our decked boat (the Hope) for surveying the Strait—Beagle sails
westward, and the Hope towards the south-east—Sarmiento's voyage—and description of the
colony formed by him at Port Famine—Steamer-duck—Large trees—Parroquets—Mount Tarn
—Barometrical observations—Geological character—Report of the Hope's cruize.

In almost every account published of the Strait of Magalhaens, so much
notice has been taken of Port Famine, that I had long considered it a
suitable place for our purposes; and upon examination I found it offered so
many advantages, that I did not hesitate to make it our head-quarters. As
soon, therefore, as the ship was moored, tents were pitched, our decked-
boat was hoisted out and hauled on shore, to be coppered and equipped for
the survey;—and Captain Stokes received orders to prepare the Beagle for
examining the western part of the Strait; previous to which she required to
be partially refitted, and supplied with fuel and water.
For several days after our arrival, we had much rain and strong south-
westerly wind, with thick clouds, which concealed the high land to the
southward; allowing us only now and then a partial glimpse. One evening
(11th) the air was unusually clear, and many of the mountains in that
direction were distinctly defined. We had assembled to take leave of our
friends in the Beagle, and were watching the gradual appearance of snow-
capped mountains which had previously been concealed, when, bursting
upon our view, as if by magic, a lofty mountain appeared towering among
them; whose snowy mantle, strongly contrasted with the dark and
threatening aspect of the sky, much enhanced the grandeur of the scene.

THE HOPE, IN THE STRAIT
OF MAGALHAENS.

THE ADELAIDE, IN
HUMMING BIRD COVE.

P. P. King S.
Bull
DISTANT VIEW OF MT.
SARMIENTO.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great
Marlborough Street, 1838

This mountain was the "Snowy Volcano" (Volcan Nevado) of Sarmiento,
with whose striking appearance that celebrated navigator seems to have
been particularly impressed, so minute and excellent is his description. It is
also mentioned in the account of Cordova's voyage.[19] The peculiar shape
of its summit as seen from the north would suggest the probability of its
being a volcano, but we never observed any indication of its activity. Its
volcanic form is perhaps accidental, for, seen from the westward, its summit
no longer resembles a crater. From the geological character of the
surrounding rocks its formation would seem to be of slate. It is in a range of
mountains rising generally two or three thousand feet above the sea; but at
the N.E. end of the range are some, at least four thousand feet high. The
height of the "Snowy Volcano," or as we have called it, Mount Sarmiento,
[20] was found, by trigonometrical measurement, to be six thousand eight

hundred feet[21] above the level of the sea. It is the highest land that I have
seen in Tierra del Fuego; and to us, indeed, it was an object of considerable
interest, because its appearance and disappearance were seldom failing
weather guides. In our Meteorological Diary, a column was ruled for the
insertion of its appearances.[22]
This clear state of the atmosphere was followed by a heavy fall of rain, with
northerly and easterly winds, which did not, however, last long.
In the vicinity of our tents erected on the low land, on the S.W. side of the
bay, were several ponds of water, perfectly fit for immediate use; but,
perhaps, too much impregnated with vegetable matter to keep good for any
length of time. Captain Stokes, therefore, filled his tanks from the river; but
as that water did not keep well, it was probably taken into the boat too near
the sea. This, however, was unavoidable, except by risking the boats among
a great number of sunken trees in the bed of the river.
The Beagle sailed on the 15th, to survey the western entrance of the Strait,
with orders to return to Port Famine by the end of March.
Our decked boat, the Hope, being ready, the command of her was given to
Mr. Wickham, who was in every way qualified for the trust. We were,
however, much mortified by finding that she leaked so considerably as to
oblige us to unload, and again haul her on shore. When ready for sea, she
sailed under the direction of my assistant-surveyor, Mr. Graves, to examine
the St. Sebastian channel and the deep opening to the S.E. of Cape
Valentyn. Her crew consisted of seven men, besides Mr. Wickham, and Mr.
Rowlett, the purser.
Having despatched the Beagle and the Hope, I was at leisure to carry on the
survey of the coast in the neighbourhood of Port Famine, and to make a
plan of the port itself. The Transit, and Altitude circle, were set up; but from
the very unfavourable state of the weather, and the interference of other
occupations, I was only enabled to procure a series of zenith distances of
the sun, and stars, for the latitude.
Port Famine, a name well known to all who have interested themselves
about the Strait of Magalhaens, was selected by Sarmiento as the most

convenient place for the site of an establishment formed, at his suggestion,
by Philip II. King of Spain.
The voyage of Sir Francis Drake through the Strait into the Pacific, and his
successes against the Spanish colonies and trade on the western side of the
continent of America, induced the Viceroy of Lima to send an Expedition to
pursue the "Corsair," with orders to fight and take him, dead or alive.[23]
This Expedition, commanded by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who had
already been engaged twice with Drake, consisted of two ships, containing
in all two hundred armed men, sailors and soldiers; a force which was
considered sufficient to ensure the capture.[24]
The Strait of Magalhaens being the most likely place to meet with Drake,
Sarmiento was ordered to proceed through it, and take the opportunity of
exploring its coasts.
All this he performed in a manner highly creditable, as well for the
excellent description handed down in his unpretending journal, as for the
enterprising zeal, and steady perseverance, shown among difficulties of no
trifling nature. To his accounts of various places there will be frequent
occasion to refer. Our object, at present, is to give a short account of the
Colony.
Sarmiento sailed from Peru (1583), and entered the Strait from the Pacific.
After experiencing many serious difficulties, and escaping imminent
dangers, in the western part of the Strait, where the climate is so rigorous
and the country so desolate, it was not surprising that he should become
enraptured with the verdant, and picturesque appearance of the shores to the
eastward of Cape Froward, and with the open country in the
neighbourhood, and to the northward of Cape Virgins.[25] After much
opposition from the Duke of Alva[26] and other powerful people, he
succeeded in convincing the King of the expediency of fortifying the shores
of the First Narrow, and forming several establishments within the Strait, to
prevent the passage of strange ships, to the prejudice of the King's colonies
in Chile and Peru; for at that time the passage round Cape Horn was not
known. Accordingly, an Expedition was prepared, consisting of twenty-
three vessels, under the joint command of Diego Florez de Valdez and
Sarmiento; the former being appointed Captain-general of the fleet, and of

the coast of Brazil; and the latter, Captain-general of the Strait of
Magalhaens, and Governor of all the Establishments that should be formed
within it.
Of the twenty-three ships which sailed from Spain, five only reached the
entrance of the Strait; and these, after experiencing many difficulties from
bad weather and foul winds, returned to Rio de Janeiro to refit, where
Sarmiento met four vessels which had been sent from Spain to his succour.
His colleague and General in chief, Florez, who had deserted the
Expedition, did all in his power to impede Sarmiento, to the latest moment
of his stay at the Brazils. At last, however, five ships, commanded by
Ribera, and manned by five hundred and thirty men,[27] sailed; and, without
encountering further loss or detention, arrived off the Strait in December
(1584), and soon after reached an anchorage, between the First and Second
Narrows.
Ribera would go no further; but landed about three hundred men, under
Sarmiento. A city was marked out, and named Jesus,[28] in a valley well
provided with water. The ships were blown away to sea, leaving the
colonists very destitute; fortunately, however, they were enabled to return,
but were four times, afterwards, obliged to put to sea, from stress of
weather. On the last return, one of the ships, La Trinidad, was run on shore.
The ardour of Ribera being damped by repeated misfortunes, he returned to
Spain, without the knowledge or consent of Sarmiento, leaving, for the use
of the colony, only one ship, the Maria.
While unloading the Trinidad, the Spaniards were attacked by Indians,
whom they dispersed.
Sarmiento, after making the necessary arrangements at Jesus, set out by
land with one hundred men, to go to Point St. Anna,[29] the ship Maria
being ordered to follow. On the journey, the sufferings of the party were
very great, as well from the fatiguing nature of the march, as from their
being harassed by the natives, with whom they had an engagement, in
which one was killed, and ten men were wounded. A mutiny among his
people then broke out, which was quelled by assistance from the ship. At
last they reached their destination, and founded, with the usual solemnities,
the city of King Philip (or San Felipe).

At the latter end of March, while preparing habitations, the winter set in so
suddenly, that for fifteen days it did not cease to snow. Sarmiento, then,
after quelling a mutiny which had broken out afresh among the soldiers,
embarked with thirty men to visit the first encampment at Jesus, and to
superintend the erection of forts in the Narrow; but upon reaching the
anchorage, a gale of wind forced him to sea, and, lasting twenty days,
obliged him (with his people blinded and frost-bitten) to bear up for Rio de
Janeiro.
Here his ship was stranded; upon which he chartered a vessel to convey
flour to the Strait, and went himself to Pernambuco, to procure large boats
for carrying supplies to his colony, and assisting in the recovery of his
stranded ship; she had, however, drifted off, and sunk near Bahia; and all
his boats were destroyed. Still Sarmiento persevered in his zealous efforts to
succour his friends in the Strait; and succeeded in procuring a vessel of fifty
or sixty tons, which, loaded with arms and whatever he considered useful,
sailed, and reached Rio de Janeiro a month after the departure of the first
vessel (January 1585). He followed, but in the latitude of 39° met with a
furious gale, which drove him back to Rio de Janeiro, where the vessel that
had preceded him had returned in distress.
Disappointed in his attempts to carry succour to the colony, he determined
to go to Spain; but on his voyage thither, to complete the catalogue of his
misfortunes, his ship was captured by three English vessels, and taken to
England, after which the ill-fated colony in the Strait was neglected, if not
entirely forgotten.
Two months after Sarmiento's departure from the Strait of Magalhaens, in
the month of August, the middle of the winter of that region, the party
belonging to the first establishment at Jesus set off by land, and joined that
at San Felipe, with the unwelcome tidings of their deserted state. But as the
provisions at San Felipe were insufficient to support all the people, Andres
de Viedma, who, after Sarmiento's departure, had assumed the command,
detached two hundred soldiers, under the command of Juan Iniguez, back to
Jesus, for the purpose of communicating with any ship that might make her
appearance, and awaiting the expected return of Sarmiento; but the winter
and following summer passed by without any relief.

In this unhappy state, the colonists were obliged to think only of providing
for their safety, and built two boats; in which fifty people embarked, besides
Viedma, Suarez, a Franciscan friar named Antonio, and five Spanish
women. They had not proceeded farther than Point Santa Brigida,[30] when
one of the boats struck upon a reef, and was lost, but the people were saved.
The loss of this boat caused them to give up every hope of saving
themselves in that way; and Viedma, with Suarez, the friar, and twenty
soldiers, returned in the remaining boat to San Felipe, leaving the rest of the
party, consisting of thirty men and five women, to support themselves
through the approaching winter as they could. After that season had passed,
Viedma sent to collect the wanderers; but fifteen men, and three women
only, could be found; the rest having died of hunger and disease. The
survivors then determined upon going to the first establishment at Jesus; on
their way to which they passed by the skeletons of the two hundred who
had been first detached. Travelling onwards, they observed three ships
entering the strait, which anchored at a distance to the southward.
During the night, Viedma and his companions kept up large fires, supposing
that the ships belonged to their own nation. Next morning a boat was
despatched from them; and three of Viedma's party obtained permission to
go and reconnoitre her. Having approached near enough, a signal was made;
upon which, the people in the boat pulled towards the beach, and said they
were from England, bound to Peru, and that if the Spaniards wanted a
passage, they had better embark. After some hesitation, arising from the
fear of trusting themselves in the power of heretics, they consented; and one
was permitted to get in, but the other two were left on the beach. In the boat
was the enterprizing Cavendish[31] himself, who, on hearing the particulars
of their story, sent the other two soldiers to Viedma, offering to take him
and the residue of his people on board. Cavendish returned to his ship; but,
without further delay, sailed on to the Isla dos Patos (Santa Magdalena
Island), where he leisurely salted down six casks of penguins; and then
proceeded to San Felipe, for wood and water; he remained there four days
(during which time he destroyed the houses of the Spaniards, and embarked
six guns); and thence continued his voyage. The person saved by
Cavendish, whose name was Tomé Hernandez, afterwards escaped from
him at Quintero, near Valparaiso; and, proceeding to Peru, gave an account
of the fate of this cruelly neglected colony.

This was the first, and perhaps will be the last, attempt made to occupy a
country, offering no encouragement for a human being; a region, where the
soil is swampy, cold, and unfit for cultivation, and whose climate is
thoroughly cheerless.
The name, San Felipe, ceased with the colony; for Cavendish called it Port
Famine, in allusion to the fate of the colonists, all of whom, except the man
he took away, and one saved two years afterwards (in 1589), by Andrew
Mericke,[32] perished from hunger and its attendant diseases; and by this
appellation the bay has since been universally known. To commemorate the
ill-fated town, a very thickly-wooded mountain at the bottom of the bay,
which forms a conspicuous and picturesque object, has been named by us
Mount San Felipe.
At this port, Sarmiento, on his first voyage through the Strait,
communicated with a large party of Indians, in consequence of which he
called it Bahia de la Gente; and the river, which now bears the name of
Sedger, he named San Juan. Of this river Sarmiento took formal possession,
as well as of the whole Strait, for the 'Mui Poderoso y mui Católico Señor
Phelipe Segundo,' &c. &c. It was also here that, in consequence of the
miraculous preservation of his vessel on many occasions, he attempted to
change the name of the strait to Estrecho de la Madre de Dios; but it had
been too long called Magalhaens, for even the influence of Sarmiento,
backed by the power of Philip, to persuade the world to countenance so
great an injustice.

"Magallanes, Señor, fué el primer hombre
Que abriendo este camino le dió nombre."
Ercilla Araucana, Cant. I. oct. 8.

During an excursion with Mr. Tarn to Eagle Bay,[33] beyond Cape San
Isidro, we found many wigwams. They were then novelties to us, and we
were ignorant of their being such certain indications of very sheltered
places, as subsequent experience has shown them to be. We often used
them, after they had been well cleaned out: a boat's sail, thrown over the
hemispherical roof, was a sufficient protection from rain;—and from wind
they are always well defended by their situation. Here we saw, for the first
time, that most remarkable bird the Steamer-duck. Before steam-boats were
in general use, this bird was denominated, from its swiftness in skimming
over the surface of the water, the 'race-horse,' a name which occurs
frequently in Cook's, Byron's, and other voyages. It is a gigantic duck, the
largest I have met with. It has the lobated hind-toe, legs placed far
backwards, and other characteristics of the oceanic ducks.[34] The principal
peculiarity of this bird is, the shortness and remarkably small size of the
wings, which, not having sufficient power to raise the body, serve only to
propel it along, rather than through the water, and are used like the paddles
of a steam-vessel. Aided by these and its strong, broad-webbed feet, it
moves with astonishing velocity. It would not be an exaggeration to state its
speed at from twelve to fifteen miles an hour. The peculiar form of the
wing, and the short rigid feathers which cover it, together with the power
this bird possesses of remaining a considerable length of time under water,
constitute it a striking link between the genera Anas and Aptenodytes. It has
been noticed by many former navigators. The largest we found measured
forty inches, from the extremity of the bill, to that of the tail, and weighed
thirteen pounds; but Captain Cook mentions, in his second voyage, that the
weight of one was twenty-nine pounds.[35] It is very difficult to kill them,
on account of their wariness and thick coat of feathers, which is
impenetrable by any thing smaller than swan shot. The flavour of their flesh
is so strong and fishy, that at first we killed them solely for specimens. Five
or six months, however, on salt provisions, taught many to think such food
palatable, and the seamen never lost an opportunity of eating them. I have

preferred these ducks to salt-beef, but more as a preventive against scurvy,
than from liking their taste.
I am averse to altering names, particularly in natural history, without very
good reason, but in this case I do think the name of 'steamer' much more
appropriate, and descriptive of the swift paddling motion of these birds,
than that of 'race-horse.' I believe, too, the name of 'steamer' is now
generally given to it by those who have visited these regions.

Many shells[36] were taken from the bottom by means of a fizgig which Mr.
Tarn found in one of the wigwams: it was a rough pole, eight or ten feet
long, split crosswise at one end, and opened so as to form four prongs, kept
apart by two small pieces of wood. Although rudely made, it was
excellently adapted for a shell-gatherer, and is used by the Indians for
collecting sea-eggs, which are found in the Strait of very large size, and are
doubtless, to them, a great delicacy.
During our excursion we ascertained the best place to ascend the snowy
mountain, since named 'Tarn;' and the surgeon, whose name it bears, set off
with a party of officers to make the attempt, in which he succeeded, and
obtained such an extensive view as induced me to decide upon ascending it,
a few days afterwards, to procure bearings from the summit, and for the
purpose of measuring its height with a barometer.
In the meantime I visited the Sedger river (Sarmiento's 'Rio de San Juan de
Posesion'), and found some difficulty in entering it, because of several
banks which are dry at low water. Between them, however, the stream keeps
a small channel open, by which we effected our purpose. Every gale of
wind causes the banks to shift, and between the times of our first, and last,
visit to Port Famine, the river's mouth underwent many changes. The bed of
the river is so full of fallen trees, that we could not go, with the boat, more
than three miles and a half above the entrance; there it was about fifteen
yards wide, bounded on each side by thickly wooded banks, of moderate
height. The trees on these banks are large, chiefly the two species of Beech
before-mentioned, and Winter's-bark; there are besides many shrubs, and an
impenetrable underwood of Arbutus, Berberis, and currant bushes. The
largest Beech-tree that we saw could not have been more than thirty or forty
inches in diameter, which was insignificant compared with those noticed by

Commodore Byron. In describing his excursion up this river, he mentions
"trees that would supply the British navy with the best masts in the world."
[37] "Some of them are of a great height, and more than eight feet in

diameter, which is proportionally more than eight yards in circumference."
[38]
The Commodore may have been pleased by the appearance of these
trees, but must have fancied their quality and dimensions such as he
describes. The largest are generally rotten at the heart, and all are more or
less defective. Their wood is heavy, and far too brittle for masts: we could
not use it even for boat-hook staves. It makes, however, tolerable plank for
boat-building, and, when seasoned, might be used in ships. For common
purposes, such as houses, or fences, it is very serviceable.
We wandered about to examine the country; but, excepting the track of
some quadruped, whose foot was small and cloven, rather like a pig's, we
saw nothing new. The traces of foxes were numerous every where. We
found no fish of any description in the river. Geese and wild ducks were
numerous, whose young were at this time scarcely fledged, and an easy
prey. We also observed here, for the first time, the parroquet, which
Bougainville described to be common in the Strait. He carried specimens
home with him; but some naturalists of those days decided that there must
have been a mistake, because, as they averred, parroquets did not exist in so
high a latitude. Bougainville, however, made no mistake, for the species[39]
is very abundant in the neighbourhood of Port Famine, and has been seen
by us in all parts of the Strait. It feeds principally upon the seeds of the
Winter's-bark. The existence of this bird in Tierra del Fuego is also
mentioned by Cook and Narborough.[40]
All accounts of Port Famine informed us of its abounding in fish, but as yet
we had taken none excepting with hook and line, although the seine had
been frequently shot. At last, however, in the first week of February, we had
a successful haul of mullet and smelts, many of the former weighing eight
pounds, and the latter measuring fifteen inches in length. After this we were
often very fortunate, and on one occasion caught, at one haul of the seine,
sixteen hundred-weight of smelts, some weighing two pounds, and
measuring twenty inches in length. A few days previously we had a draught
of mullet, which served the crews of both Adventure and Beagle for three
days. Geese, wild ducks and teal, snipe, and now and then woodcocks, were

to be found by taking a short walk; there were, however, no quadrupeds fit
for food which we could take. Foxes and wild cats were occasionally seen,
and a foot-mark of some large animal of the feline race, probably a puma,
was once observed upon the beach. We found many traces of horses, which
showed that the Patagonian Indians sometimes come thus far south. Had we
been so fortunate as to meet them here, we might have procured, perhaps, a
regular supply of guanaco meat.
On the 9th of February, as the weather seemed favourable for ascending
Mount Tarn,[41] Lieutenant Cooke, the Surgeon, and Anderson, the
botanical collector, set off in advance to select a convenient place for
passing the night, carrying with them a tent and provisions. I followed later
in the day, and, while the boat's crew were arranging their loads, made some
observations with a barometer on the beach.
Our way led through thick underwood, and then, with a gradual ascent,
among fallen trees, covered with so thick a coating of moss, that at every
step we sunk up to the knees before firm footing could be found. It was
very laborious work, and the ground being saturated, and each tree dripping
with moisture, we were soon wet through. We proceeded along the same
sort of road up a steep ascent; some one of the party constantly falling into
deep holes covered by moss, or stumbling over fallen trunks of trees. As I
carried a barometer I was obliged to proceed with caution, and succeeded in
emerging from this jungle without accident. After about three quarters of an
hour spent in this way, we reached an open space, where we rested, and I set
up the barometer. Here we found a cypress of very stunted growth.
Our road hence was rather more varied: always steep, but sometimes free
from impediment. Here and there we observed the boggy soil was faced
with a small plant (Chamitis sp.) of a harsh character, growing so thick and
close as to form large tufts, over which we walked as on hard ground. We
struggled through several thickets of stunted beech-trees, with a thick jungle
of Berberis underneath, whose strong and sharp thorns penetrated our
clothes at every step; and began to find the fatigue very oppressive: some of
my boat's crew suffered much, being unused to such exercise. At last we
approached the place where Mr. Cooke and his party had established
themselves, and upon hailing, were invigorated by a cheer in reply. We

reached the bivouac in a very way-worn condition, and found, to our great
comfort, the tent pitched, and a good fire burning.[42]
The ground was so exceedingly wet, that although we slept upon branches,
forming a layer at least a foot thick, we found ourselves, in the night, lying
as if in a morass, and suffering from cold, even with a large fire blazing at
our feet. At daylight next morning, just as we were starting, a boat was seen
sailing round Cape San Isidro, which, by the aid of a telescope, I made out
to be the Hope.
We resumed the ascent, and passed over, rather than through, thickets of the
crumply-leaved beech, which, from their exposure to the prevailing winds,
rose no higher than twelve or fourteen inches from the ground, with widely-
spreading branches, so closely interwoven, as to form a platform that bore
our weight in walking. We next traversed an extent of table-land,[43] much
intersected by ponds of water. Mr. Tarn shot two plovers of a new species
(Charadrius rubecola, Zool. Jour. vol. iv. p. 96), and a snipe. We then
ascended three or four hundred feet, and crossed a deep ravine. The bottom
of the ravine was clay-slate in a decomposing state, but the surface of the
ground was strewed with pebbles of granite. Another plain, with many
ponds, succeeded; the intervening spaces being covered with tufts of
chamitis, and studded here and there with small clusters of dwarf beech; but
the ground was so hard, and firm, that we proceeded rapidly, without
fatigue, until we attained the height of 1,800 feet, when the ascent became
very steep. Near the summit lay a large mass of snow, rapidly melting away.
We reached the highest pinnacle of the mount at seven o'clock (having left
our resting-place at four), and immediately set up the instruments. I was
obliged to avail myself of Mr. Tarn's assistance to hold the barometer,
whilst two of my boat's crew held the legs of the theodolite-stand, for the
wind was blowing very strongly, and the edge of a precipice was close to
us, perpendicular for many hundred feet, and thence downwards so steep,
that any body going over would fall at least a thousand feet. The theodolite-
stand was unavoidably placed within a very few inches of the edge, and I
took a round of angles, suffering, however, intense pain from the piercing
coldness of the wind, which, heated as we were by the ascent, was much
felt, though the temperature was not lower than 39°. I was lightly clothed,
and should have fared badly, had not one of the party lent me his Flushing
jacket, while he descended under the lee of the mountain-top to make a fire.

The barometer stood at 26,618, the temperature of the air being 40°, and of
the mercury 43°.[44] Unfortunately the day was very cloudy, and many
squalls of sleet and rain, which obscured the hills, passed whilst I was
taking bearings. To the N.E., towards the supposed Sebastian Channel, the
horizon was too hazy to allow much view. A deep inlet was seen in that
direction; but whether the land closed round, or whether a channel was at
the bottom, we could not distinguish. A considerable body of water was
observed to the southward of Cape St. Valentyn, behind Lomas Bay, but its
extent was screened from our view by the intervention of the Lomas hills. It
appeared to be a channel, the opposite or eastern side of it being formed by
the high ranges previously seen from Point St. Mary. Cordova's Ports San
Antonio and Valdez were distinctly made out; but, to the southward, every
thing was enveloped in mist.
The bearings and observations, which occupied me nearly two hours, being
completed, we all adjourned to a sheltered cleft in the rock close to our
station, where we soon recovered the use of our fingers.[45]
Having accomplished our object, we began the descent. In a comparatively
mild and agreeable spot, I again set up the theodolite and barometer, while
some of the party employed themselves in fruitless attempts to kindle a fire.
The height, by the barometer, proved to be 1,845 feet above the sea; and the
bearings from this station were much better than those I had taken from the
exposed summit.
We reached our tent at noon, having been absent seven hours. At three we
reached the beach, where the barometer stood at 29,312 (air 61.°3,[46] and
mercury 62,°5).
Excepting near the sea, where clay-slate (very similar to that of Point St.
Anna, but with an opposite dip) showed itself, the side of the hill is clothed
with trees and underwood, and no rock is visible until one arrives at the
ravine. Around the summit of Mount Tarn the ground is bare, but so
covered with small decomposed fragments, that the solid rock only appears
occasionally: it is very hard, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture: some of
the specimens which we detached bore indistinct impressions of organic
remains. We also found, projecting from the rock in which they were
embedded, nodules, or small rounded masses of stone, in an advanced state

of decomposition, mouldering away in laminar forms somewhat resembling
the inner leaves of a cabbage. Several were brought away carefully, but
before we arrived on board they had crumbled to pieces: the nucleus was
quite hard, but was surrounded by concentric laminæ, more brittle the
nearer they approached to the outer surface. It seemed as if the face of the
summit above-mentioned was covered with the decomposing fragments of
these nodules.
The highest parts of the Mount form a ridge extending S.E. and N.W., being
a succession of strata of slaty rock, dipping to the eastward, at an angle of
15° or 20° from the horizon. The strata are very narrow, and separated from
each other by a vein of quartz, much of which is in a crystallized state. We
reached the ship about seven o'clock, and found that the Hope and her party
had done well. Her cruize proved interesting, with regard to the geography
of the Strait, and a summary of it is subjoined.
Mr. Graves's orders were to survey the Sebastian Channel; but in the event
of his seeing any thing more interesting to the S.E., he was allowed to defer
that service to another opportunity. The Hope crossed the Strait, and
anchored in a small bay, formed between the two projecting points of Cape
Valentyn, where some few defects in the vessel were remedied, and a good
round of angles obtained from the summit of the Cape, whence there was a
fine view. The country was low, undulating, and destitute of trees. From a
station about two miles overland, to the eastward, a large body of water was
observed to the southward, forming a channel, or deep sound, and it was
determined to follow up its examination, rather than risk the crew in the
deep bay that was supposed to communicate with the San Sebastian
Channel, on board a vessel whose capabilities were unknown. Several fire-
places and remains of wigwams were seen; the latter were, however, very
different, both in shape and material, from those at Port Famine, for the
country being destitute of trees, they were built of driftwood, piled up in a
conical form.
Passing round Cape Valentyn, the Hope hauled to the southward, keeping
the land on board. At night she anchored in Philip Gidley Cove, at the
bottom of Willes Bay, where she was weather-bound until the 29th of
January. The shores of Willes Bay are thickly clothed with wood, growing
to the water's edge, except at the S.W. side. The great abundance of muscles

and limpets attracts the Indians, whose wigwams were found standing, and
from the green appearance of the branches with which they were formed,
seemed to have been lately erected. After leaving Willes Bay, the Hope
visited Fox Bay, and Sir Edward Owen's Sound, which, it was thought,
would lead into Lomas Bay, opposite to Port Famine; but, after running ten
miles up, they got into shoal water, and as there was no current, or stream of
tide, they landed, and found that a mile and a half farther on, the sound was
terminated by low land. Another day, while proceeding along the south side
of Brenton Sound, the smoke of Indians' fires was noticed near the beach.
As this was the first time the Natives of this part had been seen, the course
was shaped towards them, until the Hope anchored. Three Indians then
approached, holding up the skins of some animal, and inviting them to land.
The small boat was hoisted out, and Messrs. Wickham and Rowlett, with
Robinson the pilot, went on shore. The Fuegians presented a fox skin to
each of the party, who in return gave them some trifles. After a short
interview the boat left them, and no further communication was held that
night. The following morning a canoe came off to the vessel, containing
three young men, two women, and three children, the youngest not more
than four months old. They were no sooner alongside than the men went on
board, and commenced an active traffic with all the valuables they
possessed; and for a few buttons, a glass bottle, or an empty preserved-meat
canister, many of their goods were bartered. They had several fox-skins
with them, but no other kind of peltry, except their clothing, obtained from
the seal or guanaco: and though many of them wore a penguin skin
suspended from their girdle, some were without even that covering. This
canoe was followed by another, containing an old man, sixty or seventy
years of age, with a grey beard; an elderly woman, and two children. Before
they came alongside they put their dogs on shore.
Although the visit from these Indians did not last very long, they had time
enough to pilfer. One of the young men, who was seen going into a canoe,
excited, by his manner, a suspicion of his having stolen something, and a tin
pot was found concealed under his mantle. As there was every probability
of their soon separating, and Mr. Graves feared that punishment would
cause a rupture, he only turned him out of the vessel: the rest soon followed
him, and landed. Having made a fire, the men squatted round it; while the
women were despatched to collect shell-fish.

As soon as the Natives had finished their meal, they embarked, and
proceeded eastward. Next day they again visited the Hope, but in
consequence, perhaps, of the occurrence the day before, did not venture
alongside, until invited by the words, 'ho-say, ho-say,' which mean, 'come,
come.' In a few minutes confidence was restored, and they began to barter.
The trade was opened by one of the women making a peace-offering of a
shell necklace, in return for which, red caps and medals were given to each
of the women and children. The Hope went thence to Soapsuds Cove,
where the crew washed their clothes, and replaced a broken spar.
In a S.E. direction from this cove there appeared to be a considerable
channel leading to the S.E., and to the southward was a deep sound, towards
which they were proceeding the next morning; but having advanced about
two miles, the land of Cape Expectation trended suddenly round to the
eastward, and a long narrow channel presented itself, which seemed likely
to communicate with the Strait, to the southward of Port San Antonio. They
proceeded through this channel, which takes a very straight course, and
gradually narrows from Port Waterfall, where it is two miles and a half
wide, to Passage Cove, where it is scarcely three quarters of a mile; and
there they anchored.
Between Port Waterfall and Passage Cove, a party of Natives was seen; but,
being probably the same who were met at Indian Cove, no attention was
paid to their hallooings and fires of invitation.[47] The Hope came into the
Strait, eastward of an opening then called Magdalen Sound; her passage
must therefore have been through Sarmiento's 'San Gabriel' Channel.
At night, when between Cape Froward and Port San Antonio, a heavy
squall from S.W. carried the little vessel rapidly towards Cape San Isidro,
and, at daylight the next morning, she was in the position observed by us,
while ascending Mount Tarn.

CHAPTER IV.
Deer seen—Hope sails again—Eagle Bay—Gabriel Channel—'Williwaws'—Port Waterfall—
Natives—Admiralty Sound—Gabriel Channel—Magdalen Channel—Hope returns to Port
Famine—San Antonio—Lomas Bay—Loss of boat—Master and two seamen drowned.

From Mr. Graves's report of the appearance of the channel to the S.E. of
Dawson Island, I decided to proceed there as soon as the Hope was ready,
for she required some alteration, and repairs.
A deer having been seen on Point St. Anna, Mr. Tarn landed, very early in
the morning, eager for the prize, but could only get an ineffectual shot. At
another time a few deer were seen by our party, near the river; but instead of
returning with the information, they fired their guns, loaded with small shot
only, which served but to scare them away. As the animal was new to us,
and we had evidence of its being equally new to Science, I was anxious to
procure a specimen, but never afterwards had an opportunity. Here
Sarmiento saw the only deer which he mentions in his journal.
The morning of the 16th seeming more favourable, I set out in the Hope.
The heights were covered with snow which had fallen the preceding night,
the thermometer had been at freezing point, and much ice had formed; but
the appearance of the weather deceived us: we had scarcely left the ship,
when it began to rain, and by the time we reached Cape San Isidro the wind
had freshened to a gale, which obliged me to anchor in Eagle Bay.
Having landed, a tent was pitched, and a blazing fire made to dry our
clothes. In the evening the gale blew with great violence from S.W., and the
Hope, at her anchor, sheered about by the squalls, was occasionally laid
over so as to dip her gunwale under water.
The following day (17th), although the rain had ceased, the wind was still
strong. Towards evening it fell, and early on the 18th we left Eagle Bay
with a fresh breeze from E.N.E., and passed close to Port San Antonio; but
were then delayed by calms and squalls. At noon a westerly wind sprung
up, and we proceeded down the Gabriel Channel, with the wind aft, and the
tide in our favour. Port Waterfall sheltered us for the night.
The apparently artificial formation of this channel is very striking. It seems
to have been formerly a valley between two ridges of the range, in the
direction of the strata (of which there are frequent instances, such as the
valley in the Lomas Range, opposite Cape San Isidro, the valley of Valdez
Bay, and one immediately to the north of the channel itself, besides many
others), and that at some remote period the sea had forced its way through,
effecting a communication between the Strait and the waters behind

Dawson Island: as if one of those great 'northern waves,' of which we once
heard so much, had rolled down the wide reach of the Strait (the parallelism
of whose shores is also remarkable) from the north-west, towards Cape
Froward; and finding itself opposed by the Lomas Range, had forced a
passage through the valley until stopped by the mountains at Fitton Bay.
Having imagined such a wave in motion, the reader may fancy it uniting
with another northern roller from Cape San Valentyn, attacking the hills and
carrying all before it, until Mount Hope, at the bottom of Admiralty Sound,
arrested its course. I have already noticed the remarkably straight direction
in which this curious channel trends. At both extremities the width may be
from two to three miles; but the shores gradually approach each other
midway, and the coast on each side rises abruptly to the height of fifteen
hundred feet. The south shore, sheltered from the prevailing and strongest
winds, is thickly covered with trees and luxuriant underwood, which, being
chiefly evergreen, improve the scenery greatly, particularly in the winter
season: the north shore is also well wooded for about two-thirds up; but the
summit is barren and the outline very much serrated, as is usual in slate
formations.
On the north shore we noticed some extraordinary effects of the whirlwinds
which so frequently occur in Tierra del Fuego. The crews of sealing vessels
call them 'williwaws,' or 'hurricane-squalls,' and they are most violent. The
south-west gales, which blow upon the coast with extreme fury, are pent up
and impeded in passing over the high lands; when, increasing in power,
they rush violently over the edges of precipices, expand, as it were, and
descending perpendicularly, destroy every thing moveable. The surface of
the water, when struck by these gusts, is so agitated, as to be covered with
foam, which is taken up by them, and flies before their fury until dispersed
in vapour. Ships at anchor under high land are sometimes suddenly thrown
over on their beam-ends, and the next moment recover their equilibrium, as
if nothing had occurred. Again a squall strikes them, perhaps on the other
side, and over they heel before its rage: the cable becomes strained, and
checks the ship with a jerk, that causes her to start a-head through the water,
until again stopped by the cable, or driven astern by another gust of wind.
At all these anchorages, under high land, there are some parts more exposed
than others; and by watching for those places which are least troubled by
these squalls, a more secure, or rather a more quiet, spot may be selected. I

do not consider ships so anchored to be in danger if their ground tackle be
good; but every thing that offers a stiff resistance must suffer from the fury
of these blasts. In many parts of this country trees are torn up by the roots,
or rent asunder by the wind; and in the Gabriel Channel the 'williwaws'
bursting over the mountainous ridge, which forms the south side of the
channel, descend, and striking against the base of the opposite shore, rush
up the steep, and carry all before them. I know of nothing to which I can
better compare the bared track left by one of these squalls than to a bad
broad road. After having made such an opening, the wind frequently
sweeping through prevents the growth of vegetation. Confused masses of
up-rooted trees lie at the lower ends of these bared tracks, and show plainly
what power has been exerted.
The southern shore of the channel is formed by the base of that range of
hills, which extends, from the eastern side of the Magdalen Channel,
towards the E.S.E. It is the highest part of Tierra del Fuego, and on it are
several remarkable mountains, besides Sarmiento, towering over all.
Close to the east end of the Gabriel Channel is Mount Buckland, a tall
obelisk-like hill, terminating in a sharp needle-point, and lifting its head
above a chaotic mass of 'reliquiæ diluvianæ,' covered with perpetual snow,
by the melting of which an enormous glacier on the leeward, or north-
eastern side, has been gradually formed. This icy domain is twelve or
fourteen miles long, and extends from near the end of the channel to Port
Waterfall, feeding, in the intermediate space, many magnificent cascades,
which, for number and height, are not perhaps to be exceeded in an equal
space of any part of the world. Within an extent of nine or ten miles, there
are upwards of a hundred and fifty waterfalls, dashing into the channel from
a height of fifteen hundred, or two thousand feet. The course of many is
concealed, at first, by intervening trees, and, when half-way down the
descent, they burst upon the view, leaping, as it were, out of the wood.
Some unite as they fall, and together are precipitated into the sea, in a cloud
of foam; so varied, indeed, are the forms of these cascades, and so great
their contrast with the dark foliage of the trees, which thickly cover the
sides of the mountain, that it is impossible adequately to describe the scene.
I have met with nothing exceeding the picturesque grandeur of this part of
the Strait.

There are several coves on the south shore, but opposite to them there is no
shelter until you reach a deep bay in which are several islets; and where, I
think, there is a communication with Brenton Sound, but we did not enter it.
Port Waterfall may easily be known by a large flat-topped bare rock, lying
across the summit of the eastern head, and by a magnificent cascade formed
by the union of two torrents.
All the plants of the Strait grow here: a sweet-scented Callixene (C.
marginata, Lamk.) filled the air with its odour; and a beautiful flower we
had not previously seen, was found by Mr. Graves: it was pendulous,
tubular, about two inches long (Class. Hexand. Monog. Cal. 2 Pet. 3.
pointed), and of a rich carnation colour.
The trees are small and stunted; they are of the usual species, Beech and
Winter's-bark. Here we first noticed a large fern,[48] having a stem two or
three feet long, and five or six inches in diameter, very similar to the Zamia
of New Holland. We saw very few birds, and no quadrupeds. Among the
former was a king-fisher, which at the time was new to us; but it is
distributed over a large tract of South America, and I have since seen a
specimen said to have been shot at Rio de Janeiro.
Fitton Harbour is a deep inlet, surrounded on all sides by precipitous land,
rising to the height of three, or four thousand feet, and terminated by peaks,
of most fantastic shape, covered with ice and snow.
Between Fitton Harbour and Cape Rowlett are high mountains, two of
which, more conspicuous than the rest, we called 'Mount Sherrard,' and
'Curious Peak.'
Card Point proved to be clay-slate, and I think the projection of Cape
Rowlett, and the mountains, are also of this rock.
While crossing over towards Cape Rowlett, (the south head of a deep
sound, trending to the S.E., which it was my intention to examine), we were
met by three canoes, containing, together, about twenty-four people, and ten
or twelve dogs. Mr. Wickham recognised them to be the same party who
had visited the Hope on her last cruize; the thief, however, was not amongst
them, fearing probably he might be known.

PORT FAMINE
(Looking Northwards).

PORT FAMINE
(Looking Southwards).

P. P. King S.
Bull
CURIOUS PEAK,
ADMIRALTY SOUND.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great
Marlborough Street, 1838

These natives conducted themselves very quietly, and, except one of the
women, who wished to keep a tin-pot in which some water had been given
her, made no attempt to pilfer. One of the party, who seemed more than half

an idiot, spit in my face; but as it was not apparently done angrily, and he
was reproved by his companions, his uncourteous conduct was forgiven.
If possessed of any furs, they had left them, perhaps concealed, near their
wigwams: only a few arrows, a necklace of shells, and a fillet for the head,
made of ostrich feathers, were obtained by barter. Their canoes were
paddled by the women, occasionally helped by the men. One or two of the
former were young, and well-featured, but the rest were hideous; and all
were filthy and most disagreeable, from the quantity of seal-oil and blubber,
with which they had covered their bodies. After we had obtained, by barter,
all the articles they had to dispose of, I presented them with red caps and
medals, of which they were very proud: the latter they requested might have
a hole drilled through them, that they might be suspended by a string round
their necks. Their astonishment was much excited, and they were pleased
by hearing a watch tick; but I believe I had very nearly, though
unintentionally; given great offence, by cutting off a lock of hair, from the
head of one of the men. Assuming a grave look, he very carefully wrapped
the hair up, and handed it to a woman in the canoe, who, as carefully,
stowed it away in a basket, in which she kept her beads and paint: the man
then turned round, requesting me, very seriously, to put away the scissors,
and my compliance restored him to good-humour.
The features of these people bore a great resemblance to those of the
Patagonian Indians, but in person they were considerably shorter and
smaller. The elderly people of both sexes had hideous figures; the children,
however, and young men, were well-formed; particularly one of the boys,
whom they called 'Yāl-lă-bă,' which, I believe, meant a youth, or a young
warrior. The word 'Shērrōo' was used to denote a canoe, or vessel.
They were ill-clothed, with mantles made of guanaco, or otter skins, but not
so neatly as those of the Patagonians. Their bodies were smeared over with
a mixture of earth, charcoal, or red-ocre, and seal-oil; which, combined with
the filth of their persons, produced a most offensive smell. Some were
partially painted with a white argillaceous earth; others were blackened with
charcoal; one of the men was daubed all over with a white pigment. Their
hair was bound by a fillet of plaited twine, made perhaps with strips of
bark, and a few of them had it turned up; but to none did it appear to be an

object of attention, except one of the young women, who repeatedly
combed and arranged her's with the well-toothed jaw of a porpoise.
During a remarkably calm night, we were frequently startled by the loud
blowing of whales, between us and the shore. We had noticed several of
those monsters on the previous day, but had never heard them blow in so
still a place.
At dawn, a light air carried us towards some broken land to the S.E. of Cape
Rowlett, between the eastern trend of which, and the projecting point of an
island, we found a secure and land-locked harbour, with two entrances, one
to the north and the other to the south of High Islet. The south side of the
port, which I called Port Cooke,[49] is a narrow strip of land, forming the
head of a deep inlet or sound, called[50] Brook Harbour. It seemed to extend
to the base of the high mountainous range, and to be separated only by a
narrow isthmus from Fitton Harbour.
We had scarcely been at anchor half an hour when the same party of
Fuegians was seen arriving. The men hastened to us in their canoes, as soon
as the women had landed, to cover or thatch the wigwams, which they
found standing, and to light fires.
We afterwards went ashore, and, sitting down near them, commenced a
brisk trade for arrows, skins, necklaces, and other commodities. The furs
which covered their backs they parted with, for a few beads, and went quite
naked the whole evening.
Among them was a young man, who appeared to be treated with some
deference by the others; he was one of the best-looking of the party; and
there was a good-natured smile on his countenance during our
communication, while the rest frequently manifested displeasure, even
about trifles. He was, at least, the master of one of the two families; his
wigwam contained his wife, and two children, his, or his wife's father, and
mother, as well as the idiot, and his wife, who, from her appearance, must
have been a Patagonian, or else a woman of unusual size among these
people. The old woman was very inquisitive, and the man, in a long speech,
described to her all the wonders I had shown him, applying to me, from
time to time, to point out to her the articles he was trying to describe.

