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Title: Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society - Vol 1 - 1666

Author: Various

Editor: Henry Oldenburg

Release date: May 11, 2009 [eBook #28758]

Language: English

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PHILOSOPHICAL

TRANSACTIONS:
GIVING SOME

ACCOMPT
OF THE PRESENT

Undertakings, Studies, and Labours

OF THE

INGENIOUS
IN MANY

CONSIDERABLE PARTS

OF THE

WORLD
Vol I.

For Anno 1665, and 1666.

In the SAVOY,
Printed by T. N. for John Martyn at the Bell, a little without
Temple-Bar, and James Allestry in Duck-Lane,
Printers to the Royal Society.

TO THE

Royal Society.
It will not become me, to adde any Attributes to a Title, which has a Fulness
of Lustre from his Majesties Denomination.
In these Rude Collections, which are onely the Gleanings of my private
diversions in broken hours, it may appear, that many Minds and Hands are
in many places industriously employed, under Your Countenance, and by
Your Example, in the pursuit of those Excellent Ends, which belong to Your
Heroical Undertakings.
Some of these are but the Intimations of large Compilements. And some
Eminent Members of Your Society, have obliged the Learned World with
Incomparable Volumes, which are not herein mention'd, because they were
finisht, and in great Reputation abroad, before I entred upon this Taske. And
no small Number are at present engaged for those weighty Productions,
which require both Time and Assistance, for their due Maturity. So that no
man can from these Glimpses of Light take any just Measure of Your
Performances, or of Your Prosecutions; but every man may perhaps receive
some benefit from these Parcels, which I guessed to be somewhat
conformable to Your Design.
This is my Solicitude, That, as I ought not to be unfaithful to those Counsels
you have committed to my Trust, so also that I may not altogether waste any
minutes of the leasure you afford me. And thus have I made the best use of
some of them, that I could devise; To spread abroad Encouragements,
Inquiries, Directions, and Patterns, that may animate, and draw on
Universal Assistances.
The Great God prosper You in the Noble Engagement of Dispersing the true
Lustre of his Glorious Works, and the Happy Inventions of obliging Men all
over the World, to the General Benefit of Mankind: So wishes with real
Affections,

Your humble and obedient Servant

HENRY OLDENBURG.

Numb. 1.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, March 6. 1664/5.

The Contents.

An Introduction to this Tract. An Accompt of the Improvement of
Optick Glasses at Rome. Of the Observation made in England, of a
Spot in one of the Belts of the Planet Jupiter. Of the motion of the late
Comet prædicted. The Heads of many New Observations and
Experiments, in order to an Experimental History of Cold; together
with some Thermometrical Discourses and Experiments. A Relation of
a very odd Monstrous Calf. Of a peculiar Lead-Ore in Germany, very
useful for Essays. Of an Hungarian Bolus, of the same effect with the
Bolus Armenus. Of the New American Whale-fishing about the
Bermudas. A Narative concerning the success of the Pendulum-
watches at Sea for the Longitudes; and the Grant of a Patent
thereupon. A Catalogue of the Philosophical Books publisht by
Monsieur de Fermat, Counsellour at Tholouse, lately dead.

The Introduction.

Whereas there is nothing more necessary for promoting the improvement of
Philosophical Matters, than the communicating to such, as apply their
Studies and Endeavours that way, such things as are discovered or put in

practise by others, it is therefore thought fit to employ the Press, as the most
proper way to gratifie those, whose engagement in such Studies, and delight
in the advancement of Learning and profitable Discoveries, doth entitle
them to the knowledge of what this Kingdom, or other parts of the World,
do, from time to time, afford, as well of the progress of the Studies,
Labours, and attempts of the Curious and learned in things of this kind, as
of their compleat Discoveries and performances: To the end, that such
Productions being clearly and truly communicated, desires after solid and
usefull knowledge may be further entertained, ingenious Endeavours and
Undertakings cherished, and those, addicted to and conversant in such
matters, may be invited and encouraged to search, try, and find out new
things, impart their knowledge to one another, and contribute what they can
to the Grand design of improving Natural knowledge, and perfecting all
Philosophical Arts, and Sciences. All for the Glory of God, the Honour and
Advantage of these Kingdoms, and the Universal Good of Mankind.

An Accompt of the improvement of Optick Glasses.

There came lately from Paris a Relation, concerning the Improvement of
Optick Glasses, not long since attempted at Rome by Signor Giuseppe
Campani, and by him discoursed of, in a Book, Entituled, Ragguaglio di
nuoue Osservationi, lately printed in the said City, but not yet transmitted
into these parts; wherein these following particulars, according to the
Intelligence, which was sent hither, are contained.
The First regardeth the excellency of the long Telescopes, made by the said
Campani, who pretends to have found a way to work great Optick Glasses
with a Turne-tool, without any Mould: And whereas hitherto it hath been
found by Experience, that small Glasses are in proportion better to see with,
upon the Earth, than the great ones; that Author affirms, that his are equally
good for the Earth, and for making Observations in the Heavens. Besides,
he useth three Eye-Glasses for his great Telescopes, without finding any
Iris, or such Rain-bow colours, as do usually appear in ordinary Glasses,
and prove an impediment to Observations.
The Second, concerns the Circle of Saturn, in which he hath observed
nothing, but what confirms Monsieur Christian Huygens de Zulichem his

Systeme of that Planet, published by that worthy Gentleman in the year,
1659.
The Third, respects Jupiter, wherein Campani affirms he hath observed by
the goodness of his Glasses, certain protuberancies and inequalities, much
greater than those that have been seen therein hitherto. He addeth, that he is
now observing, whether those sallies in the said Planet do not change their
scituation, which if they should be found to do, he judgeth, that Jupiter
might then be said to turn upon his Axe; which, in his opinion, would serve
much to confirm the opinion of Copernicus. Besides this, he affirms, he
hath remarked in the Belts of Jupiter, the shaddows of his satellites, and
followed them, and at length seen them emerge out of his Disk.

A Spot in one of the Belts of Jupiter.

The Ingenious Mr. Hook did, some moneths since, intimate to a friend of
his, that he had, with an excellent twelve foot Telescope, observed, some
days before, he than spoke of it, (videl. on the ninth of May, 1664, about 9
of the clock at night) a small Spot in the biggest of the 3 obscurer Belts of
Jupiter, and that, observing it from time to time, he found, that within 2
hours after, the said Spot had moved from East to West, about half the
length of the Diameter of Jupiter.

The Motion of the late Comet prædicted.

There was lately sent to one of the Secretaries of the Royal Society a Packet,
containing some Copies of a Printed Paper, Entituled, The Ephemerides of
the Comet, made by the same Person, that sent it, called Monsieur Auzout, a
French Gentleman of no ordinary Merit and Learning, who desired, that a
couple of them might be recommended to the said Society, and one to their
President, and another to his Highness Prince Rupert, and the rest to some
other Persons, nominated by him in a Letter that accompanied this present,
and known abroad for their singular abilities and knowledge in
Philosophical Matters. The end of the Communication of this Paper was,
That, the motion of the Comet, that hath lately appeared, having been
prædicted by the said Monsieur Auzout, after he had seen it (as himself

affirms) but 4 or 5 times: the Virtuosi of England, among others, might
compare also their Observations with his Ephemerides, either to confirm the
Hypothesis, upon which the Author had before hand calculated the way of
this Star, or to undeceive him, if he be in a mistake. The said Author
Dedicateth these his conceptions to the most Christian King, telling him,
that he presents Him with a design, which never yet was undertaken by any
Astronomer, all the World having been hitherto perswaded, that the motions
of Comets were so irregular, that they could not be reduced to any Laws,
and men having contented themselves, to observe exactly the places,
through which they did pass; but no man, that he knows, having been so
bold as to venture to foretel the places, through which they should pass, and
where they should cease to appear: Whereas he exhibites here the
Ephemerides, determining day by day, in what place of the Heavens this
Comet shall be, at what hour it shall be in its Meridian, and at what hour it
shall set; untill its too great remoteness, or the approach of the Sun, hide it
from our eyes. Descending to particulars, he saith, that this Star, being
disengaged from the beams of the Sun might have been observed, if his
conjectures be good, ever since it hath been of 17 or 18 degrees Southern
Latitude, and that about the middle of November last, and sooner, unless it
have been too small: That however it hath been seen in Holland ever since
the 2d. of December last, at which time, according to his reckoning, the
Diurnal motion of the Comet should already amount to 17 or 18 minutes. He
finds, that this Star moveth just enough in the Plan of a Great Circle, which
inclineth to the Equinoctial about 30 degrees, and to the Ecliptick about
49d. or 49½ cutting the Equator at about 45d½, and the Ecliptick at the 28d
of Aries, or a little more. He saith just enough, because he thinks, there may
perhaps be some parallaxe, which he wisheth could be determined.
Hence, (so he goes on) every one who pleaseth, may see, in tracing the
Comet upon the Globe, through, or by which Stars it hath passed and shall
pass; adding, that there will be neither cause to wonder, that having
descended to about 6. deg. beneath the Tropick of Capricorn, he hath
remounted afterwards, and shall go on ascending so, as to pass the
Æquinoctial, and perhaps proceed to 15. degrees Northern Declination, if it
do not disappear before that time, by reason of its remoteness: Nor to
believe, that there have been two Comets, upon its being seen again the 31.
of December; since, according to him, it ought to have been so, if it
continue to move in a Great Circle.

Having hereupon shewed, how the motion is to be traced upon the Globe, he
finds, that, according to his Calculation, this Comet was to pass the Tropick
of Capricorn about the 16 of December, and being entred into the Sign of
Virgo on the 20. of the same month, and having been in Quadrat with the
Sun, it should still descend, until the 26 of December in the morning, and
then enter into Leo; that having entred, the 28. of the same month, into
Cancer, and been, a little after that time, in its greatest Inclination to the
Ecliptick, vid in the 28. degree of Leo, it was to repass the Southern Tropick,
over against the little Dogg, on the 29. of December about 9 or 10 of the
clock in the morning, after it had been opposite to the Sun 2. or 3. hours
before; and that on the 29. of December in the evening it should be in
Gemini; and at the very beginning of the New year, enter into Taurus.
After this, our Author finds, that this Comet, according to his account,
should pass the Æquator, on the 4. of January before noon, and that about
5. or 6. of the clock in the evening of that day it was to come into the jaw of
the Whale, and the 9. of the same, at 6. of the clock it should come close to
the small Star of the Whale, which is in its way, a little below. At length he
finds that it was to enter into Aries on the 12. of January, and to cut the
Ecliptick on the 16. of the same month about noon, at which time it was to
be again in Quadrat with the Sun, whence drawing a little to above the
Northern Line of Pisces, it should in his opinion cease to appear a little
beyond that place, without going as far as to the middle of Aries, if so be
that its remoteness make it not disappear sooner.
He continueth, and saith, that this Comet shall not arrive to the place over
against the Line of Pisces till the 10 of February, & that then its Diurnal
motion shall not exceed 8 minutes, and not 5 minutes about the 20 of the
same month: and that in the beginning of March, if we see it so long, the
said motion shall not exceed 4 minutes, and so shall be still diminishing;
except the Comet become Retrograde, which, as very important, he would
have well observed; as also, whether its motion will be about the end more
or less swift, than he hath calculated it.
He subjoyneth, that the greatest way, which this Star could make in 24.
hours, hath been 13. d. 25′; and in one houre, about 34′; and thinking it
probable, that about the time, when it made so much way, it should be
nearest to the Earth, he concludeth that its motion in 24. hours must be, in

its least distance from the Earth, as about 3. to 14, or 1. to 4⅔, and that its
motion in one hour was to be to the same least distance, as about 1. to
1021/7.

But that, which he judgeth most remarkable, is, that he found by his
Calculation, that the said least distance should be on the 29. of December,
when the Comet was opposite to the Sun; which he does not know whether
it may not serve to decide the grand Question concerning the Motion of the
Earth.
He taketh further notice, that the Tayl of the Comet was to turn Westward,
with a point to the North, until the 29. of December, at which time it was to
be opposite to the Sun, and that then the said Tayl was to look directly
North; but that, after that time, the Tayl was to turn Eastward, and continue
to do so, until it disappear; and that it shall draw a little towards the North,
until the 8. or 10. of February, at which time the Tayl is to be parallel to the
Æquator, as if the Comet be yet seen for some time after, the Tayl shall go a
little lower towards the South, but grow smaller.
He finds by his Hypothesis, that on the 2. of December, which is the first
observation, that he hath heard of, this Star was to be about 7. times more
remote from the Earth, than when it was in its Perigeum; and that it will be
again in an equall remoteness from the Earth, on the 27. of January, so that
he is of opinion, that in case this Comet have not been seen before the 2. of
December, it will not be seen any more after the 27. of January.
He wishes above all things, that it might be very exactly observed, at what
Angle the way of the Comet cuts the Æquator, and, most of all, the
Ecliptick, that so it may be seen, whether there hath not been some
Parallaxe in the Circle of his Motion; as also, that some observations could
be had of its greatest descent beneath the Tropick of Capricorn in the more
Southern parts, where he saith it would have been without Refractions;
Moreover of the Time, when it hath been in Quadrat with the Sun about the
20 of December; and that also very exact Observation might be made of the
time of its being again in Quadrat with the Sun, which, according to him,
was to be January 16.
He wishes also, that some in Madagascar may have observed this Star;
Seeing that it began to appear over the middle of that Island, and passed

twice over their heads; he judgeth, that they have seen it before us. And he
wisheth lastly, that there were some intelligent person in Guiana to observe
it there, seeing that within a few daies, according to his reckoning, it will
pass over their Heads, and will not remove from thence but 8 or 10 degrees
Northward, where he saith, it will disappear; thinking it improbable, that it
can still appear, after the Sun shall have passed it.
This Account beareth date of the 2. January, new stile, 1665. and the Author
thereof addeth this Note, That, seeing it could not be printed nor distributed
so soon as he desired, he hath had the opportunity to verifie it by some
Observations, from which he affirms he hath found no sensible difference;
or, if there be, that it proceeds only from thence, that the Stars have
advanced, since his Globe was made. He concludeth, that if this continue,
and the first Observations do likewise agree, or that the differences do arrive
within the Times ghessed by him, that he hopes, he shall determine both the
Distance and the Magnitude of this Comet; and that perhaps one may be
enabled to decide the Question of the Motion of the Earth. In the interim, he
assureth, that he hath not changed the least number in his Calculations, and
that Monsieur Huygens, and several French Gentlemen, to whom he saith,
he hath given them long since, can bear him witness that he hath done so; as
also many other friends of his, who saw upon his Globe, several daies
before, the way of the Comet from day to day.
Thus for the Parisian Account of the Comet, which is here inserted at large,
that the intelligent and curious in England may compare their Observations
therewith, either to verifie these Prædictions, or to shew wherein they
differ; which is (as was also hinted above) the design of this Philosophical
Prophet in dispersing his Conceptions, who declareth himself ready, in case
he be mistaken in his reckoning, to learn another Hypothesis, to explicate
these admirable appearances by.

An Experimental History of Cold.

There is in the Press, a New Treatise, entituled, New Observations and
Experiments in order to an Experimental History of Cold, begun by that
Noble Philosopher, Mr. Robert Boyle, and in great part already Printed; He
did lately very obligingly present several Copies of so much as was Printed,

to the Royal Society, with a desire that some of the Members thereof might
be engaged to peruse the Book, and select out of it for trial, the hints of such
Experiments, as the Author there wisheth might be either yet made or
prosecuted. The Heads thereof are,
1. Experiments touching Bodies capable of Freezing others.
2. Experiments and Observations touching Bodies Disposed to be Frozen.
3. Experiments touching Bodies, Indisposed to be Frozen.
4. Experiments and Observations touching the Degrees of Cold in several
Bodies.
5. Experiments touching the Tendency of Cold Upwards or Downwards.
6. Experiments and Observations touching the Preservation and Destruction
of (Eggs, Apples, and other) Bodies by Cold.
7. Experiments touching the Expansion of Water and Aqueous Liquors by
Freezing.
8. Experiments touching the Contraction of Liquors by Cold.
9. Experiments in Consort, touching the Bubbles, from which the Levity of
Ice is supposed to proceed.
10. Experiments about the Measure of the Expansion and the Contraction of
Liquors by Cold.
11. Experiments touching the Expansive Force of Freezing Water.
12. Experiments touching a New way of estimating the Expansive force of
Congelation, and of highly compressing Air without Engines.
13. Experiments and Observations touching the Sphere of Activity of Cold.
14. Experiments touching differing Mediums, through which Cold may be
diffused.
15. Experiments and Observations touching Ice.

16. Experiments and Observations touching the duration of Ice and Snow,
and the destroying of them by the Air, and several Liquors.
17. Considerations and Experiments touching the Primum Frigidum.
18. Experiments and Observations touching the Coldness and Temperature
of the Air.
19. Of the strange Effects of Cold.
20. Experiments touching the weight of Bodies frozen and unfrozen.
21. Promiscuous Experiments and Observations concerning Cold.
This Treatise will be dispatched within a very short time, and would have
been so, ere this, if the extremity of the late Frost had not stopt the Press. It
will be accompanied with some Discourses of the same Author, concerning
New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts, as also, with an
Exercitation about the Doctrine of the Antiperistasis: In the former whereof
is first proposed this Paradox, That not only our Senses, but common
Weather-glasses, may mis-inform us about Cold. Next, there are contained
in this part, New Observations about the deficiencies of Weather-glasses,
together with some considerations touching the New or Hermetrical
Thermometers. Lastly, they deliver another Paradox, touching the cause of
the Condensation of the Air, and Ascent of water by cold in common
Weather-glasses. The latter piece of this part contains an Examen of
Antiperistasis, as it is wont to be taught and proved; Of all which there will,
perhaps, a fuller account be given by the Next.