Their dexterity with the sling is extraordinary; and, I should think, when
used as a weapon of offence, it must be very formidable. Upon asking the
same man to show us its use, he picked up a pebble, about the size of a
pigeon's egg, and placed it in the sling; then intimating that he was going to
strike a canoe, he turned his back to the mark, and threw the stone in an
opposite direction, against the trunk of a tree, whence it rebounded over his
head, and fell close to the canoe.
I have seen them strike a cap, placed upon the stump of a tree, fifty or sixty
yards off, with a stone from a sling. In using the bow and arrow, also, with
which they kill birds, they are very dexterous. The spear is principally for
striking porpoises and seals, but is also used in war; and from the nature of
the barb, must be an efficient weapon. For close quarters, they use clubs,
stones held in the hand, and short wooden daggers, pointed with very sharp-
edged quartz, pitch-stone, or flint.
The next morning, seeing us underweigh, they came alongside and tried to
induce us to anchor again. The young man, of whom I have spoken, was
very importunate, and at last offered us his wife, as a bribe, who used all her
fancied allurements to second his proposal.
So highly did they esteem beads and buttons, that a few of each would have
purchased the canoe, the wife, and children, their dogs, and all the furniture.
Seeing us proceed to the southward, with the apparent intention of sailing
down the inlet, they motioned to us to go to the north, repeatedly calling out
'Sherroo, sherroo,' and pointing to the northward; which we thought
intimated that there was no passage in the direction we were taking.
At noon, I landed to observe the latitude, and take bearings down the Sound
to the S.E., at the bottom of which was a hill, standing by itself, as it were,
in mid-channel. The view certainly excited hopes of its being a channel; and
as we had begun to calculate upon reaching Nassau Bay in a few days, we
named this hill, Mount Hope.
The point on which we landed was at the foot of a high snow-capped hill,
called by us Mount Seymour; whence, had not the Indians been near, I
should have taken bearings.

We sailed south-eastward, close to the south shore, until the evening; when
from the summit of some hills, about three hundred feet above the sea, we
had a view down the Sound, which almost convinced us it would prove to
be a channel. The rock at this place differed from any we had seen in the
Strait. The mountains are high, and evidently of clay-slate; but the point,
near which we anchored, is a mass of hard, and very quartzose sand-stone,
much resembling the old red sand-stone formation of Europe, and precisely
like the rock of Goulburn Island, on the north coast of New Holland.[51]
The following morning (23d), we proceeded towards Mount Hope, while
running down to which some squalls passed over, clouding the south shore,
and as we passed Parry Harbour it bore so much the appearance of a
channel, that we stood into it; but the clouds clearing away soon exposed
the bottom to our view, where there seemed to be two arms or inlets. In the
south-eastern arm, the shores were covered with thick ice (like the bottom
of Ainsworth Harbour, to the west of Parry Harbour, where an immense
glacier slopes down to the water's edge). The south-west arm appeared to be
well sheltered, and if it affords a moderate depth of water, would be an
excellent harbour.
After satisfying ourselves that there was no channel here, we bore up on our
original course; but, before long, found ourselves within two miles of the
bottom of the Sound; which is shallow, and appears to receive two rivers.
The great quantity of ice water, which mingles here with the sea, changed
its colour to so pale a blue, that we thought ourselves in fresh water.
Mount Hope proved to be an isolated mass of hills, lying like the rest N.W.
and S.E., having low land to the southward, over which nothing was visible
except one hill, thirty or forty miles distant, covered with snow, to which
the rays of the sun gave the appearance of a sheet of gold. Finding ourselves
embayed, we hastened out of the scrape, and, after beating for some hours,
anchored in Parry Harbour.
Our entrance into a little cove in Parry Harbour disturbed a quantity of
ducks, steamers, shags, and geese. Their numbers showed that Indians had
not lately visited it.
Next day we reached Ainsworth Harbour, which is of the same character as
Parry Harbour, and affords perfect security for small vessels: by dint of

sweeping, we reached a secure anchorage in a cove at the south-east corner.
The bottom of the port is formed, as I before said, by an immense glacier,
from which, during the night, large masses broke off and fell into the sea
with a loud crash,[52] thus explaining the nocturnal noises we had often
heard at Port Famine, and which at the time were thought to arise from the
eruption of volcanoes. Such were also, probably, the sounds heard by the
Spanish officers during their exploration of the Straits, whilst in the port of
Santa Monica, where they had taken refuge from a violent gale of wind.[53]
The harbour was full of fragments of ice, the succeeding morning, drifting
into the Sound, where the sea-water, being at a higher temperature than the
air, rapidly melted them.
Since our departure from Port Waterfall, the weather had been mild, clear,
and settled; but as it wanted only three days of the change of the moon, at
which period, as well as at the full, it always blew a gale, I wished to reach
a place of security in the Gabriel Channel or Magdalen Sound.
Near the islands of Ainsworth Harbour, three canoes passed us, steering
across the Sound, each with a seal-skin fixed up in the bow for a sail; and
we recognised in them the party left at Port Cooke, among whom was the
Indian who had been detected in stealing a tin pot. They did not come
along-side; but as we went by, pointed to the north, apparently urging us to
go in that direction.
We had noticed several wigwams at Parry and Ainsworth Harbours, which
shows that they are much frequented by Indians, perhaps on their way to the
open low country east of Mount Hope, where numerous herds of guanacoes
may be found.
Porpoises and seal were not scarce in this inlet, and in the entrance there
were many whales. The presence of seal and whales made me think it
probable there was a channel; but I believe every person with me was
satisfied of its being a sound, terminating under Mount Hope. Since my
later experience of the deceptive character of some passages in Tierra del
Fuego (the Barbara Channel, for example), I have felt less certain that there
may not be a communication with the low land, behind Mount Hope, round
its northern base. The improbability was, however, so great,—from the

bottom of the sound being shoal,—from the very slight tide-stream,—and
from the information of the Natives; who evidently intended to tell us we
could not get out to sea,—that we did not consider it worth while to make
another examination.
I have before observed that the strata of the slate rocks, in the Strait, dip to
the S.E.; and I found that they dip similarly all the way to the bottom of this
inlet, which I named Admiralty Sound.
The north side, like that of the Gabriel Channel, is steep, without
indentations, excepting where there is a break in the hills; but on the south
shore there are many coves, and bights, the cause of which is shown in the
accompanying imaginary section of the Gabriel Channel. The same cause
operates on the outline of the north shore of the reach of Cape Froward,
westward as far as Cape Holland, where the rock assumes a still more
primitive form. Its general character, however, is micaceous slate, with
broad veins of quartz; the latter being particularly conspicuous at Port
Gallant.
The following slight sketch, intended to represent an imaginary section of
such an opening as the Gabriel Channel, may also serve to give a general
idea of many Fuegian anchorages;—of deep water passages existing
between the almost innumerable islands of Tierra del Fuego;—and of the
effects of those sudden, and violent gusts of wind,—so frequent and
dangerous,—commonly called hurricane-squalls,[54] or williwaws.

The rock, of course, decomposes equally on both sides; but on that exposed
to the south wind, it breaks off in flakes parallel to the direction of the
strata, and therefore does not make the course of the beach more irregular;
while on the other side it moulders away transversely to the direction of the

dip, leaving holes, in which water lodges, and hastens decomposition by
entering deeply into the interstices. Water, air, and frost decompose the
rock, and form a soil, which, if not too much exposed to the wind, is soon
occupied by vegetation.
The rugged faces of the cliffs, on the southern shore, caused by the rock
decomposing across the grain, collect sand and mud; and hence it happens
that anchorages are frequently found on one side, whilst, on the other, the
anchor will not hold, from the steepness of the ground; there being nothing
upon the smooth declivity to retain mud and sand before it gets to the
bottom; which, in most cases known to me, lies far beyond the reach of the
anchor.
After a tedious and difficult passage through the Gabriel Channel, we
anchored in a snug harbour within the entrance of Magdalen Channel, on
the west side, under a peaked hill called by Sarmiento 'El Vernal,'—in our
plan, the 'Sugar-loaf.' The entrance is about a quarter of a mile wide; but
after a few hundred yards the harbour opens, extending in for nearly a mile.
It is of easy depth; seven fathoms in the entrance, and four, five, and six
fathoms within; so that it is very convenient for a small vessel: to us,
indeed, it was a most welcome discovery. The land rises, around this cove,
to the height of two or three thousand feet. It is covered with Beech, and
Winter's-bark, and near the water is adorned with large groves of Fuchsia,
Berberis, and the common shrubs of Port Famine, growing so thickly as to
form an almost impenetrable jungle; but, notwithstanding the picturesque
character of its scenery, the towering height of the hills, which exclude the
sun's rays for the whole day, during the greater portion of the year, renders
it a gloomy and melancholy spot.[55]
We found a family of Fuegians in the inner harbour. Three canoes were
hauled up on the beach, but their owners were not at first visible. At last,
after our repeatedly calling out 'Ho-say, ho-say,' they appeared, and, rather
reluctantly, invited us, by signs, to land. There seemed to be fourteen or
fifteen people, and seven or eight dogs. Mr. Wickham and Mr. Tarn went on
shore to these natives, who exhibited some timidity, until a hideous old
woman began to chatter, and soon made them understand that the young
men (Lā-ā-pas) were absent on a hunting excursion, but were every moment
expected to return. There were only three men with the women and

children. To inspire them with confidence in our good intentions, Mr.
Wickham gave each man a red cap, and some other trifles. One of them
complained of being sick, but I rather imagine his illness was feigned, and
the others did not at all seem to like our visit. By degrees their fears
subsided, and, restraint being laid aside, an active trade began; in which
several otter skins, shell-necklaces, spears, and other trifles, were obtained
from them in exchange for beads, buttons, medals, &c. The otters are
caught by the help of dogs, on which account, principally, the latter are so
valuable.
These people were slightly clothed with skins of the seal and otter, but some
had pieces of guanaco mantles over their shoulders, whence we supposed
that they were either of the same tribe, or at peace, with the Indians of
Admiralty Sound: unless, indeed, they trade with the Patagonian Indians;
but such is the poverty of the Fuegians, they can scarcely possess any thing
of value sufficient to exchange with the goods of their northern neighbours,
unless it be iron pyrites, which I think is not found in the open country
inhabited by the Patagonian Indians, and, from the facility with which it
yields sparks of fire, must be an object of importance.
We were not a little amused by the surprise which these natives showed at
the things in our possession, and by the effect produced in their
countenances when they saw any thing extraordinary: the expression was
not that of joy or surprise, but a sort of vacant, stupified, stare at each other.
They must have been very suspicious of our intentions, or very much
excited by what they had seen during the day, as throughout the night an
incessant chattering of voices was heard on shore, interrupted only by the
barking of their dogs.
Looking down the Magdalen Inlet, we saw two openings, which, while the
hills were enveloped in mist, had the appearance of being channels. We
proceeded for some distance into the more westerly of the two, but found
that it was merely a sound, terminated by high land. The boat was then
steered under a steep mass of black mountainous land,[56] the summit of
which is divided into three peaks, which Sarmiento called 'El Pan de Azucar
de los Boquerones' (the Sugar-loaf of the Openings). We ran southward,
fifteen miles down this sound, and reached the Labyrinth Islands; but
finding there no suitable anchorage, resumed our course towards the bottom

of what we thought another sound, terminated by mountains. At noon, the
furthest point, on the west shore, which we called Cape Turn, was within
three miles of us, and we should soon have discovered the continuation of
the channel (as it has since been proved); but a breeze set in from the S.W.,
and in a short time it blew so strong as to oblige us to turn back. 'Williwaws'
and baffling eddy winds kept us seven hours under Mount Boqueron. These
squalls were at first alarming, but by taking in all sail, before they passed,
we sustained no injury. At sunset we were abreast of Hope Harbour, in
which we purposed taking shelter from the gale. Our late neighbours, the
Indians, had lighted a fire at the entrance to invite our return; but wind and
tide were against us, and as we knew of no port to leeward, our only
resource was to run out of the sound. Furious squalls carried us into the
true, or steady, wind, which we found very strong; and as Port San Antonio
was on the lee-bow, we had to carry such a press of sail, that our excellent
boat had nearly half the lee side of her deck under water. By daylight we
got into smooth water, and, with less wind and better weather, steered for
Port Famine. The smoother water enabled us to light a fire and cook a meal,
not an unimportant affair, as we had eaten nothing since six o'clock on the
preceding morning.
In our absence Mr. Graves had surveyed Lomas Bay, and, after his return,
Mr. Ainsworth had crossed the Strait with the gig and cutter to survey Port
San Antonio. They were victualled for five days; the gig was manned by my
own boat's crew, and the cutter by volunteers: but although they had not
come back, we felt no anxiety about their safety, being assured that Mr.
Ainsworth would not run the risk of crossing the Strait during bad weather.
The tempestuous state of the two following days, however, made us uneasy,
and on the third morning, when the wind moderated much, we looked out
anxiously for their arrival. In the evening the cutter returned; but, alas! with
the melancholy information of the loss of Mr. Ainsworth, and two seamen,
drowned by the upsetting of the gig. One of the latter was my excellent
coxswain, John Corkhill. The remainder of the gig's crew were only rescued
from drowning by the strenuous exertions of those in the cutter.
Mr. Ainsworth, anxious to return to the ship, thought too little of the
difficulty and danger of crossing the Strait during unsettled weather. He set
out from Port San Antonio under sail, and, while sheltered by the land, did
very well; but as soon as they got into the offing, both wind and sea

increased so much that the gig was in great danger, although under only a
small close-reefed sail.
The people in the cutter were anxiously watching her labouring movements,
when she disappeared! They hastened to the spot—saved three men; but the
other two had gone down. Poor Ainsworth was still clinging to the gig's
gunwale when his shipmates eagerly approached; but letting go his hold
from extreme exhaustion, and being heavily clothed, he sunk from their
sight to rise no more.
He had been cheering the drowning crew, and trying to save his
companions, till the moment his grasp relaxed. Just before Ainsworth
himself let go, Mr. Hodgskin lost his hold, exclaiming, Ainsworth, save me!
when, exhausted as he was, with one hand he rescued his friend, and,
directly afterwards, his strength failing, sunk.
This addition of three people to the already loaded cutter, made her cargo
more than was safe, therefore Mr. Williams, who commanded her, very
prudently bore up for the first convenient landing-place, and happily
succeeded in reaching the only part of the beach, between Lomas Bay and
Cape Valentyn, where a boat could land.
The following morning, the weather being more favourable, they crossed
under sail to Freshwater Bay, and thence pulled to Port Famine.
This melancholy disaster was much felt by every one. Ainsworth was a
deserving officer, and highly esteemed. Corkhill was captain of the
forecastle, and had served in the Polar voyages under Sir Edward Parry. On
the Sunday following, the colours were hoisted half-mast high, and the
funeral service was read after morning prayers: for although to recover the
bodies was impossible, their watery grave was before our eyes; and the
performance of this last sad duty was a melancholy satisfaction.

"Ours are the tears, tho' few, sincerely shed,
When ocean shrouds and sepulchres our dead."

A tablet was subsequently erected, on Point St. Anna, to record this fatal
accident.

CHAPTER V.
Lieutenant Sholl arrives—Beagle returns—Loss of the Saxe Cobourg sealer—Captain Stokes
goes to Fury Harbour to save her crew—Beagle's proceedings—Bougainville's memorial—
Cordova's memorial—Beagle's danger—Difficulties—Captain Stokes's boat-cruize—Passages
—Natives—Dangerous service—Western entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens—Hope's cruize
—Prepare to return to Monte Video.

The Beagle's time of absence had expired on the 1st of April, and our
anxiety, more excited by our recent loss, was becoming painful. I detained
the Hope from going upon a service for which she was prepared, in case she
might be required to search for our consort: but on the 6th a strange whale-
boat was descried pulling towards us from the southward, in which we soon
distinguished Lieut. Sholl. His appearance, under such circumstances, of
course raised fears for the Beagle's safety; but, on approaching, his
gratifying shout, "all's well!" at once removed anxiety.
Mr. Sholl informed me, that the Beagle had picked up a boat, belonging to
the schooner 'Prince of Saxe Cobourg,' wrecked in Fury Harbour, at the
south entrance of the Barbara Channel; and that she had put into Port
Gallant, whence Captain Stokes had gone with the boats to assist the
Sealers, leaving Lieut. Skyring on board.
The safety of the Beagle being established, I despatched Mr. Graves, in the
Hope, to examine some openings between the Magdalen Channel and the
Dos Hermanos of Bougainville.
Several days earlier than I expected, the Beagle made her appearance, and
Captain Stokes soon gave me the agreeable intelligence of having
succeeded in saving the Prince of Saxe Cobourg's crew. Favoured by the
weather, though delayed by his guide having forgotten the way, Captain
Stokes reached Fury Harbour in two days, and embarked the master and
crew of the wrecked vessel, with all their personal property, and the greater
part of the seal-skins which they had cured. He reached Port Gallant again
on the fourth day; sailed immediately in the Beagle, and two days
afterwards anchored in Port Famine.

The Prince of Saxe Cobourg, belonging to Mr. Weddel (whose voyage
towards the South Pole is so well known), and commanded by Mr. Matthew
Brisbane, who accompanied Weddel on that occasion, sailed from England
in the summer of 1826, on a sealing voyage. At South Shetland she
encountered a continuance of bad weather, was beset by a large body of ice
for several days, and received so much damage as to oblige her to run for
the Fuegian coast, and anchor in Fury Harbour, at the entrance of the
Barbara Channel. There (December 16th, 1826) she was driven on shore by
the furious strength of the williwaws, and wrecked. The crew were,
however, enabled to save most of the provisions and stores, as well as their
three boats. Having made tents, and established themselves on shore, they
remained in anxious expectation of the arrival of some vessel which might
relieve them; day after day however passed, without succour.
Two boats were despatched to look for any sealing vessel that might be in
the vicinity, but after fifteen days' absence they returned unsuccessful. In
this interval one of the crew, who had long been sickly, died; and another, in
carelessly discharging a musket, exploded twenty pounds of gunpowder, by
which he was very much burned. Three of the people being mutinous, were
punished by being sent, each to a different island, with only a week's
provisions.
Soon afterwards another boat was sent away, which reached Hope Harbour,
but found no vessel there. Seven of the people then obtained permission
from the master (who kept up a very proper state of discipline), to take the
largest whale-boat, and go towards the River Negro. Previous to their
departure they drew up articles of agreement for their general conduct, a
breach of which was to be punished by the offender being left upon the
coast, wherever they might happen to be. The boat eventually arrived safely
at the place of her destination, and the crew entered as volunteers on board
of the Buenos Ayrean squadron, at that time engaged in the war with Brazil.
Again a boat was despatched, directed to go westward through the Strait in
search of vessels. She had only reached as far as Playa Parda, when the
Beagle fell in with her (March 3d, 1827). While passing through the small
channels, before entering the Strait, she met several canoes, with Indians,
who endeavoured to stop her, and shot arrows at the crew; but, happily,
without doing any mischief.

After the last boat's departure, Mr. Brisbane began to build a small vessel,
and, while so employed, was visited by a party of natives, who conducted
themselves very peaceably, and went away. Their visit, however, gave the
shipwrecked people, now much reduced in number,[57] reason to apprehend
the return of a larger body, who might try to possess themselves of the
property which was lying about on the shore; they therefore buried a great
deal, and took means to preserve the rest by making preparations to repel
attack. When Captain Stokes appeared with his two boats, the Sealers flew
to their arms, calling out "the Indians, the Indians!" but in a very few
minutes excess of joy succeeded to their sudden alarm.
Captain Stokes found the vessel lying on the rocks, bilged, and an utter
wreck. The master and crew were extremely anxious to get away, he
therefore embarked them, with as much of the property as could be carried,
and succeeded (after another night in the boats, and a long pull of eighty
miles,) in conveying them safely to the Beagle.
The following is an abstract of Captain Stokes's journal of his cruise to the
western entrance of the Strait.
The Beagle sailed from Port Famine on the 15th of January, to explore the
Strait westward of Cape Froward, and to fix particularly the positions of
Cape Pillar, the rock called Westminster Hall, and the Islands of Direction,
at the western entrance of the Strait.
For the first night Captain Stokes anchored in San Nicolas Bay, and in the
evening examined a harbour[58] behind Nassau Island, which Bougainville,
in the year 1765, visited for the purpose of procuring wood for the French
settlement at the Falkland Islands.
On the second night, after a day nearly calm, the Beagle was anchored in a
cove to the eastward of Cape Froward, and the next day (17th) passed round
the Cape, carrying a heavy press of sail against a dead foul wind. Captain
Stokes's account of this day's beat to windward will give the reader an idea
of the sort of navigation.
"Our little bay had screened us so completely from the wind, that though,
when (at five A.M.) we weighed, the breeze was so light as scarcely to
enable us, with all sail set, to clear its entrance; no sooner were we outside,

than we were obliged to treble reef the topsails. We continued to beat to
windward under a heavy press of sail; our object being to double Cape
Froward, and secure, if possible, an anchorage ere night-fall under Cape
Holland, six leagues further to the westward. At first we made 'boards' right
across the Straits to within a third of a mile of each shore, gaining, however,
but little. We then tried whether, by confining our tacks to either coast, we
could discover a tide by which we might profit; and for that purpose I began
with the north shore, for though we were there more exposed to violent
squalls which came down the valleys, I thought it advisable to avoid the
indraught of various channels intersecting the Fuegian coast; but having
made several boards without any perceptible advantage, we tried the south
shore, with such success that I was induced to keep on that side during the
remainder of the day.
"And here let me remark, that in consequence of the westerly winds which
blow through the western parts of the Straits of Magalhaens, with almost
the constancy (as regards direction, not force) of a trade-wind; a current
setting to the eastward, commonly at the rate of a knot and three quarters an
hour, will be found in mid-channel. The tides exert scarcely any influence,
except near either shore; and sometimes appear to set, up one side of the
Straits, and down the other: the weather tide is generally shown by a
rippling.(c)
"Heavy squalls off Cape Froward repeatedly obliged us to clew all up. By
day their approach is announced, in time for the necessary precautions, by
their curling up and covering with foam the surface of the water, and
driving the spray in clouds before them.
"At last we doubled Cape Froward. This Cape (called by the Spaniards El
Morro de Santa Agueda), the southernmost point of all America, is a bold
promontory, composed of dark coloured slaty rock; its outer face is nearly
perpendicular, and whether coming from the eastward or westward, it
'makes' as a high round-topped bluff hill ('Morro').
"Bougainville observes, that 'Cape Froward has always been much dreaded
by navigators.'[59] To double it, and gain an anchorage under Cape Holland,
certainly cost the Beagle as tough a sixteen hours' beat as I have ever
witnessed: we made thirty-one tacks, which, with the squalls, kept us

constantly on the alert, and scarcely allowed the crew to have the ropes out
of their hands throughout the day. But what there is to inspire a navigator
with 'dread' I cannot tell, for the coast on both sides is perfectly clear, and a
vessel may work from shore to shore."
From Cape Holland, the Beagle proceeded to Port Gallant, and during her
stay there, Mr. Bowen ascended the Mountain de la Cruz. Upon the summit
he found some remains of a glass bottle, and a roll of papers, which proved
to be the memorials stated to have been left by Don Antonio de Cordova,
and a copy of a document that had previously been deposited there by M. de
Bougainville. With these papers was found a Spanish two-rial piece of
Carlos III., which had been bent to admit of its being put into the bottle. It
was with considerable difficulty that any of the writing could be
decyphered, for the papers, having been doubled up, were torn, and the
words defaced at the foldings, and edges.
Bougainville's memorial was in Latin. Cordova's, besides a document in
Latin, was accompanied by an account of his voyage, written in four
languages, Spanish, French, Italian, and English. The legible part of the
former was as follows:—

Viatori Benevolo salus . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . que a periculose admodum naviga . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Brasilie Bonarve et insularum . . . . . . . . . .
............................................
. . . . . . . . . . incertis freti Magellanici portubus . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . historia astronomia . . . .
. . . . Boug . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . Boug . . . . Duclos et de la Giranda 2 navium . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Primaris
. . . . Comerson . . . . Doct med naturalista Regio
accu . . . . m. Veron astronomo de Romainville
hidrographio
. . . . . . . . . . a rege Christianissimo demandans
. . . . . . . . . . Landais Lavan Fontaine navium
Loco tenentibus et Vexillariis . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . itineris locus DD Dervi Lemoyne . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . Riouffe voluntariis.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vives . . . . . . . . . . scriba
Anno MDCCLXVI.

The Latin inscription of Cordova was as follows:—

Benevolo Navigatori
Salutem
Anno Domini MDCCLXXXVIII Vir celeberrimus
DD Antonius de Cordova Laso de Vega navibus duabus
(quarum
nomina SS Casilda et Eulalia erant ad scrutamen
Magellanici
freti subsequendum unâque littorum, portuum aliorumque
notabilium
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iter iterum fecit.
. . . . e Gadibus classis tertio nonas Octobris habenas immittit
quarto idus ejusdem Nova . . . . . . vidit
A Boreali ad Austra . . . . . . miserium postridie Kalendæ
Novembris emigravit.

Decimo quarto Kalendas Januarii Patagonicis recognitis
litoribus ad ostium appulit freti.

Tandem ingentibus periculis et horroribus tam in mari quam
in freto magnanime et constanter superatis et omnibus
portubus atque navium fundamentis utriusque litoris
correctissime cognitis ad hunc portum Divini Jose vel
Galante septimo idu Januarii pervenit ubi ad
perpetuam rei memoriam in monte sanctissimæ crucis hoc
monumentum reliquit.

Tertio et excelso Carolo regnante potente
Regali jussu facta fuere suo.

Colocatum fuit nono Kalendæ Februarii Anno
MDCCLXXXIX.

together with a list of the officers of both vessels, and enclosing a memorial
of Cordova's former voyage in the Santa Maria de la Cabeza. The originals
are placed in the British Museum; but before we finally left the Strait,
copies were made on vellum, and deposited on the same spot.

The Beagle left Port Gallant[60] with a fair wind, which carried her to
Swallow Harbour.
The next stopping place was Marian's Cove, a very snug anchorage on the
north shore, a few miles beyond Playa Parda. Proceeding thence to the
westward, with the wind 'in their teeth,' and such bad weather, that they
could only see the land of either coast at intervals, and failing in an attempt
to find anchorage under Cape Upright, the Beagle was kept under weigh
during a squally dark night.
In that very place, Commodore Byron, with the Dolphin and Tamar, passed
the anxious night, which he thus describes:—
"Our situation was now very alarming; the storm increased every minute,
the weather was extremely thick, and the rain seemed to threaten another
deluge; we had a long dark night before us, we were in a narrow channel,
and surrounded on every side by rocks and breakers."[61] The Beagle was
under similar circumstances, but the land being known to be high and bold,
her danger was not considered so imminent.
Eastward of Cape Upright the water was smooth; but between it and Cape
Providence a heavy breaking sea was caused by the deep swell of the
Pacific. Captain Stokes found an anchorage the next night in a bay under
Cape Tamar; and the following evening very nearly reached another under
Cape Phillip; but the darkness of a rainy night, and strong squalls,
prevented their attempting to anchor in an unknown place, and the only
resource was to bear up for shelter under Cape Tamar, where the previous
night had been passed. Even this was a dangerous attempt; they could
hardly discern any part of the high land, and when before the wind could
not avoid the ship's going much too fast. While running about eight knots, a
violent shock—a lift forward—heel over—and downward plunge—
electrified every one; but before they could look round, she was scudding
along, as before, having fairly leaped over the rock.

It was afterwards found that a great part of the gripe and false keel were
knocked away. Captain Stokes's account of this day's beat will give an idea
of the difficulties which the Beagle's crew encountered, in working out of
the Strait.
January 31st. "The hands were turned up at daylight up anchor; but the
heavy squalls that came off the high land of the harbour, rendered it too
hazardous to weigh, until a temporary lull enabled us to make sail, and re-
commence beating to the westward against a dead foul wind, much rain,
hard squalls, and a turbulent cross sea.
"The squalls became more frequent and more violent after noon; but they
gave, in daylight, sufficient warning, being preceded by dark clouds
gradually expanding upwards, until their upper line attained the altitude of
about fifty degrees: then came heavy rain, and perhaps hail; immediately
after followed the squall in all its fury, and generally lasted fifteen or twenty
minutes.
"In working to windward we frequently extended our 'boards' to the south
shore (not without risk considering the state of the weather), with the hope
of making out Tuesday Bay, or some anchorage thereabout; but the coast
was covered with so thick a mist, that not a single point, mentioned by
preceding navigators, could be recognised.
"About seven in the evening we were assailed by a squall, which burst upon
the ship with fury far surpassing all that preceded it; had not sail been
shortened in time, not a stick would have been left standing, or she must
have capsized. As it was, the squall hove her so much over on her
broadside, that the boat which was hanging at the starboard quarter was
washed away. I then stood over to the north shore, to look for anchorage
under the lee of a cape, about three leagues to the north-west of Cape
Tamar. On closing it, the weather became so thick that at times we could
scarcely see two ships' lengths a-head.
"These circumstances were not in favour of exploring unknown bays, and to
think of passing such a night as was in prospect, under sail in the Straits,
would have been a desperate risk; I was obliged therefore to yield the hard-
gained advantage of this day's beat, and run for the anchorage whence we
had started in the morning.

"It was nearly dark ere we reached it; and in entering, desirous to keep well
up to windward, in order to gain the best anchorage, I went too close to the
outer islet, and the ship struck violently on a rocky ledge. However, she did
not hang a moment, and was soon anchored in safety."
Finding so much danger and difficulty, in proceeding with the ship, without
first knowing where to run for anchorages, Captain Stokes left her in Tamar
Bay, under the charge of Lieutenant Skyring; and, accompanied by Mr.
Flinn, set out in the cutter, with a week's provisions, to examine the south
coast.
In a very arduous and dangerous cruize he discovered several well-sheltered
anchorages, but experienced a "constant heavy gale from W.N.W., with
thick weather and incessant drenching rain."
Captain Stokes says, "Our discomfort in an open boat was very great, since
we were all constantly wet to the skin. In trying to double the various
headlands, we were repeatedly obliged (after hours of ineffectual struggle
against sea and wind) to desist from useless labour, and take refuge in the
nearest cove which lay to leeward."
From the Harbour of Mercy, Captain Stokes attempted to cross the Strait,
on his return to the Beagle; but the sea ran too high, and obliged him to
defer his daring purpose until the weather was more favourable.
During his absence, Lieutenant Skyring surveyed Tamar Bay and its
vicinity.
Again the Beagle weighed, and tried hard to make some progress to the
westward, but was obliged a third time to return to Tamar Bay. After
another delay she just reached Sholl Bay, under Cape Phillip, and remained
there one day, to make a plan of the anchorage, and take observations to fix
its position.
The Beagle reached the Harbour of Mercy (Separation Harbour of Wallis
and Carteret),[62] after a thirty days' passage from Port Famine, on the 15th,
having visited several anchorages on the south shore in her way. But tedious
and harassing as her progress had been, the accounts of Byron, Wallis,
Carteret, and Bougainville show that they found more difficulty, and took

more time, in their passages from Port Famine to the western entrance of
the Strait. Byron, in 1764, was forty-two days; Wallis, in 1766, eighty-two;
Carteret, in the same year, eighty-four; and Bougainville, in 1768, forty
days, in going that short distance.
Five days were passed at this place, during which they communicated with
a few natives, of whom Captain Stokes remarks; "As might be expected
from the unkindly climate in which they dwell, the personal appearance of
these Indians does not exhibit, either in male or female, any indications of
activity or strength. Their average height is five feet five inches; their habit
of body is spare; the limbs are badly turned, and deficient in muscle; the
hair of their head is black, straight, and coarse; their beards, whiskers, and
eyebrows, naturally exceedingly scanty, are carefully plucked out; their
forehead is low; the nose rather prominent, with dilated nostrils; their eyes
are dark, and of a moderate size; the mouth is large, and the under-lip thick;
their teeth are small and regular, but of bad colour. They are of a dirty
copper colour; their countenance is dull, and devoid of expression. For
protection against the rigours of these inclement regions, their clothing is
miserably suited; being only the skin of a seal, or sea-otter, thrown over the
shoulders, with the hairy side outward.
"The two upper corners of this skin are tied together across the breast with a
strip of sinew or skin, and a similar thong secures it round the waist; the
skirts are brought forward so as to be a partial covering. Their comb is a
portion of the jaw of a porpoise, and they anoint their hair with seal or
whale blubber; for removing the beard and eyebrows they employ a very
primitive kind of tweezers, namely, two muscle shells. They daub their
bodies with a red earth, like the ruddle used in England for marking sheep.
The women, and children, wear necklaces, formed of small shells, neatly
attached by a plaiting of the fine fibres of seal's intestines.
"The tracts they inhabit are altogether destitute of four-footed animals; they
have not domesticated the geese or ducks which abound here; of tillage they
are utterly ignorant; and the only vegetable productions they eat are a few
wild berries and a kind of sea-weed. Their principal food consists of
muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs, and, as often as possible, seal, sea-otter,
porpoise, and whale: we often found in their deserted dwellings bones of
these animals, which had undergone the action of fire.

"Former voyagers have noticed the avidity with which they swallowed the
most offensive offal, such as decaying seal-skins, rancid seal, and whale
blubber, &c. When on board my ship, they ate or drank greedily whatever
was offered to them, salt-beef, salt-pork, preserved meat, pudding, pea-
soup, tea, coffee, wine, or brandy—nothing came amiss. One little instance,
however, happened, which showed what they preferred. As they were going
ashore, a lump of the tallow used for arming the lead was given to them,
and received with particular delight. It was scrupulously divided, and
placed in the little baskets which they form of rushes, to be reserved for
eating last, as the richest treat.
"To their dwellings have been given, in various books of voyages, the
names of huts, wigwams, &c.; but, with reference to their structure, I think
old Sir John Narborough's term for them will convey the best idea to an
English reader; he calls them 'arbours.' They are formed of about a couple
of dozen branches, pointed at the larger ends, and stuck into the ground
round a circular or elliptical space, about ten feet by six; the upper ends are
brought together, and secured by tyers of grass, over which is thrown a
thatching of grass and seal-skins, a hole being left at the side as a door, and
another at the top as a vent for the smoke. A fire is kept burning within,
over which the natives are constantly cowering; hence, when seen abroad,
instead of appearing to be hardy savages, inured to wet and cold, you see
wretched creatures shivering at every breeze. I never met people so sensible
of cold as these Fuegian Indians.
"The nature of their domestic ties we had no opportunity of discovering;
their manner towards their children is affectionate and caressing. I often
witnessed the tenderness with which they tried to quiet the alarms our
presence at first occasioned, and the pleasure which they showed when we
bestowed upon the little ones any trifling trinkets. It appeared that they
allow their children to possess property, and consult their little whims and
wishes, with respect to its disposal; for being in a boat, alongside one of the
canoes, bargaining for various articles, spears, arrows, baskets, &c., I took a
fancy to a dog lying near one of the women, and offered a price for it; one
of my seamen, supposing the bargain concluded, laid hands on the dog, at
which the woman set up a dismal yell; so bidding him desist, I increased my
offers. She declined to part with it, but would give two others. At last, my
offers became so considerable, that she called a little boy out of the thick

jungle (into which he had fled at our approach), who was the owner of the
dog. The goods were shown to him, and all his party urged him to sell it,
but the little urchin would not consent. He offered to let me have his
necklace, and what he received in exchange was put away in his own little
basket.
"These people never evinced any thankfulness for our presents. Whatever
was offered they 'clutched at,' doubtful of getting it, although held out to
them; and when in their own hand, it was instantly stowed away, as if they
feared it would be recalled.
"I sometimes tried to discover whether they preferred any particular colour,
and for that purpose held out three strings of beads, black, white, and red;
they clutched at all three, in their usual manner, without showing any
preference.
"Their pronunciation is exceedingly harsh and guttural; not more than two
words, whose signification was at all ascertained, could be made out,
'sherroo,' a ship, boat, or canoe, and 'peteet,' a child. They have a wonderful
aptitude for imitating the sounds of strange languages: let a sentence, of
even a dozen words, be distinctly pronounced, and they will repeat it with
the utmost precision.
"Their only articles of traffic, besides such implements and weapons as they
use, are seal and otter skins; and I should say that the quantity of peltry to
be procured from them would be insignificant towards completing the cargo
of a sealing vessel."
During the next few days the Beagle was employed in the most exposed,
the least known, and the most dangerous part of the Strait. Fortunately, she
was favoured by weather, and effected her purpose without injury or loss;
but I never reflect upon this piece of service without an inward tribute of
admiration to the daring, skill, and seamanship of Captain Stokes,
Lieutenant Skyring, and Mr. Flinn.
In his journal Captain Stokes says:
"Incessant rain and thick clouds prevented my completing, until this day
(19th), the observations necessary for making an island, just outside the
Harbour of Mercy, the southern end of my base, for the trigonometrical

connection of the coasts and islands near the western entrance of this
weather-beaten Strait.
"On the 20th, I weighed and beat to windward, intending to search for
anchorage on the north shore, where I might land and fix the northern end
of our base line. In the evening we anchored in an archipelago of islands,
the real danger of whose vicinity was much increased to the eye by rocks,
scattered in every direction, and high breakers, occasioned doubtless by
reefs under water. We observed that most of the larger islands have small
banks of sand at their eastern sides, on which anchorage may be found; but
for ordinary purposes of navigation, this cluster of islands[63] need only be
pointed out to be avoided. The number and contiguity of the rocks, below as
well as above water, render it a most hazardous place for any square-rigged
vessel: nothing but the particular duty on which I was ordered would have
induced me to venture among them. Fore-and-aft vessels might work with
far less risk; and as the rocks are frequented by vast numbers of fur seal, a
season or two might be profitably passed here by a sealing vessel so rigged.
"This morning (21st) I landed on one of the larger islands, with Lieutenant
Skyring, and having ascended an eminence (Observation Mount) with the
necessary instruments, fixed its position, and made it the northern end of
our base.
"It was a beautiful, and clear day; the Isles of Direction (or Evangelists), as
well as every point of importance on the adjacent coast, were seen distinctly
during several hours.
"My next object was to fix the position of Cape Victory, and ascertain
whether anchorage could be found in its neighbourhood. Accordingly, we
weighed early next morning (22d,) and after extricating ourselves from this
labyrinth (not without much difficulty and danger), we beat to the
westward. Violent squalls, a heavy sea, and thick weather, which came on
about noon, obliged me to choose the least evil, and run for the Harbour of
Mercy.
"On the 23d, we went out again, and beat towards the Isles of Direction, off
which we passed a night under sail.

"The morning of the 24th was very fine, and the wind moderate. Leaving
the Beagle to sound about the Isles of Direction, I set out in my boat, with
two days' provisions, towards Cape Victory. As we rowed along these rocky
shores, threading the mazes of the labyrinth of islets which fringe them, we
saw vast numbers of black whales, and the rocks were quite covered with
fur seal and brant geese.
"After pulling, in earnest, for six hours, we landed upon Cape Victory, the
north-western limit of the Strait of Magalhaens, and there, with a sextant,
artificial horizon, and chronometer, ascertained the position of this
remarkable promontory. From an eminence, eight hundred feet above the
sea, we had a commanding view of the adjacent coasts, as well as of the
vast Pacific, which enabled us to rectify former material errors. Late in the
evening we were fortunate enough to get safely on board again, which,
considering the usual weather here and the heavy sea, was unexpected
success. This night was passed under sail in the Pacific, and next morning
we commenced our return to Port Famine.
"When within four or five miles of Cape Pillar, and to the westward of it, a
current was found to set southward, at about two knots an hour. As we
neared the Cape the wind fell, and the Beagle was set rapidly towards those
dangerous rocks, called the Apostles. Fortunately, a commanding breeze
sprung up, and we extricated ourselves from the difficulty. While passing
Cape Pillar, I landed in a cove near it, and determined its position. By
sunset we had arrived near the Harbour of Mercy; and being becalmed,
towed the ship in, with her boats, until an anchor was dropped at the proper
place.
"On the 26th, we went to Tuesday Bay, and on the 27th crossed the Strait,
and anchored under Cape Parker. I have rarely witnessed such a high, cross,
and irregular sea as we this day passed through, near the strange mass of
rock, called by Narborough, 'Westminster Hall.' The coast about our unsafe
anchorage was as barren and dismal-looking as any part of this country,
which, as the old navigator above-mentioned said, is 'so desolate land to
behold.'
"Next day (March 1st) we ran down to Cape Upright, and there remained
until the 3d, collecting the required data for our survey.

"While standing towards the bay called Playa Parda (on the 3d), a boat
under sail was seen making towards us from the southern coast. I fired
several guns, to show our position, before we became shut in by the land,
and soon after anchoring a whale-boat came alongside, with the second
mate and five men belonging to the sealing-vessel Prince of Saxe Cobourg.
"Anxious not to lose a moment in hastening to the relief of our shipwrecked
countrymen, I ran down next day to Port Gallant, and thence proceeded
with two ten-oared boats (on the 5th) through the Barbara Channel, and the
following evening reached Fury Harbour."
Having already given a short account of the Saxe Cobourg's loss, and the
rescue of her crew by Captain Stokes, I will not repeat the story by
extracting more from his journal.
Mr. Graves returned from his cruize in the Hope on the 17th, after suffering
much from stormy weather and incessant rain; but having made a survey of
the openings in the land to the west of Magdalen Channel as far as the
Sugar Loaf Point, at the west head of Lyell Sound, which he found to be
deep inlets, affording no anchorages of value to navigation.
The time having arrived for our return to Monte Video, preparations were
made for sailing, and in the mean time I went to the northward, in the Hope,
to survey the coast between Port Famine and Elizabeth Island, including
Shoal Haven.
At the bottom of Shoal Haven we were stopped by the water shoaling to
five feet, so that we were obliged to haul out till we could anchor in more
than two fathoms. During the night the wind shifted to N.E., and blew right
in, obliging us to weigh, and work under the S.W. end of Elizabeth Island
into a bay close to that shore. From the summit of the S.W. point I
afterwards took angles, among which the most important gave Mount
Sarmiento bearing S. 1½° W. (true). Its distance must have been (by recent
observations) ninety-four miles.
Elizabeth Island is a long, low strip of land, lying parallel to the shores of
the Strait, which here take a N.N.E. direction. Compared with the land to
the southward it is very low, no part being more than two or three hundred
feet high. It is composed of narrow ranges of hills, extending in ridges in

the direction of its length, over which are strewed boulders of the various
rocks, which have been noticed before as forming the shingle beaches of
Point St. Mary and Point St. Anna; two kinds of rock, greenstone and
hornblende, being the most common. The vallies which divide the hilly
ridges were well clothed with grass, and in many places were seen hollows,
that had contained fresh water, but now were entirely dried up. These spots
were marked by a white crust, apparently caused by the saline quality of the
soil.
Geese and wild ducks, and the red-bill (Hæmatopus), seem to be the only
inhabitants of this island. The Indians sometimes visit it, for at the S.W. end
we found remains of wigwams and shell-fish. Perhaps it is a place whence
they communicate with the Patagonian natives, or they may in the season
frequent it for eggs.
We anchored in Laredo Bay, and visited a lake about a mile from the beach,
distinguished on the chart by the name of Duck Lagoon: it is very
extensive, and covered with large flights of gulls, ducks, and widgeons. We
shot one widgeon, which was a most beautiful bird, and of a species we had
not before seen.[64]
Here the country begins to be clothed with the deciduous leaved Beech tree
(Fagus Antarctica), which is stunted in growth, but very convenient for
fuel. Though the hardiest tree of this region, it is never found of large size,
the larger trees being the evergreen Beech (Fagus betuloides). We also met
with several small plants common to Cape Gregory. One may consider
Cape Negro to be the boundary of two countries, as entirely different from
each other in geological structure and appearance, as they are in climate, to
which last difference may be attributed the dissimilarity of their botanical
productions.
Hence we returned to Port Famine. In our absence, a boat from the Beagle
had crossed the Strait to Lomas Bay, where a party of natives had kindled
fires of invitation.
The weather, since the sun crossed the equator, had been unusually fine;
and, with the exception of one day's heavy rain, the sky was so clear (the
wind being moderate from the N.E.) that all the heights were exposed to our
view, and amongst them Mount Sarmiento stood pre-eminent.

Our preparations for sailing being nearly completed, the Hope was unrigged
and hoisted in, and our temporary settlement on shore abandoned. It
consisted of a marquee and a large bell tent. In the former was Mr. Harrison
(mate), who had charge of the party, and of the meteorological instruments:
the bell tent held the crew. Near them were the observatory, a sawpit, and a
cooking place, where a cheerful fire was always blazing. The carpenter's
shop, cooper's bench, and armourer's forge had each its place, as well as a
rope-walk, close to which our rigging was refitted, and the sails were
repaired. After working-hours the shore party roamed about the woods with
guns, or at low water picked up shell fish,[65] by which they usually
procured a fresh meal twice, but always once, a week. Meanwhile the ship
was kept carefully clean and in order. The officers not immediately
employed in active duty made excursions with their guns; and although the
immediate vicinity of our tents was pretty well thinned of game, yet a walk
of a few miles was always rewarded by ample sport. When opportunities
offered, some of the men were permitted to amuse themselves on shore with
their guns, for which many had provided themselves with powder and shot.
Every Sunday, after divine service, which was performed as regularly as
possible under our circumstances, such of the ship's company as desired
permission to land obtained it. On one occasion, however, we had nearly
suffered for this indulgence, which was conducive to the men's health, and
seldom abused: for one of them having made a fire at a little distance from
the tents, the flames spread, and the exertions of all hands, for three hours,
only just prevented it from communicating to the tents. On another
occasion, two men set out on a shooting excursion, intending to cross the
river Sedger, against doing which there had been no particular orders, as
such a proceeding was scarcely contemplated. Having reached the bank
near its mouth, and searched for a fordable place unsuccessfully, they
launched a log of wood, and sitting astride, without providing themselves
with a pole or paddle, pushed off from the shore, supposing it would go
across; but, on reaching the middle of the stream, it was soon carried, by the
current, out of the river, into the bay. One man, Gilly, seeing that the log
was still floating away with the ebb tide, plunged in, and just reached the
shore south of the river, in a very exhausted state; the other, Rix, unable to
swim, kept his place, and was carried out to sea on a voyage that might
have been fatal, had he not been seen from the ship, and saved by a boat.

Before leaving Port Famine we hauled one of our boats ashore, and left her
(as we thought) securely hidden among the trees.
Being now ready to sail, and only waiting for wind, the officers of both
ships, twenty-seven in number, dined together on shore.

CHAPTER VI.
Trees—Leave Port Famine—Patagonians—Gregory Bay—Bysante—Maria—Falkner's
account of the Natives—Indians seen on the borders of the Otway Water, in 1829—Maria
visits the Adventure—Religious Ceremony—Patagonian Encampment—Tomb of a Child—
Women's employment—Children—Gratitude of a Native—Size of Patagonians—Former
accounts of their gigantic height—Character—Articles for barter—Fuegians living with
Patagonians—Ships sail—Arrive at Monte Video and Rio de Janeiro.

While detained by northerly winds, the carpenter and a party of people were
employed in the woods selecting and cutting down trees to be ready for our
next visit. After felling thirteen trees, from twenty-four to thirty-six inches
in diameter, eight were found to be rotten at the heart; but by afterwards
taking the precaution of boring the trees with an augur, while standing,
much trouble was saved, and fifteen sound sticks of considerable diameter
were cut down. We found one tree, an evergreen beech, too large for any of
our saws: it measured twenty-one feet in girth at the base, and from the
height of six feet to twenty it was seventeen feet in circumference; above
this height, three large arms (each from thirty to forty inches in diameter),
branched off from the trunk. It is, perhaps, the very tree described by Byron
in his account of this place. We only once saw it equalled in size, and that
was by a prostrate trunk, very much decayed.
In this interval of fine weather and northerly wind, we had the thermometer
as high as 58°, and the barometer ranging between 29.80 and 30.00; but for
two days before the wind shifted, the alteration was predicted by a gradual
descent of the mercurial column, and a considerable increase of cold. On
the 7th May, as there was some appearance of a change, we got under
weigh; but were hardly outside the port, when a northerly wind again set in,
and prevented our going farther than Freshwater Bay, where we passed the
night. At last, on the 8th, accompanied by the Beagle, we proceeded on our
course with a strong south-westerly breeze, which carried us quickly up to

Cape Negro, when it blew so hard that I anchored off Laredo Bay. At this
anchorage we certainly felt the air much colder and sharper than at Port
Famine, arising from our being in a more exposed situation, and from the
approach of winter, as well as from the severe south-west gale which was
blowing.
After the gale had abated, we proceeded with fair weather and a light breeze
to the Second Narrow, when the wind fell; but the tide being in our favour,
we passed rapidly through. On a hill near us we observed three or four
Patagonian Indians standing together, and their horses feeding close to
them. A fire was soon kindled, to attract our notice, to which signal we
replied by showing our colours; and had we not already communicated with
these people, we should certainly have thought them giants, for they
"loomed very large" as they stood on the summit of the hill. This optical
deception must doubtless have been caused by mirage: the haze has always
been observed to be very great during fine weather and a hot day arising
from rapid evaporation of the moisture so abundantly deposited, on the
surface of the ground, in all parts of the Strait.
As soon as the Patagonians found they were noticed, they mounted and rode
along the shore abreast of us, being joined by other parties, until the whole
number could not have been less than forty. Several foals and dogs were
with them. Having anchored in Gregory Bay, where I intended remaining
for two days to communicate with them, I sent up a rocket, burnt a blue-
light, and despatched Lieutenant Cooke on shore to ask for a large supply of
guanaco meat, for which we would pay in knives and beads. The boat
returned on board immediately, bringing off four natives, three men and
'Maria.' This rather remarkable woman must have been, judging by her
appearance, about forty years old: she is said to have been born at
Assuncion, in Paraguay, but I think the place of her birth was nearer Buenos
Ayres. She spoke broken, but intelligible, Spanish, and stated herself to be
sister of Bysante, the cacique of a tribe near the Santa Cruz River, who is an
important personage, on account of his size (which Maria described to be
immense), and his riches. In speaking of him, she said he was very rich; he
had many mantles, and also many hides ("muy rico, tiene muchas mantas y
tambien muchos cueros"). One of Maria's companions, a brother of
Bysante, was the tallest and largest man of this tribe; and though he only
measured six feet in height, his body was large enough for a much taller

man. He was in great affliction: his daughter had died only two days before
our arrival; but, notwithstanding his sad story, which soon found him
friends, it was not long before he became quite intoxicated, and began to
sing and roar on the subject of his misfortunes, with a sound more like the
bellowing of a bull than the voice of a human being. Upon applying to
Maria, who was not quite so tipsy as her brother, to prevent him from
making such hideous noises, she laughed and said, "Oh, never mind, he's
drunk; poor fellow, his daughter is dead" (Es boracho, povrecito, muriò su
hija); and then, assuming a serious tone, she looked towards the sky, and
muttered in her own language a sort of prayer or invocation to their chief
demon, or ruling spirit, whom Pigafetta, the companion and historian of
Magalhaens, called Setebos, which Admiral Burney supposes to have been
the original of one of Shakspeare's names in the "Tempest"—

"—————— his art is of such power
He would controul my dam's god Setebos.[66]"

Maria's dress was similar to that of other females of the tribe; but she wore
ear-rings, made of medals stamped with a figure of the Virgin Mary, which,
with the brass-pin that secured her mantle across her breast, were given to
her by one Lewis, who had passed by in an American sealing-vessel, and
who, we understood from her, had made them "Christians." The Jesuit
Falkner, who lived among them for many years, has written a long and,
apparently, a very authentic account of the inhabitants of the countries south
of the River Plata, and he describes those who inhabit the borders of the
Strait and sea-coast to be, "Yacana-cunnees, which signifies foot-people, for
they have no horses in their country; to the north they border on the
Sehuau-cunnees, to the west on the Key-yus, or Key-yuhues, from whom
they are divided by a ridge of mountains; to the east they are bounded by
the ocean; and to the south by the islands of Tierra del Fuego, or the South
Sea. These Indians live near the sea on both sides of the Strait, and often
make war with one another. They make use of light floats, like those of
Chilóe, in order to pass the Straits, and are sometimes attacked by the
Huilliches and other Tehuelhets, who carry them away for slaves, as they
have nothing to lose but their liberty and their lives. They subsist chiefly on
fish, which they catch either by diving, or striking them with their darts.
They are very nimble afoot, and catch guanacoes and ostriches with their

bowls. Their stature is much the same as that of the other Tehuelhets, rarely
exceeding seven feet, and oftentimes not six feet. They are an innocent,
harmless people."[67]
To the north of this race, Falkner describes "the Sehuau-cunnees, the most
southern Indians who travel on horseback; Sehuau signifies in the Tehuel
dialect a species of black rabbit, about the size of a field rat; and as their
country abounds in these animals, their name may be derived from thence:
cunnee signifying 'people.'"
With the exception of their mode of killing the guanaco by bowls, or balls,
the description of the Key-yus would apply better to the Fuegian Indians;
and if so, they have been driven across the Strait, and confined to the
Fuegian shores by the Sehuau-cunnees, who must be no other than Maria's
tribe. The Key-yus, who are described to inhabit the northern shore of the
Strait, between Peckett's Harbour and Madre de Dios, are probably the tribe
found about the south-western islands, and now called Alikhoolip; whilst
the eastern Fuegians, or Yacana-cunnees, who have also been turned off the
continent by their powerful neighbours, are now called Tekeenikas. Our
knowledge of the names of these two tribes, Alikhoolip and Tekeenika,
results from Captain Fitz-Roy's subsequent examination of the outer coast
of Tierra del Fuego in the Beagle (1830). A Cacique, belonging to the nation
of the Key-yus, told Falkner that he had been in a house made of wood, that
travelled on the water. A party of the Indians, in four canoes, were met on
the borders of the Otway Water by Captain Fitz-Roy in 1829, whose arms,
implements, and every thing they had, were precisely like the Fuegian
Indians, excepting that they had a quiver made from the skin of a deer, and
were in form a superior race, being both stronger and stouter.
For want of better information upon the subject, we must be content to
separate the natives into Patagonians and Fuegians. The sealing vessels'
crews distinguish them as Horse Indians, and Canoe Indians.
These people have had considerable communication with the sealers who
frequent this neighbourhood, bartering their guanaco skins and meat, their
mantles, and furs, for beads, knives, brass ornaments, and other articles; but
they are equally anxious to get sugar, flour, and, more than all, "aqua
ardiente," or spirits. Upon the arrival of a boat from any vessel, Maria, with

as many as she can persuade the boat's crew to take, goes on board, and, if
permitted, passes the night. As soon as our boat landed, Maria and her
friends took their seats as if it had been sent purposely for them. Not
expecting such a visit, I had given no order to the contrary, and the novelty
of such companions overcame the scruples of the officer, who was sent on
shore to communicate with them. Their noisy behaviour becoming
disagreeable, they were soon conducted from below to the deck, where they
passed the night. Maria slept with her head on the windlass; and was so
intoxicated, that the noise and concussion produced by veering eighty
fathoms of cable round it did not awake her. The following morning, whilst
I was at breakfast, she very unceremoniously introduced herself, with one
of her companions, and seating herself at table, asked for tea and bread, and
made a hearty meal. I took the precaution of having all the knives, and
articles that I thought likely to be stolen, removed from the table; but
neither then, nor at any time, did I detect Maria in trying to steal, although
her companions never lost an opportunity of pilfering.
After breakfast the Indians were landed, and as many of the officers as
could be spared went on shore, and passed the whole day with the tribe,
during which a very active trade was carried on. There were about one
hundred and twenty Indians collected together, with horses and dogs. It is
probable that, with the exception of five or six individuals left to take care
of the encampment, and such as were absent on hunting excursions, the
whole of the tribe was mustered on the beach, each family in a separate
knot, with all their riches displayed to the best advantage for sale.
I accompanied Maria to the shore. On landing, she conducted me to the
place where her family were seated round their property. They consisted of
Manuel, her husband, and three children, the eldest being known by the
appellation of Capitan Chico, or "little chief." A skin being spread out for
me to sit on, the family and the greater part of the tribe collected around.
Maria then presented me with several mantles and skins, for which I gave in
return a sword, remnants of red baize, knives, scissors, looking-glasses, and
beads: of the latter I afterwards distributed bunches to all the children, a
present which caused evident satisfaction to the mothers, many of whom
also obtained a share. The receivers were selected by Maria, who directed
me to the youngest children first, then to the elder ones, and lastly to the
girls and women. It was curious and amusing, to witness the order with

which this scene was conducted, and the remarkable patience of the
children, who, with the greatest anxiety to possess their trinkets, neither
opened their lips, nor held out a hand, until she pointed to them in
succession.
Having told Maria that I had more things to dispose of for guanaco meat
she dismissed the tribe from around me, and, saying she was going for meat
(carne), mounted her horse, and rode off at a brisk pace. Upon her departure
a most active trade commenced: at first, a mantle was purchased for a string
of beads; but as the demand increased, so the Indians increased their price,
till it rose to a knife, then to tobacco, then to a sword, at last nothing would
satisfy them but 'aqua ardiente,' for which they asked repeatedly, saying
"bueno es boracho—bueno es—bueno es boracho;"[68]—but I would not
permit spirits to be brought on shore.
At Marians return with a very small quantity of guanaco meat, her husband
told her that I had been very inquisitive about a red baize bundle, which he
told me contained "Cristo," upon which she said to me "Quiere mirar mi
Cristo" (do you wish to see my Christ), and then, upon my nodding assent,
called around her a number of the tribe, who immediately obeyed her
summons. Many of the women, however, remained to take care of their
valuables. A ceremony then took place. Maria, who, by the lead she took in
the proceedings, appeared to be high priestess[69] as well as cacique of the
tribe, began by pulverising some whitish earth in the hollow of her hand,
and then taking a mouthful of water, spit from time to time upon it, until she
had formed a sort of pigment, which she distributed to the rest, reserving
only sufficient to mark her face, eyelids, arms, and hair with the figure of
the cross. The manner in which this was done was peculiar. After rubbing
the paint in her left hand smooth with the palm of the right, she scored
marks across the paint, and again others at right angles, leaving the
impression of as many crosses, which she stamped upon different parts of
her body, rubbing the paint, and marking the crosses afresh, after every
stamp was made.
The men, after having marked themselves in a similar manner (to do which
some stripped to the waist and covered all their body with impressions),
proceeded to do the same to the boys, who were not permitted to perform
this part of the ceremony themselves. Manuel, Maria's husband, who

seemed to be her chief assistant on the occasion, then took from the folds of
the sacred wrapper an awl, and with it pierced either the arms or ears of all
the party; each of whom presented in turn, pinched up between the finger
and thumb, that portion of flesh which was to be perforated. The object
evidently was to lose blood, and those from whom the blood flowed freely
showed marks of satisfaction, while some whose wounds bled but little
underwent the operation a second time.
When Manuel had finished, he gave the awl to Maria, who pierced his arm,
and then, with great solemnity and care, muttering and talking to herself in
Spanish (not two words of which could I catch, although I knelt down close
to her and listened with the greatest attention), she removed two or three
wrappers, and exposed to our view a small figure, carved in wood,
representing a dead person, stretched out. After exposing the image, to
which all paid the greatest attention, and contemplating it for some
moments in silence, Maria began to descant upon the virtues of her Christ,
telling us it had a good heart ('buen corazon'), and that it was very fond of
tobacco. Mucho quiere mi Cristo tabaco, da me mas, (my Christ loves
tobacco very much, give me some). Such an appeal, on such an occasion, I
could not refuse; and after agreeing with her in praise of the figure, I said I
would send on board for some. Having gained her point, she began to talk
to herself for some minutes, during which she looked up, after repeating the
words "muy bueno es mi Cristo, muy bueno corazon tiene," and slowly and
solemnly packed up the figure, depositing it in the place whence it had been
taken. This ceremony ended, the traffic, which had been suspended,
recommenced with redoubled activity.
According to my promise, I sent on board for some tobacco, and my servant
brought a larger quantity than I thought necessary for the occasion, which
he injudiciously exposed to view. Maria, having seen the treasure, made up
her mind to have the whole, and upon my selecting three or four pounds of
it, and presenting them to her, looked very much disappointed, and
grumbled forth her discontent: I taxed her with greediness, and spoke rather
sharply, which had a good effect, for she went away and returned with a
guanaco mantle, which she presented to me.
During this day's barter we procured guanaco meat, sufficient for two days'
supply of all hands, for a few pounds of tobacco. It had been killed in the

morning, and was brought on horseback cut up into large pieces, for each of
which we had to bargain. Directly an animal is killed, it is skinned and cut
up, or torn asunder, for the convenience of carrying. The operation is done
in haste, and therefore the meat looks bad; but it is well tasted, excellent
food, and although never fat, yields abundance of gravy, which
compensates for its leanness. It improves very much by keeping, and
proved to be valuable and wholesome meat.
Captain Stokes, and several of the officers, upon our first reaching the
beach, had obtained horses, and rode to their 'toldos,' or principal
encampment. On their return, I learned that, at a short distance from the
dwellings, they had seen the tomb of the child who had lately died. As soon,
therefore, as Maria returned, I procured a horse from her, and, accompanied
by her husband and brother, the father of the deceased, and herself, visited
these toldos, situated in a valley extending north and south between two
ridges of hills, through which ran a stream, falling into the Strait within the
Second Narrow, about a mile to the westward of Cape Gregory.
We found eight or ten huts arranged in a row; the sides and backs were
covered with skins, but the fronts, which faced the east, were open; even
these, however, were very much screened from wind by the ridge of hills
eastward of the plain. Near them the ground was rather bare, but a little
farther back there was a luxuriant growth of grass, affording rich and
plentiful pasture for the horses, among which we observed several mares in
foal, and colts feeding and frisking by the side of their dams: the scene was
lively and pleasing, and, for the moment, reminded me of distant climes,
and days gone by.
The 'toldos' are all alike. In form they are rectangular, about ten or twelve
feet long, ten deep, seven feet high in front, and six feet in the rear. The
frame of the building is formed by poles stuck in the ground, having forked
tops to hold cross pieces, on which are laid poles for rafters, to support the
covering, which is made of skins of animals sewn together so as to be
almost impervious to rain or wind. The posts and rafters, which are not
easily procured, are carried from place to place in all their travelling
excursions. Having reached their bivouac, and marked out a place with due
regard to shelter from the wind, they dig holes with an iron bar or piece of
pointed hard wood, to receive the posts; and all the frame and cover being

ready, it takes but a short time to erect a dwelling. Their goods and furniture
are placed on horseback under the charge of the females, who are mounted
aloft upon them. The men carry nothing but the lasso and bolas, to be ready
for the capture of animals, or for defence.
Maria's toldo was nearly in the middle, and next to it was her brother's. All
the huts seemed well stored with skins and provisions, the former being
rolled up and placed at the back, and the latter suspended from the
supporters of the roof; the greater part was in that state well known in South
America by the name of charque (jerked beef); but this was principally
horse-flesh, which these people esteem superior to other food. The fresh
meat was almost all guanaco. The only vessels they use for carrying water
are bladders, and sufficiently disagreeable substitutes for drinking utensils
they make: the Fuegian basket, although sometimes dirty, is less offensive.
About two hundred yards from the village the tomb was erected, to which,
while Maria was arranging her skins and mantles for sale, the father of the
deceased conducted me and a few other officers.
It was a conical pile of dried twigs and branches of bushes, about ten feet
high and twenty-five in circumference at the base, the whole bound round
with thongs of hide, and the top covered with a piece of red cloth,
ornamented with brass studs, and surmounted by two poles, bearing red
flags and a string of bells, which, moved by the wind, kept up a continual
tinkling.
A ditch, about two feet wide and one foot deep, was dug round the tomb,
except at the entrance, which had been filled up with bushes. In front of this
entrance stood the stuffed skins of two horses, recently killed, each placed
upon four poles for legs. The horses' heads were ornamented with brass
studs, similar to those on the top of the tomb; and on the outer margin of the
ditch were six poles, each carrying two flags, one over the other.
The father, who wept much when he visited the tomb, with the party of
officers who first went with him, although now evidently distressed, entered
into, what we supposed to be, a long account of the illness of his child, and
explained to us that her death was caused by a bad cough. No watch was
kept over the tomb; but it was in sight of, and not very far from their toldos,
so that the approach of any one could immediately be known. They

evidently placed extreme confidence in us, and therefore it would have been
as unjust as impolitic to attempt an examination of its contents, or to
ascertain what had been done with the body.

P. P. King T. Landseer
PATAGONIAN 'TOLDO' AND TOMB.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

The Patagonian women are treated far more kindly by their husbands than
the Fuegian; who are little better than slaves, subject to be beaten, and
obliged to perform all the laborious offices of the family. The Patagonian
females sit at home, grinding paint, drying and stretching skins, making and
painting mantles. In travelling, however, they have the baggage and
provisions in their charge, and, of course, their children. These women
probably have employments of a more laborious nature than what we saw;
but they cannot be compared with those of the Fuegians, who, excepting in
the fight and chace, do every thing. They paddle the canoes, dive for shells
and sea-eggs, build their wigwams, and keep up the fire; and if they neglect
any of these duties, or incur the displeasure of their husbands in any way,
they are struck or kicked most severely. Byron, in his narrative of the loss
of the Wager, describes the brutal conduct of one of these Indians, who
actually killed his child for a most trifling offence. The Patagonians are
devotedly attached to their offspring. In infancy they are carried behind the
saddle of the mother, within a sort of cradle, in which they are securely

fixed. The cradle is made of wicker-work, about four feet long and one foot
wide, roofed over with twigs like the frame of a tilted waggon. The child is
swaddled up in skins, with the fur inwards or outwards according to the
weather. At night, or when it rains, the cradle is covered with a skin that
effectually keeps out the cold or rain. Seeing one of these cradles near a
woman, I began to make a sketch of it, upon which the mother called the
father, who watched me most attentively, and held the cradle in the position
which I considered most advantageous for my sketch. The completion of
the drawing gave them both great pleasure, and during the afternoon the
father reminded me repeatedly of having painted his child ("pintado su
hijo.")
One circumstance deserves to be noticed, as a proof of their good feeling
towards us. It will be recollected that three Indians, of the party with whom
we first communicated, accompanied us as far as Cape Negro, where they
landed. Upon our arrival on this occasion, I was met, on landing, by one of
them, who asked for my son, to whom they had taken a great fancy; upon
my saying he was on board, the native presented me with a bunch of nine
ostrich feathers, and then gave a similar present to every one in the boat. He
still carried a large quantity under his arm, tied up in bunches, containing
nine feathers in each; and soon afterwards, when a boat from the Beagle
landed with Captain Stokes and others, he went to meet them; but finding
strangers, he withdrew without making them any present.
In the evening my son landed, when the same Indian came down to meet
him, appeared delighted to see him, and presented him with a bunch of
feathers, of the same size as those which he had distributed in the morning.
At this, our second visit, there were about fifty Patagonian men assembled,
not one of whom looked more than fifty-five years of age. They were
generally between five feet ten and six feet in height: one man only
exceeded six feet—whose dimensions, measured by Captain Stokes, were
as follows:—
ft. in.
Height 6 1¾
Round the chest 4 1⅛
Do. loins 3 4¾

I had before remarked the disproportionate largeness of head, and length of
body of these people, as compared with the diminutive size of their
extremities; and, on this visit, my opinion was further confirmed, for such
appeared to be the general character of the whole tribe; and to this, perhaps,
may be attributed the mistakes of some former navigators. Magalhaens, or
rather Pigafetta, was the first who described the inhabitants of the southern
extremity of America as giants. He met some at Port San Julian, of whom
one is described to be "so tall, that our heads scarcely came up to his waist,
and his voice was like that of a bull." Herrera,[70] however, gives a less
extravagant account of them: he says, "the least of the men was larger and
taller than the stoutest man of Castile;" and Maxim. Transylvanus says they
were "in height ten palms or spans; or seven feet six inches."
In Loyasa's voyage (1526), Herrera mentions an interview with the natives,
who came in two canoes, "the sides of which were formed of the ribs of
whales." The people in them were of large size "some called them giants;
but there is so little conformity between the accounts given concerning
them, that I shall be silent on the subject."[71]
As Loyasa's voyage was undertaken immediately after the return of
Magalhaens' expedition, it is probable that, from the impressions received
from Pigafetta's narrative, many thought the Indians whom they met must
be giants, whilst others, not finding them so large as they expected, spoke
more cautiously on the subject; but the people seen by them must have been
Fuegians, and not those whom we now recognise by the name of
Patagonians.
Sir Francis Drake's fleet put into Port San Julian, where they found natives
'of large stature;' and the author of the 'World Encompassed,' in which the
above voyage is detailed, speaking of their size and height, supposes the
name given them to have been Pentagones, to denote a stature of "five
cubits, viz. seven feet and a half," and remarks that it described the full
height, if not somewhat more, of the tallest of them.[72] They spoke of the
Indians whom they met within the Strait as small in stature.[73]
The next navigator who passed through the Strait was Sarmiento; whose
narrative says little in proof of the very superior size of the Patagonians. He
merely calls them "Gente Grande,"[74] and "los Gigantes;" but this might

have originated from the account of Magalhaens' voyage. He particularises
but one Indian, whom they made prisoner, and only says "his limbs are of
large size:" ("Es crecido de miembros.") This man was a native of the land
near Cape Monmouth, and, therefore, a Fuegian. Sarmiento was afterwards
in the neighbourhood of Gregory Bay, and had an encounter with the
Indians, in which he and others were wounded; but he does not speak of
them as being unusually tall.
After the establishment, called 'Jesus,' was formed by Sarmiento, in the very
spot where 'giants' had been seen, no people of large stature are mentioned,
in the account of the colony; but Tomé Hernandez, when examined before
the Vice-Roy of Peru, stated, "that the Indians of the plains, who are giants,
communicate with the natives of Tierra del Fuego, who are like them."[75]

Anthony Knyvet's account[76] of Cavendish's second voyage (which is
contained in Purchas), is not considered credible. He describes the
Patagonians to be fifteen or sixteen spans in height; and that of these
cannibals, there came to them at one time above a thousand! The Indians at
Port Famine, in the same narrative, are mentioned as a kind of strange
cannibals, short of body, not above five or six spans high, very strong, and
thick made.[77]
The natives, who were so inhumanly murdered by Oliver Van Noort, on the
Island of Santa Maria (near Elizabeth Island), were described to be nearly
of the same stature as the common people in Holland, and were remarked to
be broad and high-chested. Some captives were taken on board, and one, a
boy, informed the crew that there was a tribe living farther in-land, named
'Tiremenen,' and their territory 'Coin;' that they were "great people, like
giants, being from ten to twelve feet high, and that they came to make war
against the other tribes,[78] whom they reproached for being eaters of
ostriches!"[79]
Spilbergen (1615) says he "saw a man of extraordinary stature, who kept on
the higher grounds to observe the ships;" and on an island, near the entrance
of the Strait, were found the dead bodies of two natives, wrapped in the
skins of penguins, and very lightly covered with earth; one of them was of
the common human stature, the other, the journal says, was two feet and a

half longer.[80] The gigantic appearance of the man on the hills may perhaps
be explained by the optical deception we ourselves experienced.
Le Maire and Schouten, whose accounts of the graves of the Patagonians
agree precisely with what we noticed at Sea Bear Bay, of the body being
laid on the ground covered with a heap of stones, describe the skeletons as
measuring ten or eleven feet in length, "the skulls of which we could put on
our heads in the manner of helmets!"
The Nodales did not see any people on the northern side of the Strait; those
with whom they communicated were natives of Tierra del Fuego, of whose
form no particular notice is taken.
Sir John Narborough saw Indians at Port San Julian, and describes them as
"people of a middling stature: well-shaped. ... Mr. Wood was taller than any
of them." He also had an interview with nineteen natives upon Elizabeth
Island, but they were Fuegians.
In the year 1741, Patagonian Indians were seen by Bulkley and his
companions. They were mounted on horses, or mules, which is the first
notice we have of their possessing those animals.
Duclos de Guyot, in the year 1766, had an interview with seven Patagonian
Indians, who were mounted on horses equipped with saddles, bridles, and
stirrups. The shortest of the men measured five feet eleven inches and a
quarter English. The others were considerably taller. Their chief or leader
they called 'Capitan.'
Bougainville, in 1767, landed amongst the Patagonians. Of their size he
remarks: "They have a fine shape; among those whom we saw, not one was
below five feet ten inches and a quarter (English), nor above six feet two
inches and a half in height. Their gigantic appearance arises from their
prodigiously broad shoulders, the size of their heads, and the thickness of
all their limbs. They are robust and well fed: their nerves are braced and
their muscles strong, and sufficiently hard, &c." This is an excellent
account; but how different is that of Commodore Byron, who says, "One of
them, who afterwards appeared to be chief, came towards me; he was of
gigantic stature, and seemed to realise the tales of monsters in a human
shape: he had the skin of some wild beast thrown over his shoulders, as a

Scotch Highlander wears his plaid, and was painted so as to make the most
hideous appearance I ever beheld: round one eye was a large circle of white,
a circle of black surrounded the other, and the rest of his body was streaked
with paint of different colours. I did not measure him; but if I may judge of
his height by the proportion of his stature to my own, it could not be less
than seven feet. When this frightful colossus came up, we muttered
somewhat to each other as a salutation, &c."[81] After this he mentions a
woman "of most enormous size;" and again, when Mr. Cumming, the
lieutenant, joined him, the commodore says, "Before the song was finished,
Mr. Cumming came up with the tobacco, and I could not but smile at the
astonishment which I saw expressed in his countenance upon perceiving
himself, though six feet two inches high, become at once a pigmy among
giants, for these people may, indeed, more properly be called giants than tall
men: of the few among us who are full six feet high, scarcely any are broad
and muscular, in proportion to their stature, but look rather like men of the
common bulk grown up accidentally to an unusual height; and a man who
should measure only six feet two inches, and equally exceed a stout well-set
man of the common stature in breadth and muscle, would strike us rather as
being of a gigantic race, than as an individual accidentally anomalous; our
sensations, therefore, upon seeing five hundred people, the shortest of
whom were at least four inches taller, and bulky in proportion, may be
easily imagined."[82]
This account was published only seven years after the voyage, and the
exaggeration, if any, might have been exposed by numbers. There can be no
doubt, that among five hundred persons several were of a large size; but that
all were four inches taller than six feet must have been a mistake. The
commodore says, that he "caused them all to be seated," and in that
position, from the length of their bodies, they would certainly appear to be
of very large stature.[83]
Shortly afterwards, Wallis, in the neighbourhood of Cape Virgins,
communicated with the same people, and as the story of the Patagonian
giants had been spread abroad, and was very much discredited, he carried
two measuring rods with him; and says, in his narrative, "We went round
and measured those that appeared to be the tallest. One was six feet seven

inches high, several more were six feet five, and six feet six inches; but the
stature of the greatest part of them was from five feet ten to six feet."

In the voyage of the Santa Maria de la Cabeza,[84] 1786, it is related that the
height of one or two Patagonians, with whom the officers had an interview,
was six feet eleven inches and a half (of Burgos), which is equal to six feet
four inches and a half (English). This man wore a sword, on which was
engraved "Por el Rey Carlos III.," and spoke a few words in Spanish, proofs
of his having had communication with some of the Spanish settlements. It
does not, however, appear from the account that there were many others, if
any, of that height.
Of all the above accounts, I think those by Bougainville and Wallis the most
accurate. It is true, that of the number we saw, none measured more than six
feet two inches; but it is possible that the preceding generation may have
been a larger race of people, for none that we saw could have been alive at
the time of Wallis's or Byron's voyage. The oldest certainly were the tallest;
but, without discrediting the accounts of Byron, or any other of the modern
voyagers, I think it probable that, by a different mode of life, or a mixture
by marriage with the southern or Fuegian tribes, which we know has taken
place, they have degenerated into a smaller race, and have lost all right to
the title of giants; yet their bulky, muscular forms, and length of body, in
some measure bear out the above accounts; for had the present generation
proportionate limbs, they might, without any exaggeration, justify the
account of Commodore Byron. The Jesuit Missionary Falkner,[85] who,
from an intercourse of forty years with the Indians of South America, must
be considered as one of the best authorities, says, speaking of a Patagonian
named Cangapol, "This chief, who was called by the Spaniards the Cacique
Bravo,[86] was tall and well-proportioned; he must have been seven feet and
some inches in height, because on tiptoe I could not reach the top of his
head: I was very well acquainted with him, and went some journeys in his
company: I do not recollect ever to have seen an Indian that was above an
inch or two taller than Cangapol. His brother Sausimian was but about six
feet high. The Patagonians or Puelches are a large-bodied people; but I
never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though I
have seen persons of all the different tribes of the Southern Indians."

This is an account in 1746, only twenty years before that of Bougainville.
Taking all the evidence together, it may be considered, that the medium
height of the males of these southern tribes is about five feet eleven inches.
The women are not so tall, but are in proportion broader and stouter: they
are generally plain-featured. The head is long, broad and flat, and the
forehead low, with the hair growing within an inch of the eyebrows, which
are bare. The eyes are often placed obliquely, and have but little expression,
the nose is generally rather flat, and turned up; but we noticed several with
that feature straight, and sometimes aquiline: the mouth is wide, with
prominent lips, and the chin is rather large; the jaws are broad, and give the
face a square appearance; the neck is short and thick; the shoulders are
broad; the chest is broad, and very full; but the arm, particularly the fore-
arm, is small, as are also the foot and leg; the body long, large and fat, but
not corpulent. Such was the appearance of those who came under my
observation.
As to their character, the Patagonians are friendly, without that disposition
to quarrel, after the novelty of first acquaintance has worn off, which is so
common among savages in general. This probably arises from interested
motives, certainly not from fear, unless it be the fear of being avoided
instead of visited by the ships which pass by, and from which they procure
many useful articles, and many temporary gratifications.
Swords, long knives, tobacco, Paraguay tea, bits, saddles, guns, lead for
balls, red cloth, beads (particularly of a sky-blue colour), flour, sugar, and
spirits, are much desired in exchange for their peltry and guanaco meat; but
they have no idea beyond that of satisfying the wants of the moment.
After a few pounds of tobacco had been distributed amongst them, although
they are very fond of smoking, it became quite a drug, and it was necessary
to produce something new to excite their attention. From Maria's influence,
and the reference so constantly made to her, it would seem that she was
considered as cacique of the tribe; but her apparent superiority may arise
from her connexion with Bysante, of whom they all spoke as 'El Cacique
Grande,' or from the attention paid to her by ships with whom they
communicate.

The people of this tribe seemed to live together harmoniously; no
bickerings or jealous feelings were observed, and certainly none were
expressed by any one of our bulky friends on witnessing another receiving a
valuable present, or a good exchange for his property.
At sunset our people were ordered to embark, upon which the price of
Patagonian goods immediately fell, at least, a thousand per cent., though
many held back in expectation of the next day. Maria put into the boat, after
my refusal to let her go on board to pass the night, two bags, and asked me
to send her flour and sugar. She was most importunate for aqua ardiente,
which, however, I refused. Her constant cry was "It is very good to be
drunk; I like drinking very much; rum is very good.—Give me some?"
('Muy bueno es boracho, mucho mi gusta, mucho mi gusta de beber, muy
bueno es aqua ardiente.—Da me no mas?')
Among them was a Fuegian Indian; but it did not appear clearly whether he
was living with them permanently, or only on a visit. Some of us thought
we understood the account of one of the Patagonians, who seemed to be the
most interested about him, to be, that a master of a sealer had left him
amongst them. We knew him instantly by his squalid and comparatively
diminutive appearance, and were confirmed in our ideas by his recognition
of the words 'Hosay' and 'Sherroo.' The Patagonian name for a ship is 'Carro
grande,' and for a boat 'Carro chico,' a mixture of their own and the Spanish
language. All that I could understand of his history was, that he was
Cacique of some Indian tribes at a distance: he was evidently a great
favourite, and although Maria spoke generally with much contempt of the
Fuegian Indians, she had patronised this stranger, for he lived in her toldo,
and shared all the presents that were made to her.
The following morning it rained hard, and blew so fresh a gale, from the
westward, that it would have been dangerous to send a boat on shore: and I
was obliged to weigh without landing the things which I had promised.
After we were under weigh, the weather cleared partially, when we
observed Maria on the beach, mounted on her white horse, with others
watching our departure, and when it was evident that we were really gone,
she rode slowly back to her toldo, no doubt considerably vexed. I was very
sorry to treat them in this way, for their conduct towards us had been open

and friendly. All I could hope to do, to make amends, was to give something
of value at my return.

A. Earle T. A. Prior
MONTE VIDEO, MOLE.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

We steered across the Bay of St. Philip, accompanied by the Beagle,[87] left
the Strait of Magalhaens with a fair wind, and, after a favourable passage,
reached Monte Video on the 24th April 1827.
From Monte Video we went to Rio de Janeiro, to procure stores, and
prepare for another voyage to the Strait. On our arrival I received the
Commander-in-chief's leave to apply to the Lord High Admiral for
permission to employ a tender, to facilitate the surveys of the sounds and
deep channels, in the neighbourhood of the Strait, and the inner sounds on
the west coast; for which, neither the Adventure, nor the Beagle, were
adapted; and I thought it best to delay our departure until an answer to my
application was received.

CHAPTER VII.
Leave Rio de Janeiro—Santos—St. Catherine's—Monte Video—Purchase the Adelaide
schooner, for a Tender to the Adventure—Leave Monte Video—Beagle goes to Port Desire—
Shoals off Cape Blanco—Bellaco Rock—Cape Virgins—Possession Bay—First Narrow—

Race—Gregory Bay—View—Tomb—Traffic with Natives—Cordial meeting—Maria goes on
board—Natives intoxicated—Laredo Bay—Port Famine.

We were ready to resume our voyage early in September (1827); but not
having received any communication by the packet, from the Admiralty,
relative to the purchase of a tender, I determined to await the arrival of the
next, early in October. I was again disappointed, and very reluctantly left
Rio de Janeiro, on the 16th, for Monte Video; but that I might still benefit
by the orders which were sure to be in the following packet, I determined
upon calling at Santos, and St. Catherine's, for chronometrical observations;
leaving the Beagle to wait for letters conveying the decision of his Royal
Highness the Lord High Admiral.
We reached Santos on the 18th, and staid there until the 28th. In this
interval I paid a short visit to St. Paul's, for the purpose of making
barometrical observations.[88] At St. Catherine's we remained eight days,
and during the interval necessary for ascertaining the rates of the
chronometers, I obtained magnetic observations.

A. Earle T. Hair
MOLE, PALACE AND CATHEDRAL, RIO DE JANEIRO.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

After a tedious voyage of nineteen days from St. Catherine's, I arrived at
Monte Video, and there received intelligence that the long-wished
permission from the Lord High Admiral, to procure a tender, had been

obtained. I accordingly purchased a schooner, which I named the Adelaide,
and appointed Lieutenant Graves to the command. Five months' additional
provisions for both vessels were purchased, and put into her; and on the 23d
December, after running up the river to complete our water, we sailed out
by the southern entrance, passing to the westward of the Archimedes' Shoal,
and proceeded without farther detention to the southward.
On the 1st of January (in latitude 43° 17′ and long. 61° 9′), I was informed
that we were close to a rock. Upon going on deck, I saw the object; but in a
very short time I perceived it was a dead whale, upon whose half-putrid
body large flocks of birds were feeding. Many on board were, however,
sceptical, until, on passing to leeward, the strong odour testified the fact. Its
appearance certainly was very like the summit of a dark brown rock,
covered with weeds and barnacles, and the myriads of birds which
surrounded it added to the deception. It could, however, be distinguished by
its buoyancy; for the water did not break over it, as of course it would have
done had it been a fixed body. Such is probably the origin of half the 'vigias'
that are found on the charts. Whales, when struck by the fishers, frequently
escape and perish; the carcass then floats on the surface of the sea, until
decomposed or eaten by birds and fishes. A small vessel striking against
such a mass, would probably be severely injured; and at night, the body,
from its buoyancy and the sea not breaking against it, would not be readily
seen.
On the 4th, being about one hundred miles to the N.E. of Cape Blanco, I
communicated with Captain Stokes, and gave him directions to proceed to
Port Desire for chronometrical observations, and then follow me
immediately to Cape Fairweather or Cape Virgins. We had light winds
during the night, so that the Beagle made very little progress. In the
afternoon, Cape Blanco, a long level-topped ridge, came in sight, of which
good views are given in Lord Anson's voyage. We steered towards the land,
and at six o'clock were in eighteen fathoms, the rocky hill at the extremity
of the Cape bearing S. 10° E. thirteen miles; at seven o'clock, the same hill
was six miles and a half off, bearing S. 3° E., when we observed a line of
rippling water, extending from east to as far as we could see on the south
horizon. The depth was seventeen fathoms, but as we proceeded it gradually
decreased to twelve and ten, and soon afterwards to seven fathoms, when
the Beagle was observed to be firing guns; but whether they were intended

to warn us of danger, or as signals of her own distress, we could not
determine, and I hauled to the wind to cross where the ripple appeared least
violent. In passing through it we had not less than seven fathoms, and then
it deepened to twelve and fifteen fathoms. We had now leisure to attend to
the Beagle, and soon saw that her signals were only to warn us, for she had
resumed her course under a press of sail.
After steering four miles to the S.E., we again found ourselves in the midst
of ripplings, in which the water shoaled to six fathoms. It being then dark,
and not knowing how to proceed, we shortened sail and brought to the
wind, in order that if the ship struck it might be with less force; but happily
we passed on without any further decrease of soundings. In going through
the ripple, the Adelaide, though deeply laden, behaved well.
Commodore Byron passed over these shoals, which he describes as lying at
a greater distance from the shore: it was to avoid them that we passed so
near the land.
During the following evening there was a very heavy dew, the never-failing
prognostic of a northerly wind; the horizon, also, was very hazy, and the
water perfectly smooth. We were not more than ten miles off shore, yet the
land was completely distorted in appearance by mirage.
Next morning we were very close to the position assigned to the Bellaco, or
St. Estevan's Shoal, the existence of which has been very much doubted. It
was discovered by the Nodales, and in the diary of their voyage is thus
described: "At five o'clock, or later in the evening, we discovered a rock a-
wash ('una baxa que lababa la mar en ella') about five leagues from the
shore, more or less. It is a very deceitful rock ('Es muy bellaco baxo'),
because it is under water, over which, in fine weather and smooth water, the
sea breaks. We sounded near it, and found twenty-six fathoms stony bottom.
Its latitude is 48½°, according to our noon observation, and the course and
distance we have since run."[89]
The late Don Felipe Bauza, one of the companions of Malespina, informed
me, that on the voyage of the Descubierta and Atrevida, their boats were
sent to look for it, but were unsuccessful.