An Account of a very odd Monstrous Calf.

By the same Noble person was lately communicated to the Royal Society an
account of a very Odd Monstrous Birth, produced at Limmington in
Hampshire, where a Butcher, having caused a Cow (which cast her Calf the
year before) to be covered, that she might the sooner be fatted, killed her
when fat, and opening the Womb, which he found heavy to admiration, saw
in it a Calf, which had begun to have hair, whose hinder Leggs had no
Joynts, and whose Tongue was, Cerberus-like, triple, to each side of his

Mouth one, and one in the midst: Between the Fore-leggs and the Hinder-
leggs was a great Stone, on which the Calf rid: the Sternum, or that part of
the Breast, where the Ribs lye, was also perfect Stone; and the Stone, on
which it rid, weighed twenty pounds and a half; the outside of the Stone was
of Grenish colour, but some small parts being broken off, it appeared a
perfect Free-stone. The Stone, according to the Letter of Mr. David Thomas,
who sent this Account to Mr. Boyle, is with Doctor Haughteyn of Salisbury,
to whom he also referreth for further Information.

Of a peculiar Lead-Ore of Germany, and the Use thereof.

There was, not long since, sent hither out of Germany from an inquisitive
Physician, a List of several Minerals and Earths of that Country, and of
Hungary, together with a Specimen of each of them: among which there was
a kind of Lead-Ore which is more considerable than all the rest, because of
its singular use for Essays upon the Coppell, seeing that there is not any
other Mettal mixed with it. 'Tis found in the Upper Palatinate, at a place
called Freyung, and there are two sorts of it, whereof one is a kind of
Crystalline Stone, and almost all good Lead; the other not so rich, and more
farinaceous. By the information, coming along with it, they are fetcht, not
from under the ground, but, the Mines of that place having lain long
neglected, by reason of the Wars of Germany and the increase of Waters, the
people, living there-about take it from what these Forefathers had thrown
away, and had lain long in the open Air. The use above mentioned being
considerable, the person, who sent it, hath been intreated, to inform what
quantities may be had of it, if there should be occasion to send for some.

Of an Hungarian Bolus, of the same Effect with the Bolus
Armenus.

The same person gave notice also, that, besides the Bolus Armenus, and the
Terra Silesiaca, there is an Earth to be found in Hungary about the River
Tockay, thence called Bolus Tockaviensis, having as good effects in Physick,
as either of the former two, and commended by experience in those parts, as
much as it is by Sennertus out of Crato, for its goodness.

Of the New American Whale-fishing about the Bermudas.

Here follows a Relation, somewhat more divertising, than the precedent
Accounts, which is about the new Whale fishing in the West-Indies about the
Bermudas, as it was delivered by an understanding and hardy Sea-man, who
affirmed he had been at the killing work himself. His account, as far as
remembred, was this; that though hitherto all Attempts of mastering the
Whales of those Seas had been unsuccesful, by reason of the extraordinary
fierceness and swiftness of these monstrous Animals; yet the enterprise
being lately renewed, and such persons chosen and sent thither for the work,
as were resolved not to be baffled by a Sea-monster, they did prosper so far
in this undertaking, that, having been out at Sea, near the said Isle of
Bermudas, seventeen times, and fastned their Weapons a dozen times, they
killed in these expeditions 2 old Female-Whales, and 3 Cubs, whereof one
of the old ones, from the head to the extremity of the Tayl, was 88. Foot in
length, by measure; its Tayl being 23. Foot broad, the swimming Finn 26.
Foot long, and the Gills three Foot long: having great bends underneath
from the Nose to the Navil; upon her after-part, a Finn on the back; being
within paved (this was the plain Sea-man's phrase) with fat, like the Cawl of
a Hog.
The other old one, he said, was some 60. Foot long. Of the Cubs, one was
33. the other two, much about 25 or 26. Foot long.
The shape of the Fish, he said, was very sharp behind, like the ridge of a
house; the head pretty bluff, and full of bumps on both sides; the back
perfectly black, and the belly white.
Their celerity and force he affirmed to be wonderful, insomuch that one of
those Creatures, which he struck himself, towed the boat wherein he was,
after him, for the space of six or seven Leagues, in ¾ of an hours time.
Being wounded, he saith, they make a hideous roaring, at which, all of that
kind that are within hearing, come towards that place, where the Animal is,
yet without striking, or doing any harm to the wary.
He added, that they struck one of a prodigious bigness, and by guess of
above 100 foot long. He is of opinion, that this Fish comes nearest to that

sort of Whales, which they call the Jubartes; they are without teeth, and
longer than the Greenland-Whales, but not so thick.
He said further, that they fed much upon Grass, growing at the bottom of the
Sea; which, he affirmed, was seen by cutting up the great Bag of Maw,
wherein he had found in one of them about two or three Hogsheads of a
greenish grassy matter.
As to the quantity and nature of the Oyl which they yield, he thought, that
the largest sort of these Whales might afford seven or eight Tuns if well
husbanded, although they had lost much this first time, for want of a good
Cooper; having brought home but eleven Tuns. The Cubbs, by his relation,
do yield but little, and that is but a kind of a Jelly. That which the old ones
render, doth candy like Porks Grease, yet burneth very well. He observed,
that the Oyl of the Blubber is as clear and fair as any Whey: but that which
is boyled out of the Lean, interlarded, becomes as hard as Tallow, spattering
in the burning and that which is made of the Cawl, resembleth Hoggs
grease.
One, but scarce credible, quality of this Oyl, he affirms to be, that though it
be boiling, yet one may run ones hand into it without scalding; to which he
adds, that it hath a very healing Vertue for cuttings, lameness, &c., the part
affected being anointed therewith. One thing more he related, not to be
omitted, which is, that having told, that the time of catching these Fishes
was from the beginning of March, to the end of May, after which time they
appeared no more in that part of the Sea: he did, when asked, whither they
then retired, give this Answer, That it was thought, they went into the Weed-
beds of the Gulf of Florida, it having been observed, that upon their Fins
and Tails they have store of Clams or Barnacles, upon which, he said, Rock-
weed or Sea-tangle did grow a hand long; many of them having been taken
of them, of the bigness of great Oyster-shels, and hung upon the Governour
of Bermudas his Pales.

A Narrative concerning the success of Pendulum-Watches at Sea
for the Longitudes.

The Relation lately made by Major Holmes, concerning the success of the
Pendulum-Watches at Sea (two whereof were committed to his Care and
Observation in his last voyage to Guiny by some of our Eminent Virtuosi,
and Grand Promoters of Navigation) is as followeth;
The said Major having left that Coast, and being come to the Isle of St.
Thomas under the Line accompanied with four Vessels, having there
adjusted his Watches, put to Sea, and sailed Westward, seven or eight
hundred Leagues, without changing his course; after which, finding the
Wind favourable, he steered towards the Coast of Africk, North-North-East.
But having sailed upon that Line a matter of two or three hundred Leagues,
the Masters of the other Ships, under his Conduct, apprehending that they
should want Water, before they could reach that Coast, did propose to him
to steer their Course to the Barbadoes, to supply themselves with Water
there. Whereupon the said Major, having called the Master and Pilots
together, and caused them to produce their Journals and Calculations, it was
found, that those Pilots did differ in their reckonings from that of the Major,
one of them eighty Leagues, another about an hundred, and the third, more;
but the Major judging by his Pendulum-Watches, that they were only some
thirty Leagues distant from the Isle of Fuego, which is one of the Isles of
Cape Verde, and that they might reach it next day, and having a great
confidence in the said Watches, resolved to steer their Course thither, and
having given order so to do, they got the very next day about Noon a sight
of the said Isle of Fuego, finding themselves to sail directly upon it, and so
arrived at it that Afternoon, as he had said. These Watches having been first
Invented by the Excellent Monsieur Christian Hugens of Zulichem, and
fitted to go at Sea, by the Right Honourable, the Earl of Kincardin, both
Fellows of the Royal Society, are now brought by a New addition to a
wonderful perfection. The said Monsieur Hugens, having been informed of
the success of the Experiment, made by Major Holmes, wrought to a friend
at Paris a Letter to this effect;
Major Holmes at his return, hath made a relation concerning the usefulness
of Pendulums, which surpasseth my expectation: I did not imagine that the
Watches of this first Structure would succeed so well, and I had reserved my
main hopes for the New ones. But seeing that those have already served so
succesfully, and that the other are yet more just and exact, I have the more
reason to believe, that the Invention of Longitudes will come to its

perfection. In the mean time I shall tell you, that the States did receive my
Proposition, when I desired of them a Patent for these new Watches, and the
recompense set a-part for the invention in case of success; and that without
any difficulty they have granted my request, commanding me to bring one
of these Watches into their Assembly, to explicate unto them the Invention,
and the application thereof to the Longitudes; which I have done to their
contentment. I have this week published, that the said Watches shall be
exposed to sale, together with an Information necessary to use them at Sea:
and thus I have broken the Ice. The same Objection, that hath been made in
your parts against the exactness of these Pendulums, hath also been made
here; to wit, that though they should agree together, they might fail both of
them, by reason that the Air at one time might be thicker, than at another.
But I have answered, that this difference, if there be any, will not be at all
perceived in the Penduls, seeing that the continuall Observations, made in
Winter from day to day, until Summer, have shewed me that they have
alwaies agreed with the Sun. As to the Printing of the Figure of my New
Watch, I shall defer that yet a while: but it shall in time appear with all the
Demonstrations thereof, together with a Treatise of Pendulums, written by
me some daies since, which is of a very subtile Speculation.

The Character, lately published beyond the Seas, of an Eminent
person, not long since dead at Tholouse, where he was a
Councellor of Parliament.

It is the deservedly famous Mounsieur de Fermat, who was, (saith the
Author of the Letter) one of the most Excellent Men of this Age, a Genius
so universal, and of so vast an extent, that if very knowing and learned Men
had not given testimony of his extraordinary merit, what with truth can be
said of him, would hardly be believed. He entertained a constant
correspondence with many of the most Illustrious Mathematicians of
Europe, and did excel in all the parts of Mathematical Science: a Testimony
whereof he hath left behind him in the following Books.
A Method for the Quadrature of Parabola's of all degrees.
A Book De Maximis & Minimis, which serveth not only for the
determination of Problems of Plains and Solids, but also for the invention of

Tangents and Curve Lines, and of the Centres of Gravity in Solids; and
likewise for Numerical Questions.
An Introduction to the Doctrine of Plains and Solids, which is an Analytical
Treatise, concerning the solution of Plains and Solids, which has been seen
(as the Advertiser affirms) before Monsieur Des Cartes had publish'd any
thing upon this Subject.
A Treatise De Contactibus Sphæricis, where he hath demonstrated in Solids,
what Mr. Viet, Master of Requests, had but demonstrated in Plains.
Another Treatise, wherein he establisheth and demonstrateth the two Books
of Apollonius Pergæus, of Plains.
And a General Method for the dimension of Curve Lines, &c. Besides,
having a perfect knowledge in Antiquity, he was consulted from all parts
upon the difficulties that did emerg therein: he hath explained abundance of
obscure places, that are found in the Antients. There have been lately
printed some of his Observations upon Athenæus; and he that hath
interpreted Benedetto Castelli, of the Measure of running waters, hath
thence inserted in his Work a very handsome one upon an Epistle of
Synesius, which was so difficult, that the Jesuit Petavius, who hath
commented upon this Author, acknowledges, that he could not understand
it.
He hath also made many Observations upon Theon of Smyrne, and upon
other Antient Authors: but most part of them are not found but scattered in
his Epistles, because he did not write much upon these kinds of Subjects,
but to satisfie the curiosity of his friends.
All these Mathematical Works, and all these curious searches in Antiquity,
did not hinder this great Virtuoso from discharging the duties of his place
with much assiduity, and with so much ability, that he hath had the
reputation of one of the greatest Civilians of his Age.
But that, which is most of all surprizing to many, is, that with all that
strength of understanding, which was requisite to make good these rare
qualities, lately mentioned, he had so polite and delicate parts, that he
composed Latin, French, and Spanish Verses with the same elegancy, as if

he had lived in the time of Augustus, and passed the greatest part of his life
at the Courts of France and Spain.
More particulars will perhaps be mention'd of the Works of this Rare
person, when all things, that he hath publish'd, shall be recovered, and when
liberty shall be obtained of his Worthy Son, to impart unto the World the
rest of his Writings, hitherto unpublished.

LONDON,

Printed with Licence, By John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal-Society.

Num. 2.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Munday, April 3. 1665.

The Contents.

Extract of a Letter written from Rome, concerning the late Comet, and
a New one. Extract of another Letter from Paris, containing some
Reflections on the precedent Roman Letter. An Observation concerning
some particulars, further considerable in the Monster, that was
Mention'd in the first Papers of these Philosophical Transactions.
Extract of a Letter written from Venice, concerning the Mines of
Mercury in Friuly. Some Observations, made in the ordering of Silk-
worms. An Account of Mr. Hooks Micrographia, or the Physiological
descriptions of Minute Bodies, made by Magnifying Glasses.

Extract of a Letter, lately written from Rome, touching the late
Comet, and a New one.

I Cannot enough wonder at the strange agreement of the thoughts of that
acute French Gentleman, Monsieur Auzout, in the Hypothesis of the Comets
motion, with mine; and particularly, at that of the Tables. I have with the
same method, whereby I find the motion of this Comet, easily found the
Principle of that Author's Ephemerides, which he then thought not fit to
declare; and 'tis this, that this Comet moves about the Great Dog, in so great
a Circle, that that portion, which is described, is exceeding small in respect
of the whole circumference thereof, and hardly distinguishable by us from a
streight line.
Concerning the New Comet you mention, I saw it on the 11. of February,
about the 24. deg. of Aries, with a Northern latitude of 24. deg. 40. min. The
cloudy weather hath not yet permitted me to see it in Andromeda, as others
affirm to have done.

Extract of a Letter, written from Paris, containing some
Reflections on part of the precedent Roman Letter.

As to the Hypothesis of Georg. Domenico Cassini, touching the motion of
the Comet about the Great Dog in a Circle, whose Centre is in a streight line
drawn from the Earth through the said Star, I believe it will shortly be
publish'd in print, as a thought I lighted upon in discoursing with one of my
Friends, who did maintain, that it turned about a Centre, because that its
Perigee had been over against the Great Dog, as I had noted in my
Ephemerides. This particular I did long since declare to many of my
acquaintance, whereof some or other will certainly do me that right, as to let
the world know it by the Press. I have added an Observation, which I find
not, that Signior Cassini hath made, viz. that there was ground to think, that
the Comet of 1652. was the same with the present, seeing that besides the
parity of the swiftness of its motion, the Perigee thereof was also over
against the Great Dog, if the Observations extant thereof, deceive not. But,
to make it out, what ground I had for these thoughts, I said, that if they were

true, the Comet must needs acomplish its revolution from 10. to 12. years,
or thereabout. But, seeing it appears not by History, that a Comet hath been
seen at those determinate distances of time, nor that over against the Perigee
of all the other Comets, whereof particular observations are recorded, are
alwaies found Stars of the first Magnitude, or such others, as are very
notable, besides other reasons, that might be alledged, I shall not pursue this
speculation; but rather suggest what I have taken notice of in my reflexions
upon former Comets, which is, that more of them enter inter our Systeme by
the sign of Libra and about Spica virginis, than by all the other parts of the
Heavens. For, both the present Comet, and many others registred in History,
have entred that way, and consequently passed out of it by the sign Aries, by
which also many have entred.
I did found my Hypothesis upon three Observations only, viz. those of the
22, 26, and 31. of December. Nor have I done, as some have fancied of me,
who having been able to observe the Comet, the 27, 28, 29, 30, and 31. of
December, and to see the diminution of its motion, have judged, that I had
only determined that diminution for the time to come, conform to the
augmentation thereof in time passed until the 29. of December. For January
1. (on which day I composed my Ephemerides) I knew not (nor any person
here) that the motion of the Comet did diminish; but on the contrary, most
men believed, it was not the same Comet. But Signior Cassini knows very
well, that that was not necessary, seeing that two portions of a Tangent
being given, and the Angles answering thereunto, 'tis easie to find the
position and magnitude of its Circle. The reason, which I think the true one,
of the diminution of its Motion in Longitude, and of its Retrogradation, by
me conjectured in my Ephemerides, I began to be assured of, Febr. 10. For
until the sixth, the Comet had alwaies advanced, as Signior Cassini also
hath very well noted: but after that day, I found that it returned in
augmenting alwaies its Latitude. And I have constantly observed it, until
March 8. between many Stars, which must be the same with these
mentioned by Cassini, whereof the number was so great, that I think, I saw
of them March 6. with one Aperture of my Glass, more than 40. or 50. and
especially, above the head of Aries; but I did not particularly note the
scituation of more than 12. or 15; amongst which I have observed the
position of the Comet since January 28. every day, when the weather did
permit, viz. January 29. February 3, 6, 10, 17, 19, 24, 26, 27. and March 6,
7, 8. I left it on March 8. at the 18. of the Horn of Aries, almost in the same

latitude: and I am apt to believe, it will be Eclipsed, which I wish I may be
able to observe this evening, if it be not already passed.
If Signior Cassini hath observed it on those daies that I have, he will be glad
to find the conformity of our Observations. I shall only add, that on
February 3. we were surprized, to see the Comet again much brighter than
ordinary, and with a considerable Train. Some did believe, that it approach'd
again to us. But having beheld it with a Telescope, I soon said, that it was
joyned with two small Stars, whereof one was pretty bright, which I had
already seen, on February 28. and 29. And this conjunction gave the Comet
that brightness, as it happens to most of the Stars of the fifth and sixth
magnitude, where 2. or 3. or more are conjoyned, which perhaps would
shew but faintly single, though by reason of their proximity to one another,
they appear but one Star. Hence it was, that I assured my friends here, that
the following daies we should no more see it so bright, because I knew, that
there were none such small bright Stars in the way, which by my former
observations I conjectured it was to move.