At noon we were in lat. 48° 40′ S., long. 66° 6′, depth forty-two fathoms,
but without any signs of the Bellaco. Sailing on, the coast was seen in the
neighbourhood of Beachy Head (so named from its resemblance to the
well-known promontory). Afterwards, Cape Fairweather came in sight, and
on the 10th Cape Virgins, which we passed in the evening, and, half an hour
afterwards, rounding Dungeness, we again entered the Strait of
Magalhaens; and anchored near the northern shore.
In Possession Bay we were detained several days, although repeated
attempts to pass the First Narrow were anxiously made.
One evening, clouds gathered, and the weather assumed such a threatening
appearance, that I expected to be obliged to run to sea; but to our surprise,
when the cloudy mass seemed on the point of bursting over us with a
deluge of rain, it suddenly vanished, and was succeeded by a beautifully
clear and fine night. This favourable appearance gave us hopes of being
able to make good our entrance on the following day; but a fresh gale set in,
and kept us at our anchorage.
Early on the 14th we made another fruitless attempt to pass the First
Narrow. As the Adelaide sailed under our stern, Lieutenant Graves informed
me that he had lost an anchor, and had only one left, to which he had bent
his chain-cable; and that she had shipped so much water in attempting to
beat through, that he was on the point of asking permission to bear up when
we ourselves gave up the attempt. It blew too hard to give any assistance to
the Adelaide, but next morning, when the weather was more moderate, I
seized an opportunity of sending our two kedge anchors; and in the
afternoon we supplied her with some water and other necessaries, so that
she was comparatively well off, and my anxiety on her account much
relieved.
Fires on the Fuegian side had been kept up since our arrival, but we could
not distinguish any inhabitants; on the Patagonian shores we saw a great
number of guanacoes feeding quietly, a proof of there being no Indians near
them.
On the 16th, the weather appearing favourable, our anchor was weighed,
and, with the Adelaide, we soon entered the sluice of the Narrow,
proceeding rapidly, though the wind blew hard against us. The tide carried

us to an anchorage, about four miles beyond the western entrance, and it
was slack water when the anchor was dropped; but, no sooner had the
stream turned, than we found ourselves in the midst of a 'race,' and during
the whole tide, the water broke furiously over the ship. At slack water we
got underweigh, but the Adelaide not being able (from the strength of the
tide), to purchase her anchor, was obliged to slip the cable: it was fortunate
that we had supplied her with our kedges, or she would then have been
without an anchor. The night was tempestuous, and although we reached a
much quieter birth, the Adelaide drifted considerably; had she remained at
the morning's anchorage, in order to save her anchor and cable, we should
probably never have seen her again.
The succeeding morning, after a hard beat to windward, both vessels
anchored in Gregory Bay. No Indians were in the neighbourhood, or we
should have seen their fires. In the afternoon the wind moderated, and as
there was every appearance of fine weather, I remained to survey the coast.
On the summit of the land, about half a mile northward of the extremity of
the Cape, while Lieutenant Graves and I were taking bearings, and making
observations, two guanacoes came up and stood neighing at us; the
observation, however, was of consequence, and as they were not disturbed,
they remained watching us for some minutes before they took alarm and
fled.
Lieutenant Wickham and Mr. Tarn made an excursion to the summit of the
Table Land, previously described as extending from the low land behind the
Second Narrow to the N.E., in the direction of Mount Aymond, and were
amply repaid for a fatiguing walk, with the thermometer at 81°, by a
magnificent view: Cape Possession to the eastward, and to the south the
mountains near Mount Tarn, eighty miles distant, were plainly
distinguished. The view to the westward, stretching over a large extent of
grassy plains, was bounded by lofty ranges of snow-capped mountains; but
to the north it was intercepted by another summit of the mountain upon
which they stood. The country they passed over was covered with short
grass, through which a mass of granite occasionally protruded. Neither trees
nor shrubs were observed, excepting a few herbaceous plants, and the
berberis; a goose, some ducks, snipe, and plovers were shot; and guanacoes
were seen at a distance, but no ostriches, nor did they meet any Indians.

Large fires were, however, kindled on both shores of the Strait, in answer to
the fire which they made for cooking. In consequence of those on the
Patagonian coast appearing so close to us, we expected a visit from the
natives before night, but none made their appearance.
Next morning, Mr. Graves accompanied me in a boat to a station three
miles within the Second Narrow on the north side, and in our way we found
the geological structure of the cliffs to be of a decomposed clay-slate,
arranged in strata, much distorted by the violent action of the water, and
dispersed in vertical and inclined directions in very thin laminæ.
These cliffs are about one hundred feet high, the soil a sandy alluvium, of a
sterile character, scantily covered with a wiry, stunted grass, and here and
there a berberis bush, loaded with ripe fruit, which, from the poverty of the
soil, was tasteless and dry; the ground was also, in many parts, over-run to a
considerable extent with an insipid cranberry, scarcely worth the trouble of
gathering.
We struck across the country, with the view of examining the place where
the Indians were residing at our last visit, and the tomb which had then been
erected. Grass had grown up, and effaced the traces of feet; but the tomb
had suffered no farther alteration than the weather might have effected. We
found that the place had been recently visited by the natives, for within a
few yards of the entrance were strewed the ashes of a large fire, containing
vestiges of the former decorations of the tomb, and the end of one of the
flag-staffs, with the unburnt corner of one of the banners. Amongst the
ashes, also, we found calcined bones; but whether they were human or not,
we could not ascertain.
The discovery of the bones impressed us with the idea that the body had
been burnt, and determined me to examine the tomb. The bushes that filled
up the entrance appeared to be placed exactly as when we first saw them,
and indeed the whole pile seemed to have remained quite undisturbed; but
there was no appearance of the brass ornaments, or of the effigies of the
horses.
Having effected an opening in the bushes, we found an inner covering,
made of horse-skins. Having cut two holes opposite each other, for the
admission of light, we saw nothing but two parallel rows of stones, three in

each row, probably intended as a bier for the body or a covering for the
grave; but the ground around and between them bore no appearance of
having been disturbed for burial.[90] As we hourly expected the Indians
would arrive (the place being in the direct line of their journey to the ships),
and were unwilling to let them know we had disturbed the sanctuaries of
their dead, we restored the former appearance of the tomb; and it was
fortunate we did so, for three women on horseback, carrying their children
in cradles, with a quantity of skins, provisions, and other merchandise,
evidently the harbingers of the tribe, made their appearance, and
immediately began to erect their tents.
When we next went on shore we found several Indians arrived, and divided
into three groups, with mantles, ostrich-feathers, skins, and joints of
guanaco meat displayed for sale.
As the meat appeared fresh, it is probable that, on seeing us, the women
were despatched to place the toldos, while the men set out to provide
guanaco meat, for they knew our partiality for this excellent food. When we
landed, an active barter began.
From the haste and avidity shown in offering their goods, and closing the
bargains, it seemed as if they were anxious to monopolize our articles of
barter before the rest of their party, or tribe arrived. One old man attempted
to cheat; but my interdiction of all farther traffic with him brought him to a
sense of his error, and I then made him a present of some tobacco and
allowed him to trade, which he afterwards did, with cheerfulness and
honesty.
One of the party was the Fuegian chief, whom I previously noticed, as a
squalid, meagre-looking man; but he was now enlarged to Patagonian
dimensions, by his improved diet and more cheerful mode of life. The
appearance of bad weather obliged us to suspend the barter and get on
board. After we had reached the ship, successive parties of the tribe arrived,
and formed the encampment. Among them, mounted on her white horse,
was Maria, who, duly escorted, paraded on the beach to challenge our
recognition. In the centre of the encampment, a large flag suspended from a
pole was a signal to us, and showed the position of her toldo.

The next morning being fine, we landed near the encampment, and were
most cordially received. Maria was particularly attentive, and embraced me
closely, while her companions chaunted in chorus a song of delight at our
arrival.
When we reached her toldo, a mat was spread out for me to sit on. Maria
and her family placed themselves in front of me, while the rest sat round.
Almost the first question was an inquiry for my son Philip, whom they
called Felipe,[91] and two or three skins were given to me for him. They
then asked for our pilot on the former voyage, and were much disappointed
to find he had left the ship. After a short conversation I returned the two
bags (which I had so unwillingly carried away at our last visit), having
filled them with flour and sugar, and then proceeded to deliver our presents.
As each article was delivered into her hands, she repeated, in Spanish, I'll
pay for this; but upon a bit for her horse being presented, a general burst of
admiration followed, and it was handed round the tents, whilst each
individual, as it passed on, looked, I thought, anxious to be its possessor.
Maria then began to consider what adequate requital she could possibly
make me. The result was, a present of two mantles, one new, of guanaco
skin, and the other well worn, of zorillo skin, besides two or three skins of
the puma. She then produced a piece of paper, carefully wrapped up in
canvas, containing a letter, or memorandum, left by Mr. Low, master of the
Uxbridge sealer, addressed to any shipmaster passing through the Strait,
apprising him "of the friendly disposition of the Indians, and impressing
him with the necessity of treating them well, and not deceiving them; for
they had good memories, and would seriously resent it."
The advice, no doubt, was good; but I think the fear of forfeiting advantages
and comforts to be derived from traffic would induce them to restrain their
resentment.
I brought no spirits; for which, after a short time, Maria asked, complaining
that she was very ill, and had sore eyes, and for some time past had nothing
but water to drink, and wood to smoke. Her illness was evidently assumed,
but her eyes seemed highly inflamed; and no wonder, for the upper part of
her face was smeared over with an ochrous red pigment, even to the very

edge of her eyelids: indeed, the whole tribe had ornamented themselves
similarly, in compliment, I suppose, to our visit.
As I prepared to return on board, Maria's importunity induced me to allow
her to accompany me; upon which she began to muster up all her empty
bags, old mantles, and skins, and, attended by her husband, her brother-in-
law, his wife and daughter, got into the boat. While going on board, the
spray washed the painted countenances of our visitors, much to their regret.
Upon reaching the ship, I ordered them to be regaled with meat and biscuit,
of which they partook very sparingly, but took care to put what remained
into their bags. Some spirits and water, too, which I thought would be soon
dispatched, and which had been plentifully diluted to prevent their being
made tipsy, they emptied into bottles to take on shore "for the evening,"
when, as Maria said, they would be "very drunk."
Among various things shown to amuse them was a musical snuff-box,
which I had procured for the express purpose of exciting their astonishment;
but I was surprised to find, that a penny-whistle produced a ten-fold greater
effect upon their senses. This indifference to musical sounds I should not
have suspected, because they frequently sing, though certainly in a
monotonous manner.
As soon as their repast was concluded, the party, except Maria and the girls,
commenced bartering their mantles and skins, and, by the time their stock
was expended, they had amassed a large quantity of biscuit, and a bundle of
various trifles, some of which they had attempted to get by pilfering. They
made themselves so contented, that it was not without much difficulty we
could persuade them to go on shore. Maria had made her mind up to pass
the night on board, and so anxious were they all to remain, that it was only
by giving Maria two bottles of spirits (which had been well diluted) that
they were induced to get into the boat, and accompany me ashore. Being a
lee-tide, and low water, the boat grounded at a considerable distance from
the beach; seeing this, some of the Indians rode into the water, and taking us
up behind them, conveyed us to the encampment, my place being behind
Maria, the smell of whose zorillo-skin mantle was hardly bearable; but it
was necessary to conceal our dislike of our companions as much as
possible, for they are very sensitive, and easily offended.

While waiting for the tide, we witnessed a drunken scene at Maria's toldo.
Fifteen persons, seated around her, shared the spirits she had obtained on
board, until all were intoxicated. Some were screaming, others laughing,
some stupified, and some bellowing. The uproar drew all the other Indians
round the tent, who tendered their assistance to compose their friends, and
we returned to the ship. When we visited them the next day, they were quite
recovered, and gave us some guanaco meat, which had been brought in that
morning. On communicating my intention of proceeding on the voyage,
Maria wished to know when we should finish our "seal-killing," and come
back. I told her "in five moons," upon which she endeavoured to persuade
me to return in four, because she would then have plenty of skins to barter.
I wrote a few lines to Captain Stokes, who, I expected, would arrive in a
day or two, communicating my desire that he should follow, as soon as
possible, to Port Famine, and committed the letter to Maria's care, who
promised to deliver it to him; then, taking leave of her and her companions,
I embarked, and proceeded through the Second Narrow to an anchorage off
Cape Negro.
Our visit to Gregory Bay, and communication with the Indians, furnished us
with many additions to our zoological collection; among them was a tiger-
cat, which seemed, from the description, to be the Felis pajaros of the
Encyclopédie Méthodique (the "Chat de Pampa" of D'Azara). Maria gave
me a very large bezoar stone, that was taken from the stomach of a guanaco.
It is used medicinally by the Indians, as a remedy for bowel complaints.[92]
Whilst we were at the anchorage before Cape Negro, Mr. Tarn and Mr.
Wickham visited the lake at the back of Laredo Bay, and saw two swans,
which, from the colour of their plumage, seemed to be the black-necked
swan of the River Plata and of the Falkland Islands[93] (Dom Pernettey, ii. p.
148). They brought on board with them a new species of duck, which is
described in the proceedings of the Zoological Society as Anas specularis
(Nob.), and a small burrowing animal, of the rat tribe, that, from the
character of its teeth, is probably of a genus not hitherto noted: it
approaches nearest to F. Cuvier's Helamys.
We next anchored in Port Famine, where the tents, &c. were replaced in
their former positions, the ship was unrigged and secured for the winter, and

all hands set to work, preparing the Adelaide for service.

CHAPTER VIII.
Find that the Cutter had been burned—Anxiety for the Beagle—Uxbridge Sealer—Beagle
arrives—Her cruize—Bellaco Rock—San Julian—Santa Cruz—Gallegos—Adeona—Death of
Lieutenant Sholl—Adelaide Sails—Supposed Channel of San Sebastian—Useless Bay—
Natives—Port San Antonio—Humming-birds—Fuegians—Beagle sails—Sarmiento—Roldan
—Pond—Whales—Structure—Scenery—Port Gallant.

Port Famine bore evident marks of having been visited in our absence by
the Indians, for a large fire, apparently recent, had over-run the grass, and
burned the trees upon Point Santa Anna, particularly in that part where our
boat had been so carefully concealed. Eager to know whether she had
escaped the fire, I lost no time in hastening to the spot, directly after the
Adventure anchored, and found, as our fears had anticipated, that she had
been completely destroyed, scarcely a vestige of her wood remaining, and
most of the iron-work having been carried away; for which, doubtless, the
Indians had set her on fire.
The sheds for the cooper and armourer, which had been erected with some
pains, were also entirely consumed, and every thing portable had been
carried away. Those things which were of no use to them were either broken
or burnt; but some of our station poles on Point Santa Anna were left
uninjured; as well as the tablet erected to the memory of Mr. Ainsworth and
the boat's crew; which was singular, because it was secured by iron hoops—
of great value, in their eyes.
From the fresh traces of horses in the neighbourhood, we at first suspected
the conflagration to have been caused by the Patagonians; but we soon
found we owed our loss to the Fuegians, for in two new wigwams were
strewed some remains of our boat.
The last winter appeared to have been milder than that preceding it, for last
January, Mount Sarmiento and the hills to the southward, over Fitton Bay,
were so covered with snow, that not a particle of the rock could be seen; but
this year many bare spots were visible. Every thing else, however, indicated
a bad season, and the berberis bushes and arbutus shrubs had scarcely any

show of fruit; which was rather a disappointment, as the berries of the
former plant proved an agreeable addition to our food last year. However,
there was no scarcity of birds, and with the seine we procured plenty of
fish.
The Beagle's long and unexpected absence caused us much uneasiness, and
some apprehension for her safety. Her visit to Port Desire ought not to have
occupied more than three days, and her superior sailing should have
enabled Captain Stokes to rejoin us in the entrance of the Strait. People
were sent daily to look out for her, and every succeeding day increased our
anxiety.
A long succession of blowing and rainy weather much impeded our
progress with the Adelaide; but the Hope was hoisted out, and prepared for
service.
Before daylight on the 14th I was informed that the Beagle was seen in the
offing. Blue lights were burnt, and lanterns immediately shown to guide her
to the anchorage; but our disappointment was great when the stranger
proved to be Mr. W. Low's schooner, the Uxbridge. He had been sealing
since November in the neighbourhood of Noir Island, near the outer
entrance of the Barbara Channel, and was on his way to Cape Gregory to
meet his elder brother, who had been collecting sea-elephant oil at South
Shetland. The Uxbridge had entered the Strait from the Pacific, by the
Magdalen 'Channel,' which last year we thought a Sound, and had
attempted to explore in the Hope, but had been deceived by the abrupt
change in the direction of the Channel at Cape Turn.
At last (on the 28th), after the Beagle's absence had been protracted to more
than a month beyond the time intended, we were relieved from painful
anxiety, and much rejoiced, by Mr. Tarn's telling us he had just seen her, and
in two hours afterwards she arrived.
Captain Stokes, to my great surprise, told me that he had been examining
the whole coast between Port Desire and Cape Virgins, and for the last ten
days had been detained in the Gallegos River by heavy gales of wind. He
had sounded round, and fixed the position of the Bellaco Rock, or St.
Estevan's Shoal, the existence of which had been so long doubted. He had
also visited and partially surveyed, the harbours of Port San Julian and

Santa Cruz, besides Coy Bay, and had made almost a complete survey of
the River Gallegos, which he found to be a large and rapid river, whose
entrance forms a spacious port: instead of being blocked up by a mound of
shingle four or five feet above the level of the sea, and having so small a
stream as to escape the notice of Mr. Weddell as he walked along the beach.
[94] Cape Fairweather is so remarkable, and so correctly placed upon the

chart, that Mr. Weddell, in his search for the river, must have very much
deceived himself. I should think he must have mistaken the ravine
described upon my former visit, since that is the only part which answers
his description: it could not be Coy Bay, because that opening, although of
minor importance, has a broad boat communication with the sea.
Captain Stokes described the tide at the anchorage, within the mouth of the
Gallegos, as running at the rate of five knots, and rising forty-six feet. From
Mr. Weddell's account, he was on the point of passing by without examining
it; but the weather being fine, he determined to go in his boat and ascertain
the truth of that description. It was soon evident that the river was large,
and, returning to his ship, he lost no time in anchoring her within the
entrance, where she rode out a heavy gale from S.W.
The Beagle left the Gallegos on the 23d, and reached Port Famine on the
28th, a very short passage, since she remained for a night and the greater
part of a day at Gregory Bay, to communicate with the natives. When
approaching the First Narrow, Captain Stokes observed a brig, apparently at
anchor, under Cape Orange, and supposing her either to have found a good
anchorage, or to be in distress, steered towards her. Before he had reached
within two miles of her, the Beagle touched the ground, but was extricated
from the danger most fortunately, because it was nearly high water; and had
she remained a-ground during the tide, the consequences might have been
serious—at least, she could not have been got off without lightening her
considerably. The brig proved to be the Adeona (Mr. Low's vessel), on her
way to meet the Uxbridge. In attempting to enter the narrow, she grounded
on the shoals, and had been left dry. The following tide again floated her,
and she was on the point of getting underweigh, when the Beagle hove in
sight. Captain Stokes finding that the Adeona had received no damage,
proceeded to Gregory Bay.

By the Beagle's arrival we were informed of the death of Lieutenant Robert
H. Sholl, after an illness of ten days. His remains were interred at Port San
Julian, where a tablet was erected to his memory.
This excellent young man's death was sincerely regretted by all his friends,
and by none more than by me. He was appointed to the expedition, as a
midshipman, solely on account of his high character.
During our voyage from England, he made himself conspicuously useful in
saving the cargo of a vessel, which was stranded in Port Praya; and on our
arrival at Rio de Janeiro, the Commander-in-chief appointed him to a vacant
lieutenantcy on board the Beagle: an appointment which, up to the period of
his lamented death, he filled zealously and most creditably.[95]
On the 1st of March we were surprised by the appearance of three
Europeans, walking round Point St. Anna. A boat was sent for them, and we
found they were deserters from the Uxbridge, who had come to volunteer
for our ships.
The following day the Adeona and Uxbridge arrived, on their way to Port
San Antonio, to boil their oil; but I recommended Bougainville, or (as the
sealers call it) Jack's Harbour, as more convenient for their purpose, and
more secure from storms, as well as from troublesome visits of the natives.
Upon my offering to restore the three deserters to the Uxbridge, Mr. Low
requested me to keep them, and another, also, who was anxious to join the
Adventure, to which I consented, as the Adelaide wanted men.
A few days after Mr. Low's departure, he returned in a whale-boat to ask
assistance in repairing the Uxbridge's rudder. By our help it was soon made
serviceable, and she was enabled to prosecute her voyage, which could not
otherwise have been continued.
The Adelaide being ready for sea: her first service was to be an examination
of the St. Sebastian Channel, which, from its delineation on the old charts,
would seem to penetrate through the large eastern island of Tierra del
Fuego. In the voyage of the Nodales (in the year 1618), an opening on the
eastern coast, supposed to be the mouth of a channel, communicating with
the Strait of Magalhaens, was discovered. After describing the coast to the

south of Cape Espiritu Santo, the journal of that voyage states: "We found,
in the channel of St. Sebastian, twenty fathoms clear ground. The north
shore is a beach of white sand, five leagues in extent, stretching out from
the high land that terminates at Cape Espiritu Santo, and giving the coast
here the appearance of a deep bay; but, on a nearer approach, a projecting
tract of low shore is observed. The south extremity of this low beach is a
sandy point, round which the channel trends; the mouth is a league and a
half wide. The south shore is higher than the land to the northward, and in
the middle of the bay the depth is from fifteen to twenty fathoms clear
ground, and a good bottom; but from mid-channel to the south shore the
bottom is stony, and the water, of little depth, there being only six and seven
fathoms. From hence the channel shows itself, and continues, as far as we
could see, of the same breadth. It seemed to be a large sea. The latitude was
observed to be 53° 16′."[96]
From the above account, and from the chart that accompanies it, in which
this inlet is made to communicate with the Strait of Magalhaens by the
opening round Cape Monmouth, our knowledge of the supposed St.
Sebastian Channel was derived. That there is a deep bay, in the latitude of
53° 16′, not only appears from the account of the Nodales, who were within
the heads, although it seems they did not proceed beyond the stony ground
on the south side of the entrance; but also from the accounts of vessels who
have lately seen it; and of one ship-master who was deterred from entering,
by the formidable notice on our charts of its being "only navigable for small
vessels," whence he conjectured that the tides would be very strong, and the
channel occasionally narrow, as well as narrow, and shoal.
Sarmiento, Narborough, Byron, Wallis, Bougainville, and Cordova, have
severally noticed an opening, which corresponds to this supposed channel,
namely, that between Capes Monmouth and Valentyn; but the object of
those voyagers having been to make the passage through the known Strait,
to explore this opening was, in all probability, considered a waste of time;
yet, that such a channel was supposed to exist, we must conclude from the
conspicuous figure it makes in the charts of Tierra del Fuego.
Had there been a knowledge of its affording any communication with the
sea, surely Sarmiento and Narborough, as well as the Nodales, who
navigated the Strait from west to east, would have been induced to attempt

to pass through; and avoid the dangers, as well as difficulties, of the
channels to the northward.
Anxious to set the question at rest, I gave Captain Stokes orders to proceed
to survey the western coasts, between the Strait of Magalhaens and latitude
47° south, or as much of those dangerous and exposed shores as he could
examine, with the means at his disposal, and sailed myself, in the Adelaide,
to explore the supposed St. Sebastian Channel. Every discretionary power
was given to Captain Stokes to act as he pleased, for the benefit of the
service; but he had strict orders to return to Port Famine by the 24th of July,
when I hoped to move the Adventure to some other part of the Strait, and to
recommence operations with the earliest days of spring, if the winter should
be unfit for our work.
Having crossed over to the southward of Point Boqueron, we proceeded, on
the 13th of March, to the N.E. (in which direction the opening trended), at
no great distance from the northern shore; behind which the country seemed
to rise gradually to the summit of a long ridge of table-land, terminating
near the First Narrow, and appearing like that in the neighbourhood of Cape
Gregory. It was inhabited; for here and there we observed the smoke of
fires, perhaps intended as invitations for us to land.
The south side of the opening seemed (after forming a small bay under
Nose Peak) to extend in a direction parallel to the northern coast of the bay,
for three or four leagues, when it dipped beneath the horizon. Neither shore
had any opening or indenture in its coast line, of sufficient size to shelter
even a boat; so that a vessel caught here, with a south-westerly gale, would
have little chance of escape; unless a channel should exist, of which, from
the stillness of the water and the total absence of tide, we had very little
hope. The soundings were variable between twenty and thirty fathoms, and
the bottom seemed to be of shells, probably covering a substratum of clay
or sand. As we stood on, a small rocky lump came in sight, which appeared
to be the termination of the northern shore, and again we flattered ourselves
with the expectation of finding a passage; but in less than half an hour
afterwards, the bay was distinctly seen to be closed by low land, and the
rocky lump proved to be an isolated mass of rock, about two miles inland.
As every person on board was then satisfied of the non-existence of any
channel, we put about to return, and by bearings of Mount Tarn, crossed by

angles from Mount Graves, Nose Peak, and Point Boqueron, our position,
and the extent of this bay, were determined. As it affords neither anchorage
nor shelter, nor any other advantage for the navigator, we have named it
Useless Bay. It was too much exposed to the prevailing winds to allow of
our landing to examine the country, and its productions, or to communicate
with the Indians; and as there was not much likelihood of finding anything
of novel character, we lost no time in retreating from so exposed a place.
Abreast of Point Boqueron the patent log gave for our run twenty-six miles,
precisely the same distance which it had given in the morning; so that from
five o'clock in the morning until ten, and from ten o'clock until four in the
afternoon, we had not experienced the least tide, which of itself is a fact
confirmatory of the non-existence of a channel.
From the fires of the natives in this part having been noticed at a distance
from the beach, it would seem that they derive their subsistence from
hunting rather than fishing; and as there are guanacoes on the south shore of
the First Narrow, it is probable the people's habits resemble those of the
Patagonians, rather than the Fuegians; but as they have no horses, the chase
of so shy and swift an animal as the guanaco must be fatiguing and very
precarious.[97]
Sarmiento is the only person on record who has communicated with the
natives in the neighbourhood of Cape Monmouth. He calls them in his
narrative a large race (Gente grande). There it was that he was attacked by
the Indians, whom he repulsed, and one of whom he made prisoner.
We remained a night in Port Famine, and again set out in the Adelaide to
survey some of the western parts of the Strait. Bad weather forced us into
Port San Antonio; of which Cordova gives so favourable an account, that
we were surprised to find it small and inconvenient, even for the Adelaide.
He describes the port to be a mile and a half long, and three quarters of a
mile broad: we found the length a mile and a quarter, and the mean breadth
scarcely a quarter of a mile. It possesses no one advantage that is not
common to almost every other harbour and cove in the Strait; and for a
ship, or square-rigged vessel of any kind, it is both difficult to enter, and
dangerous to leave. Besides the local disadvantages of Port San Antonio,
the weather in it is seldom fair, even when the day is fine elsewhere. It lies

at the base of the Lomas Range, which rises almost perpendicularly to the
height of three thousand feet, fronting the great western channel of the
Strait, whence it receives upon its cold surface the western winds, and is
covered by the vapour, which is condensed from them, while in all other
parts the sun may be shining brightly.
This port is formed by a channel, a quarter of a mile wide, separating two
islands from the shore. The best anchorage is off a picturesque little bay on
the south island, which is thickly wooded to the water's edge with the holly
leaved berberis,[98] fuchsia, and veronica, growing to the height of twenty
feet; over-topped and sheltered by large beech, and Winter's-bark trees,
rooted under a thick mossy carpet, through which a narrow Indian path
winds between arbutus and currant bushes, and round prostrate stems of
dead trees, leading to the seaward side of the island. Upon the beach, just
within the bushes, and sheltered by a large and wide-spreading fuchsia
bush, in full flower, stood two Indian wigwams, which, apparently, had not
been inhabited since the visit of poor Ainsworth. He had occupied these
very wigwams for two days, having covered them over with the boat's sail;
and remains of the ropeyarns that tied it down were still there: a melancholy
memento.

P. P. King S. Bull

FUEGIAN WIGWAMS AT HOPE HARBOUR IN
THE MAGDALEN CHANNEL.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

In no part of the Strait did we find the vegetation so luxuriant as in this little
cove. Some of the Winter's-bark and currant trees had shoots more than five
feet long, and many of the Winter's-bark trees were two feet in diameter.
The veronica (I believe V. decussata) grows in the sheltered parts to the
height of twenty feet, with a stem six inches in diameter. It was found too
on the windward side of the island in abundance, and of large size, rooted in
the very wash of the sea-beach, and exposed to the full force of the cold
winds and hail-storms, which rush down the wide western reach of the
Strait.
The fuchsia also grows to a large size; but it is a more delicate plant than
the veronica, and thrives only in sheltered places. Many were observed six
inches in diameter; the stems of the two last plants were used by us, during
our stay, for fuel.
The day after our arrival, the gale subsided, and the weather became very
fine indeed. The stillness of the air may be imagined, when the chirping of
humming-birds, and buzzing of large bees, were heard at a considerable
distance. A humming-bird had been seen at Port Gallant last year, and was
brought to me by Captain Stokes, since which none had been noticed. Here,
however, we saw, and procured several; but of only one species.[99] It is the
same as that found on the western coast, as high as Lima; so that it has a
range of 41° of latitude, the southern limit being 53½°, if not farther south.
The islets, at the north part of the port, were well stocked with geese and
other birds, which supplied our people with fresh meals. The steamer duck
we found difficult to shoot, from its excessive wariness, and power of
remaining, for a great length of time, under water.
Our fine weather lasted but a few hours, and (no unusual occurrence in
these regions) was succeeded by a week's rain and wind, during which we
were confined to the small space of the Adelaide; and for some days had
three anchors down, owing to the violent squalls. Farenheit's thermometer
ranged between thirty-six and forty-six degrees, and we had several snow
storms, but the snow did not lie on the low grounds.

On the 28th the gale began to subside, and there was a change for the better;
but we were again disappointed, and not until the 31st could we effect our
departure from this dreary and confined little place.
The day before we sailed, three canoes, containing in all sixteen persons, of
whom six only were men, came alongside.
For about an hour they had hesitated to approach; but when once near us,
very little invitation was necessary to induce them to come on board. One
was clothed in a duck shirt, which was recognised by one of our people,
who had joined us from the Uxbridge, as having been given to them a few
weeks before, when that vessel passed through Magdalen Channel: another
wore a red flannel shirt, and in the canoe we observed an European
boarding-pike, painted green, and a part of the iron-work of the cutter,
burned at Port Famine during our absence; also some relics of the boat in
which Mr. Ainsworth was drowned, which last they had doubtless found
thrown up on the beach. Upon our inquiring how they became possessed of
the iron-work, they pointed towards Fort Famine; and I have no doubt they
were concerned in the fire; but as we could not explain to them the mischief
they had occasioned, it was thought better not to notice the affair, and the
articles were returned to them. They could have had no idea of our being
the owners of the boat, or they would have concealed all that belonged to
her.
They conducted themselves very quietly during their stay on board, with the
exception of one, who tried to pick my pocket of a handkerchief; the
offender was ordered out of the vessel, and there was no further attempt to
pilfer. They wished to go below; but this was not permitted, because the
odour of their oily persons was scarcely tolerable, even in the open air. As
to food, tallow-candles, biscuit, beef, plumb-pudding, were equally liked,
and swallowed most voraciously. One of them was discovered taking the
tallow out of the end of the deep sea lead and eating it, although mixed with
sand and dirt.
Before sunset their canoes were despatched on shore to prepare the
wigwams, during which operation three of the men remained on board; and
as soon as the preparations were made they called for a canoe and went on
shore. We obtained several spears, baskets, necklaces, bows and arrows

from them in barter; but they seemed to have very few skins. Perhaps those
they possessed were hidden in the bushes, because they had no wish to part
with them.
One woman was covered with a guanaco mantle; another merely wore a
seal-skin over her back and shoulders, which, while she crouched in the
canoe, was sufficient to cover her person. One had a black stripe down the
nose, but she was the only female among them who was so painted.
Next morning the Indians visited us with a fresh assortment of bows and
arrows, in the manufacture of which they had evidently passed the night, for
every one was quite new; the bows were of green wood, and the arrows not
even pointed. They found, however, a ready sale. One of the party was a
man who had been turned out of our vessel the preceding evening, for
picking my pocket; but he was daubed over with a whitish pigment to
deceive us, and would probably have escaped detection, but for the unusual
ugliness of his person, which was not so easily disguised. He was much
disconcerted by our recognition; and our refusal to barter with him made
him angry and sullen.
The women had daubed their faces all over with bright red ochre; to add to
their beauty, no doubt.
We sailed out of the port by the northern passage, and standing across the
Strait, anchored in San Nicolas Bay. Mr. Graves went to Bougainville
Harbour, to communicate with the Adeona, and take letters from me to
Lieutenant Wickham. He brought back an account of all being well at Port
Famine, and of the Beagle having sailed on the 17th.
When we left Port Famine my intention was to examine the Magdalen
Channel; but, upon leaving San Nicolas Bay (1st April), the weather was so
favourable for our proceeding to the westward, that I changed my mind and
steered round Cape Froward in order to get to Port Gallant, whence, with a
westerly wind, we might more easily survey the coast in returning. An
easterly breeze carried us near Cape Holland, into Wood's Bay, where we
anchored, and obtained a bearing of Mount Sarmiento, which, being clear
of clouds, was a conspicuous, and even splendid object; for the sun's setting
rays, shining upon the projecting snowy ridges on its western side, gave it
the appearance of a mass of streaky gold. It had been in sight the whole day,

as well as the preceding evening, when its bearings were taken from the
islet in San Nicolas Bay.
The next day was so calm that we only reached an anchorage in Bradley
Cove, on the west side of Bell Bay, of which a plan was made; an extensive
set of bearings was also taken on the west point of the bay, evidently that
called by Sarmiento Tinquichisgua.[100] The conspicuous mountain at the
back of the bay, on its south-eastern side, is particularly noticed by him,
and, according to his opinion, is the "Campana de Roldan" of Magalhaens.
[101]
Between Bradley Cove and Point Tinquichisgua are two coves, over
which a high double-peaked mountain forms a conspicuous object upon
rounding Cape Froward; and they were named in compliment to Mr. Pond,
the late Astronomer Royal.
While at Point Tinquichisgua we were discovered by some natives to the
westward, who immediately got into their canoes, and paddled towards us;
but, as we had no arms in the boat, I did not think it prudent to await their
arrival; and therefore, after taking the requisite angles, embarked and
returned to the Adelaide, examining the inlets under Mount Pond on our
way. Nothing more was seen of the Indians until the following morning,
when, as we sailed out of the bay, they made their appearance, but we did
not communicate with them. They were as vociferous as usual, and pointed
to the shore, inviting us to land. One of them, who stood up in the canoe
while we passed, was ornamented about the hair and body with white
feathers.
This part of the Strait teems with whales, seals, and porpoises. While we
were in Bradley Cove, a remarkable appearance of the water spouted by
whales was observed; it hung in the air like a bright silvery mist, and was
visible to the naked eye, at the distance of four miles, for one minute and
thirty-five seconds before it disappeared.
A glance at the chart of this part of the Strait will show the difference of
geological structure in the opposite coasts. The north shore, from Cape
Froward to Port Gallant, forms a straight line, with scarcely a projection or
bight; but on the opposite side there is a succession of inlets, surrounded by
precipitous mountains, which are separated by ravines. The northern shore
is of slate; but the other is principally of greenstone, and its mountains,

instead of running up into sharp peaks, and narrow serrated ridges, are
generally round-topped. The vegetation on both sides is almost equally
abundant, but the trees on the south shore are much smaller. The smooth-
leaved beech (Fagus betuloides) and Winter's-bark are the principal trees;
but here and there a small tree was observed, like a cypress, which does not
grow to the eastward, excepting on the sides of Mount Tarn, where it only
reaches the height of three or four feet.
The scenery of this part of the Strait, instead of being as Cordova describes
it, "horrible," is at this season exceedingly striking and picturesque. The
highest mountains certainly are bare of vegetation; but their sharp peaks and
snow-covered summits afford a pleasing contrast to the lower hills, thickly
clothed with trees quite to the water's side, which is bordered by masses of
bare rock, studded with ferns and moss, and backed by the rich dark-green
foliage of the berberis and arbutus shrubs, with here and there a beech-tree,
just beginning to assume its autumnal tints.
In working into the narrow entrance of Port Gallant, the schooner grounded
upon a bank that extends off the mouth of the river; but the water being
perfectly smooth, no damage was caused. As a secure cove, Port Gallant is
the best in the Strait of Magalhaens; from the stillness of its waters, it is a
perfect wet dock, and from its position it is invaluable. There are many
coves as safe and convenient when once entered; but the prevailing
steepness of the shores, as well as the great depth of water, are obstacles of
serious importance. Here, however, is an exception: the bottom is even and
the depth moderate; besides, Fortescue Bay, close by, is an excellent
roadstead or stopping-place, to await an opportunity of entering.
For repairing a ship, Port Famine is more convenient, on account of the
quantity and size of well-seasoned timber lying about the beach, and also
from the open character of the country. At Port Gallant the trees are much
stunted, and unfit for present use, while the shore, as is the case around
almost every cove to the westward of Cape Froward, is covered with shrubs
and brushwood, quite to the high-water mark; so that there is no possibility
of walking easily to any distance from the sea-side. A shingle, or sandy
beach, twenty or thirty yards in length, occasionally intervenes, but is
scarcely preferable to a vessel's deck, for a walk.

CHAPTER IX.
Detention in Port San Antonio—Humming-birds in snow showers—Fuegians—Geological
remarks—Canoes—Carving—Birds—Fish—Shag Narrows—Glaciers—Avalanches—Natives
—Climate—Winter setting in—Adelaide loses a boat—Floods—Lightning—Scurvy—
Adelaide's survey—Bougainville Harbour—Indians cross the Strait, and visit Port Famine—
Sealing vessels sail—Scurvy increases—Adelaide sent for guanaco meat—Return of the
Beagle—Captain Stokes very ill—Adelaide brings meat from the Patagonians—Death of
Captain Stokes.

Our stay at this port was prolonged beyond my intention by thick snowy
weather and hard gales, which cut off our communication with the shore;
for notwithstanding we were in so sheltered a place, and the vessel had
three anchors down, we did not consider her quite secure against the violent
squalls. We had been fortunate in procuring observations, and took
advantage of our detention to lay down the operations of the preceding days
on paper. Muscles were found in great abundance on the mud flats. There
are three varieties, one of which has a bitter, disagreeable taste, but the
others are exceedingly good and wholesome. One of the latter is of large
size (Mytilus Magellanicus of the Ency. Méth.) The other is of a more
globose form than the bitter sort, and has a very obtuse hinge and margin.
The bitter kind contains pearls, which are valueless, because small, and of a
bad colour.

At first there were plenty of sea-birds[102] in the cove, which took refuge at
the head of the bay; till after two days, they deserted us altogether. There
appeared to be an abundance of fish; but as we had not provided ourselves
with a seine, and they would not take bait, we were confined for
refreshments principally to shell-fish.
No traces of quadrupeds, excepting an Indian dog, were noticed. Here
Wallis's people saw a large cloven-footed animal, which they described to
be as "big as a jack-ass." It was probably a deer, one or two of which had
occasionally appeared at Port Famine.(e)
It has been mentioned that we found many humming-birds at Port San
Antonio, which we attributed to the sheltered situation of the place, and the
luxuriant growth of fuchsias and other plants, upon the sweets of whose
flowers they feed. Here, however, one of the same species was seen

sporting about in a most exposed place and during the falling of a snow
shower, a proof of the hardy character of this little bird, which, if it does
migrate upon the approach of winter to a warmer clime, lingers, at least, as
long as it possibly can. This was the middle of April, the winter had, in fact,
already commenced, and all the mountains around us were clothed with
snow, while the ground was also coated with the same dazzling covering.
Mr. Graves intended to ascend the Mountain de la Cruz; but a heavy fall of
snow prevented the attempt, and we lost the opportunity of obtaining a
round of angles from that elevation, which would have materially assisted
our operations. We should also have obtained a bird's-eye view of the
Barbara Channel and the Sounds on the opposite side of the Strait, whose
extent and nature we did not know; for Cordova's notice of San Simon's
Bay, and a deep inlet which exists to the westward of it, is very
unsatisfactory.
There were no signs of a recent visit from the Fuegians, though at the
entrance of the cove we found three or four wigwams in good repair;
whence it seems probable, that the place is one of their frequent haunts.
When the Beagle came here last year, some station staves were left
standing; but, before her return, every one had been removed; and when
Captain Stokes went down the Barbara Channel, to the relief of the Saxe
Cobourg's crew, those staves were seen in the possession of the Indians.
A fine morning (11th) induced us to leave this quiet anchorage, to examine
the openings of the south shore; and in the afternoon, the anchor was
dropped in a convenient place, on the west side of the western inlet, named
by us Warrington Cove. While crossing the bay from Point Elvira, the north
extremity of Cayetano Island, several 'smokes' were observed on the low
land, at the bottom of the inlet; and after we anchored two canoes visited us,
containing six men, four women, and two or three children. They
approached very cautiously, and could not be induced to come alongside. At
last the men landed, and invited us to communicate with them. I therefore
went on shore with two or three officers, and remained with them half an
hour, during which they gradually lost the distrust they had at first evinced;
but each man still carried a number of pebbles in the corner of his wrapper,
ready to repel any attack we might make upon them; from the knowledge
we have since obtained of their character, I think it probable that they had
lately committed some act of aggression on a sealing-vessel, and were

afraid of retaliation. Our conduct tended to assure them of our friendship;
and, shortly after we left the shore, they came alongside in their canoes, and
were very familiar, eagerly bartering their necklaces and baskets. In their
way to us they had probably landed their more valuable goods, such as otter
and seal-skins, as well as their weapons and dogs, without which they never
go far.
The natives of this part are considered by the sealers to be the most
mischievously inclined of any in the Strait, or Tierra del Fuego. The
appearance of our visitors was certainly against them; but they did not
commit themselves during our two or three days' communication, by any
act which could make us complain, or cause suspicion of their honesty and
friendship. We, however, kept too good a look-out, to enable them to take
advantage of our seeming good-nature.
Among bushes behind the high beach were three wigwams, but the Indians
had no intention of remaining with us for the night. They went away, to our
great satisfaction, at an early hour, and returned to the bottom of the sound,
where a large party of their countrymen was assembled. Their departure
enabled us to look round, in the vicinity of our anchorage, and examine its
productions, which differed in no way from those of other parts of the coast.
Its geological structure is, however, different: the rocks are greenstone, or
granite, without slate. Mount Maxwell, rising immediately over the cove, is
the termination of a rocky mountain range, whose summits are crowned
with snow. The verdant sides of the hill, interspersed at intervals with large
masses of bare rock, produced, from a distance, rather a pleasing effect; but,
upon examination, the verdure was found to consist principally of moss, or
a stunted vegetation, covering a soft and swampy soil. The upper portions
of the mount are so precipitous as not to be easily reached; and, indeed,
many parts rise with a perpendicular ascent for more than a hundred feet.
On the south side of Mount Maxwell is Smyth Inlet, which contains
anchorage on the north shore, particularly one in Earle Cove; but in the
centre the water is deep, and on that account, it is not an inviting place for a
ship. During Mr. Graves's absence in Smyth Harbour, I examined the coast
as far as Cape Edgeworth, where I obtained an extensive set of bearings.
The afternoon was particularly favourable for the purpose, the snow-capped
mountains of the north shore were perfectly distinct; and among them was a
very high one, shaped like a Highland target, the peak of the mountain

answering to the central spike of the shield. We never afterwards saw it, nor
could I, on this occasion, fix its position better, than by estimating its
distance. The rock is chiefly greenstone, accompanied by considerable
masses of granite. A little islet, off Dighton Cove, is composed of granite, of
a lamelliform structure. Mr. Graves brought me a specimen of lamelliform
granite attached to a mass of greenstone.
The Indians visited us every day, their number being generally from twelve
to sixteen, of which five or six only were men, the rest were women, and
children of all ages. One of the latter could not have been more than three
weeks old; yet the mother, apparently about sixteen years of age, was
always occupied in the laborious employment of paddling the canoes. The
child was secured in the mother's lap, with its head on her bosom, by a
mantle, which was drawn tightly round both mother and child. Their canoes
were similar to those of the eastern parts of the Strait, about ten feet long,
holding four or five grown persons and two or three children, besides their
dogs, implements, and weapons: they are formed of bark, and kept in shape
by wooden cross supports secured to the gunwale, which is lined by a long,
slender pole. They are divided into three compartments, the foremost
occupying about one-third of the length, contains the spears, placed ready
for immediate use; in the second are the grown persons, with the fire-place
between them, the men sitting between the fire-place and the spears, to be
ready to use them upon the approach of seals or porpoises; on the opposite
side of the fire-place are seated the women who paddle the canoe, in which
the men sometimes assist, when great expedition is necessary. Behind the
women, in the third division, are the elder children and the dogs, the
younger children being generally stowed away in the women's laps, for the
sake of mutual warmth. The fire is made upon a layer of clay, several inches
thick, at the bottom of the canoe; and above the fire, across the gunwales,
are laid several pieces of half-burnt wood, for fuel.
During our communications with these visitors they conducted themselves
peaceably, and made no attempt to pilfer, although there was some little
roguery displayed by them in barter. One of the men having parted with all
his disposable property, tendered one of his daughters, a fine girl of
fourteen or fifteen years of age, for some mere trifle, and, being refused,
became very pressing and importunate to close the bargain for the price that
was jestingly offered; nor was it without difficulty that he was convinced

we were not in earnest. They were as poor as the rest of their countrymen,
very badly clothed, and possessing few skins to barter. Two of them
exchanged their otter skin mantles for cotton shirts, which they continued to
wear without complaining of cold.
As their visits lasted all day they always brought their food, consisting of
the blubber of seals and porpoises. The method used by them in cutting it
up is nearly similar to that adopted by the Esquimaux Indians, as described
by Sir Edward Parry in his second voyage, and also resembles the process
of the natives of King George's Sound, which I have described in the
account of my survey of Australia (vol. ii. p. 140): a piece of blubber being
held in the left hand, a corner of it is taken between the teeth, and it is then
cut by a knife, held underhanded, into strips backward and forward, without
passing the instrument entirely through: so that when the operation is
finished the piece draws out into a long band, about an inch thick, formed
by the connected strips. The whole affair from first to last is most offensive
to the sight; and the countenance of the carver is beyond description, for his
eyes being directed to the blubber, squint shockingly, and give his ugly face
a hideous appearance. The strip of blubber is next divided among the party,
each of whom proceeds to extract its oily juices by drawing it through his
teeth and sucking it, after which it is warmed in the fire to facilitate its
division into small pieces, which are swallowed or bolted without
mastication. Morsels of this dainty food were given not only to the elder
children, but even to infants at the breast.
On the 14th, while preparing to weigh, the Indians came on board and
helped to heave in the cable, but without rendering us much real assistance.
When the sails were loosed, the women in the canoes began to chatter and
scream for fear we should carry off their friends, and their alarm was no
sooner given than the deck was cleared of our visitors, who seemed to be
quite as much frightened for their safety as the women were. In a few
minutes afterwards we were proceeding to the southward, and first tried to
anchor in a bay on the south side of Smyth Harbour, but finding the depth
too great, I sent Lieut. Graves to sound behind an islet where there were
indications of a place of shelter, but he returned unsuccessful. During his
absence I went to a very narrow passage, which he had discovered, leading
to a large channel or sound; but finding it intricate, I deferred trying to enter
with the vessel until a more favourable opportunity should offer, and we

returned to the place south of Warrington Cove, called Dighton Bay, where
we anchored off a sandy beach in twenty fathoms, and secured the vessel by
laying the kedge on the shore. This sandy beach was the first we had found
in the eastern part of the Strait. The sand is quartzose, of a white colour, and
being a novelty, rendered the place interesting. A stream, supplied by the
ravines of Mount Maxwell, runs over the beach into the sea, and from it an
abundant supply of excellent water may be obtained without difficulty.
We observed no quadrupeds; but, of the feathered tribe, we found
woodpeckers, kingfishers, and woodcocks, and in the sheltered nooks
several humming-birds were darting about the flowery underwood of
berberis, fuchsia, and arbutus. In the tide-way, at the narrow passage, the
sea teemed with fish; over which hovered corvorants and other sea-fowl,
preying upon the small fry that were trying to elude their voracious
enemies, the porpoises and seals, thousands of which were seen sporting
about as we proceeded on our way. Whales were also numerous in the
vicinity, probably because of an abundance of the small red shrimp, which
constitutes their principal food.
I went again to examine the passage, and the tide being against us, we were
obliged to pull close to the western shore to benefit by the partial eddies,
otherwise we could not have proceeded until the turn of the tide.
These narrows, named 'Shag' Narrows, from the quantity of birds there so
called by seamen, are not a hundred yards wide. The south end is fronted by
an island, from whose summit, about four hundred feet high, I hoped to
obtain a good view southward, and after passing the narrows we landed and
reached the summit. While looking around at the view, and preparing the
theodolite, a woodcock started up from the long grass and walked away so
leisurely, that Mr. Tarn nearly succeeded in striking it with a stick. This bird
afforded us a name for the station, which we found to be at the northern side
of a large basin, ten miles wide, and six long, terminated at its south end by
a channel leading to the open sea, but crowded with islands and rocks. A
deep inlet or chasm in the land, at the N.W. corner of this basin, was filled
with masses of floating ice, broken from an enormous glacier.
After obtaining all the bearings and embarking, we pulled three miles to the
westward, and took a round of angles at Point Cairncross, the south-west

point of Field's Bay, and again another set at the south head of Icy Sound,
near Dinner Cove, where we found a very convenient anchorage for small
vessels. Through Icy Sound we found some difficulty in penetrating, as the
channel was much obstructed by ice.
Three miles within this sound the rocky shore became more precipitous,
and at two miles farther, where the width across was not more than one
hundred and fifty yards, the rocks rise perpendicularly on each side to the
height of seven or eight hundred feet. Beyond this remarkable part the
channel opens out to a basin about half a mile in diameter, bounded by a
sloping glacier, from which immense masses of ice broke off frequently,
and falling with a noise like the discharge of a ship's broadside, threw up
the foaming water with terrific violence.
As we entered the basin, we were startled by a sudden roar, occasioned by
the fall of one of these avalanches, followed by echoes which reverberated
round the basin and among the mountains. We remained for half an hour
afterwards waiting for another fall, but were not gratified. Several were
heard at a distance, probably high up the sides of the glacier. The
examination of Icy Sound occupied us until dark, when we returned to the
schooner.
During our absence, Indians had again visited the Adelaide, the greater
number of whom were strangers. We had also seen a party in a canoe close
to Mount Woodcock, who were striking seal, and too intent upon their
object to pay much attention to any thing else.
On the 16th, the term of our absence having expired, we left Dighton Bay
on our return: at night we anchored in St. Nicholas Bay, and the day after
arrived at Port Famine. Natives had discovered and visited the ship while I
was away, but Lieut. Wickham did not encourage them to remain; and two
or three attempts to pilfer being detected, they were treated with very little
ceremony; so finding their company was not desired, they went across the
Strait to Lomas Bay, where for several days afterwards the smoke of their
fires was seen. They were the same Indians whom we had met at Port San
Antonio.
That these Indians should be received so coolly, may seem to have been
impolitic on our side, when it is considered that our smaller vessels and

boats might be met with, and their crews ill-treated by way of retaliation. It
was, however, time that they should know our superiority; for, of late,
several very treacherous attacks had been made by them on sealing vessels,
and this party was the most forward and insolent we had seen. One of them
was teazing several of the men to box, an accomplishment he had probably
learnt from the crews of sealing vessels; among others, he fixed upon the
serjeant of marines, who very unceremoniously pushed him over the side,
and made him return to his canoe, which he resented by pushing off from
the ship's side, and throwing a stone at the serjeant, who was standing at the
gangway. As it missed him, and did no harm, no notice was taken of his
mischief. We afterwards heard that the same party had visited Bougainville
Harbour, where the Adeona was at anchor; but as Mr. Low neither gave
them encouragement to remain, nor permitted them to go on board his brig,
they very soon went away.
The difference between the climates of the western and eastern portions of
the Strait was very striking. To the westward the country, being principally
clothed with evergreens, such as the smooth-leaved beech, and Winter's-
bark, with an underwood of arbutus and berberis, seems to possess a
constant verdure, nor until the snow covers all, does it assume any thing
like the appearance of winter. To the eastward, evergreens are less common,
their place being occupied by the beech (Fagus Antarctica), whose leaves
fall very early. Snow had also begun to cover the lower grounds, giving
signs of winter. April terminated with finer weather than we had
experienced for some weeks, but May set in with north-easterly winds and
much rain, succeeded by a heavy fall of snow.

"Tristis hyems montes niveo velamine vestit."

As yet the thermometer had not been very low. On one or two occasions it
had fallen during the night to 28°, but generally it ranged between 45° and
33°.
The Adelaide was again despatched on the 30th April, to carry on an
examination of the openings on each side of Cayetano Island; but she
returned on the 21st of May, with the disagreeable intelligence of having
had her only serviceable boat stolen by the Indians. This was a serious loss,
not only on account of so much time being thrown away, but also because

we had no other boat to substitute for her. To prevent delay, I sent to Mr.
Low, at Bougainville Harbour, requesting that he would sell one of his
boats; but he was himself so badly off, from similar losses, that he could
only assist us by lending one for a few weeks, and as it was the only boat he
possessed, it could not be spared to go far from his vessel. I, therefore,
despatched Mr. Graves, in the Adelaide, to Bougainville Harbour, to employ
himself in examining the coast thence to Cape Froward, and in the mean
time began to build a whale-boat, to be ready for the Adelaide's use as soon
as winter had passed over; for, from Mr. Graves's report of the state of the
climate to the westward, very little could be done during the winter months.
The following is Lieut. Graves's account of the loss of his boat:—Upon
leaving Port Famine he proceeded at once to Port Gallant, and surveyed
Cordes Bay; after which he crossed the Strait to St. Simon's Bay, and
anchored in Millar Cove, on its western side, immediately to the north of
Port Langara, from which it is only separated by a narrow neck of land. The
Adelaide remained there at anchor while Mr. Graves visited the different
parts of the bay. Her presence had attracted a large party of Indians, who,
occupying several wigwams near the entrance of the cove, paid daily visits
to our people, and were apparently very familiar and well-disposed.
But they had cast a longing eye on the whale-boat, which, when equipped
for service, contained many things very useful to them, and they laid a plan
to carry her off, which succeeded. One evening she was prepared for going
away at an early hour the following day, and, to save time, every thing that
might be required was placed in her, and she was made fast for the night.
Two or three Indians were then on board, and observing what was done,
laid their plan, and at sunset took their leave as usual. The night was pitchy
dark, and at nine o'clock the boat was missed from alongside. The alarm
was given, and instant search made at the wigwams of the Indians, who had
all decamped, without leaving the least trace of themselves or the boat. The
'painter,' or rope by which she had been fastened to the vessel, had been cut
through with some sharp instrument, most probably a knife, which our
people had sharpened for them on the grindstone that very day.
Every possible search was made next morning, but without success; the
boat that was left was one which could not be used with any advantage, and
Mr. Graves returned to Port Famine. Vexatious as the accident was, I could

not blame him for what had occurred, for no one had suspicions of such
conduct from the Indians, who, on all other occasions, had kept at a
distance from us after night-fall. The boat was properly secured alongside,
and the night was so cold that no person would have thought the Indians
would expose themselves to such a temperature (28°); for they must have
swum alongside to cut her adrift, and then must have towed her away very
gradually, to prevent the theft being discovered, for there were two persons
walking the deck at the time.
Mr. Tarn, who accompanied Mr. Graves on this occasion, brought me a very
fine sea-eagle (Polyborus Novæ Zealandiæ), and some other birds, and a
specimen from a shrub which we had not before observed, a species of
Desfontanea.
In order to prevent a similar loss in future, the Adelaide was forthwith fitted
with cranks outside, for hoisting up her boats when in harbour.
Winter advanced rapidly; the ground was constantly covered with snow,
from one to two feet deep, and every night more fell. In the early part of
June we had a gale of wind from the N.W., which flooded the low ground
upon which our tents stood; but fortunately the large tent had been
accidentally placed on a higher part, and escaped. This flood filled, and, of
course, spoiled the water in all the ponds about the tents; and we had
afterwards to procure our supplies from a considerable distance.
On the 8th of June much lightning was observed to the northward, and
repeated rumbling noises were heard, which continued for long periods; one
lasted distinctly for the space of twenty minutes. At first, they were thought
to be eruptions of some distant volcano; but, from the frequent lightning,
they were probably echoes of thunder, reverberating through the deep
ravines that intersect the rocky ridges of the Cordillera, from which we
were distant at least one hundred and fifty miles.
A succession of bad weather followed, during which the barometer
fluctuated rapidly. On the 14th, the mercury fell to 28. 17. inches, after
which it gradually rose, with fine settled weather, until it reached 30. 50.,
when bad weather again set in. The people at the tents experienced another
inundation. Had the water risen six inches more, it would have carried
every thing away; and as the wind was blowing dead upon the shore, while

a heavy surf was beating upon the beach, we could have rendered them very
little assistance from the ship.
The severity of the weather brought a most disagreeable accompaniment.
Scurvy appeared, and increased; while the accidental death of a seaman,
occasioned by falling down a hatchway, followed by the decease of two
others, and also of Mr. Low, of the Adeona, whose body was brought to me
for burial, tended to create a despondency amongst the crew that I could in
no way check. The monotony of their occupations, the chilling and gloomy
appearance of the country, and the severity of the climate, all tended to
increase the number of the sick, as well as the unfavourable symptoms of
their disease. The Beagle's term of absence was, however, drawing to a
close, and I caused a rumour to be spread, that upon her appearance we
should quit Port Famine. To give a semblance of reality to this report, the
topmasts were ordered to be fidded, and the ship otherwise prepared for sea,
which had a manifest effect upon the scorbutic, of whom several were in a
bad stage of that horrid disease, and many others were just attacked. We
found ourselves now, too, thrown on our own resources for fresh food:
scarcely a fish was taken with the hook, and the seine, although frequently
shot, never caught anything. Of birds, only a few hawks and small finches
were procured, which were all reserved for the sick, the greater number of
whom lived on shore, at the tents, where they might walk about, and amuse
themselves as they pleased.
The Adelaide returned from Bougainville Harbour on the 18th of June,
having succeeded in the object for which she was sent. The extremity of
Cape Froward, a bluff head, over which is a round-topped hill (precisely the
French 'Morre') is what Sarmiento called the Morro de Santa Agueda. Any
name given by this excellent old navigator is too classical and valuable to
be omitted; therefore, while the extremity itself may retain the modern
appellation of Cape Froward, the mountain by which it is formed may still
be allowed to keep his distinction. Behind it, the land rises to a higher ridge,
the edge of which is remarkably serrated, and probably of a slaty character.
The specimens procured from the Cape were clay-slate, much intermixed
with iron pyrites, and crossed by small veins of white quartz. Of the
anchorages examined by Mr. Graves, Bougainville Harbour, better known
to sealers by the name of Jack's Cove, or Harbour, is the most sheltered.

It is surrounded on all sides by high precipitous hills, thickly clothed with
trees. The depth is moderate, and the water so beautifully clear, that the
anchors, and even shells and stones, were distinctly seen upon the bottom. It
was here that Bougainville procured wood for the use of the settlement at
the Falkland Islands. Captain Stokes says of this place: "After seeing the
abundant supplies of timber which Freshwater Bay and Port Famine afford,
I had shared in the surprise which Byron expresses, that any one should
have come so far up the Strait to get it; but on examining the spot, I found
that a happier selection could not have been made. It is a little cove, just
round the eastern point of the Bay of San Nicolas, about a hundred yards
wide and three times as long. Here, moored to the shore, a ship may lie in
eight fathoms, perfectly sheltered from any wind, the water as smooth as in
a wet-dock. Shapely trees, of all dimensions, are growing within a few
yards of the shore; and the wood, when felled, may be hoisted on board
from the beach, by tackles from the yard-arms. Here, too, with very little
trouble, a supply of water may be got from the many streams that make
their way through the underwood which skirts the cove. As we pulled up
this sequestered nook, the unusual sound of our oars and voices put to flight
multitudes of birds, and the surface of the water was broken by the jumping
of fine fish. Some very eatable geese were shot. Our stay was too short to
admit of hauling the seine; but my boat's crew contrived to half-fill the boat
with excellent muscles and limpets, which are found here in great plenty."
The geological character of the coast between Cape St. Isidro and San
Nicolas Bay is clay-slate; near the beach, however, this rock is not visible,
since it is there covered with a kind of breccia of rounded pebbles, in an
indurated sandy rock, of green colour. The pebbles are principally of slate;
but some were found to be of granite and other quartzose rock, perhaps
greenstone.
One of the headlands, called by M. Bougainville Cape Remarquable, was
examined by Mr. Graves for fossil shells, of which the French navigator
speaks. Half the rock was beaten to pieces, without detecting anything like
organic remains. Living shells were in the greatest abundance about the
base of the Cape, but that is the case every where. The species generally
found are limpets and muscles, but with little variety and no novelty.

On the 21st of June, after a heavy north-east gale, we had an unusually fine
day. The hills at the bottom of Magdalen Channel were more distinct than
we had ever noticed them, and Mount Sarmiento was particularly clear;
indeed its outline was so sharply defined, that the distance did not appear to
be more than ten miles. This extraordinary transparency of the air was at
first considered a presage of wet weather; yet the clear and sharp
appearance of the distant land was unlike that which usually precedes a fall
of rain. The long series of rainy weather we had experienced made us look
for a good result from such an unusual atmosphere, and we were not
deceived. The following day our hopes were still further confirmed by
seeing three Indian canoes, coming across the Strait, towards us, from
Lomas Bay, which they would not have attempted had they not been sure of
its continuing fine; for their canoes are ill adapted to encounter the short
cross sea found during bad weather in mid-channel of the Strait.
Although the presence of the natives did not in general please me, because
it naturally put a stop to all work; yet, on this occasion it was agreeable, as
it tended in some measure to enliven the monotonous manner in which we
passed our days.
Upon reaching the bay, the Indians did not approach the ship, but paddled
into the coves under Point Santa Anna, where our boat was employed
watering. Mr. Graves went to them, to prevent mischief, and found they
were the same party who had before visited us. When our boats returned,
they paddled over to the wigwam at the head of the port, about a quarter of
a mile beyond our tents, and began to repair it, and by sunset were housed
and sheltered for the night. We had, however, so lately experienced their
treacherous disposition, that no confidence was placed in appearances.
Sentinels were posted at the tents, to give the alarm, should any of them
approach; and at eight o'clock a volley of musketry was fired, by way of
intimidation, and to impress them with the idea that we kept a watch upon
their movements, and were prepared.
While the wigwams were repairing, a few of the Indians visited our tents;
but were not allowed to pass within a rope that, by my orders, was stretched
around our property, a restriction which they did not attempt to evade. At
sunset all were told to go away, and they immediately, as well as cheerfully,
complied.

The next morning, and indeed throughout the whole day, the neighbourhood
of the wigwams exhibited the appearance of a fair. I visited them, and found
that they had not only repaired an old wigwam, but erected another. Both
together contained the whole party, consisting of twenty-six individuals,
among whom were an old man, and two old women. They had brought over
a collection of baskets, bows and arrows, stone heads of knives, &c. to sell
to our people, who had always shown eagerness to possess these curiosities.
The knife-heads were made generally of pitch-stone; but the greater number
were of broken glass bottles, which they had collected when they visited us
last year. A few strings of beads purchased all their riches; after which they
sold their dogs, and Mr. Graves procured one of them for a knife and a
string of beads. It was a remarkably fine animal, and showed great
reluctance to be handled by our people, several of whom were bitten in their
attempts to take him to the boat.
At night one of the canoes was despatched to collect shell-fish, probably
sea-eggs, from the reef of Rocky Bay. The following morning all their
goods were embarked, and then they paddled their canoes to the beach, near
the tents, where some of their men landed. They had nothing to offer in
exchange for several things which tempted them, and were beginning to
grow troublesome. One of them, the individual who threw a stone at the
sergeant, persisting to pass the boundary that was marked upon the ground,
which no one of them had before presumed to do, was pushed back by the
sentinel; upon which he ran to his canoe and took out several spears,
doubtless intending to try to force a passage; but the appearance of two or
three muskets brought him to his senses, and the spears were returned to the
canoe; after which he became familiar, and apparently friendly. This affair,
however, was soon followed by their departure, which gave me much
satisfaction. They went southward, landing for the night in Voces Bay, and
the following day went to the Adeona, in Bougainville Harbour, where they
remained some days.
The day after the Indians left us, a boat came from the Adeona, to acquaint
us that, in a day or two, she and her companions, the Uxbridge and
Mercury, intended to leave the Strait for the Falkland Islands; upon which I
prepared letters for England, and a report of my proceedings for the
Secretary of the Admiralty. The ships passed by on the 30th, and took my
letters.

This last month (June) set in with snow or rain, which continued until the
11th, when the weather assumed a very threatening appearance. On the 14th
the barometer fell to 29. 27, and the wind blew a hard gale from N.E.; but in
the afternoon it veered round to S.W., and the mercury rose rapidly. A gale
from S.W. followed, and then to the end of the month we had a series of
moderate weather, but much snow. The mean temperature for June was
32°,97 the range being between 19°,2 and 48°,7.
July commenced with an unusually low temperature and a high barometer;
the former, on the 4th was 12°,2, and the latter, at the same time, at 30,5
inches, having risen since the 14th of June 1.82 of an inch. After this we
had a few mild and fine days, but paid dearly for them; a northerly gale set
in, bringing with it unwholesome damp weather, in which the temperature
rose to between 35° and 42°, and melted much of the snow that had covered
the ground, quite to the water's edge, during the last two months. Our sick-
list, particularly of cases of scurvy, increased so much, during this damp,
trying weather, that I determined upon sending the Adelaide to the
northward, to procure a supply of fresh meat from the Patagonians; and, at
the same time, to survey that part of the Strait lying between Cape Negro
and the Second Narrow.
Lieutenants Graves and Wickham, and Mr. Tarn, went upon this service, the
latter being most anxious to procure some change of diet for the sick under
his care, for some of whom he was much alarmed. The appearance and
severity of this disease, although every precaution had been used, and
subsequent attention paid to their diet, are not easy to account for: fresh
provisions, bread baked on board, pickles, cranberries, large quantities of
wild celery, preserved meats and soups, had been abundantly supplied; the
decks were kept well-aired, dry, and warm, but all to no purpose; these
precautions, perhaps, checked the disease for a time; but did not prevent it,
as had been fully expected.
The Adelaide sailed on the 16th of July, with every prospect of fine weather.
The same evening, an American sealing schooner anchored near us, on her
way to Staten Land. She had entered the Straits by Cutler and Smyth
Channels, and in forty-eight hours arrived at Port Famine. After obtaining
some trifling assistance from our forge, she sailed.

On the 25th, three new cases of scurvy appeared, one being the assistant-
surgeon, which increased our sick-list to fourteen. Feeling the necessity of
doing something, I ordered the hands to be turned up, 'Prepare ship for sea!'
No sooner had the words escaped the boatswain's lips, than all was life,
energy, and delight. The preliminary preparations were made, and every one
looked forward with pleasure to the change, except myself. I had hoped to
pass the twelve months at Port Famine, with the intention of completing a
meteorological journal, for which this place afforded peculiar advantages.
My plan was, on the Beagle's return, to despatch her and the schooner along
the West Coast, and join them in the Adventure at Chilóe.
As our departure was now supposed to depend on the Beagle's arrival, every
eye was on the stretch to watch for her, and every morning some one of our
party ascended the heights, to look out. On the 27th she was seen, beating
up from the southward; but as the wind was contrary, she did not anchor in
the bay until the evening. Her return was greeted with three most hearty
cheers; but on passing under our stern, Lieutenant Skyring informed me that
Captain Stokes was confined to his cabin by illness, and could not wait on
me. I therefore went to the Beagle, and found Captain Stokes looking very
ill, and in low spirits. He expressed himself much distressed by the
hardships the officers and crew under him had suffered; and I was alarmed
at the desponding tone of his conversation. He told me that the Beagle had
been up the western coast as high as Cape Tres Montes, in latitude 47°, had
surveyed the Gulf of Peñas and other portions of the coast, particularly Port
Henry, at Cape Three Points, the entrance of the Gulf of Trinidad, and Port
Santa Barbara, at the north end of Campana Island.
During the survey of the Gulf of Peñas they had experienced very severe
weather, both stormy and wet, during which the Beagle's crew were
incessantly employed, and had consequently suffered greatly. Captain
Stokes seemed not to have spared himself. He appeared much gratified by
my visiting him, and before we parted he was for a time restored to his
usual energy, detailing the circumstances of the voyage, and conversing
upon the plan of our future operations with considerable animation.
The return of the Beagle cheered our ship's company, and on the 30th the
Adelaide came back, with a large quantity of guanaco meat, which had been
procured from the Patagonian Indians at Peckett's Harbour.

When the Adelaide anchored there, about thirty natives appeared on the
shore. Mr. Tarn landed, and communicated our wants, saying that he would
give tobacco and knives for as much guanaco meat as they could procure;
with them was the Fuegian, who seemed to be a leading man, and to have
become one of the most active of the party. He was the principal
spokesman, and upon commencing the hunt he pointed to the snow upon
the ground, and called it 'bueno' (good), because it would show the traces of
the animals, and the direction they had taken. Mr. Wickham thus described
to me the manner in which they hunted: Two men ascended a hill, placed
themselves one at each end of its summit, and stood motionless for some
time, on the look-out. As soon as guanacoes were seen, their position and
movements were communicated, by signs, to the men in the valley, who
were thus enabled to approach their game unawares. The guanacoes are
taken with the bolas, which entangle their legs and throw them down. As
soon as they are killed, they are skinned and cut up. The first night seven
hundred pounds of meat were brought, and two thousand and forty-six
pounds were obtained in a few days.
This ample change of diet inspired me with the hope that our sick, at least
those affected by scurvy, would recover, and that after another large supply,
which we now knew how to obtain, we might be enabled to prosecute our
voyage as was first intended. All hands were therefore allowed fresh meat
for a week, and the residue was placed at the disposal of the surgeon, for the
use of the sick, but all ineffectually; the list still increased, and Lieutenant
Wickham, with a violent cold, and Mr. Rowlett, with scurvy, were added to
it. The assistant-surgeon's became the worst case of scurvy on board; and
our people, finding that the preparations for quitting the place were not
going on, began to despond again. Captain Stokes was anxious to prepare
his vessel for another cruize, being very averse to giving up our plans and
returning to Monte Video, since he thought the crews, from utter disgust at
the privations and hardships they had endured, would not be persuaded to
go on another voyage; but that if they were to go to Chilóe or Valparaiso, to
refresh, they might recover their strength and spirits, and be willing to
renew the survey; which, however, he himself seemed to dread, for he never
mentioned the subject without a shudder. He was evidently much excited,
and suspicions arose in my mind that all was not quite right with him. I
endeavoured to prevail on him to give his people a longer rest, but he was

the more anxious to make preparations. On the 31st July he sent an
application for provisions, and in the evening I received a note from him,
which was written in his former usual flow of spirits. The officers, however,
knew more of the diseased state of his mind than I did; and it was owing to
a hint given to me, that I desired Mr. Tarn to communicate with Mr. Bynoe,
and report to me whether Captain Stokes's health was sufficiently restored
to enable him to commence another cruize. This was on the 1st of August.
The provisions had been sent, in compliance with his application, and the
surgeons were on board the Adventure, considering upon their report, which
was, as I afterwards found, very unfavourable, when a boat came from the
Beagle, with the dreadful intelligence that Captain Stokes, in a momentary
fit of despondency, had shot himself.
The surgeons instantly repaired on board, and finding him alive, had
recourse to every means in their power, but without hope of saving his life.
During the delirium that ensued, and lasted four days, his mind wandered to
many of the circumstances, and hair-breadth escapes, of the Beagle's cruize.
The following three days he recovered so much as to be able to see me
frequently; and hopes were entertained by himself, but by no one else, that
he would recover. He then became gradually worse, and after lingering in
most intense pain, expired on the morning of the 12th.
Thus shockingly and prematurely perished an active, intelligent, and most
energetic officer, in the prime of life. The severe hardships of the cruize, the
dreadful weather experienced, and the dangerous situations in which they
were so constantly exposed—caused, as I was afterwards informed, such
intense anxiety in his excitable mind, that it became at times so disordered,
as to cause the greatest apprehension for the consequences. On the return of
the Beagle he got better; and the officers were so sanguine in hoping for his
complete restoration to health, on account of his progressive recovery, that
nothing which had transpired was communicated to me until after his
decease.
His remains were interred at our burial-ground, with the honours due to his
rank, and a tablet was subsequently erected to his memory.

CHAPTER X.

Account of the Beagle's cruize—Borja Bay—Cape Quod—Stuart Bay—Cape Notch—
Remarks on weather, and errors of Chart—Evangelists—Santa Lucia—Madre de Dios—Gulf
of Trinidad—Port Henry—Puma's track—Humming-birds—Very bad weather—Campana
Island—Dangers—Gale—Wet—Sick—Santa Barbara—Wager's beam—Wigwams—
Guaianeco Islands—Cape Tres Montes—St. Paul's—Port Otway—Hoppner Sound—Cape
Raper.

The following account of the Beagle's cruize is drawn up from Captain
Stokes's unfinished journal, and from detached memoranda, which were
found amongst his papers.
It will be recollected that, on my departure from Port Famine, in the
Adelaide, in the month of March, to survey portions of the southern side of
the Strait, I left instructions with Captain Stokes to proceed in the execution
of his orders as soon as the Beagle was ready. The details of those orders it
is unnecessary to repeat here, as they were performed to my entire
satisfaction; it will be merely requisite, as briefly as possible, to follow him
through a most arduous and distressing service. It is the sequel that
embitters the record.
"On the 18th of March, I sailed from Port Famine, and next day reached
Port Gallant.
"On the 23d, we anchored in the little cove called Borja Bay, which, though
very confined, and rather difficult of access, suited our purpose extremely
well. (See Sailing Directions). While there we measured the height of one
of the principal hills in the neighbourhood, and found it 1,800 feet.
"Bad weather detained us until the 26th, when we passed Cape Quod, and
reached Stuart Bay. Many places were left unexamined, because my object
was to hasten westward before the year was farther advanced.
"(27th.) We left Stuart Bay, and continued our progress to the westward,
with westerly winds, thick weather, and rain. The shores of the Straits were
seldom visible to us, from a thick mist with which they were clouded: it is,
however, a bold coast on each side, otherwise the Strait would be utterly
unnavigable in such weather. Near Cape Notch the mountains spire up into
peaks of great height, singularly serrated, and connected by barren ridges.
About their bases there are generally some green patches of jungle; but,
upon the whole, nothing can be more sterile and repulsive than the view.

This afternoon we passed Playa Parda, and in the evening anchored in
Marian Cove.
"In the course of the next day the wind freshened to a strong and squally
gale from the W.N.W., with much rain; the weather was so thick that we
could scarcely make out the coast. In this kind of weather, the lower parts of
the shore are screened from view by mist, and the upper ones are seen
looming through it in lofty masses, in a manner which would lead a stranger
to believe that the ship was completely environed with islands.
"In the evening we anchored in the little cove called Half Port Bay, and next
morning resumed our daily struggle against wind, tide, and weather.

"We crossed the mouth of a deep sound on the north shore,[103] where no
tide or current was remarked: the delineation of the coast about this point is
particularly defective in the old charts; fortunately, however, for the
navigator, he has here to deal with shores where the omission of a whole
island, or even the addition of a few that do not exist, is of less consequence
to his safety than the exact limit of one sand-bank in other parts of the
world. This night we anchored in Upright Bay, which, though affording
excellent shelter from the prevailing winds, is bad with a southerly one; as,
from the steepness of the bottom requiring a vessel to anchor close to the
shore, sufficient scope is not left for veering cable.
"Sheltered by the high land under which we were anchored, with the
exception of occasional gusts down the ravines and sounds, we had the
wind light at W.S.W.; but the rapid travelling of the scud over-head showed
that the usual weather prevailed. We weighed early next morning (30th),
and by noon had reached so far to the westward that the easternmost of the
round islands in Cape Tamar Bight bore north about two miles. By nightfall
we were off Cape Cortado; but the weather seeming settled and the wind
drawing to the southward, I resolved to keep under weigh, and try to get out
to sea that night. Circumstances favoured us; the weather was fine, the
moon remained unclouded, and the wind held at S.S.W. An hour after
midnight Cape Pillar bore W.S.W., distant about two miles, and thence we
shaped our course for the Evangelists, which we passed at the distance of a
mile.

"The Evangelists, as they are called by the early Spanish voyagers, or as
they were afterwards named (1670) by Sir John Narborough, the Isles of
Direction,[104] are a group of four rocky islets, and some detached rocks and
breakers, occupying altogether a space of three miles; they are exceedingly
rugged and barren, and suited only to afford a resting-place for seals and
oceanic birds. From the heavy sea prevalent there, and the raging surf that
generally breaks around, landing on them can be rarely practicable; yet
sealers effect it. The mate of a sealing vessel told me that he had landed on
the largest in a whale-boat, and killed several thousand seals. The
Evangelists are of sufficient height to be seen in clear weather from a ship's
deck, at the distance of six or seven leagues, but the superior elevation of
the coast on both sides will usually render it visible, before these islands
can be observed.
"Immediately on rounding the Evangelists a cape was distinguished,
appearing to terminate the northern coast line, which we made out to be
'Cape Isabel' of the Spanish charts. It is a steep, rocky promontory of great
height, having at its base some detached columnar masses of rock, and at its
summit a peak, and a serrated ridge; off it is a steep-sided island, which
proved to be that (Beagle Island) of which Lieut. Skyring and I took the
bearing last year, when we were on the summit of Cape Victory.
"Northward of Cape Victory the land forms a deep bight, of which Cape
Santa Lucia is the north-eastern headland. The coast in the interval is
exceedingly rugged and mountainous. Cape Santa Lucia may be
distinguished by a portion of flat table-land, about one-third of the altitude
of the mountain from which it proceeds, and terminating at its outer face
with a perpendicular precipice.
"The coast between Capes Isabel and Santa Lucia is dangerous to approach
nearer than ten miles, for there are within that distance many sunken rocks,
on which the sea only occasionally breaks. Some of these breakers were
seen to seaward of us, as we proceeded along the coast, at the distance of
five or six miles. When off Santa Lucia, whales were very numerous around
us.
"The general aspect of this portion of the coast is similar to that of the most
dreary parts of the Magalhaenic regions: bare, rugged, rocky, and

mountainous, intersected by inlets, and bordered by islets, rocks, and
breakers.
"The information we possessed respecting the prevalent winds on this coast
was very scanty; yet, since all we could procure represented them as
prevailing from the northward and north-westward, I considered it
advisable to take advantage of the present southerly wind to proceed to the
northern part of the coast assigned for our survey, instead of stopping to
explore the bight between Cape Isabel and Cape Santa Lucia.

"From the bearings at sunset,[105] we ran along the land with bright
moonlight, sounding every hour; and at daylight were about ten miles from
the Island of Madre de Dios.
"We closed the land and proceeded to the northward, keeping at a distance
of about three miles off shore, sounding between twenty-eight and thirty-
three fathoms, sandy bottom. The weather was clear and fine, and we were
enabled to make observations, and take the bearings and angles, necessary
for laying down the coast satisfactorily.
"At noon we were in latitude 50° 12′ south, and in the meridian of Cape
Tres Puntas, between which and a cape bearing from us N. 13° E.
(magnetic), distant eight miles, there was evidently an inlet: this cape is
marked on the chart as Cape William. The character of the land is the same
with that which we had hitherto passed, bare, rugged, rocky mountains,
with peaks, and sharply serrated ridges. From daylight to noon we had run
twenty-one miles along the coast; in that interval only one inlet was seen,
which was in the latitude of 50° 27′ south, agreeing well with the 'West
Channel' of the Spanish chart. It was four miles wide at its mouth, and
appeared to follow a winding course to the eastward. The land of Cape Tres
Puntas curved in to the eastward, until it closed with Cape William; at dusk
we were abreast of Cape William, and two leagues off shore, where we lay-
to till daylight, as I wished to examine the inlet between it and Cape Tres
Puntas, which subsequently proved to be Sarmiento's Gulf of Trinidad. The
old navigator thus describes its discovery:
"'At daylight, 17th of March, 1579, in the name of the most holy Trinity, we
saw land, bearing E.S.E., ten leagues distant, towards which we steered to
explore it. At mid-day, being near the land, we observed the latitude 49½°,

but Hernando Alonzo made it 49° 9′. In approaching the shore we saw a
great bay and gulf, which trended deeply into the land towards some snowy
mountains. To the south there was a high mountain, with three peaks,
wherefore Pedro Sarmiento named the bay 'Golfo de la Sanctisima
Trenidad.' The highest land of the three peaks was named 'Cabo de Tres
Puntas ó montes.' This island is bare of vegetation, and at the water-side is
low and rugged, and lined with breakers; on the summit are many white,
grey, and black-coloured portions of ground, or rock. Six leagues to the
north of Cape Tres Puntas is the opposite side of the gulf, where it forms a
large high mountain, backed to the north by low land, and fronted by many
islands. This high mountain, which appears to be an island from the offing,
was called 'Cabo Primero.''[106]
"The following night was clear, and the wind moderate from S.E., but in the
course of next morning it shifted to N.E., with squalls, rain, and thick
weather; we worked into the inlet notwithstanding, and by noon had
reached three miles within its S.W. head-land, Cape William, and were
abreast of a bay, into which I sent a boat to look for anchorage. On her
return we stood into it, and anchored in the excellent harbour, afterwards
named Port Henry, where we remained from the 2d to the 5th of April,
employed in making a correct survey of the harbour and its adjacencies, and
determining the latitude and longitude.[107]
"The inner harbour, distinguished in the plan by the name of 'Aid Basin,' is
perfectly land-locked, and sufficiently spacious to contain a numerous
squadron of the largest ships in twenty fathoms water, over a mud bottom,
and as completely sheltered from the effects of wind and sea as in wet-
docks. At the south-west side of the basin is a fresh-water lake, which
discharges itself by a small stream, whence casks might be conveniently
filled by means of canvas hoses, and the shores around have wood for fuel
in abundance; but, from the lofty surrounding mountains, some rising
almost perpendicularly to an elevation of two thousand feet, the thick
clouds with which this basin was generally overhung, and the dense
exhalations that arose from it during the rare intervals of sunshine, together
with the exceeding prevalence of heavy rain on this coast, this place must
be disagreeable and unhealthy. Such objections do not apply to the outer
harbour, for while its shores afford shelter, they do not obstruct a free

circulation of air. It is sufficiently large to afford convenient and secure
anchorage for five or six frigates.
"We hauled the seine with very poor success, as a few smelt only were
taken; we had no better luck with our fishing-lines; but the trial might have
been more profitable at another season, judging from the number of seals
we saw on the rocks off the Port, which live principally upon fish. Muscles,
limpets, and sea-eggs abound here, and are good and wholesome of their
kind. Birds are few in number, and of the species most common in these
regions. No quadruped of any kind was seen; but the purser told me that he
had observed, near the sandy beach, traces of a four-footed animal,
resembling those of a tiger: he followed them to a cavern, and thence to the
jungle. He also said that he had seen several humming-birds.
"With the exception of wild celery and the arbutus berry, I know not of any
useful vegetable production that this place affords, unless the 'Winter's-bark
tree' may be mentioned. Some coarse grass, fit perhaps for animals, may be
there procured. The only signs of inhabitants were some wigwams on the
western point, which seemed to have been long forsaken: in their
construction they were precisely similar to those erected by the migratory
tribes in the Straits of Magalhaens: and the shells of muscles, limpets, and
sea-eggs, within and about them, showed that the former tenants of these
hovels drew, like the Magalhaenic tribes, a principal part of their
subsistence from shell-fish.
"Around the harbour are granite mountains, perfectly bare at their summits
and north-western sides, but the lower parts are thickly covered in sheltered
places and ravines, partly with trees, and partly with brushwood: among the
trees growing here we observed, as usual, two kinds of beech, a tree like the
cypress, but of small size, and the Winter's-bark. The underwood is
composed of all the various shrubs we had met with in the Straits of
Magalhaens; and this brushwood is so thickly spread over the lower parts of
the shores of the harbour, that it is only by crawling over it that the distance
of a few yards from the rocks can be gained; and being generally of
insufficient strength to support a man's weight, it frequently gives way
beneath him, and he is so completely buried, as to make it difficult for him
to extricate himself.