An Observation imparted to the Noble Mr. Boyle, by Mr. David
Thomas, touching some particulars further considerable in the
Monster mentioned in the first Papers of these Philosophical
Transactions.

Upon the strictest inquiry, I find by one, that saw the Monstrous Calf and
stone, within four hours after it was cut out of the Cows belly, that the
Breast of the Calf was not stony (as I wrote) but that the skin of the Breast
and between the Legs and of the Neck (which parts lay on the smaller end
of the stone) was very much thicker, than on any other part, and that the
Feet of the Calf were so parted as to be like the Claws of a Dog. The stone I
have since seen; it is bigger at one end than the other; of no plain
Superficies, but full of little cavities. The stone, when broken, is full of
small peble stones of an Ovall figure: its colour is gray like free-stone, but
intermixt with veins of yellow and black. A part of it I have begg'd of Dr.
Haughten for you, which I have sent to Oxford, whither a more exact
account will be conveyed by the same person.

Extract of a Letter, lately written from Venice by the Learned
Doctor Walter Pope, to the Reverend Dean of Rippon, Doctor
John Wilkins, concerning the Mines of Mercury in Friuli; and a
way of producing Wind by the fall of Water.

The mines of Mercury in Friuli, a Territory belonging to the Venetians, are
about a days Journey and a half distant from Goritia Northwards, at a place
call'd Idria, scituated in a Valley of the Julian Alps. They have been, as I am
inform'd, these 160. years in the possession of the Emperor, and all the
Inhabitants speak the Sclavonian Tongue. In going thither, we travell'd
several hours in the best Wood I ever saw before or since, being very full of
Firrs, Oakes, and Beeches, of an extraordinary thickness, straitness, and
height. The Town is built, as usually Towns in the Alps are, all of wood, the
Church only excepted, and another House wherein the Overseer liveth.
When I was there, in August last, the Valley, and the Mountains too, out of
which the Mercury was dug, were of as pleasant a verdure, as if it had been
in the midst of Spring, which they there attribute to the moistness of the
Mercury; how truly, I dispute not. That Mine, which we went into, the best
and greatest of them all, was dedicated to Saint Barbara, as the other Mines
are to other Saints, the depth of it was 125. paces, every pace of that
Country being, as they inform'd us, more than 5 of our Feet. There are two
ways down to it; the shortest perpendicular way is that, whereby they bring
up the Mineral in great Buckets, and by which oftentimes some of the
workmen come up and down. The other, which is the usual way, is at the
beginning not difficult, the descent not being much; the greatest trouble is,
that in several places you cannot stand upright: but this holds not long,
before you come to descend in earnest by perpendicular Ladders, where the
weight of on's body is found very sensible. At the end of each Ladder, there
are boards a-cross, where we may breath a little. The Ladders, as we said,
are perpendicular, but being imagined produced, do not make one Ladder,
but several parallel ones. Being at the bottom, we saw no more than we saw
before, only the place, whence the Mineral came. All the way down, and the
bottom, where there are several lanes cut out in the Mountain, is lined and
propt with great pieces of Firr-trees, as thick as they can be set. They dig the
Mineral with Pick-axes, following the veins: 'tis for the most part hard as a
stone, but more weighty; of a Liver-colour, or that of Crocus Metallorum. I

hope shortly to shew you some of it. There is also some soft Earth, in which
you plainly see the Mercury in little particles. Besides this, there are
oftentimes found in the Mines round stones like Flints, of several bignesses,
very like those Globes of Hair, which I have often seen in England, taken
out of Oxes bellies. There are also several Marcasites and stones, which
seem to have specks of Gold in them, but upon tryal they say, they find none
in them. These round stones are some of them very ponderous, and well
impregnated with Mercury; others light, having little or none in them. The
manner of getting the Mercury is this: They take of the Earth, brought up in
Buckets, and put it into a Sive, whose bottom is made of wires at so great a
distance, that you may put your finger betwixt them: 'tis carried to a stream
of running water, and wash'd as long as any thing will pass through the
Sive. That Earth which passeth not, is laid aside upon another heap: that
which passeth, reserved in the hole, G. in Fig. 1. and taken up again by the
second Man, and so on, to about ten or twelve sives proportionably less. It
often happens in the first hole, where the second Man takes up his Earth,
that there is Mercury at the bottom; but towards the farther end, where the
Intervals of the wires are less, 'tis found in very great proportion. The Earth
laid aside is pounded, and the same operation repeated. The fine small
Earth, that remains after this, and out of which they can wash no more
Mercury, is put into Iron retorts and stopt, because it should not fall into the
Receivers, to which they are luted. The fire forces the Mercury into the
Receivers: the Officer unluted several of them to shew us; I observed in all
of them, that he first poured out perfect Mercury, and after that came a black
dust, which being wetted with water discover'd it self to be Mercury, as the
other was. They take the Caput mortuum and pound it, and renew the
operation as long as they can get any Mercury out of it.
This is the way of producing the Mercury, they call Ordinary, which
exceeds that, which is got by washing, in a very great proportion, as you
will perceive by the account annext. All the Mercury got without the use of
Fire, whether by washing, or found in the Mines (for in the digging, some
little particles get together, so that in some places you might take up two or
three spoonfuls of pure Mercury) is call'd by them Virgin Mercury, and
esteem'd above the rest. I inquir'd of the Officer what vertue that had more,
than the other; he told me that making an Amalgama of Gold and Virgin
Mercury, and putting it to the fire, that Mercury would carry away all the
Gold with it, which common Mercury would not do.

The Engins, employed in these Mines, are admirable; the Wheels, the
greatest that ever I saw in my life; one would think as great as the matter
would bear: all moved by the dead force of the water, brought thither in no
chargeable Aqueduct from a Mountain, 3 Miles distant: the water pumpt
from the bottom of the Mine by 52 pumps, 26 on a side, is contrived to
move other wheels, for several other purposes.
The Labourers work for a Julio a day, which is not above 6 or 7 pence, and
indure not long; for, although none stay underground above 6 hours; all of
them in time (some later, some sooner) become paralitick, and dye hectick.
We saw there a man, who had not been in the Mines for above half a year
before, so full of Mercury, that putting a piece of Brass in his mouth, or
rubbing it in his fingers, it immediately became white like Silver: I mean he
did the same effect, as if he had rubb'd Mercury upon it, and so paralitick,
that he could not with both his hands carry a Glass, half full of Wine, to his
mouth without spilling it, though he loved it too well to throw it away.
I have been since informed, that here in Venice, those that work on the back-
side of Looking-glasses, are also very subject to the Palsey. I did not
observe, that they had black Teeth; it may be therefore, that we accuse
Mercury injustly for spoiling the Teeth, when given in Venereal diseases. I
confess, I did not think of it upon the place; but, black Teeth being so very
rare in this Country, I think I could not but have markt it, had all theirs been
so.
They use exceeding great quantity of Wood, in making and repairing the
Engins, and in the Furnaces (whereof there are 16. each of them carrying
24. Retorts;) but principally in the Mines, which need continual reparation,
the Fir-trees lasting but a small time under ground. They convey their Wood
thus: About four miles from the Mines, on the sides of two mountains, they
cut down the Trees, and draw them into the interjacent Valley, higher in the
same Valley, so that the Trees, according to the descent of the water lye
betwixt it and Idria: with vast charges and quantities of Wood they made a
Lock or Dam, that suffers not any water to pass; they expect afterwards till
there be water enough to float these Trees to Idria; for, if there be not a
spring, (as generally there is,) Rain, or the melting of the Snow, in a short
time, afford so much water, as is ready to run over the Dam, and which (the
Flood-gates being open'd) carries all the Trees impetuously to Idria, where

the Bridge is built very strong, and at very oblique Angles to the stream, on
purpose to stop them, and throw them on shore neer the Mines.
Those Mines cost the Emperour heretofore 70000. or 80000. Florens yearly,
and yielded less Mercury than at present, although it costs him but 28000.
Florens now. You may see what his Imperial Majesty gets by the following
account, of what Mercury the Mines of Idria have produced these last three
years.
1661. l. 1662. l. 1663. l.
Ordinary Ordinary Ordinary
198481 225066 244119
Mercury Mercury Mercury
Virgin Virgin Virgin
6194 9612 11862
Mercury Mercury Mercury
204675 234678 255981

There are alwaies at work 280 persons, according to the relation I received
from a very civil person, who informed me also of all the other particulars
above mentioned, whose name is Achatio Kappenjagger; his Office,
Contra-scrivano per sua Maestà Cesarea in Idria del Mercurio.
To give some light to this Narrative, take this Diagramme: F. is the water, C.
B. a vessel, into which it runs. DG. EH. FI. are streams perpetually issuing
from that vessel; D. E. F. three sives, the distance of whose wires at bottom
lessen proportionably. G. the place, wherein the Earth, that pass'd through
the sive D. is retained; from whence 'tis taken by the second man; and what
passes through the sive E. is retained in H. and so of the rest. K. L. M. wast
water, which is so much impregnated with Mercury, that it cureth Itches and
sordid Ulcers. See Fig. 1.

I will trespass a little more upon you, in describing the contrivance of
blowing the Fire in the Brassworks of Tivoli neer Rome (it being new to me)
where the Water blows the Fire, not by moving the Bellows, (which is
common) but by affording the Wind. See Fig. II. Where A. is the River, B.
the Fall of it, C. the Tub into which it falls, LG. a Pipe, G. the orifice of the
Pipe, or Nose of the Bellows, GK. the Hearth, E. a hole in the Pipe, F. a
stopper to that hole, D. a place under ground, by which the water runs away.
Stopping the hole E, there is a perpetual strong wind, issuing forth at G: and
G. being stopt, the wind comes out so vehemently at E, that it will, I
believe, make a Ball play, like that at Frescati.

An Extract of a Letter, containing some Observations, made in
the ordering of Silk-worms, communicated by that known

Vertuoso, Mr. Dudley Palmer, from the ingenuous Mr. Edward
Digges.

I herewith offer to your Society a small parcel of my Virginian Silk. What I
have observed in the ordering of Silk-worms, contrary to the received
opinion, is:
1. That I have kept leaves 24. hours after they are gathered, and flung water
upon them to keep them from withering; yet when (without wiping the
leaves) I fed the worms, I observed, they did as well as those fresh gathered.
2. I never observed, that the smell of Tobacco, or smels that are rank, did
any waies annoy the worm.
3. Our country of Virginia is very much subject to Thunders: and it hath
thundered exceedingly when I have had worms of all sorts, some newly
hatched; some half way in their feeding; others spinning their Silk; yet I
found none of them concern'd in the Thunder, but kept to their business, as
if there had been no such thing.
4. I have made many bottoms of the Brooms (wherein hundreds of worms
spun) of Holly; and the prickles were so far from hurting them, that even
from those prickles they first began to make their bottoms.
I did hope with this to have given you assurance, that by retarding the
hatching of seed, two crops of silk or more might be made in a Summer: but
my servants have been remiss in what was ordered, I must crave your
patience till next year.

An account of Micrographia, or the Physiological Descriptions
of Minute Bodies, made by Magnifying Glasses.

The Ingenious and knowing Author of this Treatise, Mr. Robert Hook,
considering with himself, of what importance a faithful History of Nature is
to the establishing of a solid Systeme of Natural Philosophy, and what
advantage Experimental and Mechanical knowledge hath over the
Philosophy of discourse and disputation, and making it, upon that account,

his constant business to bring into that vast Treasury what portion he can,
hath lately published a Specimen of his abilities in this kind of study, which
certainly is very welcome to the Learned and Inquisitive world, both for the
New discoveries in Nature, and the New Inventions of Art.
As to the former, the Attentive Reader of this Book will find, that there
being hardly any thing so small, as by the help of Microscopes, to escape
our enquiry, a new visible world is discovered by this means, and the Earth
shews quite a new thing to us, so that in every little particle of its matter, we
may now behold almost as great a variety of creatures, as we were able
before to reckon up in the whole Universe it self. Here our Author maketh it
not improbable, but that, by these helps the subtilty of the composition of
Bodies, the structure of their parts, the various texture of their matter, the
instruments and manner of their inward motions, and all the other
appearances of things, may be more fully discovered; whence may emerge
many admirable advantages towards the enlargement of the Active and
Mechanick part of knowledge, because we may perhaps be enabled to
discern the secret workings of Nature, almost in the same manner, as we do
those that are the productions of Art, and are managed by Wheels, and
Engines, and Springs, that were devised by Humane wit. To this end, he
hath made a very curious Survey of all kinds of bodies, beginning with the
Point of a Needle, and proceeding to the Microscopical view of the Edges of
Rasors, Fine Lawn, Tabby, Watered Silks, Glass-canes, Glass-drops, Fiery
Sparks, Fantastical Colours, Metalline Colours, the Figures of Sand,
Gravel in Urine, Diamonds in Flints, Frozen Figures, the Kettering Stone,
Charcoal, Wood and other Bodies petrified, the Pores of Cork, and of other
substances, Vegetables growing on blighted Leaves, Blew mould and
Mushromes, Sponges, and other Fibrous Bodies, Sea-weed, the Surfaces of
some Leaves, the stinging points of a Nettle, Cowage, the Beard of a wild
Oate, the seed of the Corn-violet, as also of Tyme, Poppy and Purslane. He
continues to describe Hair, the scales of a Soal, the sting of a Bee, Feathers
in general, and in particular those of Peacocks; the feet of Flies; and other
Insects; the Wings and Head of a Fly; the Teeth of a Snail; the Eggs of Silk-
worms; the Blue Fly; a water Insect; the Tufted Gnat; a White Moth; the
Shepheards-spider; the Hunting Spider, the Ant; the wandring Mite; the
Crab-like insect, the Book-worm, the Flea, the Louse, Mites, Vine mites. He
concludeth with taking occasion to discourse of two or three very

considerable subjects, viz. The inflexion of the Rays of Lights in the Air; the
Fixt stars; the Moon.
In representing these particulars to the Readers view, the Author hath not
only given proof of his singular skil in delineating all sorts of Bodies (he
having drawn all the Schemes of these 60 Microscopical objects with his
own hand) and of his extraordinary care of having them so curiously
engraven by the Masters of that Art; but he hath also suggested in the
several reflexions, made upon these Objects, such conjectures, as are likely
to excite and quicken the Philosophical heads to very noble contemplations.
Here are found inquiries concerning the Propagation of Light through
differing mediums; concerning Gravity, concerning the Roundness of Fruits,
stones, and divers artificial bodies; concerning Springiness and Tenacity;
concerning the Original of Fountains; concerning the dissolution of Bodies
into Liquors; concerning Filtration, and the ascent of Juices in Vegetables,
and the use of their Pores. Here an attempt is made of solving the strange
Phænomena of Glass-drops; experiments are alleged to prove the
Expansion of Glass by heat, and the Contraction of heated-Glass upon
cooling; Des Cartes his Hypothesis of Colours is examined: the cause of
Colours, most likely to the Author, is explained: Reasons are produced, that
Reflection is not necessary to produce colours, nor a double refraction:
some considerable Hypotheses are offered, for the explication of Light by
Motion; for the producing of all colours by Refraction; for reducing all sorts
of colours to two only, Yellow and Blew; for making the Air, a dissolvent of
all Combustible Bodies: and for the explicating of all the regular figures of
Salt, where he alleges many notable instances of the Mathematicks of
Nature, as having even in those things which we account vile, rude &
course, shewed abundance of curiosity and excellent Geometry and
Mechanism. And here he opens a large field for inquiries, and proposeth
Models for prosecuting them, 1. By making a full collection of all the
differing kinds of Geometricall figur'd bodies; 2. By getting with them an
exact History of their places where they are generated or found: 3. By
making store of Tryals in Dissolutions and Coagulations of several
Crystallizing Salts: 4. By making trials on metalls, Minerals and Stones, by
dissolving them in severall Menstruums, and Crystallizing them, to see what
Figures will arise from those several compositums: 5. By compounding &
coagulating several Salts together into the same mass, to observe the Figure
of that product: 6. By inquiring the closenes or rarity of the texture of those

bodys by examining their gravity, and their refraction, &c. 7. By examining
what operations the fire hath upon several kinds of Salts, what changes it
causes in their figures, Textures, or Vertues. 8. By examining their manner
of dissolution, or acting upon those bodies dissoluble in them and the
Texture of those bodies before and after the process. 9. By considering, by
what and how many means, such and such figures, actions and effects could
be produced, and which of them might be the most likely, &c.
He goes on to offer his thoughts about the Pores of bodies, and a kind of
Valves in wood; about spontaneous generation arising from the Putrefaction
of bodies; about the nature of the Vegetation of mold, mushromes, moss,
spunges; to the last of which he scarce finds any Body like it in texture. He
adds, from the naturall contrivance, that is found in the leaf of a Nettle, how
the stinging pain is created, and thence takes occasion to discourse of the
poysoning of Darts. He subjoyns a curious description of the shape,
Mechanism and use of the sting of a Bee; and shews the admirable
Providence of Nature in the contrivance and fabrick of Feathers for Flying.
He delivers those particulars about the Figure, parts and use of the head,
feet, and wings of a Fly, that are not common. He observes the various
wayes of the generations of Insects, and discourses handsomely of the
means, by which they seem to act so prudently. He taketh notice of the
Mechanical reason of the Spider's Fabrick, and maketh pretty Observations
on the hunting Spider, and other Spiders and their Webs. And what he notes
of a Flea, Louse, Mites, and Vinegar-worms, cannot but exceedingly please
the curious Reader.
Having dispatched these Matters, the Author offers his Thoughts for the
explicating of many Phænomena of the Air, from the Inflexion, or from a
Multiplicate Refraction of the rays of Light within the Body of the
Atmosphere, and not from a Refraction caused by any terminating
superficies of the Air above, nor from any such exactly defin'd superficies
within the body of the Atmosphere; which conclusion he grounds upon this,
that a medium, whose parts are unequally dense, and mov'd by various
motions and transpositions as to one another, will produce all these visible
effects upon the rays of Light, without any other coefficient cause: and then,
that there is in the Air or Atmosphere, such a variety in the constituent parts
of it, both as to their density and rarity, and as to their divers mutations and
positions one to another.