"Scarcely any of the trees attain a size to render them fit for any thing but
firewood; of those we felled there was scarcely one that was not more or
less rotten at the heart, a defect probably caused by the extreme humidity of
the climate.
"During our stay, the master, accompanied by our boatswain's mate,(f) an
experienced sealer, went to take seal on the rocks, and returned in a few
hours with some of the inferior sort, called 'hair seal,' which were
numerous; but the surf was in most places too heavy to allow them to land
without much risk. The fry of the young seals we thought extremely good,
not exceeded even by the finest lamb's fry.
"On the morning of the 5th we worked to the westward, to clear the land on
each side of the inlet; and at sunset, Capo Tres Puntas bore N.b.W. ½ W.,
distant two leagues. The northerly breeze, which we had worked with since
leaving Port Henry, increased rapidly to a hard gale, and by 8 P.M. we were
reduced to the close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. The gale
continued with unabated violence during the 6th, 7th, and 8th, from the
north, N.W., and S.W., with a confused mountainous sea. Our decks were
constantly flooded, and we could rarely show more than the close-reefed
main-topsail and reefed foresail. Only two accidents occurred: the little boat
which we carried astern was washed away by a heavy sea that broke over
us, while hoisting her in-board; and the marine barometer was broken by
the violent motion of the vessel. At noon, on the 8th, Cape Corso bore from
us, by account, S.E. (true), distant fifty-five miles. I had tried to gain a wide
offing to get a less turbulent sea, and because not even an outline of the sea-
coast of Campana Island was drawn in the chart. We had not, during these
three days, a glimpse of the sun or of a star, for it blew a constant gale,
accompanied by squalls, thick weather, and rain. According to the time of
year, the season of winter had not arrived, but the weather seemed to say it
was already come—

Sullen and sad, with all it's rising train
Of vapours, clouds, and storms.

"The wind abated at daylight on the 9th, and drew to the southward, and
thence to the S.E. (the fair weather quarter of this coast). We bore up to
make the land, and at about 10 A.M. the 'loom' of it was seen from the mast-

head. At noon, high mountains were visible from the deck; our latitude, by
observation, was 48° 51′, and our longitude, by chronometer, 00° 27′ west
of Port Henry. No soundings were obtained with one hundred and ten
fathoms of line. Hence we steered east (magnetic) towards a remarkable
mountain, which, from our being nearly in the parallel of it at noon, has
been marked in the chart as Parallel Peak. The coast we were upon was that
of the Island 'Campana,' and, in its general appearance, did not differ from
that of Madre de Dios. It was late before we got very close to the land; but,
for a couple of leagues to the northward, and about a league to the
southward of the parallel of our latitude at noon, we could distinguish rocks
and breakers skirting the coast to a distance of two leagues from the shore.
"At dusk we hauled off for the night; but instead of being able to resume the
examination of the coast next morning, we had to encounter another gale of
wind from the N.W., which, before noon, reduced us to close-reefed main-
topsail and reefed foresail. This gale suddenly subsided in the western
quarter, which was singular; for those we have experienced generally
commenced at north, thence drew round to the westward, from which point
to S.W. they blew with the greatest fury, and hauling to the southward,
usually abated to the eastward of south.
"During the afternoon, we again made the land near Parallel Peak, but could
not close it. Next morning (11th), with fine weather, and a fresh breeze at
S.W.b.W., we once more saw the land about Parallel Peak; and when distant
from the shore about eight miles, steered N.b.E. along the coast. At noon
our latitude was 48° 47′.
"Throughout our run along the coast this day, we skirted a number of rocky
islets, rocks, and breakers, lying off shore at the distance of three or four
miles. Some of the islets were elevated several feet above the surface of the
sea; others were a-wash, and there were breakers that showed themselves
only occasionally. Along this line the surf beat very heavily, and, outside, a
long rolling sea prevailed, in which the ship was very uneasy.
"This line of dangers is not altogether continuous; for there is an opening
about two miles wide, abreast of Parallel Peak, to the southward of which is
a bight, where possibly a harbour may exist; but, considering the prevalence
of heavy westerly gales and thick weather, if there be one, few vessels

would venture to run for it; and this line must, I should think, be considered
as a barrier that they ought not pass. As seal are found on the rocks, vessels
engaged in that trade might not, perhaps, be deterred by these dangers, but
every other would give all this extent of coast a wide berth. We ran past the
breakers at the distance of about a mile, having rocky soundings, from
thirty to twenty-three fathoms.
"The termination of the coast line northward was a high, rugged island, with
a small peak at the north end. The extremity of the main land was rather a
high bluff cape, whence the coast extends southward, with craggy,
mountainous peaks and ridges, as far as Parallel Peak. At sunset, the N.W.
end of Campana bore north (magnetic), distant three leagues, and from the
mast-head I could see very distinctly the belt of rocks and breakers
extending uninterruptedly to the northward, as far as the end of Campana.
"We hauled off for the night, and had light variable airs, or calms, until 2
A.M. of the 12th, when a breeze from the northward sprung up, and
freshened so rapidly, that by noon we were again reduced to a close-reefed
main-topsail and foresail. The gale was accompanied, as usual, by incessant
rain and thick weather, and a heavy confused sea kept our decks always
flooded.
"The effect of this wet and miserable weather, of which we had had so
much since leaving Port Famine, was too manifest by the state of the sick
list, on which were now many patients with catarrhal, pulmonary, and
rheumatic complaints. The gale continued undiminished until the morning
of the 13th, when, having moderated, we bore up and steered N.E. to close
the land. At noon a good meridional altitude gave our latitude 48° 30′ south,
and about the same time we saw the land bearing N.E.b.E., which we soon
made out to be Parallel Peak. After allowing amply for heave of sea, and
lee-way, we were considerably southward of our reckoning, which indicates
a southerly current; but under such circumstances of wind and weather its
exact direction, or strength, could not be ascertained.
"We proceeded along the land, taking angles and bearings for the survey,
and at sunset the N.W. end of Campana bore from us north (magnetic),
distant five leagues. Being now off the N.W. end of the island of Campana,
which forms the south-western headland of the Gulf of Peñas, I considered

that, before I proceeded to examine its inlets, I ought to look for the
Harbour of Santa Barbara, which has been placed on the old charts in this
neighbourhood. Accordingly we lay-to during the night, and at 4 A.M. bore
up to close the land; at daylight the extremes of it were seen indistinctly
through a very cloudy and hazy atmosphere, from N. 39° E. to S. 53° E.
About noon the weather cleared off, and we got the meridian altitude of the
sun, which gave our latitude 48° 09′ south.[108] We directed the course for
our Dundee Rock, and when abreast of it, steered N.E. (compass) for an
opening in the low part of the coast ahead, backed by very high mountains,
which we found was the entrance of Port Santa Barbara. The coast to the
southward was lined with rocky islets, rocks, and breakers, extending a
league to seaward, and there were others to the northward. We were in a
channel half a mile wide, through which we continued our course, sounding
from fifteen to eleven fathoms, and in the evening anchored near the
entrance of the harbour.
"As our present situation was completely exposed to westerly winds, I went
to examine a deep bight in the southern shore, which proved to be a good
harbour, perfectly sheltered from all winds, with a depth of three and a half
fathoms over a fine sandy bottom. In the afternoon we weighed anchor and
warped into a berth in the inner harbour, where we moored in three fathoms.
I found lying, just above high-water mark, half buried in sand, the beam of
a large vessel.[109] We immediately conjectured that it had formed part of
the ill-fated Wager, one of Lord Anson's squadron (of whose loss the tale is
so well told in the narratives of Byron and Bulkeley): the dimensions
seemed to correspond with her size, and the conjecture was strengthened by
the circumstance that one of the knees that attached it to the ship's side had
been cut, which occurred in her case, when her decks were scuttled to get at
the provisions; all the bolts were much corroded; but the wood, with the
exception of the outside being worm-eaten, was perfectly sound. Our
carpenter pronounced it to be English oak.
"The land about this harbour is similar to that about Port Henry. Its shores
are rocky, with some patches of sandy beach, but every where covered with
trees, or an impervious jungle, composed of dwarfish trees and shrubs. The
land, in most places, rises abruptly from the shore to mountains, some of
which attain an altitude of more than two thousand feet, and are quite bare
at their summits and on their sides, except in sheltered ravines, where a

thick growth of trees is found. These mountains, or at least their bases,
where we could break off specimens, were of basalt, with large masses of
quartz imbedded in it; but on some parts of the shores the rocks were of
very coarse granite.
"As in the vicinity of Port Henry, the thickness of the jungle prevented our
going far inland; the greatest distance was gained by Lieut. Skyring, who,
with his wonted zeal to prosecute the survey, ascended some of the
mountains for the purpose of obtaining bearings of remote points: he
remarked to me, 'that many miles were passed over in ascending even
moderate heights; the land was very high and very irregular; the mountains
seemed not to lie in any uniform direction, and the longest chain that was
observed did not exceed five miles. The flat land between the heights was
never two miles in extent: the ground was always swampy, and generally
there were small lakes receiving the drainage of mountain-streams. Indeed
the whole country appeared broken and unconnected.'
"Some of the mountains were ascertained to be 2,500 feet high, but the
general height was about 2,000 feet. A large island, on the northern side of
the harbour, is an excellent watering-place, at which casks may be
conveniently filled in the boat. It is also an object of great natural beauty:
the hill, which forms its western side, rises to seven or eight hundred feet,
almost perpendicularly, and when viewed from its base in a boat, seems
stupendous: it is clothed with trees, among which the light-green leaves of
the Winter's-bark tree, and the red flowers of the Fuchsia, unite their tints
with the darker foliage of other trees. This perpendicular part extends to the
northward till it is met by the body of the mountain, which is arched into a
spacious cavern, fifty yards wide and a hundred feet high, whose sides are
clothed with a rich growth of shrubs; and before it a cascade descends down
the steep face of the mountain.
"On the shore we found two Indian wigwams and the remains of a third; but
they had evidently been long deserted, for the grass had grown up both
around and within them to the height of more than a foot. These wigwams
were exactly similar to those in the Strait of Magalhaens: one was larger
than any I had met with, being eighteen feet in diameter. The only land
birds I saw were two owls, which passed by us after dusk with a screeching
noise.

"On the patches of sandy beach, in the inner harbour, we hauled the seine,
but unsuccessfully; we expected to find fish plentiful here, from seeing
many seals on the rocks outside, and from finding the water quite red with
the spawn of crayfish. Muscles and limpets were pretty abundant, and the
shells (Concholepas Peruviana) used by the Magalhaenic tribes as drinking
cups, were found adhering to the rocks in great numbers.
"Nothing; could be worse than the weather we had during nine days' stay
here; the wind, in whatever quarter it stood, brought thick heavy clouds,
which precipitated themselves in torrents, or in drizzling rain. We were well
sheltered from the regular winds; but many troublesome eddies were caused
by the surrounding heights, while the passing clouds showed that strong and
squally north-west winds were prevalent.
"On the morning of the 24th, we put to sea with a southerly breeze. The
extent of coast from the eastern part of Port Santa Barbara to the outer of
the Guaianeco Islands presents several inlets running deep into the land; but
it is completely bound by rocks and rocky islets, which, with its being
generally a lee-shore, renders it extremely unsafe to approach. Observing an
opening between some islets, of which we had taken the bearing at noon,
we stood in to see whether it afforded anchorage; and approaching the
extremity of the larger island, proceeded along it at the distance of only half
a mile, when, after running two miles through a labyrinth of rocks and kelp,
we were compelled to haul out, and in doing so scarcely weathered, by a
ship's length, the outer islet. Deeming it useless to expend further time in
the examination of this dangerous portion of the gulf, we proceeded
towards Cape Tres Montes, its north-western headland.
"At sunset Cape Tres Montes bore N. 25° W., distant eighteen miles. In this
point of view the cape makes very high and bold; to the eastward of it, land
was seen uninterruptedly as far as the eye could reach. We stood in shore
next morning, and were then at a loss to know, precisely, which was the
cape. The highest mountain was the southern projection, and has been
marked on the chart as Cape Tres Montes: but none of the heights, from any
point in which we saw them, ever appeared as 'three mounts.' The land,
though mountainous, seemed more wooded, and had a less rugged outline
than that we had been hitherto coasting, since leaving the Strait. We steered
along the western coast of the land near Cape Tres Montes, and at noon,

being three miles from the shore, observed, in latitude 46° 5. south, the
cape, bearing N. 80° E. (mag.), distant seven miles. The northernmost cape
in sight N. 26° W., distant ten miles, soundings ninety-seven fathoms.
Shortly afterwards another cape opened at N. 37° W. (mag.).
"The parallel of forty-seven degrees, the limit assigned for our survey, being
already passed, I did not venture to follow the coast further, although we
were strongly tempted to do so by seeing it trend so differently from what is
delineated on the old charts. An indentation in the coast presenting itself
between mountainous projections on each side of low land (of which the
northernmost was the cape set at noon), we hauled in to look for an
anchorage; but it proved to be a mere unsheltered bight, at the bottom of
which was a furious surf. We then stood to the southward, along the land of
Cape Tres Montes, with the view of examining the north side of the Gulf of
Peñas.
"The following morning was fine: Cape Tres Montes bore N.E., distant
about three leagues. We lay off and on during the day, while the master
went in the whale-boat, to examine a sandy bay (of which Cape Tres
Montes was the easternmost point) for anchorage: he returned about sunset,
and reported that it did afford anchorage; but was quite unsheltered from
wind, and exposed to a great swell. The boat's crew had fallen in with a
number of seals, and the quantity of young seal's fry they brought on board
afforded a welcome regale to their mess-mates and themselves.
"At daylight (27th) we were four leagues from Cape Tres Montes, bearing
N. 68° W. (magnetic) a remarkable peak, marked in the chart the 'Sugar
Loaf,' N. 19° E., distant twenty-four miles, and our soundings were sixty-
eight fathoms. This peak resembled in appearance, the Sugar Loaf at Rio de
Janeiro: it rises from a cluster of high and thickly-wooded islands, forming
apparently the eastern shore of an inlet, of which the land of Cape Tres
Montes is the western head. Further to the N.E. stands a lofty and
remarkable mountain, marked in our chart as 'the Dome of Saint Paul's.' It is
seen above the adjacent high land. The height of the Sugar Loaf is 1,836
feet, and that of the Dome of Saint Paul's, 2,284 feet.
"During the day we worked up towards the land, eastward of Cape Tres
Montes, and at night succeeded in anchoring in a sandy bay, nine miles

from the Cape, where our depth of water was twelve fathoms, at the
distance of a cable and a half off shore. We lay at this anchorage until noon
the following day, while Lieut. Skyring landed on some low rocks detached
from the shore, where he was able to take some advantageous angles; and
on his return we weighed and worked up the gulf, between the eastern land
of Cape Tres Montes, and high, well wooded islands. The shores of the
main land, as well as of the islands, are bold, and the channel between them
has no dangers: the land is in all parts luxuriantly wooded. About a mile and
a half to the northward of the sandy beach which we had left, lies another,
more extensive; and a mile further, a considerable opening in the main land,
about half a mile wide, presented itself, having at its mouth two small
thickly-wooded islands, for which we steered, to ascertain whether there
was a harbour. The water was deep at its mouth, from thirty-eight to thirty-
four fathoms; but the comparative lowness of the shores at its S.W. end, and
the appearance of two sandy beaches, induced us to expect a moderate
depth within. As we advanced, a long white streak was observed on the
water, and was reported from the mast-head as a shoal; but it was soon
ascertained to be foam brought down by the tide, and we had the
satisfaction of anchoring in sixteen fathoms over a sandy bottom, in a very
excellent port, which we named Port Otway, as a tribute of respect to the
Commander-in-chief of the South American Station, Rear Admiral Sir
Robert Waller Otway, K.C.B."

A deficiency here occurs in Captain Stokes's journal, which the Beagle's log
barely remedies. From the 30th of April to the 9th of May there was a
succession of stormy weather, accompanied by almost incessant and heavy
rain, which prevented the ship being moved; but proved, in one respect,
advantageous, by affording a very seasonable cessation from work to the
fatigued crew, and obliging Captain Stokes to take some little rest, which he
so much required; but regretted allowing himself, and submitted to most
reluctantly. He continues his journal on the 9th of May, stating that,
"Among the advantages which this admirable port presents to shipping, a
capital one seems to be the rich growth of stout and shapely timber, with
which its shores, even down to the margin of the sea, are closely furnished,
and from which a frigate of the largest size might obtain spars large enough
to replace a topmast, topsail-yard, or even a lower-yard. In order to try what

would be the quality of the timber, if, in case of emergency, it were used in
an unseasoned state, I sent the carpenter and his crew to cut two spars for a
topgallant-mast and yard. Those they brought on board were of beech-
wood; the larger being thirteen inches in diameter, and thirty feet in length.
"On the 10th, the weather having improved, the Beagle was moved to the
head of the inlet, to an anchorage in Hoppner Sound, and on the 11th I went
with Lieut. Skyring to examine the opening, off which we were anchored.
"On each side of it we found coves, so perfectly sheltered, and with such
inexhaustible supplies of fresh water and fuel, that we lamented their not
being in a part of the world where such advantages could benefit
navigation. The depth of water in mid-channel was generally forty fathoms;
in the bights, or coves, it varied from sixteen to twenty-five fathoms, with
always a sandy bottom. We saw a great many hair seals, shoals of pie-bald
porpoises, and birds of the usual kinds in considerable numbers. On several
points of the shores were parts of the skeletons of whales; but we no where
saw a four-footed animal, or the slightest trace of a human habitation. The
unusual fineness of the morning, the smoothness of the water, and the
proximity of the adjacent lofty mountains, clothed almost to their summits
by the fullest foliage, with every leaf at rest, combined with the stillness
around to give the scene a singular air of undisturbed repose. We reached
the extremity of the inlet, which we found was about six miles from its
mouth; and thinking that it was the inner shore of an isthmus, of no great
width, curiosity prompted us to endeavour to see its outer shore: so we
secured the boat, and accompanied by five of the boat's crew, with hatchets
and knives to cut their way, and mark the trees to guide us on our way back,
we plunged into the forest, which was scarcely pervious on account of its
entangled growth, and the obstructions presented by trunks and branches of
fallen trees.
"Our only guide was an occasional glimpse, from the top of a tree, of the
ranges of mountains, by which we steered our course. However, two hours
of this sort of work were rewarded by finding ourselves in sight of the great
South Sea. It would be vain to attempt describing adequately the contrast to
the late quiet scene exhibited by the view we had on emerging from this
dark wood. The inlet where we left our boat resembled a calm and
sequestered mountain lake, without a ripple on its waters: the shore on

which we now stood was that of a horrid rock-bound coast, lashed by the
awful surf of a boundless ocean, impelled by almost unceasing west winds.
"Our view of the coast was limited on each side by rocky mountainous
promontories: off the northernmost, which I called Cape Raper, were rocks
and breakers, extending nearly a mile to seaward. Having taken the few
bearings our situation enabled us to obtain, we retraced our steps to the
boat, and by aid of the marks we had left on the trees, reached her in an
hour and forty-three minutes.
"Some of the beech-trees of this wood were fifteen feet in circumference;
but I noticed none differing in their kind from those already observed about
Port Otway. A few wrens were the only living creatures we saw; not even an
insect was found in our walk. In the beds of some of the streams
intersecting the woods was a singularly sparkling sand, which had so much
the appearance of gold, that some of our party carried a bag-full on board to
be tested. The shining substance proved to be, as I had supposed, the
micaceous particles of disintegrated granite. It was not our good fortune to
discover streams similar to those sung of by the poet,

"Whose foam is amber, and whose gravel gold."

CHAPTER XI.
Leave Port Otway—San Quintin's Sound—Gulf of Peñas—Kelly Harbour—St. Xavier Island
—Death of Serjeant Lindsey—Port Xavier—Ygnacio Bay—Channel's mouth—Bad weather—
Perilous situation—Lose the yawl—Sick list—Return to Port Otway—Thence to Port Famine
—Gregory Bay—Natives—Guanaco meat—Skunk—Condors—Brazilians—Juanico—
Captain Foster—Changes of officers.

The Beagle returned to Port Otway the following day, and in an interval of
better weather obtained the observations necessary for ascertaining the
latitude and longitude of the port, and for rating the chronometers.
Captain Stokes's journal continues on the 19th of May: "We left Port Otway,
and as soon as we had cleared its entrance, steered E.N.E. across the gulf;
leaving to the northward all that cluster of islands, distinguished in the chart
as the 'Marine Islands,' and went to within a mile from the eastern shore.
Thence we ran four miles and a half parallel with the direction of coast
E.S.E. (mag.), at the mean distance of a mile off shore. The aspect of the
eastern and western portions of this gulf is very different, and the
comparison is much to the disadvantage of the eastern. Ranges of bare,
rugged, rocky mountains now presented themselves, and where wood was
seen, it was always stunted and distorted. A long swell rolled in upon the
shore, and every thing seemed to indicate a stormy and inclement coast.
There are a few bays and coves, in which is anchorage depth, with a pretty
good bottom of dark coarse sand: but rock-weed in large patches, seen in
some of them, denoted foul ground; and they are all more or less exposed,
and extremely unsafe. As night advanced, the weather became rainy and
thick; so having reached a bight which seemed less insecure than others that
we passed, I hauled in, and at about seven P.M., guided only by the gradual
decrease of our soundings, from fourteen to eight fathoms, and the noise of
the surf, came to an anchor.
"Next morning (20th) we found that we had anchored in a small bay, at
about half a mile from a shingle beach, on which a furious surf was
breaking so heavily as to prevent our landing any where. We were

completely exposed to S.W. winds, with a heavy rolling sea; and the surf on
all points cut off communication with the shore. A breeze from the S.W.
would have rendered it difficult to get out, and would have exposed us to
imminent hazard. It is called on the chart Bad Bay. We left it eagerly, and
proceeded to trace the coast to the E.S.E., until we were nearly abreast of a
moderately high and thickly-wooded island, called Purcell Island. We
passed to the northward of Purcell Island, leaving on the left a rock only a
few feet above the surface of the sea, which lies about midway between that
island and the main land. As we advanced to the eastward, a large and very
remarkable field of ice was seen lying on the low part of the coast, which, at
a distance, we took for a dense fog hanging over it, as nothing of the kind
was observable in any other part. When nearly abreast of San Xavier Island,
a deep sound was observed to the left, or north, which we concluded was
the San Quintin Sound of the Spanish chart: it seemed to be about five-
miles in breadth, and following a westerly direction. We kept sight of the
Sugar Loaf, and other points we had fixed, until more could be established,
which enabled us to chart the coast as we went along. My next object was
to trace the Sound of San Quintin to its termination, and at nightfall we
succeeded in getting an anchorage at the entrance.
"On the 21st we proceeded up the sound, passing to the northward of Dead
Tree Island. Our soundings, until abreast of it, were from sixteen to ten
fathoms, on a mud bottom; it then shoaled to four fathoms, and after
running about three miles in that depth, we came to an anchor at the
distance of a mile from the north shore of the sound, in four fathoms.
"Exceedingly bad weather detained us at this anchorage. From the time of
our arrival, on the evening of the 21st, until midnight of the 22d, it rained in
torrents, without the intermission of a single minute, the wind being strong
and squally at W., W.N.W., and N.W.
"When the weather improved, on the 23d, we weighed, and made sail along
the northern side of the sound, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it
admitted of a passage to the northward. We kept within a mile of the shore,
sounding from eight to fifteen fathoms, generally on a sandy bottom; and a
run of seven miles brought us within three miles of the bottom of the inlet,
the depth of water being four fathoms, on sand. The termination of this
sound is continuous low land, with patches of sandy beach, over which, in

the distance, among mountains of great height, we were again able to make
out and take the bearing of that remarkable one, named the 'Dome of St.
Paul's.' The shores of this inlet are thickly wooded; the land near them is,
for the most part, low, but rises into mountains, or rather hills, from twelve
to fifteen hundred feet in height, from which many streams of water
descend. As soon as a ship has passed Dead Tree Island, she becomes land-
locked; and as in all parts of the sound there is anchorage depth, with a
muddy or sandy bottom, the advantages offered to shipping would be of
great consequence in parts of the world more frequented than the Gulf of
Peñas.
"Whales were numerous, and seals were seen in this inlet, now called the
Gulf of San Estevan.
"Hence we went to Kelly Harbour, at the north-eastern side of the Gulf of
Peñas, four miles N.E. of Xavier Island. The land around it is rocky and
mountainous, but by no means bare of wood. Near the entrance it is low, as
compared with the adjacent land; but in the interior are lofty snow-capped
mountains.
"A large field of ice, lying on the low land near Kelly Harbour, was
remarkable. There was none on the low grounds at the other (southern) side
of the port, though it was almost the winter solstice at the time of our visit.
"Another day and night of incessant rain. In the morning of the 25th we had
some showers of hail, and at daylight found that a crust of ice, about the
thickness of a dollar, had been formed in all parts of the harbour. The water
at our anchorage being fresh at half-tide, was, no doubt, in favour of this
rapid congelation. Lieutenant Skyring having completed the examination of
the harbour, we left it and steered between St. Xavier Island and the
mainland, through a fine bold channel, nearly four miles wide, with a depth
of more than thirty fathoms. The land on both sides is closely wooded, and
rises into high mountains. About dusk we stood into Port Xavier, a little
bight, with a sandy beach, on the eastern side of the island; and, at a
distance of two cables' length from the beach, anchored for the night in
seventeen fathoms.
"(26th). This sandy beach extended about half a mile between the points of
the bay, and, at fifty yards from the water, was bounded by thick woodland,

which rose with a rapid ascent to the height of a thousand feet. The trees
were like those in the neighbourhood of Port Otway, and were stout and
well-grown. A tree, large enough for a frigate's topmast, might be selected
close to the shore. The Winter's-bark tree attains here a greater size than I
had before seen. One, which was felled by our wood-cutters, measured
eighty-seven feet in length, and was three feet five inches in circumference.
All the trees were in full foliage and verdure, though the season
corresponded to the latter part of November in our northern latitudes. At the
south end of the sandy beach was a stream of fresh water, several yards in
width, and various waterfalls descended from the mountains. The shore to
the southward was composed of fragments of granite, lying at the base of a
lead-coloured clay cliff, at least three hundred feet in height. In this cliff the
mountain-torrents had formed deep chasms, and strewed the beach with its
débris, and with uprooted timber. The only living creatures seen were
steamer-ducks, king-fishers, and turkey-buzzards.
"While on shore, I received a melancholy message, announcing the death of
Serjeant Lindsey, of the Royal Marines. During the last few days he had
suffered from inflammation of the bowels, which brought his existence to a
close.
"The following day (27th) a grave was dug, and we discharged the last sad
duties to our departed shipmate. A wooden cross was erected at the head of
his grave, on which was an inscription to his memory: we also named the
south point of the bay after him. About noon we left Port Xavier, and
coasted the island, at the mean distance of a mile, examining it for
anchorages, until, after a run of eight miles, we reached its south point. For
the first four or five miles of that distance, the coast of the island consisted
of a high steep cliff, having at its base a narrow beach, composed of
various-sized masses of rock. In the interior there were heights, rising
twelve or fourteen hundred feet, wooded nearly to the summits, with many
streams of water descending from them; but for the remainder of the
distance the coast was low, and the wood stunted and scanty. All along the
shore rolled a heavy surf, that would have rendered any attempt to land
exceedingly hazardous; there was no place fit for anchorage, except a small
bight, near the extreme south point, into which we stood, and with some
difficulty succeeded in anchoring at a cable's length from the shore. The bay
proved to be that called by the Spanish missionary voyagers 'Ygnacio Bay.'

Over the south point,—a narrow tongue of land, about five hundred yards
across, with rocks and breakers stretching off shore, to the distance of two
miles,—we took bearings and angles to various fixed points in the northern
part of the gulf. The latitude, chronometric differences of longitude, and
magnetic variation, were determined on shore at this southern point.
"Our observations being completed, we left this anchorage; and as it is little
likely to be visited again, it will be enough to say that it is exceedingly
dangerous. Nothing would have induced me to enter it, but the duty of
examining the coast for anchorage, and the danger of remaining under sail
close to an unexplored shore.

"Under an impression that the island of St. Xavier[110] was the scene of the
Wager's wreck, I wished to examine its western side; but a strong N.N.E.
wind did not permit my doing so, without risking the loss of more time than
could be spared for an object of mere curiosity. I steered, therefore, to the
south-eastward for an inlet, which proved to be the Channel's Mouth of the
Spanish charts, and reached it, after running seventeen miles from the south
end of Xavier Island. We got no soundings with ninety fathoms of line,
when at its entrance; but making no doubt that we should get anchorage
within, we left, at the distance of half a mile, the islets of the northern point;
passed between two others distant apart only one-fifth of a mile, and shortly
after anchored in twenty fathoms, sheltered by an island to the westward,
but with rocky islets around us in all directions, except the S.E., some of
which were less than a cable's length from us.[111] Here we were detained
until the 10th of June by the worst weather I ever experienced: we rode with
three anchors down and the topmasts struck; and though we lay within a
couple of hundred yards of the islands and rocks, and less than half a mile
from the shores of the inlet, such a furious surf broke on them all, that it
was but rarely a boat could land, even in the least exposed situations the
inlet afforded. The evening of our arrival was fine, and we put up the
observatory tent, on the island to the westward of us; but the weather was so
bad, during the next day, that we could effect no landing to remove it,
although we anticipated the result that followed, namely, its being washed
away.
"In the short intervals of the horrible weather that prevailed, boats were sent
to the northern shore of the inlet, for the purpose of procuring water and

fuel; but though they sometimes succeeded, by dint of great perseverance,
in landing through a raging surf, it was but seldom they could embark the
small casks (barecas) which had been filled, or the wood they had cut.
"Upon this shore the master observed remains of some Indian wigwams,
that seemed to have been long forsaken, and he described them to be
exactly like those we had hitherto met to the southward.
"This was the northernmost point at which we noticed traces of human
beings.
"Finding the boats' crews suffer much from their unavoidable exposure
during continually wet weather, I ordered some canvas to be given to each
man for a frock and trowsers, to be painted at the first opportunity, as a
protection against rain and spray.
"Nothing could be more dreary than the scene around us. The lofty, bleak,
and barren heights that surround the inhospitable shores of this inlet, were
covered, even low down their sides, with dense clouds, upon which the
fierce squalls that assailed us beat, without causing any change: they
seemed as immovable as the mountains where they rested.
"Around us, and some of them distant no more than two-thirds of a cable's
length, were rocky islets, lashed by a tremendous surf; and, as if to
complete the dreariness and utter desolation of the scene, even birds seemed
to shun its neighbourhood. The weather was that in which (as Thompson
emphatically says) 'the soul of man dies in him.'
"In the course of our service since we left England, we have often been
compelled to take up anchorages, exposed to great risk and danger. But the
Beagle's present situation I deemed by far the most perilous to which she
had been exposed: her three anchors were down in twenty-three fathoms of
water, on a bad bottom of sand, with patches of rock. The squalls were
terrifically violent, and astern of her, distant only half a cable's length, were
rocks and low rocky islets, upon which a furious surf raged.
"I might use Bulkeley's words in describing the weather in this
neighbourhood, and nearly at this season: 'Showers of rain and hail, which
beat with such violence against a man's face, that he can hardly withstand
it.'

"On the 10th, the wind being moderate, and the weather better, preparations
were made to quit this horrid place. We put to sea, with a moderate breeze
from N.b.W., which increased rapidly to a strong gale; and scarcely were
we fairly freed from the channel, than we found ourselves in a heavy
confused sea. Anxious to clear the entrance, I had not waited to hoist in the
yawl, with which we had weighed one of our anchors, expecting to find
smooth water as we went out; but the sea we met made it unsafe to tow her,
and while hauling up to hoist her in, she was so badly stove by blows
received from the violent motion of the ship, that we were obliged to cut her
adrift. This was a heavy loss. She was a beautiful boat, twenty-eight feet in
length,—pulled and sailed well, and was roomy, light, and buoyant; her loss
was second only to that of the ship.
"We endeavoured to clear the Guaianeco Islands, by carrying a heavy press
of sail, but soon after midnight were obliged to furl the reefed mainsail.
Before daylight the wind shifted suddenly to W.b.N., taking us aback by a
violent squall, with much vivid lightning and heavy rain. Our admirable
little vessel paid off without sustaining any damage; but for a minute her
situation was critical. At daylight, the land of Cape Tres Montes bore W. ½
N. (magnetic), distant four leagues. The violence of the gale we had just had
put it out of our power to clear the gulf; and, from the state to which we
were reduced by the loss of our yawl, both gigs being in bad condition, and
our cutter so much stove as to be useless, I considered that it would not be
justifiable to attempt proceeding in a lone ship to an unknown and most
stormy coast, without a single efficient boat; so I resolved to hasten to Port
Otway, and put the boats into an effective state. We had baffling winds all
day; but in the evening succeeded in reaching the harbour, and anchoring
nearly in our old berth. On the 13th and 14th, we had a continued hard gale,
with the usual accompaniment of heavy rain. The carpenters were, however,
kept constantly at work to render the cutter effective. On the 15th, the state
of the sick list caused me to require from the surgeon, his opinion as to the
'necessity of a temporary cessation of surveying operations.' Mr. Bynoe's
reply stated 'that in consequence of great exposure to a long-continued
succession of incessant and heavy rain, accompanied by strong gales, the
health of the ship's company had been seriously affected, particularly with
pulmonic complaints, catarrhal, and rheumatic affections; and that, as a
recurrence of them would probably prove fatal in many instances, a

temporary cessation would be of the greatest advantage to the crew, by
affording an opportunity of recruiting their health.'
"On receiving the above communication from the surgeon, I ordered the
yards and topmasts to be struck, and the ship covered over with sails.
Precaution was used to prevent the people from being subjected to frequent
exposure, by not employing any of them in boats, except once a day in
procuring muscles, and every thing was avoided that could in the least
interfere with the recovery of their health: but this place is exceedingly ill
adapted for the winter quarters of a ship's company, as the woods that
surround it, down even to the water's edge, allow no space for exercise on
shore, and there is neither game nor fish to be procured, except shell-fish; of
which, fortunately (muscles and clams), we found an abundance, and they
proved useful in removing symptoms of scurvy, besides affording a change
of diet. The place being destitute of inhabitants, is without that source of
recreation, which intercourse with any people, however uncivilized, would
afford a ship's company after a laborious and disagreeable cruise in these
dreary solitudes. Every port along this coast is alike ill suited for a winter's
residence, and it was only our peculiar situation that induced me to
determine on making a short stay at this place."

Here poor Captain Stokes's remarks and notes end. Those who have been
exposed to one of such trials as his, upon an unknown lee shore, during the
worst description of weather, will understand and appreciate some of those
feelings which wrought too powerfully upon his excitable mind.
The Beagle remained quiet until the 29th of June, when the surgeon
reported "the crew sufficiently healthy to perform their duties without any
material injury to their constitutions." Leaving Port Otway, she steered
along the coast with, strange to say, easterly winds and fine weather, which
enabled Lieut. Skyring to add much to the survey of the coast of Madre de
Dios. Captain Stokes now began to show symptoms of a malady, that had
evidently been brought on by the dreadful state of anxiety he had gone
through during the survey of the Gulf of Peñas. He shut himself up in his
cabin, becoming quite listless, and inattentive to what was going on; and
after entering the Strait of Magalhaens, on his return to Port Famine, he
delayed at several places without any apparent reason; conduct quite

opposite to what his would naturally have been, had he then been of sound
mind. At last, want of provisions obliged him to hasten to Port Famine; and
the day on which he arrived every article of food was expended.
The fatal event, which had cast an additional gloom over every one, decided
our quitting the Strait. Both ships were immediately prepared, and we sailed
on the 16th August; but previously, I appointed Lieutenant Skyring to act as
commander of the Beagle; Mr. Flinn to be master of the Adventure; and Mr.
Millar, second master of the Adventure, to act as master of the Beagle. The
day we sailed, Mr. Flinn was taken ill; and, Lieutenant Wickham being on
the sick list, I was the only commissioned officer able to keep the deck. As
the wind was from the N.W., we were obliged to beat to windward all night,
and the next morning were off Sandy Point; but it blew so very strong from
the westward, and the weather was so thick from snow-squalls, which
passed in rapid succession, that we bore up, and anchored in Freshwater
Bay, where the ships were detained by northerly winds until the 21st, when
we proceeded; the wind, however, again opposing, we anchored about half
a mile from the shore, in a bight, seven miles southward of Sandy Point.
The following day we were underweigh early, and reached Gregory Bay.
When off Elizabeth Island, I despatched the Beagle to Pecket's Harbour to
recall the Adelaide, in which Lieutenant Graves had been sent to procure
guanaco meat. The Beagle worked through, between Elizabeth Island and
Cape Negro, and was seen by us at anchor off Pecket's Harbour before we
entered the Second Narrow.
Upon our anchoring under Cape Gregory, two or three Patagonians were
seen on the beach, and before half an hour had elapsed others joined them.
By sunset several toldos, or tents, were erected, and a large party had
arrived. When the Adelaide first went to Pecket's Harbour, Mr. Tarn told the
Indians that the Adventure would be at Gregory Bay in twenty-five days,
and, accidentally, we arrived punctually to the time. The Patagonians must
have been on their way to meet us, for they could not have travelled from
Pecket's Harbour in the short space of time that we were in sight. To their
great mortification, however, we held no communication with them that
evening, and the next day the weather was so bad we could not even lower
a boat. At noon the wind blew harder than I had ever witnessed; but since
we were on good holding-ground, and the water was smooth, no danger was
anticipated.

As the snow-squalls cleared off, we looked towards the Patagonians, with
the full expectation of seeing their huts blown down:—to our astonishment,
they had withstood the storm, although placed in a very exposed situation.
We counted twelve or fourteen of them, and judging by our former
experience of the number belonging to each, there must have been, at least,
one hundred and fifty persons collected. During the gale they kept close;
and it was only now and then that a solitary individual was observed to go
from one toldo to another.
The weather having moderated, the Beagle and Adelaide joined us on the
following day. They rode the gale out, without accident, off the entrance of
Pecket's Harbour. The next morning being fine, we prepared to proceed; but
previous to weighing I landed, and communicated with our old
acquaintances. Maria was with them, and, if possible, dirtier, and more
avaricious than ever. We collected the guanaco meat they had brought for
us; distributed a few parting presents, and then returned on board.
The Adelaide brought sixteen hundred pounds of meat, which, with what
was first obtained, amounted to four thousand pounds weight; and cost
altogether ten pounds of tobacco, forty biscuits, and six pocket-knives. At
first a biscuit was considered equivalent to forty or fifty pounds of meat; but
as the demand increased, the price rose four or five hundred per cent. With
the Patagonians were two of Mr. Low's crew, who had left him. They were
Portuguese, in a miserable state, and appeared to be thoroughly ashamed of
being the companions of such a dirty set: they could not speak English, and
could give us very little information. They had not then assumed the Indian
garb, although, from the state of their clothes, they would very soon be
obliged to adopt it.
At Pecket's Harbour a few words of the native language were collected,
which are very different from those given by Falkner, in his description of
the Patagonian natives: he says himself, that the language of the northern
Indians differs materially from that of the 'Yacana Cunnees.'
During Lieutenant Graves's communication with the natives, at Pecket's
Harbour, he obtained some interesting information respecting these Indians,
which will be given in a subsequent part of the work.

The Adelaide brought me a few very gratifying additions to my zoological
collection, among which was the Zorillo, or Skunk, of the Pampas; differing
in no way whatever from the species found about the River Plata, in such
numbers as to impregnate the air with their disagreeable odour for many
miles around.
I have frequently found the scent of this offensive little animal distinctly
perceptible when I was on board the Adventure, lying at anchor about two
miles from Monte Video, with the wind blowing from the land.[112]
A very large condor was shot by one of the Adelaide's party, which
measured, in length, four feet three inches and a half, and nine feet two
inches between the extremities of the wings. It was presented to the British
Museum. Many exaggerated accounts of this bird have been given by old
voyagers; but the largest dimensions stated, of whose accuracy there exists
no doubt, are those of one that was preserved in the Leverian Museum,
which measured thirteen feet one inch, from wing to wing. This, however,
must have been an old bird; for the one we killed is larger than the usual
size of specimens which have been obtained. Molina states, in his account
of this bird, vol. i. p. 298, that the largest he ever saw measured fourteen
feet and some inches (Spanish measure), from the tip of one wing to that of
the other. M. Humboldt also gives a detailed description.
It is with the condor, says this celebrated voyager, "as with the Patagonian,
and many other objects of natural history; the more they are examined, the
more they diminish in size." They inhabit the highest mountains of the
Andes, and only descend to the plains when pressed by hunger. Frequently,
in troops, they attack cattle, deer, guanacoes, and even the puma, and
always succeed in killing them; but their principal food is carrion, of which,
in a country so abundantly stocked with quadrupeds, there is probably no
want.
Our departure from the Strait was attended with beautiful weather; the
moon was full, and the wind fair and moderate. Cape Virgins was passed
soon after sunset, and we proceeded on our course with rapidity.
The timely supply of guanaco meat had certainly checked the scurvy, for we
had no new cases added to the number of the sick, now amounting to
twenty. The Beagle was not so sickly; but, during the last cruise, upwards of

forty cases, principally pulmonic, had occurred, and several were not yet
recovered. On the passage, a man fell overboard from the Beagle, at night,
and was drowned.
In latitude 45° S. we were delayed three days, by northerly winds and damp
foggy weather, after which a fresh S.W. gale carried us into the River Plata.
Having obtained good chronometer sights in the afternoon, we steered on
through the night, intending to pass to the westward of the Archimedes
Shoal; which would have been rather a rash step, had we not been well
assured of the correctness of our chronometrical reckoning. At this time
Brazil and Buenos Ayres were at war, and some of the blockading squadron
of the former were generally to be met with in the mouth of the river; but
we saw none, until half-past two in the morning, when several vessels were
observed at anchor to leeward, and we were soon close to a squadron of
brigs and schooners, whose number was evident by a confusion of lights,
rockets, and musketry, on board every vessel. I bore down to pass within
hail of the nearest, which proved to be the Commodore's, the Marañao of
eighteen guns; and on approaching, explained who and what we were; but
they were so confused, I could not even make myself understood. The
breeze, at the time, had fallen so light, that, fearing to get foul of the brig,
the ship was hove up in the wind, and the anchor ordered to be let go.
Unluckily a stopper was foul, and before another bower could drop, the
Brazilians had fired several muskets into us, happily without doing any
mischief; and threatened us, if we did not immediately anchor, with a
broadside, which, in their utter confusion, I am astonished they did not fire.

A. Earle T. A. Prior

MONTE VIDEO.—CUSTOM HOUSE.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838

Having anchored, and lowered the topsails, I sent a boat to inform the
Brazilian who we were, and to request, that in consequence of the number
of our sick (we had only ten serviceable men on deck), we might not be
detained, as even a few hours might prove of serious consequence; but all I
could urge was unavailing, and we were detained until daylight with trifling
excuses. We were so situated, that unless the brig veered her cable, or
dropped out of our way, we could not move without getting foul of her, else
I should have proceeded without permission. After daylight, the brig gave
us room, by tripping her anchor; and upon an officer coming on board to
release us, I told him my opinion of the affair, and said I should report the
captain's conduct to his admiral. This report was afterwards made, in a very
spirited manner, by Captain Henry Dundas, of H.M.S. Sapphire; but the
admiral defended the conduct of his officer by saying that he had merely
acted, "magna componere parvis," as an English blockading squadron
would have done in a similar case.
Whether the act was borne out, or not, by the law or custom of blockade, it
was very uncivil; and one for which, after the explanation given, and the
proofs offered, there could not be the slightest occasion. Owing to this
detention, we did not reach the anchorage at Monte Video until too late in
the day to procure refreshments for the sick. We found, to our sorrow, that
fresh provisions were so extremely scarce, owing to the war, that none
could be procured for our ships' companies; and had it not been for the
kindness of Señor Juanico, a well-known, and highly esteemed resident at
Monte Video, who supplied us plentifully with bitter (Seville) oranges, we
might have been much distressed. The free use, however, of this fruit alone
caused a rapid change in the health of those affected by scurvy, and in less
than a week every man was at his duty.
A few days after our arrival, through the intervention of the British minister,
a peace was concluded between the belligerents, in which Buenos Ayres
gained all it had contended for, and Brazil gave up what she had so
imperiously demanded.
I was extremely gratified by meeting, at this port, the late Captain Henry
Foster, in H.M.S. Chanticleer, on his pendulum voyage. He was established

at an observatory on a small island, called Rat, or Rabbit Island, whither I
lost no time in proceeding, and found him deeply engaged in that series of
observations which has reflected so much honour upon his memory.
Before he sailed, I made an arrangement to meet the Chanticleer, either at
Staten Land or Cape Horn, for the purpose of supplying her with
provisions, to enable him to proceed thence to the Cape of Good Hope,
without returning to Monte Video.
On the 13th of October, we sailed for Rio de Janeiro to procure some stores,
which had been sent from England for our use, and to be caulked and
refitted. The Beagle remained at Monte Video, to prepare for our next
cruise. Before we were ready to leave Rio de Janeiro, the Commander-in-
chief, Sir Robert Otway, arrived from Bahia, in his flag-ship, the Ganges.
Sir Robert acquainted me, that he considered it necessary for the Beagle to
be hove down and repaired;—that he intended to supersede Lieutenant
Skyring; and had sent the requisite orders to Monte Video. When the Beagle
arrived, Lieutenant Robert Fitz Roy, flag lieutenant of the Ganges, was
appointed as commander; Mr. J. Kempe, mate, as lieutenant; and Mr. M.
Murray, second master of the Ganges, as master.
Although this arrangement was undoubtedly the prerogative of the
Commander-in-chief, and I had no reason to complain of the selection he
had made to fill the vacancies, yet it seemed hard that Lieutenant Skyring,
who had in every way so well earned his promotion, should be deprived of
an appointment to which he very naturally considered himself entitled.
The conduct of Lieutenant Skyring, throughout the whole of his service in
the Beagle,—especially during the survey of the Gulf of Peñas, and the
melancholy illness of his captain,—deserved the highest praise and
consideration; but he was obliged to return to his former station as assistant
surveyor: and, to his honour be it said, with an equanimity and good-will,
which showed his thorough zeal for the service.
Captain FitzRoy was considered qualified to command the Beagle: and
although I could not but feel much for the bitterness of Lieutenant Skyring's
disappointment, I had no other cause for dissatisfaction.

A. Earle S.
Bull
CORCOVADO MOUNTAIN, RIO
DE JANEIRO.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough
Street, 1838

CHAPTER XII.
Adventure sails from Rio de Janeiro to the River Plata—Gorriti—Maldonado—Extraordinary
Pampero—Beagle's losses—Ganges arrives—Another pampero—Go up the river for water—
Gale, and consequent detention—Sail from Monte Video—Part from our consorts—Port
Desire—Tower Rock—Skeletons—Sea Bear Bay—Fire—Guanacoes—Port Desire Inlet—
Indian graves—Vessels separate—Captain Foster Chanticleer—Cape Horn—Kater's Peak—
Sail from St. Martin Cove—Tribute to Captain Foster—Valparaiso—Santiago—Pinto—
Heights—Chilóe—Aldunate.

The Adventure sailed from Rio de Janeiro on the 27th of December 1828,
leaving the Beagle to complete her repairs, and follow to the River Plata.
The day before our arrival at Maldonado, we were overtaken by the

Commander-in-chief, in H.M.S. Ganges, and entered the river in company.
The Ganges proceeded to Monte Video; but we went into Maldonado Bay,
where I had determined to wait for the Beagle.
Since our last visit to this place, the Island of Gorriti had been occupied by
Brazilian troops, who, before going away, set fire to the buildings, and
destroyed all the wood-work. As one object of my stay was to obtain
observations for the latitude and longitude, I erected our portable
observatory, and set up an azimuth altitude instrument.
On the 30th of January, after some intensely hot and sultry weather, we
experienced a very severe 'Pampero.' It was preceded by the barometer
falling to 29.50, and by a strong N.W. wind, which suddenly veered round
to S.W., when the pampero burst upon us. Our ship and boats fortunately
escaped any bad effects from the violence of the squall, which was so
strong as to lay the former, at anchor, upon her broadside; but on shore our
tent was blown down, and a boat that had been lately built, and fresh
painted, on the Island Gorriti, was completely destroyed. The part above the
thwarts, was torn away from the bottom of the boat, and carried, by the
violence of the wind, for two hundred yards along the beach. A boat, also,
on the opposite shore, was blown to atoms. When the squall commenced,
one of our boats was coming off from the island; the officer being quite
unconscious of the approaching hurricane, and as she was overloaded with
people, I felt very uneasy until after the squall cleared away, when I
observed her beached on the opposite shore, many yards above high water
mark, to which position she had been driven by the force of the wind. The
violence of this pampero, during the twenty minutes it lasted, was terrific.
Old inhabitants of Maldonado declared, that they had experienced nothing
like it for the last twenty years. The spray was carried up by whirlwinds,
threatening complete destruction to every thing that opposed them. In less
than half an hour it had diminished to a strong S.W. gale, which lasted
during the night.
Just before the pampero commenced, L'Aréthuse, French frigate, was
observed over the point of land under all sail; but not being seen after the
squall cleared off, we were much alarmed for her safety. At daylight,
however, the next morning, she was seen at anchor under Lobos Island, and
near her was our consort, the Beagle, of whose approach we had known

nothing; but she appeared to be lying quietly, with topmasts struck, under
the lee of the island. L'Aréthuse slipped her cable in the afternoon, and ran
out to sea.
On the 1st of February the wind moderated, and enabled the Beagle to join
us, when we found that she had been nearly capsized by the pampero; and
had suffered a considerable loss of sails and masts, besides injury to her
boats. Both topmasts, and jib-boom, with all the small spars, were carried
away; and her jib and topsails, although furled, were blown to pieces. The
vessel was on her beam ends for some time; but letting go both anchors
brought her head to wind and righted her, which prevented the necessity of
cutting away the lower masts. To add to their misfortune, two men were
blown overboard, from aloft, and drowned.
These severe losses caused considerable detention; but, fortunately, the
Ganges arrived, and rendered every assistance in repairing and replacing the
Beagle's damages.
On the night of the 2d of February we experienced another very severe
pampero, during which one of the Beagle's boats, hauled up on shore, was
blown to atoms. The barometer had previously fallen to 29.39.
On the 9th of February, we went to Monte Video, and on the 17th ran up the
north side of the river for water; but did not find it fresh until we were
within four miles of Cape 'Jesus Maria.' The wind was against our return, so
that we had to beat down the river, in doing which the Adelaide grounded,
but without receiving any injury. We anchored twice in our passage out,
and, at the second anchorage,[113] experienced a very heavy westerly gale.
In attempting to weigh at its commencement, our windlass was so much
injured, that we were obliged to ride the gale out, which we did by veering
to one hundred and ten fathoms of chain cable; and the Beagle, to one
hundred and fifty fathoms. Owing to a short heavy sea, in which the
Adventure frequently pitched her bowsprit and stern alternately under
water, her jolly-boat was washed away. This loss we could ill afford, as we
were already three boats short of our establishment, and wants; and as the
Adelaide had suffered severely, by losing her topmast and jib-boom, and
carrying away the head of her bowsprit, we were obliged to return, very
reluctantly, after the gale had subsided, to Monte Video; whence we finally

sailed on the 1st of March. On the 5th a S.S.E. gale separated us from our
consorts, our course, therefore, was directed for the first rendezvous, at Port
Desire.
When off Cape Blanco, the high land of Espinosa, in the interior, was
clearly distinguished at a distance of sixty miles, and might probably be
seen twenty miles further; so that its height must be, at least, four thousand
feet. This range is of irregular form, and has several peaked summits, so
very different from the general features of this coast, where the heights are
either flat-topped, or of an undulating outline, that I suppose the rock to be
of a character unlike that of the porphyry hills common hereabouts.
On anchoring off Port Desire (14th), we found that the Beagle had arrived,
but had not met the Adelaide. The following afternoon I landed to examine
the Tower Rock, a very conspicuous object, on the south side of this
harbour, having the appearance of an enormous dead tree with its branches
lopped off. On our way to it we passed over an undulating plain, composed
of a sandy light soil, lying on a rocky basis, which in many parts protruded.
The soil was so poor, as only to produce a few tufts of grass, and here and
there a straggling bush of Berberis, or Piccoli, a dwarf woody shrub, which
is much esteemed as firewood by the sealers who frequent the coast. Sir
John Narborough, in describing this place, says, "The soil is gravelly and
sandy, with tufts of dry seared grass growing on it;" again: "from the tops of
the hills I could see a great way into the land, which is all hills and downs,
like Cornwall, toilsome travelling to those who were not used to it."
The Tower Rock is evidently the remains of what was once probably a
considerable rocky mass, which has either been partially destroyed by some
convulsion, or, more probably, has been gradually worn away by the effect
of weather. Like all the débris around, it is of a fine-grained red porphyritic
claystone, much decomposed, but very hard, and difficult to break.[114]
It stands erect at the summit of a mound or heap of broken stones, of all
sizes, some being very large blocks, from ten to twenty, or thirty tons
weight. It is about forty feet high, and twelve in diameter, having its upper
portion cleft, as it were, for about one-third down the middle, which gives it
a resemblance to the forked branch of an immense tree. It is covered with

moss and lichen, and, from its peculiar shape and prominent situation,
presents a very remarkable object.
Near it we observed traces of an Indian visit, among which was a horse's
skull. From the sterility of the soil and absence of fresh water, it is probable
that it is but little frequented by them. Port Desire is celebrated as being the
place where Schouten, the Dutch navigator, is said to have found skeletons
measuring eleven or twelve feet in length!
Captain Fitz Roy informed me that he had not seen the Adelaide since we
separated. The Beagle had lost another boat in the gale; the eleventh we had
lost in the expedition since leaving England. As the Adelaide did not make
her appearance, I determined upon proceeding in the Adventure to Sea Bear
Bay, a few miles to the southward of Port Desire, to await her arrival with
the Beagle. While standing into the bay, we were amused by a chase of a
novel description: a guanaco was observed following a fox, which had
much difficulty in keeping his pursuer at a distance. As the guanaco is not
carnivorous, it may have been in playfulness: Reynard, however, by his
speed, and anxiety to escape, did not seem to think it an amusement. How
the chase terminated we did not see, for they disappeared in a valley.
While the ship was being moored, I landed to examine some wells near the
outer point, which have been said to afford some tuns of good water. I
found them to be deep holes in the solid rock, within the wash of a heavy
surf, and large enough to contain two hundred gallons of water; but in one
only was the water fresh, the sea having broken into the others, and, of
course, spoiled their contents. They receive the rain from the ravines, and
are much depended upon by sealing vessels which frequent this coast.
Sea Bear Bay was discovered in the voyage of the Nodales, in the year
1618; they describe the place, but give it, as it deserves, a very poor
character. "The port," they say, "for a short stay, is not bad, since it affords a
good depth of water and a clear bottom; but otherwise it possesses nothing
to make it worth a ship visiting it, for there is neither wood nor water,
which are what ships most require." Nodales called the bay 'Sea Lion,' from
the multitude of sea-lions (Phoca jubata) found on Penguin Island. Why it
has been changed to Sea Bear Bay I cannot determine.

In one of Mr. Tarn's excursions into the country, he observed a sail in the
offing, which he thought was a whale-boat; and supposing it might be in
distress, if not one of the Adelaide's, kindled a fire to attract attention. As
the grass was very dry, it blazed furiously, and spread rapidly around, yet
without exciting fear that it could do us any injury; but the next morning
flames being observed on the crest of the hills, behind the valley in which
our tent had been erected, a boat was sent to save it, and remove the
instruments. Our men had just left the ship, when, fanned by a land breeze
which rose with the sun, the flames flew on with rapidity, descended the
valley, and before the boat reached the shore, had consumed every vestige
of the tent, and several articles of minor consequence. The sextant and
artificial horizon, lying on the ground, escaped destruction, and the dipping-
needle had fortunately been taken on board. Before the fire burned itself
out, the whole country for fifteen or twenty miles around was completely
over-run, so that all hope of procuring guanacoes was destroyed. Previous
to the fire, Mr. Tarn had shot one; but being young, the carcase only
weighed one hundred pounds, and was scarcely worth the trouble of
sending fifteen miles for; however, as an amusement to the people, I sent a
party to bring it on board, and it proved sufficient to furnish the ship's
company with a fresh meal.
We had seen several herds within four miles of the ship before the
conflagration; but the country was so very level and open, that these shy
animals were always warned of the approach of our people by their vigilant
scouts. So watchful and attentive is the look-out at his post, that he never
drops his head even to feed, and it is only with the greatest cunning and
care a man can get near the herd. The best way is, to lie concealed near the
water holes, and await their coming to drink. A small stream of fresh water
trickled over the beach into the bay, fringed by a patch of grass which the
fire had spared, at which having once observed a guanaco drinking, we set a
watch; but whether the animals were aware of it or not, none came until the
morning we sailed, when a small herd walked down to the place quite
unconcernedly, having no doubt first ascertained that there was no danger.
The little vessel Mr. Tarn saw was an American sealer, which anchored in
the bay next morning.

Besides the guanacoes, and fox, above-mentioned, we saw no quadrupeds,
although two or three sorts of cavia and the puma are common in this
neighbourhood. Of birds, nothing interesting was seen, except a plover
(Totanus fuscus?), oyster-catcher (Hæmatopus niger, rostro rubro, pedibus
albis), and one of the night bitterns, very much resembling the young of the
European bird;[115] but these three species had previously been found at
Port Famine. Several lizards were taken, and preserved.
This extremely sterile and barren country is very unfavourable for animals
of any kind. The soil is like that already described about Port Desire. The
rock is of the same character as at Port St. Elena and Port Desire: red
porphyritic claystone.[116]
On the 23d of March, a week having passed since we came to Port Desire,
my anxiety for the Adelaide's safety was much increased; especially as both
wind and weather had been favourable for her approach to this rendezvous.
I therefore despatched Lieut. Wickham overland to Port Desire to order the
Beagle to join us, and proceed with us to the other points of rendezvous,
Port San Julian and Cape Fairweather. Lieut. Wickham reached Port Desire
after a fatiguing walk, and early next morning the Beagle was beating into
Sea Bear Bay against a very strong wind which increased, and detained us. I
seized this opportunity of completing our consort's provisions to five
months. Captain Fitz Roy informed me that he had taken advantage of his
stay at Port Desire, to ascend the inlet to the head. It extended for thirty
miles, and the water was salt to its very extremity; but, from the height of
the old banks on each side, it appeared likely that at times there may be
considerable freshes. At the head of the river he lighted a fire, which spread,
and soon joined that which Mr. Tarn had made. Their union probably
burned many square leagues of country.
On the 27th, we were still detained by a southerly gale. Captain Fitz Roy
accompanied me in search of Indian graves, which are described to be on
the summits of the hills. We found the remains of two, one of which had
been recently disturbed, but the other had been opened a considerable time.
No vestiges of bones were left. It is said that the corpse is extended in an
east and west direction, on the top of the highest pinnacle of the hill, and
then covered over with large stones until secure from beasts of prey.

Decomposition takes place, or the flesh is consumed by small animals or
insects, without the bones being removed, so that complete skeletons are
formed. According to Falkner, the bones are collected at a certain period,
and removed to some general cemetery, where the skeletons are set up, and
tricked out with all the finery the Indians can collect. The avidity they
evince for beads and other ornamental trifles is, perhaps, caused by this
desire of adorning the remains of their ancestors.
The next morning we left Sea Bear Bay and proceeded to San Julian, off
which we anchored for a few hours, while Captain Fitz Roy entered the port
to look for the Adelaide, or for some vestige of Lieutenant Graves's visit.
Finding nothing in the port, nor any tracks upon the shore, we went on
towards Cape Fairweather, and in our way met the Adelaide. After parting
from us during the gale in which all her sails were split, she went to Port
Desire, where she arrived first, and, not seeing us, proceeded to the two
other places of rendezvous, and had been lying at anchor eight days off
Cape Fairweather. Finding we were not there, she was returning to Port San
Julian, when we met her.
The weather being calm, so good an opportunity of supplying the Adelaide
with provisions was not lost, and she was completed to six months.
On the 1st of April we were off Cape Virgins, and parted from the Beagle
and Adelaide; Captain Fitz Roy having previously received orders from me
to proceed through the Strait of Magalhaens, and despatch the Adelaide to
survey the Magdalen and Barbara Channels, while he was to survey part of
the south shore of the Strait and the Jerome Channel, and then proceed, in
company with the Adelaide, to Chilóe.
The Adventure then proceeded along the coast of Tierra del Fuego towards
Staten Land, for the purpose of communicating with the Chanticleer, or
obtaining some intelligence of her. The appointed rendezvous was New
Year's Harbour, and the day on which I had promised to be there was past.
It was so foggy that no part of the coast of Tierra del Fuego could be seen;
but as any detention might cause Captain Foster inconvenience, I did not
wait for fair weather, but went at once to the place appointed.

When crossing Strait le Maire, we were very nearly drifted through by the
tide, which, however, changed just in time to admit of our keeping on the
north side of Staten Land.
With a strong squally breeze we entered New Year's Harbour, and seeing
nothing of the Chanticleer, should have sailed without further investigation,
had we not observed a cleared white space on one of the islands, which
being near the place where I had requested Captain Foster to leave a
document, I concluded was intended to attract our attention. The anchor
was therefore dropped in twenty-five fathoms (the island bearing from N. to
N.W. ¼ W.), nearly in the spot where Captain Cook anchored, and a boat
was sent to the white mark, near which a flag-staff was observed, at whose
foot was a tin canister, containing a letter from Captain Foster, which
informed me of his having been obliged, in consequence of a longer
detention here than he had anticipated, to alter his arrangements, and
requesting me to meet him at St. Martin's Cove, near Cape Horn, about this
day. We therefore lost no time in getting under weigh, but in doing so, broke
an anchor. We passed round Cape St. John, and with a fair wind made rapid
progress to the westward. At noon, the next day, being seventy-five miles
from Cape Horn, bearing W. by S., the high mountains on the S.E. end of
Tierra del Fuego came in sight, among which the 'Sugar Loaf'(g) was a
conspicuous object. By an angular measurement of its altitude, and the
distance given by the chart, its height must be nearly five thousand feet, and
the average height of its neighbouring mountains full three thousand.
A south-west gale now set in, and delayed our reaching Cape Horn until the
16th, when we anchored off the entrance of St. Martin's Cove and found the
Chanticleer moored within. A boat soon after came with the welcome
information of all being well on board her. We were not able to warp into
the Cove until next day, and in doing so found much difficulty, owing to the
violence of the squalls, which repeatedly obliged us to slacken the hawsers
quickly, else we should have carried them away.
The Adventure was moored in seventeen fathoms, about a cable's length
within the low green point on the south side: and the Chanticleer lay in ten
fathoms near the head of the Cove. The summit of Cape Horn being in a
line with the south point of entrance, we were quite land-locked, and
perfectly sheltered from all winds, excepting the williwaws, or furious gusts

from off the high land, which sometimes suddenly struck the ship, and
threw her on her broadside; but being as momentary in duration as they
were sudden in approach, we found them more disagreeable than
dangerous.
During our stay here I made a partial survey of the Bay of St. Francis,
which has since been completed by Captain Fitz Roy. St. Joachim's Cove, to
the southward of St. Martin's Cove, is more exposed than the latter, but is of
easier depth. These coves are separated from each other by a steep and
precipitous mass of hills of greenstone, which in many parts appear to be
stratified, the dip being to the westward, at an angle of 40°. I landed at the
point, and ascended the hill, which I found more difficult to do than I
supposed, the whole surface being covered with stunted beech bushes, so
thickly matted or interwoven together, that I was obliged to walk or crawl
over their tops. Among them were occasionally seen the berberis ilicifolia
and veronica, the latter of very small size. Another day, Lieutenant Kendall,
of the Chanticleer, accompanied me to Weddel's Port Maxwell, which is
evidently St. Bernard's Cove of D'Arquistade.(h) Port Maxwell is contained
between Jerdan Island, Saddle Island, and a third island, forming a triangle.
It has four entrances, the principal one being to the north of Jerdan Island,
and affords tolerable anchorage in the centre, in nineteen and twenty
fathoms, sand;[117] nearer the shores of the island the depth is more
moderate, but the bottom is very rocky.
The summit of Saddle Island, which I ascended for bearings, is composed
of large blocks of greenstone rock, on one of which the compass (Kater's
Azimuth, without a stand) was placed; but the needle was found to be so
much influenced by the ferruginous nature of the rock, composed of quartz
and feldspar, thickly studded with large crystals of hornblende, that the
poles of the needle became exactly reversed. An experiment was then made,
by taking bearings of a very distant object, at several stations around, about
fifty yards from the magnetic rock, when the extreme difference of the
results amounted to 127°. The block upon which the compass stood, in the
first instance, is now conspicuously placed in the museum of the Geological
Society.[118]
Saddle Island, like the others near it, is clothed with low stunted brushwood
of beech, berberis, and arbutus, and the ground is covered with a species of

chamitis, and other mountain plants. While Mr. Kendall and I were absent
from the boat, the crew caught several kelp fish, which are very delicate and
wholesome food. On the following day, while going with Mr. Kendall to
Wollaston Island, we passed a great many whales, leaping and tumbling in
the water. A blow from one of them would have destroyed our boat, and I
was glad to cross the Sound without getting within their reach. We returned
by the west side of Jerdan Island, where there are bights which might afford
shelter to a small vessel.
The Sound that separates Wollaston Island from the Bay of St. Francis, I
named after Sir John Franklin, and the harbour to the east of the point on
which we landed, after Lieutenant Kendall, who was one of Sir John
Franklin's companions in his last journey to the north-west coast of
America.
On the west point of Kendall Harbour, I observed a magnetic property in
the rock, which is of the same character as that on Saddle Island. Weddel
noticed the same at St. Martin's Cove; but I placed the compass in various
parts of that cove, without observing any difference from the correct
bearing. This was, perhaps, owing to the rock being much covered with
soil; for, being of the same character with that of the places above-
mentioned, it should cause a similar effect.
The next day S.W. gales and thick weather set in, and confined us almost to
the ship. Taking advantage of a short interval of more moderate weather, I
ascended the highest peak on the south side of the cove, immediately over
the anchorage, taking two barometers, one of the Englefield construction,
and the other a syphon barometer, on M. Gay Lussac's plan, made by
Bunten, of Paris. Mr. Harrison accompanied me, taking charge of one
barometer, whilst I carried the other. My coxswain carried a theodolite. On
landing, the barometers were set up at the edge of the water and read off,
and at the same moment the barometer on board was read off. We then
ascended, but the rise was so precipitously steep as to offer very great
impediments; and had it not been for a water-course, in whose bed we
climbed for the first part, the ascent, with delicate instruments, would have
been almost impracticable. We had ascended but little way, when the
unfortunate theodolite escaped from my coxswain, rolled down the ravine,
and was much damaged. It was an excellent magnetic transit, and for that

purpose was irremediably injured; but, as a theodolite, it was yet useful.
The first third of the ascent, from the comparative facility offered by the
water-course, was only impeded by loose stones, which frequently yielded
to the foot, and rolled down the gully, to the great danger of those who
followed. The banks of the ravine were saturated with water, and covered
either with spongy moss, or matted with plants,[119] which afforded no
assistance; had it not therefore been for straggling shrubs of arbutus, or
veronica, and tufts of rushes, growing on the steeper parts, we should have
had many a fall; and however unimportant we might think bruises and
scratches, a broken barometer would have been a serious accident, and
much care was required to avoid it. We had to leave the bed of the torrent,
when it became full of wood, and then our difficulty increased much; for in
many places we had to scramble over the thickly-matted and interwoven
branches of the stunted bushes of beech which frequently yielded to our
weight, and entangled our legs so much, that it was no easy matter to
extricate ourselves.
At the height of one thousand feet, vegetation became much more stunted;
we found the plants and shrubs of very diminutive size, consisting
principally of the deciduous-leaved beech, one plant of which, though not
more than two inches high, occupied a space of four or five feet in diameter,
its spreading branches insinuating themselves among wild cranberry,
chamitis, donacia, arbutus, and escalonia, so closely matted together, as to
form quite an elastic carpet. For the last two hundred feet, we walked over
the bare rock, on which no other vegetation was observed than lichens. The
summit of the peak is formed by a loose pile of green-stone rock, in which
the hornblende appears in very varied forms, sometimes in large crystals,
and again so small and disseminated, as to be scarcely visible; on the
summit it is seen, in very long, narrow (? filiform) crystals, and the feldspar
predominating, gives it a white appearance.[120]
The only living creatures we saw were a solitary hawk and one insect, a
species of Oniscus. Nothing, in fact, could be more desolate, and we had
only the satisfaction of a good observation for the height, and an excellent
bird's-eye view of the surrounding islands and channel, to repay us for the
labour of the ascent. On reaching the top, the barometers were suspended
under the lee of the rock, twelve feet below its summit, and I then
proceeded to set up the theodolite, which I found more damaged than I had

anticipated; but not so much as to deprive me of a very extensive round of
angles, in which were contained bearings of the Ildefonso Islands. We were
thus occupied about an hour and half, which afforded me an opportunity of
obtaining two good readings of the barometer.
The view to the N.W. was very extensive, and bounded by long ranges of
snow-clad mountains of great height; the atmosphere was remarkably clear,
and every object unusually distinct. Bearings of the islands of Diego
Ramirez would have been taken, but for the extreme force of the wind,
which more than once blew me from the theodolite, and once actually threw
me on the ground. The temperature was not below 38°; but, owing to the
wind, the cold was intense, and the rapid evaporation produced the most
painful sensations, particularly in our feet and legs, which were thoroughly
wet when we reached the top.
Our descent was not effected in less than an hour and twenty minutes,
owing to the difficulty of passing through the beech thickets; but we
reached the base without injury to the barometers, which was being more
fortunate than I expected. They were again set up on the beach, and read;
after which we returned on board, amply gratified and rewarded for our
fatigue.
The height of the peak, which, from its vicinity to the station selected by
Captain Foster for the pendulum experiments, could not receive a more
appropriate name than Kater's Peak, was found to be 1,742 feet above the
high-water mark.[121]
The next day, after a beautifully clear and mild morning, with a fresh
northerly breeze, the weather became cloudy, and the wind veered to the
S.W. blowing excessively hard, with hail and rain. The gusts, or williwaws,
rushed through the valley of the cove with inconceivable violence, heaving
the ship over on her broadside every minute, so that we were obliged to
have every thing lashed as if at sea. Fortunately, we had completed wood
and water, and now only waited for observations, to rate the chronometers,
for our run to Valparaiso, whither it was my intention to proceed. Days,
however, passed without a glimpse of the stars, and the sun only appeared
for a few minutes above the hills. Captain Foster had completed his
observations, and embarked all his instruments, excepting the transit, which

remained for taking the passages of stars; but the bad weather continued,
with little intermission. On the 3d, the gale was most violent, and the
williwaws became short hurricanes, in some of which the ship drifted and
fouled her anchors. On the 10th, we had a dry and fair day, which permitted
us to sight the anchors and moor again.
The fine weather was of only a few hours duration, when the gale again
sprung up, and lasted, with little intermission, until the day of our departure
(the 24th). From the 4th to the 22d the sky was so perpetually clouded, that
the only transits obtained in that interval were, one of Antares, one of
Regulus, and one of the limb of the moon, though Captain Foster even slept
close to the telescope, in the greatest anxiety to obtain observations. On the
night of the 22d four stars were observed, by which the error of the clock
was satisfactorily ascertained.
Captain Foster's pluviameter, a cubic foot in size, placed on a stand two feet
above the ground, at an elevation of forty-five feet above the sea, contained
eight inches and a quarter of rain, after standing thirty days; therefore, with
the quantity evaporated, at least twelve inches must have fallen. The day
after the above was registered, the vessel only contained seven inches and a
quarter; so that in twenty-four hours one inch had evaporated, by which an
idea may be formed of the sort of weather we experienced, and of the
humidity of the climate.
With respect to the geological features, I can only add, that all the islands
on which I landed, and, I believe, all the others, are composed of green-
stone of various characters. The lower portion, or base, being less
decomposed, is a fine-grained green-coloured rock, in which the component
parts are so blended as not to be distinguished from each other. It appears
sometimes in strata, dipping at various angles, from 20° to 45° from the
vertical; and is very similar to the rock which alternates with granite in the
Straits of Magalhaens, at the entrance of the Barbara; and also to that about
Pond Harbour, and Bell Bay. At a greater elevation the feldspar
predominates, the hornblende is observed in distinct crystals,[122] and the
rock contains a considerable quantity of iron, which is observed in the
reddish tinge of its surface. I have before noticed the magnetic property of
this rock, which was more or less according to the quantity of hornblende:
the beach-stones are different sorts of green-stone.

The lower parts of the hills, around St. Martin's Cove, are thickly wooded
with the smooth-leaved, evergreen beech, which I have before described. Its
leaves were as fresh and vivid, when we sailed, as if it were the height of
summer; but those of the deciduous-leaved beech had assumed their
autumnal tint, and were falling fast. Neither species attained a greater size,
in diameter, than six or eight inches. The Winter's-bark was found in
sheltered places, but not larger in dimensions than the beech.[123] Where no
trees are produced, the ground is covered with tufts of chamitis and
donacia, which, being of a bright-green colour, give the sides of the hills a
lively and verdant appearance. Had the state of the weather permitted our
boats to leave the neighbourhood of the cove, or had the woods afforded
any addition to collections for natural history, our detention would have
been more agreeable; but, with the exception of a few corvorants, divers,
and 'steamers,' with now and then a solitary hawk, or a Patagonian 'warbler,'
we saw no traces of animal life. No Indians came near us, having been
frightened away by the Chanticleer; for when Captain Foster was absent at
night, after attempting to land at Cape Horn, several rockets were fired off
as signals, and a few Indians who were then in the cove were so much
alarmed, that they went away next day, and never afterwards showed
themselves, although I dare say we were very narrowly watched by them.
Having supplied the Chanticleer with the provisions she required, we
prepared to leave St. Martin's Cove. On the 24th the Chanticleer sailed, and
in two hours after we also left this dismal cove, in which we experienced a
succession of very bad weather, an almost constant S.W. wind, and for the
last month a scarcely ceasing fall of either rain, hail, or snow. The
Chanticleer bore away round Cape Horn, and was soon out of sight.
This was my last meeting with Captain Foster, who, the night before we
sailed, communicated to me a presentiment, which he could not shake off,
that he should not survive the voyage. I cannot now resist indulging in the
melancholy satisfaction of saying a few words to the memory of my late
excellent friend, and lamenting, with many others, the severe loss which
science suffered in his death. He was a fellow of the Royal, and
Astronomical Societies, and to the former had contributed, to use the words
of His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, as President of the Royal
Society, a most valuable and extensive series of observations upon the
diurnal variation, diurnal intensity, and dip of the magnetic needle; and

upon other subjects connected with the terrestrial magnetism and
astronomical refraction, which formed an entire fourth part of the
Philosophical Transactions for the year 1826. For these papers he received
the Copley medal; and the Lords of the Admiralty acknowledged their sense
of the honour which was thus conferred upon the profession to which he
belonged, by immediately raising him to the rank of Commander, and by
appointing him to the command of the Chanticleer, upon a voyage of
discovery and observation in the South Seas. The address of the President
of the Royal Astronomical Society, at the anniversary meeting,[124] also
bears ample testimony to his active and useful services in the expedition,
under Captain Parry, towards the North Pole; as well as to his ardent zeal,
very great attention, and accuracy, in every thing which he undertook for
the promotion of science; and concludes the notice of his death in the
following words: "In the premature death of this young and accomplished
officer, the Society has to deplore the loss of a zealous and active votary to
science; and his memory will be long held dear by those who were more
intimately acquainted with him in the relations of private life." Captain
Foster was unfortunately drowned, near the close of his voyage, while
descending the River Chagres in a canoe.
No sooner had we cleared the land, than we found a strong westerly wind,
and a heavy sea; so that if we had entertained any expectation of making a
quiet passage to the westward, we should have been disappointed.
The land of Hermite Island, and its vicinity, has a most remarkable
appearance when seen from the south. Its outline is a series of peaks,
following each other in regular succession, and resembling the worn teeth
of an old saw. Mount Hyde is made sufficiently distinct by its rounded
apex, and by being higher than any land near it. Kater's Peak also is
remarkable in this view, from its conical form and very pointed summit, and
from being situated at the eastern end of the island. The 'Horn' itself needs
no description; it cannot easily be mistaken.[125]
Westerly winds carried us as far as 60° south latitude before we could make
any westing, and then we had a slant from the eastward, followed by
variable winds. Our run to Valparaiso was much like all other voyages in
this climate; we had the usual quantity of foul and fair winds, with a share
of tempestuous weather, and arrived at Valparaiso Bay on the 22d of June.

While remaining here our chronometers were cleaned, and some of them
repaired; and the ship was refitted and provisioned, with a full supply for
the Beagle and Adelaide as well as herself.
At the latter end of July, Lieutenant Wickham accompanied me to Santiago,
the capital of Chile, ninety miles from the port, for the purpose of waiting
upon General Pinto, the Director; and communicating to him the purpose of
our voyage, to prevent exciting suspicion, or receiving any interruption on
the part of the authorities of places we might visit, particularly Chilóe,
where our stay might be viewed with distrust or apprehension; for rumour
had already said that the English were about to take that island. Ridiculous
as such a report was, I deemed it sufficiently important to induce me to
explain to the Chilian Government our views and orders, which could be
done better by personal explanation than by a correspondence.
We commenced our journey early on the 11th of July, travelling in a
covered chaise, drawn by three horses, one in the shafts, and the others
outside, attached to the carriage by a single trace of hide; and preceded by a
drove of horses, from which, at the end of every stage of twelve or fifteen
miles, we selected a relay. The day was so very stormy, that we saw but
little of the country. Immediately after leaving the Almendral, or suburbs of
Valparaiso, we ascended twelve hundred feet, and then descended about
four hundred feet to an extensive plain, reaching to the Cuesta de Zapato,
the summit of which, at least the highest part of the road over it, we found
by barometrical measurement to be 1,977 feet above the sea. In the interval
we passed through the village of Casa Blanca, lying eight hundred and three
feet above the sea. After passing the Cuesta de Zapato, between it and the
Cuesta de Prado, is another extensive valley, through which runs the River
Poangui. At Curacavi, where we crossed the river, the height above the sea
is six hundred and thirty-three feet;[126] and the road proceeds by a gentle
ascent to the foot of the Cuesta de Prado, near which is the village of
Bustamente, eight hundred and eight feet above the sea.
This 'cuesta' is passed by a very steep road, and is ascended by twenty-
seven traverses, which carry one to a height of 2,100 feet above the plain, or
2,950 feet above the sea. When we reached the summit of this mountain the
weather was so cloudy, that the Andes were almost concealed from view.
Beneath us was the extensive plain of Maypo, with the city of Santiago in

the distance, a view of considerable extent, and possessing very great
interest; but from the state of the weather, its beauty would not have been
seen to advantage, had not portions of the towering Andes, raised by optical
deception to apparently twice their height, appeared at intervals among the
clouds. On a fine day, when the range of mountains is uncovered, the view
is grand; but not so imposing as when their lower portions are concealed,
and their summits partially exposed. This part of the Andes rises about
11,000 feet above the plain, and is covered half way down the sides with
snow, the lower edge of which is regularly defined, and presents a change
of colour so abrupt and horizontal as to appear unnatural, and therefore
diminish the grandeur of the scene very much. But under whatever
circumstances this view is seen from the Cuesta de Prado, it is magnificent,
and produces an effect beyond description. The road descends down the
eastern side of this Cuesta, to a plain about 1,100 feet below the summit. So
much rain had fallen during the two preceding days, and last night, that our
driver expressed some doubt whether we should be able to cross the
Podaguel, a river which is frequently impassable from the strength of its
current. The idea of spending a night at the miserable hovel we were
leaving was enough to induce us to run a considerable risk, and we set off to
make the attempt. The water was very deep, and the current sufficiently
strong to render it a performance of some danger; but, this difficulty being
passed, we soon reached the city of Santiago, and in the house of Mr.
Caldcleugh, enjoyed the hospitality and society of a warm-hearted friend.
I waited on the Director (Pinto), who received me with the greatest
politeness. He entered into the particulars of our past voyage with much
interest, assuring me that every facility should be afforded, and every
assistance rendered, whenever it might be required; and in this assurance
we never found ourselves deceived, for on all occasions the conduct of the
executive authorities towards us was marked in attention, and even
kindness. I make this observation with the more pleasure, as it was very
unusual in our communications with the authorities of those governments
we had previously visited, to find the objects of our voyage considered in
the least interesting.
Although the weather, during our visit to Santiago, was not there considered
fine, we left the city and its neighbourhood with a strong impression of the
salubrity of the climate, and the mildness of its temperature, which even in

the middle of winter, and at the height of nearly 2,000 feet above the sea,
ranged no lower than 45° Fahrenheit, and during the day the maximum
height of the thermometer never exceeded 62°.[127](k)
We returned to Valparaiso on the 26th of July, and made preparations to
sail; but were detained by a strong northerly gale for many days, in which
we were enabled to render assistance to a large Indian trader that would
otherwise have been wrecked. On the 10th of August, we sailed for Chilóe;
and on our way were greatly delayed by southerly winds, which carried us
in sight of the island of Juan Fernandez. We reached our destination on the
26th, and found the Beagle, to our great delight, arrived, and all well.
Captain Fitz Roy came on board before we anchored, and gave me an
outline of his proceedings, and those of the Adelaide, which had not
returned, but was daily expected, having been despatched to survey some
interior channels on her way to Chilóe. Our anchorage was off Point
Arenas, which is not only the best in the bay, but appeared to be well
adapted to our wants. The Beagle had arrived early in July, and had sent to
Valparaiso for stores with which to refit, and make preparations for another
cruize to the south.
The harbour master, Mr. Williams, an Englishman, visited us soon after our
anchoring, and by him I forwarded to the Yntendente (or governor), Don
José Santiago Aldunate, the letters brought for him from Chile.
In the afternoon I received his acknowledgments, and offers of all the
assistance in his power to render. As it was probable that our stay would
occupy some weeks, I established myself at a house in the town, obtained
by his kindness; and there fixed my portable observatory, and set up an
azimuth altitude instrument.

CHAPTER XIII.
Beagle and Adelaide anchor in Possession Bay—Beagle passes the First Narrow—Fogs—
Pecket Harbour—Adelaide arrives with Guanaco-meat—Portuguese Seamen—Peculiar light
—Party missing—Return—Proceed towards Port Famine—Fuegians—Lieut. Skyring—
Adelaide sails to survey Magdalen and Barbara Channels—Views—Lyell Sound—Kempe
Harbour—Cascade Bay—San Pedro Sound—Port Gallant—Diet—Rain—Awnings—Boat
cruise—Warning—Jerome Channel—Blanket bags—Otway Water—Frequent rain—Difficulty
in lighting fires.