He concludeth with two Celestial Observations; whereof the one imports,
what multitudes of Stars are discoverable by the Telescope, and the variety
of their magnitudes; intimating with all, that the longer the Glasses are, and
the bigger apertures they will indure, the more fit they are for these
discoveries: the other affords a description of a Vale in the Moon, compared
with that of Hevelius and Ricciolo; where the Reader will find several
curious and pleasant Annotations, about the Pits of the Moon, and the Hills
and Coverings of the same; as also about the variations in the Moon, and its
gravitating principle, together with the use, that may be made of this
Instance of a gravity in the Moon.
As to the Inventions of Art, described in this Book, the curious Reader will
there find these following:
1. A Baroscope, or an Instrument to shew all the Minute Variations in the
Pressure of the Air; by which he affirms, that he finds, that before and
during the time of rainy weather, the Pressure of the Air is less; and in dry
weather, but especially when an Easterly Wind (which having past over vast
Tracts of Land, is heavy with earthy particles) blows, it is much more,
though these changes be varied according to very odd Laws.
2. A Hygroscope, or an Instrument, whereby the Watery steams, volatile in
the Air, are discerned, which the Nose it self is not able to find. Which is by
him fully described in the Observation touching the Beard of a wild Oate,
by the means whereof this Instrument is contrived.
3. An Instrument for graduating Thermometers, to make them Standards of
Heat and Cold.
4. A New Engine for Grinding Optick Glasses, by means of which he hopes,
that any Spherical Glasses, of what length soever, may be speedily made:
which seems to him most easie, because, if it succeeds, with one and the
same Tool may be ground an Object Glass of any length or breadth
requisite, and that with very little or no trouble in fitting the Engine, and
without much skill in the Grinder. He thinks it very exact, because to the
very last stroke the Glass does regulate and rectifie the Tool to its exact
Figure; and the longer or more the Tool and Glass are wrought together, the
more exact will both of them be of the desired Figure. He affirms further,
that the motions of the Glass and Tool do so cross each other, that there is

not one point of eithers surface, but hath thousands of cross motions
thwarting it, so that there can be no kind of Rings or Gutters made, either in
the Tool or Glass.
5. A New Instrument, by which the Refraction of all kinds of Liquors may
be exactly measured, thereby to give the Curious an opportunity of making
Trials of that kind, to establish the Laws of Refraction, to wit, whether the
Sines of the Angles of Refraction are respectively proportionable to the
Sines of the Angles of Incidence: This Instrument being very proper to
examine very accurately, and with little trouble, and in small quantities, the
Refraction of any Liquor, not only for one inclination, but for all; whereby
he is enabled to make accurate Tables. By the same also he affirms to have
found it true, that what proportion the Sine of the Angle of the one
inclination has to the Sine of its Angle of Refraction, correspondent to it, the
same proportion have all the other Sines of Inclination to their respective
Sines of Refractions.
Lastly, this Author despairs not that there may be found many Mechanical
Inventions, to improve our Senses of Hearing, Smelling, Tasting, Touching,
as well as we have improved that of Seeing by Optick Glasses.

London, Printed with Licence for John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers
to the Royal Society.

Numb. 3.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, May 8. 1665.

The Contents.

Some Observations and Experiments upon May-dew. The Motion of
the Second Comet predicted, by the same person, who predicted that of
the former. A Relation of the Advice, given by a French Gentleman,
touching the Conjunction of the Ocean and the Mediterranean. Of the
way of killing Ratle-snakes, used in Virginia. A Relation of Persons
kill'd with Subterraneous Damps. Of the Mineral of Liege, yielding
both Brimstone, and Vitriol, and the way of extracting them out of it,
used at Liege. An Account of Mr. Boyle's Experimental History of
Cold.

Some Observations and Experiments upon May-Dew.

That ingenious and inquisitive Gentleman, Master Thomas Henshaw,
having had occasion to make use of a great quantity of May-dew, did, by
several casual Essayes on that Subject, make the following Observations
and Tryals, and present them to the Royal Society.
That Dew newly gathered and filtred through a clean Linnen cloth, though it
be not very clear, is of a yellowish Colour, somewhat approaching to that of
Urine.
That having endevoured to putrefy it by putting several proportions into
Glass bodies with blind heads, and setting them in several heats, as of dung,
and gentle baths, he quite failed of his intention: for heat, though never so
gentle, did rather clarify, and preserve it sweet, though continued for two
moneths together, then cause any putrefaction or separation of parts.
That exposing of it to the Sun for a whole Summer in Glasses, that hold
about two Gallons, with narrow mouths, that might be stopp'd with Cork,
the only considerable alteration, he observed to be produced in it, was, that
Store of green stuff (such as is seen in Summer in ditches and standing
waters) floated on the top, and in some places, grew to the sides of the
Glass.

That putting four or five Gallons of it into a half Tub, as they call it, of
Wood, and straining a Canvas over it, to keep out Dust and Insects, and
letting it stand in some shady room for three weeks or a month, it did of
itself putrefy and stink exceedingly, and let fall to the bottom a black
sediment like Mudd.
That, coming often to see, what Alterations appeared in the putrefaction, He
observed, that at the beginning, within twenty four hours, a slimy film
floated on the top of the water, which after a while falling to the bottom,
there came another such film in its place.
That if Dew were put into a long narrow Vessel of Glass, such as formerly
were used for Receivers in distilling of Aqua Fortis, the slime would rise to
that height, that He could take it off with a Spoon; and when he had put a
pretty quantity of it into a drinking Glass, and that it had stood all night, and
the water dreined from it, if He had turned it out of his hand, it would stand
upright in figure of the Glass, in substance like boyled white Starch, though
something more transparent, if his memory (saith he) fail him not.
That having once gotten a pretty quantity of this gelly, and put it into a
Glass body and Blind-head, He set it into a gentle Bath with an intention to
have putrefied it, but after a few days He found, the head had not been well
luted on, and that some moisture exhaling, the gelly was grown almost dry,
and a large Mushrom grown out of it within the Glass. It was of a loose
watrish contexture, such an one, as he had seen growing out of rotten wood.
That having several Tubs with good quantity of Dew in them, set to putrefy
in the manner abovesaid, and comming to pour out of one of them to make
use of it, He found in the water a great bunch, bigger than his fist, of those
Insects commonly called Hog-lice or Millepedes, tangled together by their
long tailes, one of which came out of every one of their bodies, about the
bigness of a Horsehair: The Insects did all live and move after they were
taken out.
That emptying another Tub, whereon the Sun, it seems, had used sometimes
to shine, and finding, upon the straining it through a clean linnen cloth, two
or three spoonfulls of green stuff, though not so thick nor so green as that
above mentioned, found in the Glasses purposely exposed to the Sun, He
put this green stuff in a Glass, and tyed a paper over it, and coming some

dayes after to view it, He found the Glass almost filled with an innumerable
Company of small Flyes, almost all wings, such as are usually seen in great
Swarms in the Aire in Summer Evenings.
That setting about a Gallon of this Dew (which, he saith, if he misremember
not, had been first putrefied and strained) in an open Jarre-Glass with a wide
mouth, and leaving it for many weeks standing in a South-window, on
which the Sun lay very much, but the Casements were kept close shut; after
some time coming to take account of his Dew, He found it very full of little
Insects with great Heads and small tapering Bodies, somewhat resembling
Tadpoles, but very much less. These, on his approach to the Glass, would
sink down to the bottom, as it were to hide themselves, and upon his retreat
wrigle themselves up to the top of the water again. Leaving it thus for some
time longer, He afterwards found the room very full of Gnats, though the
Door and Windows were kept shut. He adds, that He did not at first suspect,
that those Gnats had any relation to the Dew, but after finding the Gnats to
be multiplied and the little watry Animals to be much lessened in quantity,
and finding great numbers of their empty skins floating on the face of his
Dew, He thought, he had just reason to perswade himself, the Gnats were by
a second Birth produced of those little Animals.
That vapouring away great quantities of his putrefied Dew in Glass Basons,
and other Earthen glased Vessels, He did at last obtain, as he remembers,
above two pound of Grayish Earth, which when he had washed with more
of the same Dew out of all his Basons into one, and vapoured to siccity, lay
in leaves one above another, not unlike to some kind of brown Paper, but
very friable.
That taking this Earth out, and after he had well ground it on a Marble, and
given it a smart Fire, in a coated Retort of Glass, it soon melted and became
a Cake in the bottom, when it was cold, and looked as if it had been Salt and
Brimstone in a certain proportion melted together; but, as he remembers,
was not at all inflamable. This ground again on a Marble, he saith, did turn
Spring water of a reddish purple Colour.
That by often calcining and filtring this Earth, He did at last extract about
two ounces of a fine small white Salt, which, looked on through a good
Microscope, seemed to have Sides and Angles in the same number and
figure, as Rochpeeter.

The Motion of the Second Comet predicted, by the same
Gentleman, who predicted that of the former.

Monsieur Auzout, the same Person, that not long since communicated to the
World his Ephemerides touching the course of the former Comet, and
recommended several Copies of them to the Royal Society, to compare their
Observations with his Account, and thereby, either to verifie his Predictions,
or to shew, wherein they differ, hath lately sent another Ephemerides
concerning the Motion of the Second Comet, to the same end, that invited
him to send the other.
In that Tract he observes, first in General, that this second Comet is contrary
to the precedent, almost in all particulars: seeing that the former moved very
swift, this, pretty slow; that against the Order of the signs from East to
West, this, following them, from West to East: that, from South to North,
this, from North to South, as far as it hath been hitherto, that we hear off,
observed: that, on the side opposite to the Sun, this, on the same side: that,
having been in its Perigee at the time of its Opposition, this, having been
there, out of the time of its Conjunction: where he taketh also notice, that
this Comet differs in brightness from the other, as well in its Body, which is
far more vivid and distinct, as in its Train, whose splendor is much greater,
since it may be seen even with great Telescopes, which were useless in the
former, by reason of its dimness. After this he descends to particulars, and
informs us, that he began to observe this Comet April the second, and
continued for some days following, and that as soon as he had made three or
four Observations, he resolved to try again an Ephemerides; but that, having
no instruments exact enough, and the Comet being in a place, destitute of
Stars, and subject to Refractions, he feared to venture too much upon
Observations so neer one another, since in such matters a perfect exactness
is necessary, and wished to see some precedent Observations to direct him:
which having obtained, he thereby verified what he had begun, and resolved
to carry on his intended Ephemerides, especially being urged by his Friends,
and engaged by his former undertaking, that so it might not be thought a
meer hazard, that made him hit in the former; as also, that he might try,
whether his Method would succeed as well in slower, as in swifter Comets,
and in those, that are neer the Sun; as in such as are opposite thereunto, to

the end, that men might be advertised of the determination of its use, if it
could not serve but in certain particular Cases.
He relateth therefore, that he had finished this New Ephemerides April the
sixth, and put it presently to the Press; in doing of which, he hopes, he hath
not disobliged the Publick: seeing that, though we should loose the sight of
this Star within a few days, by reason of its approach to the Sun, yet having
found, that it is always to rise before the Sun, and that we may again see it
better, when it shall rise betimes, towards the end of May, and in the
beginning of June, if the cleerness of the Day-break hinder us not; he
thought it worth the while to try, whether the truth of this Ephemerides
could be proved.
He affirms then, that the Line described by this Star resembles hitherto a
Great Circle, as it is found in all other Comets in the midst of their Course.
He finds the said Circle inclined to the Ecliptick about 26. d. 30′. and the
Nodes, where it cuts it, towards the beginning of Gemini and Sagittary; that
it declines from the Equator about 26. d and cuts it towards the 11. d. and
consequently, that its greatest Latitude hath been towards Pisces, where it
must have been March 24. and its greatest Declination, towards the 25 d. of
the Equator, where it was to have been April 11.
He puts it in its Perigee March 27. about three of the Clock in the
Afternoon, when it was about the 15 degrees of Pisces, a little more
Westerly then Marshab, or the Wing of Pegasus, and that it was to be in
Conjunction with the Sun, April 9. Where yet he noteth, that according to
another Calculation, the Perigee was March 27. more towards Night, so that
the Comet advances a little more towards the East, and retards towards the
West; which not being very sensible in the first days, differs more about the
end, and in the beginning; which he leaves to Observation.
He calculateth, that the greatest Motion it could make in one day, hath been
4. d. and 8′. or 9′; in one hour, about 10′. and 25″. so that its Diurnal Motion
is to its last distance from the Earth a little more than as 1. to 14. and its
Hourly Motion, as 1. to 330.
He wonders, that it hath not been seen sooner; the first Observations that he
hath seen, but made by others, being of March 17. Whereas he finds, that it
might have been seen since January, at least in the Months of February and

March, when it rose at 2 of the Clock and before: because it is very likely,
that, considering its bigness and brightness, when it was towards its
Perigee, it was visible, since that towards the end of February it was not
three times as much remote from the Earth, than when it was in its Perigee,
and that towards the end of January it was not five times as much.
In the interim, saith he, the other Comet could be seen with the naked eye
until January 31. when it was more than ten times further remote, than in its
Perigee, although it was not by far so bright, nor its streamer shining as this
hath appeared.
He wishes, that all the changes that shall fall out in this Comet, might be
exactly observ'd; because of its not being swift, and the Motion of the Earth
very sensible, unless the Comet be extreamly remote, we should find much
more light from this, than the former Star, about the Grand Question,
whether the Earth moves or not; this Author having all along entertained
himself with the hopes, that the Motion of Comets would evince, whether
the Earth did move or not; and this very Comet seemed to him to have by
design appeared for that end, if it had had more Latitude, and that
consequently we might have seen it before Day break. He wishes also, that,
if possible, it may be accurately observed, whether it will not a little decline
from its great Circle towards the South; Judging, that some important truth
may be thence deduced, as well as if its motion retarded more, than the
place of its Perigee (which will be more exactly known when all the passed
Observations shall have been obtained) and its greatest Motion do require.
He fears only, that it being then to rise at Break of Day, exact Observations
cannot be made of it: but he would, at least have it sought with Telescopes,
his Ephemerides directing whereabout it is to be.
April 10. it was to be over against the point of the Triangle, and from thence
more Southerly by more than two degrees; and April 11. over against the
bright Star of Aries, April 17. over against the Stars of the Fly, a little more
Southerly, and May 4 it is to be over against the Pleiades, and about the
fourth or fifth of the same Month, it is to be once more in Conjunction with
the Sun; after which time, the Sun will move from it Eastward, and leave it
towards the West; which will enable us to see it again at a better hour,
provided the cleerness of the Day-break be no impediment to us. He addeth,
that this Star must have been the third time in Conjunction with the Sun,

about the time when it first began to appear: and foresees, that from all these
particulars many considerable consequences may be deduced.
It will cut the Ecliptick about the end of July, new Style, a little more
Eastwards than the Eye of Taurus; at which time there will be no seeing of
it, except it be with a Telescope.
It will be towards the End of April, new style, twice as far distant as it was
in Perigee, thrice as far, May the fourth, four times, May the eighteenth, and
five times, June the first, &c.
He would not have Men surprised, that there have been two Comets within
so short a time; seeing, saith he, there were four, at least three, in the Year
1618. and in other Years there have been two and more at the same time.
What he adds about their signification, we leave to Astrologers to dispute it
with him. He concludeth with asking pardon, if he have committed
mistakes, which he hopeth he shall obtain the sooner, because of the small
time he hath had for these calculations; and he wishes that he could have
made all the Observations himself, seeing that it is easie to fail, when one
must trust to the Observations of others, whereof we know not the
exactness: where he instanceth, that according to his Observations, the way
of the Comet should go neerer the Ecliptick than he hath marked it, even
without having any great regard to the Refractions: but since he would
subject himself to others, he hath made it pass a little higher, which, he
saith, was almost insensibly so, in those few days that he was observing and
writing, but that this may perhaps become sensible hereafter; which if it be
so, he affirms that it will cut the Ecliptick and Equator sooner, than he hath
marked it, &c. However, he thinks it convenient, to have given aforehand a
common Notion of what will become of a Comet, to prepare men for all the
Changes that may fall out concerning it: which he affirms he hath
endeavoured to do; the rest being easie to correct, as soon as any good
Observations, somewhat distant, have been obtained, considering, that there
need but two very exact ones, a little distant when the Star is not swift, to
trace its Way; although there must be at least three, to find out all the rest.
But, then would he have it considered, that although his Method should be
very exact, if there be not at hand Instruments big enough, and Globes good
enough to trust to, nothing can be done perfectly in these kind of
Predictions.