The following is an account of the Beagle's and Adelaide's operations, after
separating from the Adventure, on the 1st of April, at the entrance of the
Strait of Magalhaens.
Light northerly winds were favourable for their entering the Strait, and they
reached Possession Bay the first night. The following day was foggy, and
almost calm, until the afternoon, when both vessels weighed, and proceeded
with the tide. At sunset the Adelaide anchored on the north shore; but the
Beagle stood on, and entered the Narrow. After dark, when within it, with a
rapid tide running, the wind fell light, and an anchor was let go, under the
north shore, in eight fathoms; but the cable being accidentally checked too
soon, snapped like a small rope, and the vessel was hustled out into deep
water. As it would have been both useless and imprudent to let go another
anchor, the Beagle was kept underweigh, and worked to the westward,
aided by a very powerful tide, which speedily carried her through the
Narrow, without accident, although the night was dark; and they had no
guide but the chart and lead. At eleven o'clock she was anchored within the
Narrow, in twelve fathoms, soon after which the tide turned, and ran with
great strength; but the night was calm, as well as the next morning.
While waiting for wind, and the change of tide, several Patagonian Indians
were observed on horseback hunting guanacoes. A very large dead cod-fish
was also seen, floating past, which was taken on board; on its skin were
several parasites.[128]
With the evening tide the Beagle reached Gregory Bay; and the next day
(April 4th) worked through the Second Narrow, and anchored in Pecket
Harbour.
As soon as she arrived people were sent on shore to make a large fire, to
show the natives where the ship was, and attract them to her. Next morning,
the 5th, it had spread very much, and overrun several acres of ground,
which showed either a very dry soil, or that there had not been much rain
for some time. The ground was covered with cranberries; so much so, that it
had quite a red tinge; they were very good. Plenty of wild celery was found,
but no wood of any kind. Water was obtained in small quantities, from a
spring about eighty yards from the beach, abreast of the anchorage: it may
also be procured by sinking wells. Early on the 6th of April the Adelaide

anchored near the Beagle. Captain Fitz Roy went on board, and found that
Lieutenant Graves had seen the Indians in Gregory Bay; and had anchored
there for the purpose of obtaining guanaco meat, of which he got about nine
hundred pounds weight. Thick fogs had prevented his getting through the
First Narrow until the 4th. At Gregory Bay, Lieutenant Graves took three
Portuguese seamen on board, who claimed his protection, having been left
by an English sealing vessel nearly a year before. One of them asked to be
again put ashore, and was landed on Quoin Hill to carry a message to the
Indians, from whom he promised to bring a supply of meat in two days. The
other two were entered on the books as supernumeraries, and employed in
the Adelaide. Having given the Beagle two-thirds of the meat, the Adelaide
weighed; and in two hours was out of sight, on her way to Port Famine.
The following are extracts from Captain Fitz Roy's journal of this cruise of
the Beagle.
"Monday 7th April. Several of our people were employed in gathering
cranberries, and preserving them for future use; they are anti-scorbutic, as
well as the wild celery, much of which has been used with our guanaco
soup.
"Wednesday, 8th. I went to Oazy Harbour with Lieutenant Skyring, who
surveyed the harbour while I examined the cove to the northward.
"Oazy Harbour appears large, but the part where there is anchorage is very
small, and a strong tide sets in and round it, by which a bank is thrown up, a
short distance inside the entrance; there is very little wood, and some
difficulty in obtaining fresh water, even in a small quantity. The anchorage
outside might be more convenient for procuring guanaco meat from the
Indians than Gregory Bay, but it is exposed to winds between W.S.W. and
S.S.E.
"At my return to the Beagle, I was much surprised to find that Lieutenant
Kempe, Mr. Bynoe, and a boy, had not yet come back from a shooting
excursion. A boat had been to the appointed place at sun-set, and had waited
an hour without seeing them. At seven, a light was seen on the top of Quoin
Hill, and I sent a boat to the spot, with cautions about landing, being in
doubt whether it was shown by them or by the Indians; but the boatswain,
who went with her, could find no person, nor any light. He waited some

time, and returned on board.(l) A similar light was again seen, more than
once, during the dark and gloomy weather, with small misty rain falling,
and a light breeze from the westward, which we had all night.
"Thursday, 9th. No signs of our officers, nor any appearance of the Indians.
Fearing that some accident had happened, I sent two boats away, with arms
and provisions, to look for them all round the harbour, and the large lagoon
which communicates with it. Both boats were thoroughly cautioned about
the Indians, for I had thoughts of their treachery. Just as the boats got out of
sight, three people were observed on the ridge of a hill, about six miles
distant; and, at the same time two other persons appeared, much nearer the
ship, on the east side of the harbour. Which was our party, and who the
others were, it was perplexing to say. Both disappeared again for about two
hours, when our stragglers came over a hill, very near the ship. Upon their
arrival on board, they were scarcely able to move: they had been on their
legs, almost without food, and without shelter from the rain, since they left
the ship. Their intention had been to walk round the harbour, which
appeared an employment for two hours only; but at its head they found a
lake, and beyond that lake a much larger one, joined to the first by a
passage, which they could not cross. When they arrived at this passage, it
was too late to return by the way they went, and their best chance seemed to
be going on. After dark, they tried to make a fire, but the rain prevented
them. It was too dark to see their way, and the cold rain obliged them to
keep moving about, though in one place. When daylight came, they
travelled on, and until they reached the ship at two o'clock, were constantly
walking.
"The other people seen by us must have been Indians; none were met by our
wanderers, but several places were passed where fires had been made by
them.
"April 10th. Directly our boats returned, we weighed and made sail; but the
wind soon failed, and the tide setting against us, obliged me to anchor.
"April 11th. Made sail towards the passage between Elizabeth Island and
Cape Negro, and anchored there to wait for the tide, which ran past us when
at anchor, at the rate of three knots an hour. About Cape Negro the
appearance of the land entirely changes. A low barren country gives way to

hills covered with wood, increasing in height, and becoming more rocky
and mountainous as you go southward.
"On the 13th, when working near the land, against a light southerly breeze,
we saw a small canoe paddling along shore, and some people walking on
the beach. While the ship was standing off, I went to them, being the first
savages I had ever met. In the canoe were an old woman, her daughter, and
a child, and on shore were two Fuegian men with several dogs. Their
figures reminded me of drawings of the Esquimaux, being rather below the
middle size, wrapped in rough skins, with their hair hanging down on all
sides, like old thatch, and their skins of a reddish brown colour, smeared
over with oil, and very dirty. Their features were bad, but peculiar; and, if
physiognomy can be trusted, indicated cunning, indolence, passive
fortitude, deficient intellect, and want of energy. I observed that the
forehead was very small and ill-shaped; the nose was long, narrow between
the eyes, and wide at the point; and the upper lip, long and protruding. They
had small, retreating chins; bad teeth; high cheek-bones; small Chinese
eyes, at an oblique angle with the nose; coarse hair; wide ill-formed
mouths, and a laugh as if the upper lip were immoveable. The head was
very small, especially at the top and back; there were very few bumps for a
craniologist. They asked earnestly for 'tabac, tabac,' but seemed very timid.
We bartered some biscuit and old knives for a few of their arrows, skins,
spears, &c.
"Their canoes, twenty-two feet long, and about three wide, were curiously
made of the branches of trees, covered with pieces of beech-tree bark,
sewed together with intestines of seals. A fire was burning in the middle,
upon some earth, and all their property, consisting of a few skins and bone-
headed lances, was stowed at the ends.
"The young woman would not have been ill-looking, had she been well
scrubbed, and all the yellow clay with which she was bedaubed, washed
away. I think they use the clayey mixture for warmth rather than for show,
as it stops the pores of the skin, preventing evaporation and keeping out the
cold air. Their only clothing was a skin, thrown loosely about them; and
their hair was much like a horse's mane, that has never been combed.
"April 14th. Anchored in Port Famine."

"April 16th. Lieutenant Skyring went on board the Adelaide with Mr. Kirke,
five seamen, and one of the Beagle's whale-boats. Mr. Bynoe, the assistant-
surgeon, also went as a volunteer.
"April 17th. The Adelaide sailed to survey the Magdalen and Barbara
Channels; after which she was to rejoin the Beagle at Port Gallant. She soon
got into a strong southerly wind, and could make no progress, as the current
was against her; she therefore again stood into the bay, and anchored.
"A sharply cold night made us remember we were far south, although the
weather by day had been mild. I have said little about this anchorage, as it
has already been described. The appearance of the surrounding country is
striking and picturesque. Mount Tarn, with its patches of snow, rising from
thick woods, and the high snow-covered mountains in the distance, with
dark blue sea at their base, are very remarkable objects.
"We sailed on the 19th with the Adelaide, which had been prevented from
going sooner by strong and unfavourable winds: and about noon we parted
from our consort, whose course was southerly, into the Magdalen Channel,
while we went towards Lyell Sound.
"I cannot help here remarking, that the scenery this day appeared to me
magnificent. Many ranges of mountains, besides Mount Sarmiento, were
distinctly visible, and the continual change occurring in the views of the
land, as clouds passed over the sun, with such a variety of tints of every
colour, from that of the dazzling snow to the deep darkness of the still
water, made me wish earnestly to be enabled to give an idea of it upon
paper; but a necessary look-out for the vessel, not having a commissioned
officer with me who had been in the Strait before, kept my attention too
much occupied to allow me to make more than a few hasty outlines. Under
the high land the Beagle had but little wind, and night closed upon us before
we could gain an anchorage in Lyell Sound, so we shortened sail after dark,
and kept near mid channel until the morning.
"The night was one of the most beautiful I have ever seen; nearly calm, the
sky clear of clouds, excepting a few large white masses, which at times
passed over the bright full moon: whose light striking upon the snow-
covered summits of the mountains by which we were surrounded,

contrasted strongly with their dark gloomy bases, and gave an effect to the
scene which I shall never forget.
"At daylight, on the 20th, we were close to Lyell Sound, and stood along its
west side, looking for an anchorage, until we found a very good harbour,
about a mile inside Mazaredo Point.
"I then went away, with two boats, to examine the Sound, leaving the
master to sound and plan the inner harbour.
"Kempe Harbour, within Lyell Sound, would hold six large ships in
security; but, like most of the harbours hereabouts, access is difficult, on
account of the squalls off the high land, which are so irregular, and often
violent.
"During the night of the 21st, it blew strong in squalls, and the chain-cable
kept us awake by rattling very much over rocks; yet when the anchor was
hove to the bows next morning, it appeared to have been well bedded in
stiff clay. To these sounds we afterwards became familiarised.
"Wednesday, 22d. Strong squalls from the south-eastward during the night,
and in the morning; when, being anxious to reach Cascade Bay, I weighed,
though the weather was thick, and the wind against us. The flaws were so
variable, that we were two hours knocking the helm and sails about before
we could clear the anchorage, and move half a mile in still water. I should
recommend warping in and out of these harbours, in preference to making
sail: as it is far easier, if a ship is provided with small hawsers and kedges:
and the hawsers can often be made fast to the rocks, or roots of trees.
"The tide rises about four feet in Kempe Harbour; and there is a place
where a vessel might be grounded or careened with perfect safety.
"Mazaredo Peak (Bougainville's Sugar Loaf) is an excellent guide to
Kempe Harbour; the valley-like appearance of the land also shows its
situation to a vessel in the Straits. What at first appears to be Lyell Sound is
Kempe Harbour, the Sound lies more to the left.
"After passing Mazaredo Point, the land is rugged and less woody; it is not
very high, and has a peculiar, rounded appearance, like the tops of loaves of
bread.

"There was slate in Kempe Harbour, which seemed to me fit for roofing
purposes.
"In Cascade Bay we found the abundance of limpets and muscles usual on
these shores, and of particularly good quality. The Indians live almost
entirely upon them and sea-eggs, though birds, and occasionally a seal, add
to their subsistence. Vegetation, both on shore and in the water, is most
abundant. At every step one sinks knee-deep in moss, grass, fern, or low
bushes. Trees seem to arrive but seldom at perfection; the climate is so
moist that they rot while growing, before they attain any size. Moss grows
every where; each bough is covered with it: and the water appears to be as
favourable to the growth of kelp as the land is to that of plants. The large
kind (Fucus giganteus) shoots up, from many fathoms depth, to the surface,
with strong stalks and large leaves.
"23d. A bad day; blowing strong, and at times raining. Mr. Murray, Mr.
Stokes, and I, went with three boats to continue our work of exploring and
sounding.
"Saturday, 25th. We weighed and made sail; but the breeze failed, and flaws
came against us. While laying out warps, and hanging by the stream-cable,
a squall took the ship and drove her against the rocks, but without doing her
any injury, for they were quite wall-sided. The main-yard and spanker-
boom were among the trees. We again laid out warps, and had made some
progress, when another strong squall obliged us to go back into our
anchorage, to remain until the hail, snow, wind, and rain should cease.
"26th. An unpromising and wet morning; but the heavy rain being over, we
weighed, and in a few hours reached the western side of San Pedro Sound.
"About a mile from the point we anchored in Murray Cove, which affords
good shelter from westerly winds, and is very easy of access, being a small
roadstead rather than a harbour.
"27th. We set out early with the boats, but the weather was too bad to do
much; however, something was done, and at dusk we went ashore on a
small island in the Sound. It rained very hard all the afternoon and during
part of the night. We sheltered ourselves as well as we could with the boat's
sails and tarpaulins; but during the night the wind shifted, and blew so hard,

that it threw down our slight shelter, and made me very anxious about the
ship; for I was doubtful of the security of the anchorage where she lay.
"28th. This morning was very cold, it rained hard and blew strong; but
when it cleared away for a short time, we set to work again, to explore what
appeared to be a channel.
"After a three hours' pull against wind, snow, and hail, my channel proved
to be only one of the numerous inlets which encroach upon the Fuegian
territory; and the boats returned to the Beagle, with the help of strong
squalls from the S.W. I was not a little glad to see the ship in the place
where I had left her. During the night another anchor had been let go; but
she had not moved from her position. This anchorage is so easy of access,
that I hope it will be of use to vessels passing through the Strait. There is
room for one large sized ship to lie conveniently, or for two or three small
craft.
"The weather has not yet been so cold as I expected it would be: snow lies
on the deck a short time, but the thermometer has not been lower than 31°
(Fahrenheit).
"29th. A rainy, blowing morning: Mr. Stokes and I set out in the boats; but it
rained so much, that we could only make a fire to dry our clothes, and
remove the numbness, caused by sitting a long time in the wet.
"On the 3d of May, we anchored in Port Gallant: though perfectly secure,
this is a dismal harbour in winter, being so surrounded by high mountains,
that the sun is seldom visible. Until the 7th, in addition to our usual daily
duties, we were occupied in preparing for an excursion, in boats, to the
Jerome Channel. Salt provisions were entirely withheld from the crew for
three days, and instead of them, preserved meat, shell-fish, and a large pig,
brought from Monte Video, were substituted. We found in this, as in almost
every Fuegian harbour, abundance of muscles, limpets, and wild celery;
some fish and some wild-fowl. Many of our party thought shags good
eating, but only one person could be found daring enough to try whether old
Sir John Narborough was quite warranted in saying that a fox was 'savoury
food,' and that one repented of his experiment during a week's serious
illness.

"My reason for entirely stopping the use of salt-meat, for a few days, was
the belief that, at least, two or three days' change of diet is necessary to
cause any real alteration in the system; and that it is better to give fresh
provisions for three days in succession, and salt-meat during the remainder
of three weeks, than to give fresh-meat at three separate intervals in the
same period.
"During the wet weather of these regions, we derived great benefit from
awnings, painted for the purpose, while refitting at Rio de Janeiro and
Maldonado: they kept the lower, and a great part of the upper deck quite
dry, even in heavy rain.
"May 7th. Mr. Stokes and I set out with a cutter and whale-boat, to explore
the Jerome Channel. We were well provided, with as much as the boats
could stow, of what we thought likely to be useful during a month's cruise.
Of water we took but little, trusting to the wetness of these regions for a
supply. Each man had his clothes covered with canvas, or duck, well
painted; and instead of a hat, every one had a 'south-wester' (like a coal-
heaver's cap).
"Our provisions, being sufficient for twenty-eight days, made the boats
rather deep; and I soon found the cutter pulled very heavily, and was
obliged to take her in tow. All our party slept in the cutter the first night, the
whale-boat being made fast astern. Towards midnight it blew fresh, and as
the boats were anchored near the wash of the beach, they rolled a good deal;
and soon afterwards, feeling the whale-boat hanging heavily on her rope, I
hauled her up alongside, and found she was almost swamped; in a few
minutes she must have sunk with all her heavy cargo, to us invaluable. The
plug had worked out by her rolling:—I seldom left her afloat at night after
this warning. Having saved the boat, made me think less of all our things
being wetted, and of some of the instruments being almost spoiled.
"At daylight, on the 8th, we pulled along shore, with the wind against us,
and reached Point York before the tide made strongly; but that place we
could not pass; and sooner than give up an inch of ground, let go our
grapnels, in the middle of a race of tide, that tumbled in over both
gunwales, and ran past us at the rate of five knots. At one P.M. it slackened,
and we pulled on into Bachelor River, very glad to get so good a place to

dry our clothes, and put the boats to rights. Three deserted wigwams gave
us shelter; and while some made fires, others went to collect shell-fish, or
shoot birds. Though the season was so far advanced, some shrubs were in
flower, particularly one, which is very like a jessamine, and has a sweet
smell. Cranberries and berberis-berries were plentiful: I should have liked
to pass some days at this place, it was so very pretty; the whole shore was
like a shrubbery. I cannot account for the exaggerated accounts of the
Fuegian coasts given by some voyagers: it is true that the peaks of the
mountains are covered with snow, and those sides exposed to the prevailing
west winds are barren, and rugged; but every sheltered spot is covered with
vegetation, and large trees seem to grow almost upon the bare rock. I was
strongly reminded of some of the Greek islands in winter, when they also
have a share of snow on their mountains.
"May 9th. The tide carried our boats rapidly up the Jerome Channel, which,
though narrow, is quite free from danger. The west shore is very high, and
steep, and well covered with wood; the eastern is lower, and less woody.
"Having passed this channel, we entered the mysterious Indian Sound, with
all that anxiety one feels about a place, of which nothing is known, and
much is imagined. I hoped to find a large river; and the strong tide setting
up the channel convinced me that there was a body of water inland, but of
what nature remained to be discovered. At dusk we put into a small creek,
and secured the boats, hauling up the whale-boat on the sand. When too late
to remove, we found the place of our bivouac so wet and swampy, that
nearly two hours were occupied in trying to light a fire. Supper and merry
songs were succeeded by heavy rain, which continued throughout that night
and the next day without intermission.
"10th. Continual hard rain prevented our moving: the whale-boat's men
were thoroughly drenched in their tent during the night; but made a better
one in the morning. The cutter, having a tarpaulin cover, gave her crew a
better lodging; and although a small and loaded boat, only twenty-four feet
long, could not be expected to allow much room to a dozen sleepers, during
such weather, with the help of our blanket bags,(m) we did very well.
"11th. During this night, also, it rained very hard. Early the next morning,
however, it cleared a little, and we got under-weigh. When in the fair-way

our hopes were much excited; for beyond a high island, like a sugar-loaf,
appeared an opening without land. I tasted the water repeatedly, fancying it
less salt, and that we were approaching a river.
"Less salt it might have been, from the number of waterfalls dashing down
the mountains on each side of the channel, which is here about two miles
wide, with a current, or rather stream of tide, running at the rate of two
knots an hour.
"At noon, we reached the Sugar Loaf: it cost a struggle to get to the top
with the instruments; but the view repaid me. For three points of the
compass towards the north-east, I could see no land, except two islands; and
the farthest extreme to the eastward, appeared to me distant, at least, thirty
miles. No mountains or high land could be seen to the north or east; the
country seemed there to change its character, and become lower and less
wooded. This was, indeed, an animating view: I stood considering what
might be the boundary of this water, till I recollected, that the longer I
thought about it, the longer I should be finding it out; so we pushed on with
the boats, of course taking the necessary bearings and angles, until we
reached the 'Point of Islets' in 'Otway Water.'
"On the 12th, our oars were going early.
"The two islands, 'Englefield' and 'Vivian,' were the only land upon the
horizon for six points of the compass. The southern coast trended away
nearly east from Cape Charles, preserving the high mountainous character
of the Fuegian shores, while that to the northward was low, though as yet
well wooded.
"I was nearly tempted to try whether Fanny Bay led towards the Gulf of
Xaultegua; but fortunately did not, as I should have regretted the time so
employed.
"Point Hamond is thickly-wooded with evergreens, similar to those of the
Strait; and with a species of pine, about thirty or forty feet in height.
"To the S.E. three remarkable promontories stand out in bold relief from the
Fuegian shore; but beyond them the land sinks into the tame flatness of
Patagonia.

"The water on the west shore is not deep; from ten to thirty fathoms at a
quarter of a mile off shore, but getting more shallow advancing northward.
There is anchorage for a vessel after passing Indian Channel, the whole way
along; and as the prevailing winds are off shore, it would generally be safe.
In Indian Channel I only know of two anchorages, Cutter Bay and Bending
Cove.
"Such constant rain fell during this evening, that it was not until after much
trouble that we at last made fires. Carrying dry fuel in the boats we found
indispensable, and I would recommend any person who passes a night on
shore in this wet climate, with a boat, to carry a sheet of copper, or a piece
of flat iron, in preference to any boat-stove, as a fire can be lighted upon it
much more easily, and it does not take much stowage: the great difficulty
about fires here is getting fuel to burn when the ground is wet, or when
snow lies on it.
"13th. Raining so steadily all day, that it was useless to proceed: I could
neither see my way, nor notice any thing but wind and rain.
"14th. So mild was the weather, that I bathed this morning, and did not find
the water colder than I have felt it in autumn on the English coast; its
temperature, at a foot below the surface, averaged 42°; that of the air was
39°. From this place, Point Hamond, I saw seven points of the compass
clear of land, my eye being twenty feet above the level of the sea. The water
was quite salt, therefore we were certain of being in an unexpected inland
sea, or large lagoon. Four miles from Point Hamond lie Englefield and
Vivian Islands, rather low, but well wooded with evergreens. They are the
only islands of any note in the Otway Water. The farthest point I could
discern I called Cape Marvel, for much I wondered at the hitherto
unsuspected extent of this inlet.
"At noon we were off the north end of Englefield Island. Mr. Stokes and I
observed the sun's meridian altitude satisfactorily from the boats, so smooth
was the water. This quiet day was too fine, for it was hard work pulling
from nine till five, without any help from sails. Towards evening a breeze
sprung up in our favour, and with its assistance we ran along the land about
ten miles. Taking advantage of the moonlight, I did not look out for a
resting-place till past seven o'clock, when we had a great deal of trouble in

landing; the coast having quite changed its character; and instead of deep
water with a rocky shore, we found a flat shingly beach and shoal water,
with very large stones scattered between high and low water marks, so
numerously as to make it dangerous for a boat, especially at night. Upon
landing, we found the ground quite changed into a fine light soil, with
stunted bushes and trees; and so dry was the wood, that a fire was easily
kindled, but not a drop of water could be got any where to cook our supper.
A considerable rise and fall of tide was observed, much greater than near
Indian Channel.
"15th. No breakfast this morning, for want of water—a decided proof of the
change of climate and country. North of us the sky was clear; but to the
southward, over the Strait, hung thick clouds. The trees were not evergreen,
and at this time their leaves were withered and falling.
"While pulling along shore, and passing a low projecting point, we saw the
smoke of three fires, and approaching nearer, observed four canoes lying on
the beach, near several wigwams. Their owners soon appeared, running
along the shore, hallooing and jumping. The first who came near us
reminded me of an old-fashioned sign of the 'Red Lion,' for he was painted
red all over, and looked more like a wild beast than a human being; another
was covered with a bluish mixture; a third was quite black. Several had the
lower half of the face blacked, and the oldest men and women were painted
entirely black. There were about eight men, six or eight boys, and perhaps a
dozen women and girls. Some had a skin over their shoulders, but others
had no covering at all, except paint; they seemed apprehensive, and hid
several skins and other things in the wood, as soon as they saw us
approaching.
"When they found we were peaceably disposed, and had tobacco and
knives, they were eager to barter with us. How they have learned the use of
tobacco is curious, but they are fond of it to excess. Guanaco, as well as
seal and otter skins, are in their possession; therefore they probably barter
with the Patagonians. They have also the skins and horns of a deer, which,
as I understood them, inhabits their country.(n) They catch small animals
with snares, made of whalebone, just like hare-snares. This tribe was very
rich in Fuegian wealth, such as skins, arrows, lances, &c. They appeared to
be of a race similar, but superior, to the Fuegians, being stronger, stouter,

more lively, and more active. I persuaded one of their boys to have his face
washed, and found his natural complexion was scarcely darker than that of
a European. Their language sounds like that of the Fuegians, and the huts
and weapons are precisely similar to their's. We asked them for water, and
they pointed to a place about a mile further, making signs to us that we must
dig in the earth for it. We went there, and near a green-looking spot some
good water was found. We then landed, and enjoyed our breakfast at one
o'clock, being not a little thirsty.
"The natives were still with us; they seemed inquisitive and cunning; and
shewed great surprise at a sextant and artificial horizon, by which they sat
down, attentively watching what was done. I put my watch to their ears;
they were much astonished, and each came in his turn to hear it tick. I
pointed to the watch and then to the sky; they shook their heads and
suddenly looked so grave, that from their manner in this instance, and from
what I could understand by their signs, I felt certain they had an idea of a
Superior Being, although they have nothing like an image, and did not
appear to us to have any form of worship. We could learn scarcely any
words of their language, because of their trick of repeating whatever we
said.
"They saw how we lighted a fire, by means of a tinder-box, and took an
opportunity to tread it out of sight. Our loss was not known until leaving the
spot, when that material necessary was missed. It was evident they had
stolen it; and while I was meditating a reprisal, one of our men by chance
trod upon the missing box, which was artfully hid under the sand. After this
discovery, they seemed rather inclined for a skirmish, all having clubs,
while our men appeared to have no weapons. However, we parted without a
quarrel.
"The features of these people differed from those of the Fuegians whom I
had previously seen, in being better formed, and having a less artful
expression.
"We pulled hence along a low shore until evening, when distant land began
to show itself, stretching to the northward and eastward, and bounding this
supposed inland sea. At dusk we discovered an opening, which appeared to
be either a river or a channel, and I steered for its north bank, securing the

boats for the night in a place we named Donkin Cove, as a mark of respect
to the preserver of meat, to whom we had been so often thankful. A little of
this meat, mixed with wild fowl, and some wild celery, makes a wholesome
and agreeable mess. On boat service, meat preserved in tin is particularly
useful, being already cooked, and therefore fit for dinner without the aid of
fire.
"We were surprised at the mildness of the weather. Indeed, the change of
climate was as pleasant as it was sudden and unexpected.
"16th. At daylight, we found ourselves in the entrance of what was thought
a river. Under this impression, I hoped to penetrate into the interior of the
country, and meet some new tribes of Patagonians. As soon as we could get
underweigh, we pulled and sailed along a winding channel, on one side of
which was a pleasant-looking, woody country, extending towards Tierra del
Fuego; and on the other, a low, barren district, like Eastern Patagonia. The
banks on both shores were from five to forty feet high, sloping, and covered
with grass.
"The current was in our favour, which with the saltness of the water,
inclined me to think it a channel, and not the mouth of a river. In this
opinion I was confirmed in a short time, by seeing surf breaking against
some land beyond an opening, which showed that we were approaching a
large body of water. Soon after, we reached the extreme west point of this
small channel; and, to our surprise, saw an expanse, at least thirty miles
across from east to west, and twenty from north to south. I thought it more
at first, but probably was deceived. West and south of it I observed high
snow-covered mountains; and the summit of one was remarkable, being like
a castle with a high tower. Northward, the land was low; excepting a few
ranges of down-like hills with large plains between them.
"It happened to be a very clear day, and all that could be seen at any time
was visible. In two places there seemed to me to be openings to the
westward; in the southernmost I could see no land at all; the other was
backed by distant mountains, but still had the appearance of an opening.
After this I went to the top of a hill near me, about three hundred feet high,
to gain a better view, yet so small an elevation made but little difference,

and I rather thought the opposite coast farther off than I had at first
supposed.
"Having sent the cutter back a short distance, to make a fire and land our
things, I crossed the channel to a fine level plain, and measured a base line.
In crossing, I found a most rapid tide, at least five or six knots at neap tides,
and to pull against it was out of the question. It caused a considerable swell
and race at the entrance, which is not a quarter of a mile wide, though it
averages twelve fathoms in depth. On the plain was growing thick grass,
like that in the vicinity of the river Plata. So rich and good were the grass
and trefoil, that I saved a few seeds, hoping some day to see their produce
in England. No tree was seen; the soil seemed dry, rich, and light. Skunks,
and a small kind of cavy, had burrowed every where, which proves the
climate to be of a different nature from that of the Strait. The bones and
traces of guanacoes were numerous, and some horses' tracks were found; as
also part of a dead guanaco, which appeared to have been a prey to wild
beasts. Water was not so plentiful as to the southward; but quite sufficient
for all useful purposes, many small brooks being noticed, besides springs in
the sides of the low hills. We shot a swan(o) and some coots; the swans
were so fat, or so tame, that they would not rise from the water.
"17th. While on Whitestone Plain, a very heavy squall of wind and hail
passed over from the S.W., so cuttingly cold, that it showed me one reason
why these plains, swept by every wind from S.S.W. to N., are destitute of
trees.
"After dark, we returned to the cutter and partook of a large mess, made of
the swan we had shot, the coots, some limpets, and preserved meat. The
shortness of the days was becoming very inconvenient; from eight to four
were the only hours of daylight; but some of the nights were so fine, that I
got many sets of observations of the moon and stars.

CHAPTER XIV.
Place for a Settlement—Frost—Boats in danger—Narrow escape—Sudden change—Beagle
Hills—Fuegian painting—Tides—Medicine—Water warmer than the air—Jerome Channel—
Mr. Stokes returns to the Beagle—Cape Quod—Snowy Sound—Whale Sound—Choiseul Bay
—Return to the Beagle—Adelaide returns—Plan of operations—Difficulties removed—

Preparations—Wear and tear of clothing—Ascend the Mountain de la Cruz—Sail from Port
Gallant—Tides—Borja Bay—Cape Quod—Gulf of Xaultegua—Frost and snow—Meet
Adelaide—Part—Enter Pacific—Arrive at Chilóe.

"18th of May. Very cold, raining heavily, and blowing strong from S.W. The
tide turned this day (full moon), and set to the westward at 1.15. I only say
'turned,' because I could not distinguish the ebb from the flood, so little rise
and fall was there. No sooner had the tide ceased to run in one direction,
than it began to run as strongly in the other, for about six hours. For the last
four nights I noticed, that soon after sunset the sky was suddenly overcast, a
trifling shower fell, and afterwards the heavens became beautifully clear.
The climate must be much like that of the east coast of Patagonia, as shrubs
grow here like those I saw at Port Desire. While walking, the leaves and dry
sticks crackled under foot, which is very different from what one observes
about the Strait of Magalhaens, where everything is wet and spungy. I was
inclined to think this place suitable for a settlement. There is water, wood,
and good soil, fit for planting, besides pasture land; the climate is not bad;
and probably the Patagonian Indians might be induced to trade in guanaco
meat, as they now do at Gregory Bay; while any of their hostile incursions
would be prevented by the channel.
"19th. Two natives, a man and a boy, came to our boats this morning; they
seemed to have neither curiosity, nor fear, nor even a relish for tobacco.
They took a piece of tinder, picked up a stone, and went away to some
wigwams, at a little distance, where we soon afterwards saw a fire burning.
"During this night and the preceding it froze sharply; but the sky was so
clear, that I observed many sets of distances, on each side the moon.
"20th. We went eastward through the little channel. Every thing was frozen;
and the boat's sails were useless until thawed. We left Donkin Cove directly
after noon, and with a fresh and fair wind, steered towards Pecket Harbour.
I may as well mention here my reasons for taking this course, instead of
going farther westward.
"Considering our very limited time, and provisions, I wished to do first
what was most useful; and to find a new passage, seemed to me the primary
object. Having surveyed the narrow winding channel, and proved its
navigability for vessels of any class; I thought it desirable to ascertain next

the nature of the separation between Otway Water and the Strait of
Magalhaens, between Laredo Bay and Pecket Harbour.
"A western passage might be sought by the Adelaide schooner, or by
myself, at a future time. If we tried to cross the Skyring Water, our success
would be very doubtful, for during the whole time we had been in the
channel, the wind blew strong from S.W., raising so much sea, that it was
with great difficulty I could sound outside the western entrance, even in a
whale-boat.
"A fine breeze carried us rapidly eastward; but it freshened too fast, reef
after reef was taken in, until at two o'clock we were obliged to lower the
sail, and pull to windward; for as far as we could see, the shore continued
unbroken, flat, and low, with a high surf breaking on it. To have attempted
to land, would have been folly; and as the wind continued to increase, and a
current setting to windward caused a very short awkward sea, I sent Mr.
Stokes off in the cutter, under his small close-reefed sails, to hang to
windward as long as he could carry sail, while I kept the whale-boat head to
wind. At three o'clock, we were embayed, and about a mile from the shore.
My boat was deeply laden, and as our clothes and bags got soaked, pulled
more heavily. We threw a bag of fuel overboard, but kept everything else to
the last. At sunset the sea was higher, and the wind as strong as ever. I saw
the cutter a little before, about three miles from us, standing to the eastward
on a wind; but whether she would clear the shore I could not make out.
"After dark, finding we could not well be worse off as to risk, I bore up, and
pulled with the sea rather abaft the beam, twisting the boat 'end on' to each
wave as it came, hoping to get into smoother water to the westward. Night,
and having hung on our oars five hours, made me think of beaching the boat
to save the men; for in a sea so short and breaking, it was not likely she
would live much longer. At any time in the afternoon, momentary neglect,
allowing a wave to take her improperly, would have swamped us; and after
dark it was worse. Shortly after bearing up, a heavy sea broke over my
back, and half filled the boat: we were baling away, expecting its successor,
and had little thoughts of the boat living, when—quite suddenly—the sea
fell, and soon after the wind became moderate. So extraordinary was the
change, that the men, by one impulse, lay on their oars, and looked about to
see what had happened. Probably we had passed the place where a tide was

setting against the wind. I immediately put the boat's head towards the cove
we left in the morning, and with thankful gladness the men pulled fast
ahead. In ten minutes the sea was smooth, and the breeze so moderate, as
not to impede our progress. Our only anxiety was then about the cutter; for
we could not tell how she had weathered the gale. I was sure she would
have prospered if kept by the wind; but some accident, or change of
purpose, was to be feared.
"About an hour after midnight, we landed in safety at Donkin Cove; so
tired, and numbed by the cold, for it was freezing sharply, that we could
hardly get out of the boat. The embers of our morning fire were still
burning; so we put on some wood, and lay down round them. No men could
have behaved better than that boat's crew: not a word was uttered by one of
them; nor did an oar flag at any time, although they acknowledged, after
landing, that they never expected to see the shore again. We resolved to start
early to look for the cutter, and fell asleep: but before daylight I was roused
by some one, and to my joy, saw Mr. Stokes standing by me. He had just
arrived with the cutter, having kept his wind till the sea fell; and since that
time had been pulling towards this spot: with what thankful feelings all
hands lay down to sleep may be easily supposed.
"21st. This morning I believe no one waked before ten o'clock. Drying our
clothes, and putting the boats to rights, occupied most of the day. Our time
was now so short, besides having almost expended our provisions, that I
gave up the idea of crossing the Otway Water, and decided to return nearly
the way we came, after taking a view from the higher ground.
"22d. A sharp frost, during the past night and this day, hardened the ground,
and with four of my boat's crew, I walked to the Beagle Hills. Our way led
through a scattered wood, the only one seen on the north side of the
channel, and in which most of the trees appeared to have been burned. We
gained the summit of the heights soon after noon, and were amply rewarded
by an extensive view.
"Although not more than eight hundred feet above the sea, I could discern
the Gregory Hills (so plainly as to make out their yellowish brown colour);
Cape Bartholomew, Nassau Island; Cape Monmouth; the high peaks over
Cape Froward; the range of mountains thence to the Jerome Channel, and

from the Jerome, westward to all those about Cape Phillip, and Cape
Parker; and the whole extent of the Otway and Skyring Waters; the latter
being bounded to the N.W. by down-like hills, about six or eight hundred
feet high. North of the Beagle Hills, a range of similar downs extended; and
to the east was a succession of lagoons, completely intersecting the flat
country towards Pecket Harbour.
"We left a memorial, cut in lead, at the foot of a post sunk in the ground; but
the air was so cold, that the men, who wished to add their names, were
unable to mark them on the lead. It was eight o'clock before we regained
our bivouac, much fatigued by the day's work.
"23d. I went into a wigwam, where there was a woman and two children. A
rough likeness made of her did not please at all, because it was white: she
took out her red paint, and put some on her own cheeks, as drawn on the
paper, and then was quite satisfied, sitting as still as a mouse, while I made
another sketch. In return for the compliment paid to her countenance, she
daubed my face, as well as my coxswain's, with the same red mixture.
"24th. A sharp frost during the night. We left Donkin Cove, as soon as I had
taken observations for the chronometers. A fine breeze in our favour carried
us rapidly along, and at dusk we were near Englefield Island. The last few
nights have been so clear, that two or three of the men, and myself, have
slept in the open air without any other covering than our blanket-bags, and
clothes. My cloak has been frozen hard over me every morning; yet I never
slept more soundly, nor was in better health.
"We had a good view of Mount Misery this day. It is about 3,000 feet in
height; twice as high as the surrounding mountains, and quite bare, even of
snow, on the summit. The night tides here rise more than those of the day at
this season: the times of high water do not differ much on the opposite
shores. About an hour after dusk we reached Englefield Island, having made
a capital run, with a fresh and fair wind. Creeping in the dark, along shore,
we at last found shelter for the boats, and formed a snug place amongst the
bushes for our tent and fires. One of my boat's crew was ill this day; the
first man that had been seriously so, although several had been slightly
affected by the muscles and limpets; and one had fits. A draught of hot port

wine and Winter's-bark, certainly seemed to be an efficient medicine for the
slighter complaints.
"25th. Blowing strong from the westward, with much rain. I forced a way,
with much difficulty, among thick bushes, to the top of the island, and when
I got there found, to my mortification, that by no possible contrivance could
I see round, for I was encompassed by lofty trees of nearly equal height.
"26th. We crossed over to the east shore: the temperature of the water,
between Englefield Island and the nearest land, one foot beneath the
surface, was 42°; the air at the same time being 38°. While the sea water
preserves this temperature, it must tend much to moderate the severity of
cold, one would naturally expect in this latitude, near so many snow-
covered mountains. We arrived at the Point of Islets, soon after sunset, on
the 27th.
"28th. Almost every night I observed that the wind subsided soon after
sunset, the clouds passed away, and the first part of the night was very fine;
but that, towards morning, wind and clouds generally succeeded. From
Point of Islets, we sailed southward; and were again close to the mountains:
from whose appearance at this spot, no one would suppose that any passage
lay between them; so intricate and winding are the channels.
"I was sorry to leave the open country, behind me; but time pressed; and
there was yet much to do with our loaded boats, which could not make very
great progress in the short daylight afforded by this season. After passing
Bennett Island the land became rugged, and mountainous on each side,
covered, however, with wood and vegetation wherever it could grow; and
we were again in the Magalhaenic regions.
"This day I examined as much of the west side of the channel, as time
would allow, and reached Corona Creek at about eight o'clock. What I
called the Sugar Loaf must be the Corona Island of Cordova's officers; for
at some distance it looks somewhat like a crown. It is singular that they
inserted (in their chart) an island near their Corona, which cannot be
distinguished from the main-land, until one is within two miles of it; and as
at that distance the Otway Water is plainly visible, must they not have seen
the opening? Tired of their job, did they return without prosecuting the
discovery, or was the weather too thick to see far? Their description of the

Jerome Channel, leads to the supposition of a continual current setting
through in one direction, instead of a regular ebb and flood; and the surest
sign of a passage between places in Tierra del Fuego, is a current or stream.
Many large inlets and sounds look like channels; but on going a short
distance into them, you find dead water.
"29th. We passed through Jerome Channel, and reached the bar, off
Bachelor River, after dark; but the cutter got aground, and gave us some
trouble to float her again. Afterwards one of the men was landed on the bar,
and by his walking in the deepest water, and the whale-boat going next, we
got into the little river at nine o'clock, not sorry to be in safety. There are
tide races between the Jerome Channel, and Bachelor River, which are
sometimes dangerous; but as the breeze was moderate, we passed them
without difficulty.
"May 30th. Employed chiefly in stowing the cutter afresh, packing
specimens, and preparing my boat to take what remained of our provisions.
At two next morning, when the tide served, Mr. Stokes set out to return to
the Beagle: and having both wind and tide in his favour arrived early at Port
Gallant.
"The wind increased after daylight, and blew strong, with squalls. I waited a
short time, but, having no hopes of its improving, left the river. My boat
was much lumbered, having the chronometer-box, and more instruments
than before; yet she pulled pretty well, even against the heavy squalls. After
landing at the west side of the entrance to the Jerome Channel, to take
bearings and angles, we pulled along shore to the westward, and at dark
hauled the boat up in a small sheltered corner. After she was secured, we
employed ourselves looking for limpets and muscles for supper, by the light
of a lanthorn, as we had good appetites, and our provisions were scanty.
"June 1st. We pulled along shore against a strong and squally wind, and
before evening nearly reached Cape Quod; but not being able to pass it,
stopped in a cove on the east side.
"2d. At the oars again, early, having a fine clear morning, with the tide
rather in our favour. By eleven, Cape Quod was astern of us; and a long
view of the Strait presented itself. This part is very rugged and barren, and

looks triste, indeed; still wherever a tree can take root it tries to grow. This
night was passed on a small island at the west point of Snowy Sound.
"3d. We began at daylight, and worked, from point to point, up the sound,
thinking it a channel. Two good anchorages were found on the west side,
but none on the east, except a trifling cove between the little island and the
land, which would only shelter a small vessel. The night was passed on an
island five miles within the sound. It rained hard for an hour before we
landed, and all the night afterwards. Our rest was not the most satisfactory,
as the ground was wet and swampy.
"Two of the boat's crew got into a hole under a tree thinking they should be
warm; but in the middle of the night they complained of not being able to
get up, and of being half frozen.
"4th. The rain ceased at times this morning, but the wind continued. After
going to the top of an island, we pulled and sailed onwards, not having a
doubt of soon getting into Whale Sound. At noon, the passage appeared
suspiciously small; yet I could not doubt the fine large opening laid down in
our old charts, and proceeded until the shore made a sudden turn, when, to
my astonishment, I saw a high black cliff stopping farther progress. After a
hearty growl, we turned back, and landed to look for a sleeping place. Not a
spot could we find that was not wet like a sponge; but night was closing in,
and obliged us to stay where we were. It was bitterly cold, all of us were
wet through, the ground was a mere swamp, we could not get a fire to burn,
and the frost was sharp.
"After daylight on the 5th, we succeeded in making a large fire, and spent
two hours drying our clothes and warming ourselves. In order to lighten the
boat, no one carried more clothes, since leaving the cutter, than those he
wore, except one shirt. We hastened back towards Charles Island, passing
some very remarkable glaciers, one of which looked like an enormous
frozen river, covering the whole side of a mountain. Many portions were of
a transparent blue colour, which, contrasted with the snowy whiteness of
others, and with the dark shadows of bare rocky places, had a very striking
effect. At noon, we passed out of the sound, and steered for Charles Island,
with a light breeze in our favour. Seeing a canoe coming across, we made
towards it, and found a wretched-looking family, consisting of a man, his