A Relation of the advice given by Monsieur Petit, Intendant of the
Fortifications of Normandy, touching the Conjunction of the
Ocean and Mediterranean.

This Intelligent Gentleman, Monsieur Petit, having been consulted with,
touching the Conjunction of the Ocean and Mediterranean, delivers first the
Proposition, and then giveth his thoughts upon it.
The Proposition is, That there being about two Leagues below Castres in
Languedoc a Rivolet, called Sor, passing to Revel, there may by the means
thereof be made a Communication of the two Seas, by joyning the Waters of
this Rivolet by a Channel (to be kept full all the year long) with those of St.
Papoul, and others, which fall into Fresqueil (another small River) that runs
into the Aude below Carcassone, and go together to Narbonne, scituated
upon the Mediterranean.
Having given the Proposition, he adds some particulars, to illustrate the
same, before he declares his judgment upon it. For he relateth, that there is
but one way, after the division of the Waters, to pass to the Mediterranean,
which is by a Rivolet, called Fresqueil, that is conjoyn'd with the Aude: But,
to pass to the Ocean, there are three; One, by Riege, entring into the
Caronne above Tholouse; the other, by Lers, passing on the side, and below
the same Town; and the third, by Sor, falling into the River Agoust under
Castres, afterwards into the Tarne, and thence to Montauban, and lastly into
the Garonne. And that, to compass this design, all these Rivers and Rivolets
are first to be made Navigable unto their Sluces; that of Aude and Fresqueil
for the Mediterranean, and one of the others, such as shall be chosen, for
the Ocean. He addeth, that, as to the several Ways passing to the Ocean, all
of them commended as proper and convenient, and the three Countries
concerned therein, speaking every one for their advantage: Those of Castres
and Montauban, are for the River Agoust; those of Tholouse, for Riege; and
the rest, for Lers.
Now concerning his Opinion upon this Proposition, he thinks, that all that
hath been represented touching this matter, can signifie very little, seeing
that the main thing is wanting, which is the assurance, and certain and
positive mensuration of the height and quantity of the Waters, necessary to

fall into both the Channels of the Aude and Caronne: that there must be
plenty of that, to furnish at all times and alwayes the highest and first sluces,
since what once issues thence, doth never enter again into them; and after
some Boats are passed, if there should not be a sufficient supply for those
that come after; either to go up, or to go down, all would stand dry, and
Merchants and their commodities would stay long enough expecting the
supply of Rains, to their great detriment. He concludeth therefore, that no
knowing and discreet Person is able, in matters of this nature, to give a
positive answer, without having before him a large and exact Topographical
Map of those places, and of the sources of all the Rivolets, that are to supply
the Water to the Head of the pretended Channel, together with a full account
of the survey and mensuration of all the places, through which it is to pass;
of the Nature of the Ground, whether it be stony, sandy, rocky, &c. of the
exact level of all the places, where it is to be made, and of the several
risings and depressions thereof, to be assured that the Water may be
conveyed to the greatest rising, and to the highest Sluce; and lastly, of the
quantity, that may be had at high, middle, and low Water, to have enough for
all times; that all these things being first made out, 'tis then time enough to
judge of the possibility of the thing, and to calculate the charges necessary
for Execution.
This Artist having thus prudently waved this Proposition, diverts himself
with reflecting upon several others of the like nature, among which he
insists chiefly upon two, whereof one is that so much celebrated in Egypt;
the other, of Germany. And he is of Opinion, that the most important of all
is that, of conjoyning the Red sea by the Nile with the Mediterranean,
which he looks upon as the most excellent conveniency to go into the East
Indies without doubling the Cape of Good Hope; and yet it could not be
executed by those great Kings of Egypt, that raised so many stupendious
Pyramids; although in his Opinion the reasons alleged by Historians to
justifie them for having abandoned that undertaking are of no validity, and
that the Red Sea cannot be, as they feared, higher than the Nile, and
therefore not indanger the inundation of Egypt.
The other Proposition was made to Charles Magna, Anno 793. for joyning
the Euxine Sea and the Ocean together, by a Channel, which was begun for
that end, and designed to be 2000. paces long and 100. paces broad, betwixt
the River Altmull, falling into the Danube above Ratisbone, and the River

Rott, passing at Nurenberg, and thence running into the Main, and so into
the Rhine. But yet this also proved abortive, though there was great
appearance of success at first.

Of the Way of killing Ratle-Snakes.

There being not long since occasion given at a meeting of the Royal Society
to discourse of Ratle Snakes, that worthy and inquisitive Gentleman,
Captain Silas Taylor, related the manner, how they were killed in Virginia,
which he afterwards was pleased to give in writing, attested by two credible
persons in whose presence it was done; which is, as follows.
The Wild Penny-royal or Ditany of Virginia, groweth streight up about one
foot high, with the leaves like Penny-royal, with little blue tufts at the
joyning of the branches to the Plant, the colour of the Leaves being a
reddish green, but the Water distilled, of the colour of Brandy, of a fair
Yellow: the Leaves of it bruised are very hot biting upon the Tongue: and of
these, so bruised, they took some, and having tyed them in the cleft of a
long stick, they held them to the Nose of the Ratle-Snake, who by turning
and wriggling laboured as much as she could to avoid it: but she was killed
with it, in less than half an hours time, and, as was supposed, by the scent
thereof; which was done Anno 1657. in the Month of July, at which season,
they repute those creatures to be in the greatest vigour for their poison.

A Relation of Persons killed with subterraneous Damps.

This Relation was likewise made to the Royal Society, by that Eminent
Virtuoso Sir R. Moray, who was pleased, upon their desire, to give it them
in writing; as followeth.
In a Coal-pit, belonging to the Lord Sinclair in Scotland, where the Coal is
some 18 or 20 foot thick, and antiently wasted to a great depth: The
Colliers, some Weeks agoe, having wrought as deep as they could, and
being to remove into new Rooms (as they call them) did, by taking off, as
they retired, part of the Coal that was left as Pillars to support the Roof and
Earth over it, so much weaken them, that within a short space, after they

were gone out of the Pitt, the Pillars falling, the Earth above them filled up
the whole Space, where the Colliers had lately wrought, with its ruins. The
Colliers being here-by out of work, some of them adventured to work upon
old remains of Walls, so near the old wastes, that striking through the
slender partition of the Coal-wall, that seperated between them and the
place, where they used to work, they quickly perceived their Errour, and
fearing to be stifled by the bad Air, that they knew, possessed these old
wastes, in regard not onely of the Damps, which such wastes do usually
afford, but because there having for many years been a Fire in those wastes,
that filled them with stifling fumes and vapors, retired immediately and
saved themselves from the eruptions of the Damp. But next day some seven
or eight of them came no sooner so farr down the staires, that led them to
the place where they had been the day before, as they intended, but upon
their stepping into the place, where the Air was infected, they fell down
dead, as if they had been shott: And there being amongst them one, whose
Wife was informed he was stifled in that place, she went down so far
without inconvenience, that seeing her Husband near her, ventured to go to
him, but being choaked by the Damp, as soon as she came near him, she fell
down dead by him.
This Story of Sir R. Moray affirmed to have received from the Earl of
Weymes, Brother in Law to the Lord Sinclair, as it was written to him from
Scotland.

Of the Mineral of Liege, yeilding both Brimstone and Vitriol,
and the way of extracting them out of it, used at Liege.

The Account of this Mineral, and of the way of extracting both Brimstone
and Vitriol out of it, was procured from Liege, by the lately mentioned Sir
Robert Moray and by him communicated to the Royal Society, as follows.
The Mineral, out of which Brimstone and Vitriol are extracted, is one and
the same, not much unlike Lead ore, having also oft times much Lead
mingled with it, which is seperated from it by picking it out of the rest. The
Mines resemble our English Coal Mines dugg according to the depth of the
Mineral, 15, 20, or more fathoms, as the Vein leads the Workmen, or the
subterranean waters will give them leave, which in Summer so overflow the

Mines, that the upper waters, by reason of the drought, not sufficing to
make the Pumps goe, the Work ceases.
To make Brimstone, they break the Stone or Ore into small pieces, which
they put into Crucibles made of Earth, five foot long, square and Pyramid-
wise. The Entry is near a foot square. These Crucibles are laid sloaping,
eight undermost, and seven above them, as it were betwixt them, that the
Fire may come at them all, each having its particular Furnace or Oven. The
Brimstone being dissolved by the violence of the heat, drops out at the small
end of the Crucible, and falls into a Leaden-Trough or Receptacle, common
to all the said Crucibles, through which there runs a continual Rivolet of
cold water, conveyed thither by Pipes for the cooling of the dissolved
Sulphur, which is ordinarily four hours in melting. This done, the Ashes are
drawn out by a crooked Iron, and being put into an Iron Wheel barrow, are
carried out of the Hutt, and being laid in a heap, are covered with other
exiled or drained Ashes, the better to keep them warm; which is reiterated,
as long as they make Brimstone.
To make Coperas or Vitriol, they take a quantity of the said Ashes, and
throwing them into a square planked pit in the Earth, some four foot deep,
and eight foot square, they cover the same with ordinary water, and let it lye
twenty four hours, or until an Egg will swim upon the liquor, which is a
sign, that it is strong enough. When they will boyl this, they let it run
through Pipes into the Kettles, adding to it half as much Mother-water,
which is that water, that remains after boyling of the hardned Coperas. The
Kettles are made of Lead, 4½ foot high, 6 foot long, and 3 foot broad,
standing upon thick Iron Barrs or Grates. In these the Liquor is boyled with
a strong Coal-fire, twenty four hours or more, according to the strength or
weakness of the Lee or Water. When it is come to a just consistence, the fire
is taken away, and the boyled liquor suffered to cool somewhat, and then it
is tapp'd out of the said Kettles, through holes beneath in the sides of them,
and conveyed through wooden Conduits into several Receptacles, three foot
deep and four foot long (made and ranged not unlike our Tan-pits) where it
remains fourteen or fifteen dayes, or so long till the Coperas separate it self
from the water, and becomes icy and hard. The remaining water is the
above-mentioned Mother-water; and the elixed or drained Ashes are the
Dregs, or Caput mortuum, which the Lee, whereof the Vitriol is made,
leaves behind it in the planked Pits.

A further Account of Mr. Boyle's Experimental History of Cold.

In the first Papers of these Philosophical Transactions, some promise was
made of a fuller account, to be given by the next, of the Experimental
History of Cold, composed by the Honourable Mr. Robert Boyle; it being
then supposed, that this History would have been altogether printed off at
the time of publishing the Second Papers of these Transactions; but the
Press, employed upon this Treatise, having been retarded somewhat longer
than was ghessed, the said promise could not be performed before this time:
wherein it now concerns the inquiring World to take notice, that this subject,
as it hath hitherto bin almost totally neglected, so it is now, by this Excellent
Author, in such a manner handled, and improved by near Two hundred
choice Experiments and Observations, that certainly the Curious and
Intelligent Reader will in the perusal thereof find cause to admire both the
Fertility of a Subject, seemingly so barren, and the Author's Abilities of
improving the same to so high a Degree.
But to take a short view of some of the particulars of this History, and
thereby to give occasion to Philosophical men, to take this Subject more
into their consideration, than hitherto hath been done; the Ingenious Readers
will here see,
1, That not only all sorts of Acid and Alcalizate Salts, and Spirits, even
Spirit of Wine, but also Sugar, and Sugar of Lead mixed with Snow, are
capable of freezing other Bodies, and upon what account they are so.
2, That among the Substances capable of being frozen, there are not only all
gross sorts of Saline Bodies, but such also as are freed from their grosser
parts, not excepting Spirit of Urine, the Lixivium of Pot-ashes, nor Oyl of
Tartar, per deliquium, it self.
3, That many very spiritous liquors, freed from their aqueous parts, cannot
be brought to freeze, neither naturally, nor artificially: And here is
occasionally mentioned a way of keeping Moats unpassable in very cold
Countries, recorded by Olaus Magnus.
4, What are the ways proper to estimate the greater or lesser Coldness of
Bodies; and by what means we can measure the intensness of Cold

produced by Art, beyond that, which Nature needs to employ for the
freezing of Water; as also, in what proportion water of a moderate degree of
Coldness will be made to shrink by Snow and Salt, before it begin by
Congelation to expand it self; and then, how to measure by the differing
Weight and Density of the same portion of Water, what change was
produced in it, betwixt the hottest time of Summer, and first glaciating
degree of Cold, and then the highest, which our Author could produce by
Art: Where an Inquiry is annex'd, whether the making of these kind of
Tryals with the waters of the particular Rivers and Seas, men are to sail on,
may afford any useful estimate, whether or not, and how much, ships may
on those waters be safely loaden more in Winter, than in Summer. To which
is added the way of making exact Discoveries of the differing degrees of
Coldness in differing Regions, by such Thermometers, as are not subject to
the alterations of the Atmosphere's gravitation, nor to be frozen.
5. Whether, in Cold, the diffusion from Cold Bodies be made more strongly
downwards, contrary to that of Hot Bodies: Where is delivered a way of
freezing Liquors without danger of breaking the Vessel, by making them
begin to freeze at the bottom, not the top.
6. Whether that Tradition be true, that if frozen Apples or Eggs be thaw'd
neer the Fire, they will be thereby spoil'd, but if immersed in cold water, the
Internal Cold will be drawn out, as is supposed, by the External Cold; and
the frozen Bodies will be harmlesly thawed? Item, Whether Iron, or other
Metals, Glass, Stone, Cheese, &c. expos'd to the freezing Air, or kept in
Snow, or Salt, upon the immersing them in Water will produce any Ice?
Item, What use may be made of what happens in the different waies of
thawing Eggs and Apples, by applying the Observation to other Bodies, and
even to Men, dangerously nipp'd by excessive Cold. Where is added not
only a memorable Relation, how the whole Body of a Man was succesfully
thawed and cased all over with Ice, by being handled, as frozen Eggs and
Apples are; but also the Luciferousness of such Experiments, as these: and
likewise, what the effects of Cold may be, as to the Conservation or
Destruction of the Textures of Bodies: and in particular, how Meat and
Drink may be kept good, in very Cold Countries, by keeping it under Water,
without glaciation? as also, how in extreme Cold Countries, the Bodies of
Dead Men and other Animals may be preserved very many years entire and
unputrified? And yet, how such Bodies, when unfrozen, will appear quite

vitiated by the excessive Cold? Where it is further inquired into, whether
some Plants, and other Medicinal things, that have specifique Vertues, will
loose them by being throughly congealed and (several wayes) thawed? And
also, whether frozen and thawed Harts-horn will yield the same quantity and
strength of Salt and saline Spirit, as when unfrozen? Item, Whether the
Electrical faculty of Amber, and the Attractive or Directive Virtue of
Loadstones will be either impaired, or any wayes altered by intense Cold?
This Head is concluded by some considerable remarks touching the
operation of Cold upon Bones, Steel, Brass, Wood, Bricks.
7, What Bodies are expanded by being frozen, and how that expansion is
evinced? And whether it is caused by the intrusion of Air? As also, whether,
what is contained in icy bubbles, is true and Springy Air, or not.
8, What Bodies they are, that are contracted by Cold; and how that
Contraction is evinced? Where 'tis inquired, whether Chymical Oyles will,
by Congelation, be like expressed Oyls, contracted, or, like aqueous
Liquors, expanded?
9, What are the wayes of Measuring the Quantity of the Expansion and
Contraction of Liquors by Cold? And how the Author's account of this
matter agrees with what Navigators into cold Climats, mention from
experience, touching pieces of Ice as high as the Masts of their Ships, and
yet the Depth of these pieces seems not at all answerable to what it may be
supposed to be.
10, How strong the Expansion of freezing water is? Where are enumerated
the several sorts of Vessels, which being filled with water, and exposed to
the cold Air, do burst; and where also the weight is expressed, that will be
removed by the expansive force of Freezing? Whereunto an Inquiry is
subjoyned, whence this prodigious force, observed in water, expanded by
Glaciation, should proceed? And whether this Phænomenon may be solved,
either by the Cartesian, or Epicurean Hypothesis?
11, What is the Sphere of Activity of Cold, or the Space, to whose
extremities every way the Action of a cold Body is able to reach: where the
difficulty of determining these limits, together with the causes thereof,
being with much circumspection mentioned, it is observed, that the Sphere
of Activity of Cold is exceeding narrow, not only in comparison of that of

Heat in Fire, but in comparison of, as it were, the Atmosphere of many
odorous Bodies; and even in comparison of the Sphere of Activity of the
more vigorous Loadstones, insomuch, that the Author hath doubted,
whether the Sense could discern a Cold Body, otherwise then by immediate
Contract. Where several Experiments are delivered for the examining of this
matter, together with a curious relation of the way used in Persia, though a
very hot Climate, to furnish their Conservatories with solid pieces of Ice of
a considerable thickness: To which is added an Observation, how far in
Earth and Water the Frost will pierce downwards, and upon what accounts
the deepness of the Frost may vary. After which, the care is inculcated, that
must be had, in examining, whether Cold may be diffused through all
Mediums indefinitely, not to make the Trials with Mediums of two great
thickness: where it is made to appear, that Cold is able to operate through
Metalline Vessels, which is confirmed by a very pretty Experiment of
making Icy Cups to drink in, whereof the way is accurately set down. Then
are related the Trials, whether, or how, Cold will be diffused through a
Medium, that some would think a Vacuum, and which to others would seem
much less disposed to assist the diffusion of Cold, than Common Air it self.
After which follows a curious Experiment, shewing whether a Cold Body
can operate through a Medium actually hot, and having its heat continually
renewed by a fountain of heat.
12, How to estimate the solidity of the Body of Ice, or how strong is the
mutual adhesion of its parts? and whether differing Degrees of Cold may
not vary the Degree of the compactness of Ice. And our Author having
proceeded as far as he was able towards the bringing the strength of Ice to
some Estimate by several experiments, he communicateth the information,
he could get about this matter among the Descriptions that are given us of
cold Regions: and then he relateth out of Sea-mens Journals, their
Observations touching the insipidness of resolved Ice made of Sea-water;
and the prodigious bigness of it, extending even to the height of two
hundred and forty Foot above water, and the length of above eight Leagues.
To which he adds some promiscuous, but very notable Observations
concerning Ice, not so readily reducible to the foregoing Heads: videlicet,
Of the blew colour of Rocky pieces of Ice; and the horrid noise made by the
breaking of Ice, like that of Thunder and Earthquakes, together with a
Consideration of the cause, whence those loud Ruptures may proceed.

13, How Ice and Snow may be made to last long; and what Liquor dissolves
Ice sooner than others, and in what proportion of quickness the Solutions in
the several Liquors are made, where occasion is offered to the Author, to
examine, whether Motion will impart a heat to Ice? After which he relates
an Experiment of Heating a Cold Liquor with Ice, made by himself in the
presence of a great and Learned Nobleman, and his Lady, who found the
Glass wherein the Liquor was, so hot that they could not endure to hold it in
their Hands. Next it is examined, whether the effects of Cold do continually
depend upon the actual presence and influence of the manifest Efficient
causes, as the Light of the Air depends upon the Sun or Fire, or other
Luminous Bodies. To this is annexed an Account of the Italian way of
making Conservatories of Ice and Snow, as the Author had received it from
that Ingenious and Polite Gentleman, Master J. Evelyn.
But want of time prohibiting the accomplishment of the intended account of
this Rich Piece: what remains, must be referred to the next Occasion. It shall
only be intimated for a Conclusion, that the Author hath annexed to this
Treatise, an Examen of Master Hob's Doctrine touching Cold; wherein the
Grand Cause of Cold and its Effects is assigned to Wind, in so much that 'tis
affirmed, that almost any Ventilation and stirring of the Air doth refrigerate.

LONDON,

Printed with Licence, By John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal-Society, 1665

Numb. 4.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, June 5. 1665.

The Contents.

A Relation of some extraordinary Tydes in the West Isles of Scotland,
by Sr. Robert Moray. The judgment of Monsieur Auzout, touching the
Apertures of Object-glasses, and their proportions in respect of the
several lengths of Telescopes; together with a Table thereof.
Considerations of the same Person upon Mr. Hook's New Engine for
grinding of Optick-glasses. Mr. Hook's Thoughts thereupon. Of a
means to illuminate an Object in what proportion one pleaseth; and of
the distances, that are requisite to burn Bodies by the Sun. A further
accompt by Monsieur Auzout of Signior Campani's Book, and
Performances about Optick-Glasses. Campani's Answer thereunto; and
Mr. Auzout's Animadversions upon that Answer. An accompt of Mr.
Lower's newly published Vindication of Dr. Willis's Diatriba de
Febribus.

A Relation of some extraordinary Tydes in the West-Isles of
Scotland, as it was communicated by Sr. Robert Moray.

In that Tract of Isles, on the West of Scotland, called by the Inhabitants, the
Long-Island, as being about 100. miles long from North to South, there is a
multitude of small Islands, situated in a Fretum, or Frith, that passes
between the Island of Eust, and the Herris; amongst which, there is one
called Berneray, some three miles long, and more than a mile broad, the
length running from East to West, as the Frith lyes. At the East end of this
Island, where I stayed some 16. or 17. dayes, I observed a very strange
Reciprocation of the Flux and Re-flux of the Sea, and heard of another, no
less remarkable.
Upon the West side of the Long Island, the Tides, which came from the
South-west, run along the Coast, Northward; so that during the ordinary
course of the Tides, the Flood runs East in the Frith, where Berneray lyes,
and the Ebb West. And thus the Sea ebbs and flows orderly, some 4. days
before the full Moon, and change, and as long after (the ordinary Spring-
tides rising some 14. or 15. foot upright, and all the rest proportionably, as

in other places). But afterwards, some 4. days before the Quarter-moons,
and as long after, there is constantly a great and singular variation. For then,
(a Southerly Moon making there the full Sea) the course of the Tide being
Eastward, when it begins to flow, which is about 9½ of the Clock, not onely
continues so till about 3½ in the afternoon, that it be high water, but, after it
begins to ebb, the Current runs on still Eastward, during the whole Ebb; so
that it runs Eastward 12 hours together, that is, all day long, from about 9½
in the morning, til about 9½ at night. But then, when the night-Tide begins
to flow, the Current turns, and runs Westward all night, during both Floud &
Ebb, for some 12. hours more, as it did Eastward the day before. And thus
the Reciprocations continue, one Floud and Ebb, running 12 hours
Eastward, and another twelve hours Westward, till 4. days before the New
and Full Moon; and then they resume their ordinary regular course as
before, running East, during the six hours of Floud, and West, during the six
of Ebb. And this I observed curiously, during my abode upon the place,
which was in the Moneth of August, as I remember.
But the Gentleman, to whom the Island belongs at present, and divers of his
Brothers and Friends, knowing and discreet persons, and expert in all such
parts of Sea-matters, as other Islanders commonly are, though I shrewdly
suspected their skill in Tides, when I had not yet seen what they told me,
and I have now related of these irregular Courses of the Tides, did most
confidently assure me, and so did every body I spake with about it, that
there is yet another irregularity in the Tides, which never fails, and is no less
extraordinary, than what I have been mentioning: which is, That, whereas
between the Vernal and Autumnal Equinoxes, that is, for six Moneths
together, the Course of irregular Tides about the Quartermoons, is, to run all
day, that is, twelve hours, as from about 9½ to 9½, 10¼ to 10¼ &c.
Eastward, and all night, that is, twelve hours more, Westward: during the
other six Moneths, from the Autumnal to the Vernal Equinox, the Current
runs all day Westward, and all Night Eastward.
Of this, though I had not the opportunity to be an Eye-witness, as of the
other, yet I do not at all doubt, having received so credible Information of it.
To penetrate into the Causes of these strange Reciprocations of the Tides,
would require exact descriptions of the Situation, Shape, and Extent of
every piece of the adjacent Coasts of Eust and Herris; the Rocks, Sands,

Shelves, Promontorys, Bays, Lakes, Depths, and other Circumstances which
I cannot now set down with any certainty, or accurateness; seeing, they are
to be found in no Map, neither had I any opportunity to survey them; nor do
they now occur to my Memory, as they did some years ago, when upon
occasion I ventured to make a Map of this whole Frith of Berneray, which
not having copied, I cannot adventure to beat it out again.

Monsieur Auzout's Judgment touching the Apertures of Object-
Glasses, and their Proportions, in respect of the several Lengths
of Telescopes.

This Author, observing in a small French Tract lately written by him to a
Countryman of his, Monsieur L' Abbe Charles; That great Optick Glasses
have almost never as great an Aperture as the small ones, in proportion to
what they Magnifie, and that therefore they must be more dim; takes
occasion to inform the Reader, that he hath found, that the Apertures, which
Optick-Glasses can bear with distinctness, are in about a subduplicate
proportion to their Lengths; whereof he tells us he intends to give the reason
and demonstration in his Diopticks, which he is now writing, and intends to
finish, as soon as his Health will permit. In the mean time, he presents the
Reader with a Table of such Apertures; which is here exhibited to the
Consideration of the Ingenious, there being of this French Book but one
Copy, that is known, in England.

A TABLE of the Apertures of Object-Glasses.

The Points put to some of these Numbers denote Fractions.
Lengths For For Lengths For For
For good For good
of excellent ordinary of excellent ordinary
ones. ones.
Glasses. ones. ones. Glasses. ones. ones.
Inch, Inch,
Feet, Inch, Inch, Feet, Inch, Inch,
Lines. Lines.
Inches. Lines. Lines. Inches. Lines. Lines.
4 4. 4 3 25 3 4 2 10 2 4.
6 5. 5 4 30 3 8 3 2 2 7
9 7 6 5 35 4 0 3 4. 2 10
1 0 8. 7 6 40 4 3 3 7 3 .

1 6 9 8. 7 45 4 6 3 10 3 2.
2 0 11 10 8 50 4 9 4 0 3 4.
2 6 1 0 11 9 55 5 0 4 3 3 6.
3 0 1 1 1 0 10 60 5 2 4 6 3 8.
3 6 1 2. 1 1 11 65 5 4 4 8 3 10
4 0 1 4 1 2 1 0 70 5 7 4 10 4 .
4 6 1 5 1 3 1 . 75 5 9 5 0 4 2.
5 0 1 6 1 4 1 1. 80 5 11 5 2 4 5
6 1 7. 1 5 1 2 90 6 4 5 6 4 7.
7 1 9 1 6 1 3 100 6 8 5 9 4 10
8 1 10 1 8 1 4 120 7 5 6 5 5 3
9 1 11. 1 9 1 5 150 8 0 7 0 5 11
10 2 1 1 10 1 6 200 9 6 8 0 6 9
12 2 4 2 0 1 8 250 10 6 9 2 7 8.
14 2 6 2 2 1 9. 300 11 6 10 0 8 5
16 2 8 2 4 1 11. 350 12 6. 10 9 9 0
18 2 10 2 6 2 1 400 13 4 11 6 9 8
20 3 0 2 7 2 2.

Considerations of Monsieur Auzout upon Mr. Hook's New
Instrument for Grinding of Optick-Glasses.

In the above-mentioned French Tract, there are, besides several other
particulars, to be represented in due place, contained some Considerations
of Monsieur Auzout upon Mr. Hook's New Engine for grinding Optick-
Glasses. Where he premises in General his thoughts touching the working
of Great Optick-Glasses, and that by the help of a Turn lathe; affirming first
of all, that not only the Engin is to be considered for giveing the Figure, but
the Matter also, which ought to be brought to greater perfection, than it hath
been hitherto. For, he finds it not so easie (as least, where he is) to procure
Great pieces of Glass without Veins, and other faults, nor to get such, as are
thick enough without Blebbs; which, if they be not, they will yield to the
pressure and weight, either when they are fitted to the Cement, or wrought.

Secondly, He finds it difficult to work these Great Glasses of the same
thickness, which yet is very necessary, because, that the least difference in
Figures so little convex, can put the Center out of the Midle, 2 or 3 Inches;
and if they be wrought in Moulds, the length of time, which is required to
wear and to smooth them, may spoil the best Mould, before they be
finished. Besides, that the strength of Man is so limited, that he is unable to
work Glasses beyond a certain bigness, so as to finish and polish them all
over so well, as small Glasses; whereas yet, the bigger they are, the more
compleat they ought to be: And if any weight or Engine be used to supply
strength, there is then danger of an unequal pressure, and of wearing away
the Engine; In the mean time, the preciseness and delicateness is greater
than can easily be imagined. Wherefore he could never, having some
experience of this preciseness, conceive, that a Turn-lathe, wherein must be
two different, and in some manner contrary motions, can move with that
exactness and steddiness, that is required, especially, for any considerable
length of time.
Having premised this, he discourses upon Mr. Hook his Turne, intimating
first of all, that he was impatient to know what kind of Turne this was,
imagining, that it had been tried, and had succeeded, as coming from a
Society that professeth, they publish nothing but what hath been maturely
examin'd. But that he was much surprised when he saw the Micrography of
Mr. Hook, and found there, that his Engine was published upon a meer
Theory, without having made any Experiment, though that might have been
made with little charge and great speed; expence of Money and Time being
the onely thing, that can excuse those who in matter of Engines impart their
inventions to the publick, without having tried them, to excite others to
make trial thereof.
Whereupon he proposes some difficulties, to give the Inventor occasion to
find a way to remove them. He affirms therefore, that though it be true in
the Theory, that a Circle, whose Plain is inclined to the Axis of the Sphere
by an Angle, whereof half the Diameter is the Sine, and which touches the
Sphere in its Pole, will touch in all its parts a spherical Surface, that shall
turn upon that Axe. But that it is true also, that that must be but a
Mathematical Circle, and without Breadth, and which precisely touches the
Body in its middle: Whereas in the practice, a Circle capable to keep Sand
and Putty, must be of some breadth; and he knows not whether we can find

such a dexterity of keeping so much of it, and for so long a time, as needs,
upon the Brim of a Ring that is half an Inch broad. He adds, that it is very
difficult to contrive, that the middle of the Glass do always precisely answer
to the Brim of this Ring, seeing that the position of the Glass does always
change a little in respect of the Ring, in proportion as 'tis worn, and as it
must be pressed because of its inclination. He believes it also very hard, to
give to the Axis or to the Mandril, which holds the Glass, that little
Inclination, that would be necessary for great Glasses, and to make the two
Mandrils to have one and the same Plain, as is necessary. And, having done
all this, he persuades himself, that it is exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, for two contrary motions, where so many pieces are, to rest for
a long time steddy and firm, as is requisite for the not swarving from it a
hair's thickness, since less than that can change all.
He goes on, and, seeing that this Inventor speaks of Glasses of a thousand,
& ten thousand foot, which he supposed not impossible to be made by this
Engine, discourses of what is necessary for the making Glasses of such
bignesses; which he believes this Inventor may perhaps not have thought of.
Wherefore he affirms, that if the Table, made by himself for the Apertures
of Glasses (which is that, that is above delivered) be continued unto a
thousand feet, by taking always the Subduplicate proportion of Lengths, it
will be found, that for pretty good ones, the Aperture must be of 15. Inches;
for good ones, more than 18. and for such as are excellent, more than 21.
Inches: whence it may be judged, what piece of Glass, and of what
thickness it must be, to endure the working. But he proceeds to speak of the
Inclination, which the Mandril must have upon the Plain of the Ring, when
the Ring should have 10. or 12 Inches; and finds, that it would make but 6
or 7. minutes of inclination, and that a Glass would have less Convexity, and
consequently, less difference from a Glass perfectly plain, than the 7. or 8.
part of a Line. And then he leaveth it to be judged, whether a Glass of such a
Length being found, we ought to hope, that a Turn can be firm enough to
keep such a piece of Glass in the same Inclination, so that a Mandril do not
recede some Minutes from it: and, though even the Glass could be fastned
perfectly perpendicular to the Mandril, that those two Mandrils could be put
in one and the same Plain, & that that little Inclination, which is requisite,
could be given, and the Mandril be continued to be pressed in that same
Inclination, according as the Glass is worn. All which particulars, he
conceives to be very hard in the practice; not to mention, that the weight of

the Glass, that should be inclined to the Horizon, as 'tis represented by Mr.
Hook, would make it slide upon the Cement, and so change the Center; and
that the Glass is not pressed at the same time by the Ring but in one part on
the side, vid. about a fourth; and that the parts of the Glass are not equally
worn away, &c. What then, saith he, would becom of a Glass of 10000 feet,
which, according to the said Table, would have more than four feet, or four
feet and nine inches, or five feet, seven inches Aperture, and of which the
Ring, though it were two feet nine inches, would have but one minut of
Inclination, and the Glass of 5 feet Aperture would have but 4 minuts, and
the curvity of it would be less than the eight part of a Line.
But, saith he, let us consider, only a Glass of 300 foot, to see, what is to be
hoped of that, and to know at least the difficulty, to be met with in making a
Glass only of that Length. A Glass then of 300 foot, according to his Table,
must have more than 8 inches Aperture, which maketh but 16 minuts of its
Circle, and it should have more than 11 inches, if it be an excellent one. If
Mr. Hook (adds he) did use but his Ring of 6 inches, which he would use
from twelve to an hundred foot Glass, the Inclination, which the Axis, or
Mandril, that bears his Glass, should have, should be but 16 minuts, and the
Curvity of the Glass would be less than the eighth part of a Line, and if he
should use a bigger, the Inclination would be proportionable.
Whence it may be judged (continues he) that we are yet very far from
seeing Animals &c. in the Moon, as Monsieur Des Cartes gave hope, and
Mr. Hook despairs not of. For, he believes by what he knows of Telescopes,
that we are not to look for any above 300 or 400 foot at most; and he fears,
that neither Matter nor Art will go even so far.
When therefore (saith he) a Glass of 300 foot should bear an Eye-glass of 6
inches (which would appear wonderful) it would magnifie but 600. times in
Diameter, that is, 360000 times in Surface: but suppose, that such could be
made, as would magnifie a 1000 times in Diameter, and 1000000. of times
in Surface, admitting there were but 60000 leagues from the Earth to the
Moon, and that the smalness of the Aperture of the Glasses (which yet
would diminish the Light more than 36 times) and the obstacle of the Air
were not considered, we should not see the Moon, but as if we were a 100,
or at least, 60. leagues distant from her without a Glass. He here wishes, that
those, that promise to make us see Animals and Plants in the Moon, had

thought on what our naked Eyes can make us discern of such Objects, only
at 10 or 12 leagues distance.
But this he would not have understood as a discouragement from searching
with all care and earnestness after the means of making long Telescopes, or
of facilitating the working thereof; but only as an Advertisement to those,
who light upon the Theory of any Engine, not to expose it presently as
possible and useful, before they have tried it, or if it have succeeded in
small, not to endeavour to persuade, that it will also succeed in great.
As it may happen (saith he) that the Engin of Mr. Hook may, by using all
necessary precautions, succeed in the making of Eye-Glasses, or small
Optick-Glasses, but not in making great ones; as we see, that an instrument
composed of two Rulers, wherewith are traced Portions of Circles, succeeds
well enough in small, but when there is no more than half a Line, a quarter
of a Line, or less convexity, it will be no longer just at all, as he tells us to
have made the proof of it in Circles drawn by the means of one of these
Instruments, made by one of the best Workmen in his time, who, whilst he
lived, esteemed them above price, although they be not just; as others and
my self (saith he) have by tryal found, when we endeavoured to make
Moulds by their means, & as those, who by the like Instrument laboured to
trace portions of Circles of 80 or 100 foot, &c. Diameter, can attest.
But, notwithstanding all this, he hath thought upon two or three things,
which he thinks may remedy some inconveniencies of Mr. Hook his Turn.
The first is, to invert the Glass, and to put it under the Ring, that so not only
the Glass may be placed more Horizontally, and not slide upon the Cement,
but that the Sand also, and the Putty may stay upon the Glass.
The other is, that there must be two Poppetheads, into which the Mandril
must pass, where the Ring is to be fastned; and the Mandril must be
perfectly Cylindrical, that so it may advance upon the Glass as it wears
away by the means of its weight, or by the means of a spring, pressing it,
without wrigling from one place to another, as it would presently happen in
the fashion, as the Turn is composed. For, when the Glasses do wear,
especially when they are very convex, it cannot be otherwise, but the
Mandril will play and wrigle, before the Scrue be made firm.

But he doubts, whether all can be remedied, which he leavs to the industry
of Mr. Hook, considering what he saith in the Preface of his Micrography,
touching a Method, he knows, of finding out as much in Mechanicks, as can
be found in Geometry by Algebra.
Besides this, he taketh notice, that most of those that medle with Optick-
Glasses, give them not as much Aperture, nor charge them so deep as they
ought. And he instances in the Telescope, which His Majesty of Great
Britain presented the Duke of Orleans with, videl. that it did bear but 2
inches, and 9 lines French, for its greatest Aperture, though there be 5 or 6
lesser Apertures, of which it seems (saith he) the Artificer would have those,
that use it, serve themselves more ordinarily, than of the greatest; which
conveys but almost half as many Rays as it should do, according to his
Calculation, which is, as 9 to 16; Whereas, according to his Table of
Apertures, an excellent 35 foot Telescope should bear 4 inches Aperture in
proportion to excellent small ones. He notes also, that the Eye-glass of the
said Telescope, composed of 2 Glasses, hath no more effect, when it is most
charged, than a Glass of 4½ inches; which makes it magnifie not a 100
times. And he finds by Mr. Hook, that he esteems a Telescope made in
London of 60 feet, (which amount to about 57 feet of France, the foot of
France being to that of England as about 15 to 16) because it can bear at
least 3 English inches Aperture, and that there are few of 30 feet, that can
bear more than 2 inches, (which is but 22½ Lines French) although he (M.
Auzout) gives no less Aperture than so, to a 15 foot-Telescope, and his of 21
feet hath ordinarily 2 Inches, 4 Lines, or 2 inches, 6 Lines Aperture.
This Discourse he Concludeth with exhorting those, that work Optick-
Glasses, to endeavor to make them such, that they may bear great Apertures
and deep Eye-glasses; seeing it is not the length that gives esteem to
Telescopes; but on the contrary renders them less estimable, by reason of the
trouble accompanying them, if they perform no more, than shorter ones.
Where, by the by, he takes notice, that he knows not yet, what Aperture
Signor Campani gives to his Glasses, seeing he hath as yet signified nothing
of it; but that the small one, sent by him to Cardinal Antonio, hath no more
Aperture, than ordinary ones ought to have.
He promises withall, that he will explicate this way in his Treatise of the
usefulness of Telescopes, where he intends to assign the Bigness of the

Diameter of all the Planets, and their proportion to that of the Sun; as also,
that of the Stars, which he esteems yet much less, than all those have done,
that have written of it hitherto; not believing, that the Great Dog, which
appears to be the fairest Star of the Firmament, hath 2 Seconds in Diameter,
nor that those, which are counted of the sixth Magnitude, have 20 thirds;
nor thinking, that all the Stars, that are in the Firmament, do enlighten the
Earth as much as a Luminous Body of 20 seconds in Diameter would do, or,
because there is but one half of them at the same time above our Horizon, as
a Body of 14 seconds in Diameter; and as the 18432th part of the Sun would
enlighten us, or as the Sun would do, if we were 14 times more distant from
it, than Saturn, and 137 times further, than the Earth: Which, he saith,
would not be credible, if he did not endeavor to evince it both by
Experience and Reason. And he doubts not, but that Venus, although she
sends us no Light but what is reflected, does sometimes enlighten the Earth
more, than all the Stars together. Yet he would not have us imagine, from
what he hath spoken of the smallness of the Stars, that Telescopes do not
magnifie them by reason of their great distance, as they do Planets; for this
he judgeth a Vulgar Error, to be renounced. Telescopes magnifie the Stars
(saith he) as much in proportion, as they do all other Bodies, seeing that the
demonstration of their magnifying is made even upon Parallel rays, which
do suppose an infinite distance, though the Stars have none such: And if the
Telescopes did not magnifie the Stars, how could they make us see some of
the fiftieth, and it may be some of the hundreth, and twohundreth
Magnitude, as they do, and as they would shew yet much lesser ones, if they
did magnifie more?

Mr. Hook's Answer to Monsieur Auzout's Considerations, in a
Letter to the Publisher of these Transactions.

SIR,

Together with my most hearty thanks for the favour you were pleased to do
me, in sending me an Epitome of what had been by the ingenious Monsieur
Auzout animadverted on a description, I had made of an Engine for grinding
spherical Glasses, I thought my self obliged, both for your satisfaction, and
my own Vindication, to return you my present thoughts upon those
Objections. The chief of which seems to be against the very Proposition it
self: For it appears, that the Objector is somewhat unsatisfied, that I should
propound a thing in Theory, without having first tried the Practicableness
of it. But first, I could wish that this worthy Person had rectified my
mistakes, not by speculation, but by experiments. Next, I have this to
answer, that (though I did not tell the Reader so much, to the end that he
might have the more freedom to examine and judg of the contrivance, yet)
it was not meer Theory I propounded, but somewhat of History and matter
of Fact: For, I had made trials, as many as my leisure would permit, not
without some good success; but not having time and opportunity enough to
prosecute them, I thought it would not be unacceptable to such, as enjoyed
both, to have a description of a way altogether New, and Geometrically true,
and seemingly, not unpracticable, whereof they might make use, or not, as
they should see reason. But nothing surprised me so much, as, that he is
pleased (after he had declared it a fault, to write this Theory, without having
reduced it to practice) to lay it, as he seems to do, in one place of his book,
p. 22 upon the Royal Society. Truly, Sir, I should think my self most
injurious to that Noble Company, had I not endeavoured, even in the
beginning of my Book, to prevent such a misconstruction. And therefore I
cannot but make this interpretation of what Monsieur Auzout saith in this
particular, that either he had not so much of the Language wherein I have
written, as to understand all what was said by me, or, that he had not read
my Dedication to the Royal Society, which if he had done, he would have
found, how careful I was, that that Illustrious Society should not be
prejudiced by my Errors, that could be so little advantaged by my Actions.
And indeed, for any man to look upon the matters published by their Order
or Licence, as if they were Their Sense, and had Their Approbation, as
certain and true, 'tis extremely wide of their intentions, seeing they, in
giving way to, or encouraging such publications, aim chiefly at this, that

ingenious conceptions, and important philosophical matter of Fact may be
communicated to the learned and enquiring World, thereby to excite the
minds of men to the examination and improvement thereof. But, to return;
As to his Objections against the Matter, I do find that they are no more
against mine, than any other way of Grinding Glasses; nor is it more than I
have taken notice of my self in this Passage of the same Paragraph, of
which sort are also those difficulties he raises about Long Glasses, which
are commonly known to such, as are conversant in making them It would be
convenient also (these are my words) and not very chargeable, to have four
or five several Tools: One, &c. And, if curiosity shall ever proceed so farr,
one for all lengths, between 1000. and 10000. foot long; for indeed, the
Principle is such, that supposing the Mandrils well made, and of a good
length, and supposing great care be used in working and polishing them, I
see no reason, but that a Glass of 1000. nay, 10000. foot long may be made,
as well as one of 10. For, the reason is the same, supposing the Mandrils
and Tools be made sufficiently strong, so that they cannot bend; and
supposing also that the Glass out of which they are wrought, be capable of
so great a regularity in its parts, as to its Refraction. But next, I must say
that his Objections to me, seem not so considerable, as perhaps he imagines
them. For, as to the possibility of getting Plates of Glass thick and broad
enough without veins, I think that not now so difficult here in England,
where I believe is made as good, if not much better Glass for Optical
Experiments, than ever I saw come from Venice. Next, though it were better,
that the thickest part of a long Object-Glass were exactly in the middle, yet
I can assure Monsieur Auzout, that it may be a very good one, when it is an
Inch or two out of it. And I have a good one by me at present, of 36. foot,
that will bare an Aperture, if Saturn or the Moon in the twilight, be look'd
on with it, of 3½ Inches over, and yet the thickest part of the Glass is a great
way out of the middle. And I must take the liberty to doubt, whether ever
my Animadversor saw a long Glass, that was otherwise; as he might
presently satisfie himself by a way I could shew him (if he did not know it)
whereby the difference of the thickness of the sides might be found to the
hundreth part of a Line.
As to the exceeding exactness of the Figure of Long Object-Glasses, 'tis not
doubted, but that it is a matter difficult enough to be attained any way: but
yet, I think, much easier by Engine, than by Hand; and of all Engines, I

conceive, none more plain and simple, than that of a Mandril. And for
making spherical Glasses by an Engine, I am apt to think, there hardly can
be any way more plain, and more exact, than that which I have described;
wherein there is no other motion, than that of two such Mandrils, which
may be made of sufficient strength, length, and exactness, to perform
abundantly much more, than I can believe possible to be done otherwise
than by chance, by a man's hands or strength unassisted by an Engine, the
motion and strength being much more certain and regular. I know very well,
that in making a 60. foot Glass by the strength of the hand, in the common
way, not one of ten that are wrought, will happen to be good, as I have been
assured by Mr. Reeves; who, I am apt to think, was the first that made any
good of that length. For the Figure of the Tool in that way is presently
vitiated by the working of the Glass, and without much gaging will not do
any thing considerable. Besides, the strength of a man's hands, applied to it
for the working and polishing of it, is very unequal, and the motions made,
are very irregular; but in the way, I have ventured to propose, by Mandrils,
the longer the Glass and Tool are wrought together, the more exact they
seem to be and if all things be ordered, as they should be, the very polishing
of the Glass, does seem most of all rectifie the Figure.
As to what he objects, that the Tool does only touch the Glass in a
Mathematical Circle; that is true, perhaps, at first, but before the Glass is
wrought down to its true Figure, the Edge of the Tool will be worn or
grownd away, so as that a Ring of an inch broad may be made to touch the
Spherical Surface of the Glass; nay, if it be necessary (without much
trouble, especially in the grinding of longer Glasses) the whole Concave
Surface of the Tool may be made to touch a Glass. Besides, that as to the
keeping a quantity of the same sand and Powders of several finesses,
according as the glass wears, the same is possible to be don, as with the
same Sand wrought finer by working in the Ordinary way.
The giving the Inclination to the Mandrils, is not at all difficult; though
perhaps to determine the length exactly which the Glass so made shall draw,
is not so easie: But 'tis no matter, what length the Glass be off, so it be made
good, whether 60 or 80 foot, or the like. Nor is it so very difficult, to lay
them both in the same Plain. And to keep them steddy, when once fix'd, is
most easie.

As to the Calculation of the propriety of a Glass of a thousand foot, perhaps
for that particular Length, I had not, nor have as yet calculated, that the
Convexity of one of eighteen inches broad, will not be above a seventh part
of a Line. But it does not thence follow, that I had not considered the
difficulties, that would be in making of it. For, I must tell him, that I can
make a Plano convex Glass though its convexity be a smaler sphere than is
usual for such a length to be an Object-Glass of about 150 foot in Length,
nay of 300 foot, and either longer or shorter, without at all altering the
convexity. So that, if he will by any Contrivance he hath, give me a Plano-
convex Glass of 20, or 40 foot Diameter, without Veins, and truly wrought
of that Figure, I will presently make a Telescope with it, that with a single
Ey-glass shall draw a thousand foot: Which Invention, I shall shortly
discover, there being, I think, nothing more easie and certain. And if a
Plano-convex Glass can be made of any Sphere between twenty and fourty
foot radius, so as that both the Convex and Plain side of the Glass be
exactly polish'd of a true Figure, I will shortly shew, how therewith may be
made a Telescope of any Length, supposing the Glass free from all kind of
Veins, or inequality of Refraction.
As for the sliding of the Glass upon the Cement, I see no reason at all for it,
at least in the Cement, I make use of, having never observed any such
accident in hard Cement.
And for the Bearing of the Ring against one side of the Glass only at a time,
I cannot see, why that should produce any inequality, since all the sides of
the Glass have successively the same pressure.
His ratiocination concerning a Glass of 300 foot, is much the same with the
former, about the difficulty of working a true surface of a convenient figure;
which how considerable both that and his Conclusion thereupon (videl.
That we are not to expect Glasses of above 300 or 400 foot long at most,
and that neither Matter nor Art will go so far) is, may be judged from what
I have newly told you of making any Object-Glass of any Length.
And for his good wishes, that those, who promise to make him see Plants or
Animals in the Moon (of which I know not any, that has done so, though
perhaps there may be some, notwithstanding his Objections, that do not yet
think it impossible to be done) had considered, what a Man is able to see

with his bare Eye at 60 Leagues distance: I cannot but return him my
wishes, that he would consider the difference between seeing a thing
through the Gross and Vaporous Air neer the Earth, and through the Air
over our heads: Which, if he observe the Moon in the Horizon, and neer the
Zenith with a Telescope, he will experimentally find; and, having done so,
he will perhaps not be so dissident in this matter.
Concerning his Advertisement to such, as publish Theories, I find not, that
he hath made use of it in his own case. For, in his Theory about Apertures
he seems to be very positive, not at all doubting to rely upon it, vid. that the
Apertures must be thus and thus in great Glasses, because he had found
them so or so in some small ones.
For his Proposal of amendments of some inconveniencies in this way, I
return him my thanks; but as to his first I believe, that the matter may be
conteined as wel in the Concave Tool, as on the convex Glass. And as to
that of 2 Poppet-heads I do not well understand it, if differing from mine;
and the keeping of the Tool upon the Glass with a spring or weight, must
quickly spoyl the whole; since, if either of the Mandrils will easily yield
backwards, the regularity of all will be spoiled: and as to the wrigling and
playing of the Mandril, I do not at all apprehend it.
His Theory of Apertures, though he seems to think it very authentick, yet to
me it seems not so cleer. For, the same Glass will endure greater or lesser
Apertures, according to the lesser or greater Light of the Object: If it be for
the looking on the Sun or Venus, or for seeing the Diameters of the Fix'd
Stars, then smaller Apertures do better; if for the Moon in the daylight, or
on Saturn, or Jupiter, or Mars, then the largest. Thus I have often made use
of a 12 foot-Glass to look on Saturn with an Aperture of almost 3 inches,
and with a single Eye-glass of 2 inches double convex: but, when with the
same Glass I looked on the Sun or Venus, I used both a smaller Aperture,
and shallower Charge. And though M. Auzout seems to find fault with the
English Glass of 36 foot, that had an Aperture of but 2¾ inches French; as
also, with a 60 foot Tube, used but with an Aperture of 3 inches; yet I do not
find, that he hath seen Glasses of that length, that would bear greater
Apertures, and 'tis not impossible, but his Theory of Apertures may fail in
longer Glasses.

Of a means to illuminate an Object in what proportion one
pleaseth; and of the Distances requisite to burn Bodies by the
Sun.

One of the means used by M. Auzout to enlighten an Object, in what
proportion one pleaseth, is by some great Object-Glass, by him called a
Planetary one, because that by it he shews the difference of Light, which all
the Planets receive from the Sun, by making use of several Apertures,
proportionate to their distance from the Sun, provided that for every 9 foot
draught, or thereabout, one inch of Aperture be given for the Earth. Doing
this, one sees (saith he) that the Light which Mercury receives, is far
enough from being able to burn Bodies, and yet that the same Light is great
enough in Saturn to see cleer there, seeing that (to him) it appears greater in
Saturn, than it doth upon our Earth, when it is overcast with Clouds: Which
(he adds) would scarce be believed, if by means of this Glass it did not
sensibly appear so; Whereof he promises to discourse more fully in his
Treatise of the usefulness of great Optick-Glasses, where he also intends to
deliver several Experiments, by him made, 1. Touching the quantity of
Light, which a Body, that is 10, 15 and 20 times, &c. remoter than Saturn,
would yet receive from the Sun. 2. Touching the quantity of Light, by which
the Earth is illuminated even in the Eclipses of the Sun, in proportion of
their bigness. 3. Touching the quantity of Light, which is necessary to burn
Bodies: he having found, that not abating the Light, which is reflected by
the Surfaces of the Glass (whereof he confesseth, he doth not yet exactly
know the quantity) there would be necessary about 50 times as much Light,
as we have here, for the burning of Black Bodies; and neer 9 times more for
the burning of White Bodies, than for the burning of Black ones: and so
observing the immediate proportions between these two, for burning bodies
of other Colors. Whence (he tells us) he hath drawn some consequences,
touching the distance, at which we may hope, to burn Bodies here, by the
means of great Glasses and great Looking-glasses. So that (saith he) we
must yet be seven times neerer the Sun, than we are, to be in danger of
being burned by it. Where he mentions, that having given Instructions to
certain persons, gon to travel in Hot Countries, he hath among other
particulars recommended to them, to try by means of great Burning-glasses,
with how much less Aperture they will burn there, than here, to know from
thence, whether there by more Light there than here, and how much; since

this perhaps may be the only means of trying it, supposing, the same
matters be used: although the difference of the Air already heated, both in
hot Countries, and in the Planets, that are neerer than we, may alter, if not
the quantity of Light, at least that of the Heat, found there.

A further Account, touching Signor Campani's Book and
Performances about Optick-glasses.

In the above-mentioned French Tract there is also conteined M. Auzout's
Opinion of what he had found New in the Treatise of Signor Campani,
which was spoken of in the first Papers of these Transactions, concerning
both the Effect of the Telescopes, contrived after a peculiar way by the said
Campani at Rome, and his New Observations of Saturn and Jupiter, made
by means thereof.
First therefore, after that M Auzout had raised some scruple against the
Contrivance of Signor Campani for making Great Optick-Glasses without
Moulds, by the means of a Turn-lath, he examines the Observations, made
with such Glasses: Where, having commended Campani's sincerity in
relating what he thought to have seen in Saturn, without accomodating it to
M. Hugens's Hypothesis, he affirms, that supposing, there be a Ring about
Saturn, Signor Campani could not see in all those different times, that he
observed it, the same Appearances, which he notes to have actually seen.
For, having seen it sometimes in Trine Aspect with the Sun, and Oriental;
sometimes, in the same Aspect, but Occidental; sometimes in Sextil Aspect,
and Occidental; at another time, again in Trine, and Oriental, this Author
cannot conceive, how Saturn could in all these different times have no
difference in its Phasis, or keep always the same Shadow; seeing that,
according to the Hypothesis of the Ring, when it was Oriental, it must cast
the Shadow upon the left side of the Ring beneath, without casting any on
the right side: and when it was Occidental, it could not but cast it on the
right side beneath, and nothing of it on the other.
Concerning the Shadow above, which Campani affirms to be made by the
Ring upon the Body of Saturn, M. Auzout judges, that there could be no
such Phænomenon, by reason of its Northern Latitude at the times, wherein
the Observations were made, vid. in April 1663; in the midst of August, and

the beginning of October, next following, and in April 1664, except it were
in October, and the Shadow strong enough to become visible.
But as to the Shadow below, he agrees with Campani, that it does appear,
yet not as he notes it, seeing that it must be sometimes on the one side,
sometimes on the other; and towards the Quadrat with the Sun it must
appear biggest, as indeed he affirms to have seen it himself this year,
insomuch that sometimes it seemed to him, that it covered the whole Ring,
and that the Shadow, joyning with the obscure space between both, did
interrupt the circumference of the Ring; but beholding it at other times in a
cleer Sky, and when there was no Trepidation of the Air, he thought, that he
saw also the Light continued from without, although very slender. But he
acknowledges, that he could never yet precisely determine, by how much
the largeness of the Ring was bigger than the Diameter of Saturn's Body. As
for the proportion of the Length to the Breadth, he affirms, to have alwaies
estimated it to be two and a half, or very neer so; and to have found in his
Observations, that in January last, one time, the length of Saturn was 12
Lines, and the breadth 5. Another time, the length was 12. Lines, and the
breadth 4. and this by a peculiar method of his own. But yet he
acknowleges also, that sometimes he hath estimated it as 7. to 3. and at
other times as 13. to 5. and that if there do not happen a change in the
magnitude of the Ring (as it is not likely there does) that must needs
proceed from the Constitution of the air, or of the Glass's having more or
less Aperture, or from the difficulty of making an exact estimate of their
proportions. However it is not much wide (saith he) of two and a half,
although Campani make the length of the Ring but double to its breadth.
Monsieur Auzout believes, that he was one of the first that have well
observed this shadow of Saturn's Body upon its Rings which he affirms
happened two years since; when, observing in July, for the first time, with a
Telescope of 21. and then another of 27. foot, he perceived, that the Angle
of the obscure space on the right side beneath, was bigger and wider, than
the three other Angles, and that some interruption appear'd there, between
the Ring, and the Body of Saturn; of which he saith to have given notice
from that time to all his friends, and in particular, as soon as conveniently
he could, to Monsieur Hugens.

He confesseth, that he hath not had the opportunity of observing Saturn in
his Oriental Quadrat; yet he doubts not, but that the shadow appears on the
Left-side, considering, that the Existence of the Ring can be no longer
doubted of, after so many Observations of the shadow cast by Saturn's
Body upon it, according as it must happen, following that Hypothesis; there
being no reason, why it should cast the said shadow on one side, and not on
the other.
Concerning the Observation of Jupiter and its satellites, the famous
Astronomer of Bononia, Cassinus, having published, that on the 30. day of
July, 1664. at 2½ of the clock in the morning, he had observ'd, with
Campani's Glasses, that there passed through the broad obscure Belt of
Jupiter two obscurer spots, by him esteemed to be the shadows of the
Satellites, moving between Jupiter & the Sun, and eclipsing him, and
emerging from the Occidental Brim thereof: This Authour did first
conceive, that they were not shadows, but some Sallies, or Prominencies in
that Belt; which he was induced to believe, because he perceived not, that
that Prominency, which he there saw, was so black, nor so round as Cassini
had represented his spots; wherefore, seeing it but little differing in colour,
from the Belt, and so not judging it round, because it did stand only about
half its diameter out of the Belt, he persuaded himself, that it was rather a
Sally, or Prominency of the Belt, than a round shadow, as that of a Satellite
of Jupiter must have bin. But having been since informed of all the
Observations made by Cassini and Campani, with the New Glasses, and
seen his Figure, he candidly and publickly wisheth, that he had not spoken
of that Sally, or Prominency; advowing that he can doubt no longer, but that
it was the shadow of the Satellit between Jupiter and the Sun, having seen
the other emerge, as soon as with a 20. foot Glass he made the Observation,
and having not perceiv'd these shadows with a 12. foot Glass: But although
he grants that they did ghess better than he, yet he doth it with this proviso,
vid. in case they made that Observation on of July 30. not with their 36. but
12. or 17. foot Telescope. If it be wondred at, that Monsieur Auzout did not
see this shadow move, he allegeth his indisposition for making long
Observations, and addeth, that it may be much more wondred at, that
neither Campani nor himself did see upon the obscure Belt the Bodies of
the Satellites, as parts more Luminous than the Belt. For (saith he) although
the Latitude was Meridional, it being no more than of 9. or 10. minutes, the

Body of the Satellites should, thinks he, pass between us and the Belt,
especially according to Campani, who maketh the Belt so large, and puts
the shadows farr enough within the same. This maketh him conclude, that
either they have not observed well enough, or that the motion of the
Satellites doth not exactly follow the Belts, and is inclin'd unto them.
Whereupon he resolves, that when he shall know that they are to pass
between Jupiter and us, and to be over against the Belt, that then he will
observe, whether he can see them appear upon the Belt, as upon a darker
ground, especially, the third of them, which is sensibly greater, and more
Luminous, than the rest. He hopeth also, that in time, the shadow of Saturns
Moon will be seen upon Saturn, although we are yet some years to stay for
it, and to prepare also for better Glasses.
From this rare Observation, he inferrs the Proportion of the Diameter of the
Satellites to that of Jupiter; and judgeth, that no longer doubt can be made
of the turning of these 4. Satellites, or Moons about Jupiter, as our Moon
turns about the Earth, and after the same way as the rest of the Celestial
Bodies of our Systeme do move: whence also a strong conjecture may be
made, that Saturns Moon turns likewise about Saturn.
Hence he also taketh occasion to intimate, that we need not scruple to
conclude, that if these two Planets have Moons wheeling about them, as our
Earth hath one that moves about it, the conformity of these Moons with our
Moon, does prove the conformity of our Earth with those Planets, which
carrying away their Moons with themselves, do turn about the Sun, and very
probably make their Moons turn about them in turning themselves about
their Axis; and also, that there is no cause to invent perplex'd and incredible
Hypotheses, for the receding from this Analogie since (saith he) if this be
truth, the Prohibitions of publishing this doctrine, which formerly were
caused by the offence of Novelty, will be laid aside, as one of the most
zealous Doctors of the contrary Opinion hath given cause to hope, witness
Eustachius de Divinis, in his Tract against Monsieur Hugen's Systeme of
Saturn, p. 49. where we are inform'd, that that learned Jesuit, P. Fabry,
Penitentiary of S Peter in Rome, speaks to this purpose:
Ex vestris, iisque It hath been more than once asked of
Coryphæis non semel your Chieftains, whether they had a
quæsitum est, utrum Demonstration for asserting the

aliquam haberent motion of the Earth? They durst never
demonstrationem pro yet affirm they had; wherefore nothing
Terræ motu adstruendo. hinders, but that the Church may
Nunquam ausi sunt id understand those Scripture-places,
asserere Nul igitur obstat that speak of this matter, in a literal
quin loca illa in sensu sence, and declare they should be so
literali Ecclesia intelligat, understood, as long as the contrary is
& intelligenda esse not evinced by any demonstration;
declaret, quamdiu nulla which, if perhaps it should be found
demonstratione contrarium out by you (which I can hardly believe
evincitur; quæ si forte it wil) in this case the Church will not
aliquando a vobis at all scruple to declare, that these
excogitetur (quod vix places are to be understood in a
crediderim) in hoc casu figurative and improper sence,
nullo modo dubitabit according to that of the Poet, Terræque
Ecclesia declarare, loca Urbesque recedunt.
illa in sensu figurato &
improprio intelligenda
esse, ut illud Poetæ,
Terræque Urbesque
recedunt.
Whence this Author concludes, that the said Jesuite assuring us that the
inquisition hath not absolutely declared, that those Scripture-places are to
be understood literally, seeing that the Church may make a contrary
declaration, no man ought to scruple to follow the Hypothesis of the Earths
motion, but only forbear to maintain it in publick, till the prohibition be
called in. But to return to the matter in hand, this Author, upon all these
observations and relations of Cassini and Campani, doth find no reason to
doubt any more of the excellency of the Glass used by them, above his;
except this difference may be imputed to that of the Air, or of the Eys. But
yet he is rather inclined to ascribe it to the goodness of their Glasses, and
that the rather, because, he would not be thought to have the vanity of
magnifying his own; of which, yet he intimates by the by, that he caused
one to be wrought, of 150 Parisian feet; which though it proved none of the
best, yet he despairs not to make good ones of that, and of far greater
Length.

Signor Campani's Answer: and Monsieur Auzout's
Animadversions thereon.

The other part of this French Tract, conteining Campani's Answer, and Mr.
Auzout his Reflections thereon, begins with the pretended Shadows of the
Ring upon Saturn, and of Saturn upon the Ring. Concerning which, the said
Campani declareth, that he never believed them to be shadows, made by the
Ring upon the Disk of Saturn, or by the body of Saturn upon the Ring, but
the Rimms of these bodies, which being unequally Luminous, did shew
these appearances. In which Explication, forasmuch as it represents, that the
said Campani meant to note only the Inequality of the Light, which, he
saith, his Glasses did discover, Mr. Auzout does so far acquiesce, that he
only wishes, that his own Glasses would shew him those differences. Next
to the Objection, made by Monsieur Auzout, against Signor Campani,
touching the Proportion of the Length of the Ring to its breadth, Campani
replyeth, that the Glasses of Monsieur Auzout, shew not all the particulars,
that his do, and therefore are unfit for determining the true Figure and
breadth of the apparent Ellipsis of the Ring. To which M. Auzout rejoyns,
that he is displeased at his being destitute of better Glasses, but that it will
be very hard for the future to convince Campani touching the Proportion of
the Ring, seing that the breadth of the Ellipsis is always diminishing,
although, if the declination of the Ring remains always the same, one can at
all times know, which may have been its greatest breadth. But he assures,
that the breadth of the Ring is not the half of its length, and that it doth not
spread out so much beyond Saturn's Body, as he hath alleged. And withal
desirs to know, what can be answered by Sig. Campani to M. Hugens, who
being persuaded, that the Declination of the Ring is not above 23 deg. 30′
having seen the Ring to spread out above the Body of Saturn, concludes, in
a Letter to M. Auzout, that the length of the Ring is more than treble the
Diameter of Saturn's body, which, according to Campani, is only as about
67 to 31. Which difference yet dos not appear to M. Auzout to be so great;
but that M. Hugens perhaps will impute it to the Optical reason, which he
(Auzout) hath alleged of the Advance of the light upon the obscure space;
although he is of Opinion, he should not have concluded so great a Length,
if he had not seen the Breadth spread out more, than he hath done: for (saith
he) if the Length of the Ring be to the body of Saturn, 2½ to 1. and the
Inclination be 23 deg. 30′ the Ring will be just as large, as the body, without

spreading out; but if the Ring be bigger, it will a little spread out; and if it
were treble, it must needs spread out the half of its breadth, which hath not
so appeared to him.
Further, to M. Auzout's change of Opinion, and believing, that the Advance
or Sally, seen by him in Jupiter, was the Shadow of one of his Moons,
Campani declares, that he would not have him guilty of that change:
Whereupon M. Auzout wonders, why Campani then hath not marked it in
his Figure; and would gladly know, whether that Sally be more easie to
discover, than the Shadows of the Satellites, which Campani believs,
Auzout hath not seen; and whether he be assured, that those obscure parts,
which he there distinguishes, do not change: for if they should not change,
then Jupiter would not turn about his Axis, which yet, he saith, it doth,
according to the Observation made by Mr. Hook, May 9 1664. inserted in
the first papers of these Transactions. The full Discovery of which
particular also he makes to be a part of Cassini's and Campani's work,
seeing that they so distinctly see the inequalities in the Belts, and see also
sometimes other Spots besides the Shadows of the Satellites: where he
exhorts all the Curious, that have the conveniency of observing, to endeavor
the discovery of a matter of that importance, which would prove one of the
greatest Analogies for the Earth's Motion.

An Account of Mr. Richard Lower's newly published
Vindication of Doctor Willis's Diatriba de Febribus.

The Title of this Curious piece, is Diatribæ Thomæ Willisii Med. Doct. &
Profess. Oxon. De Febribus Vindicatio, Authore Richardo Lower, &c. In it
are occasionally discussed many considerable Medical and Anatomical
inquiries, as, Whether a Fever does consist in an Effervescence of Blood?
And if so, of what kind? Whether there be a Nervous and Nutritious Juice?
Whether the office of sanguification belongs to the Blood it self, existing
before those Viscera (at least) that are commonly esteemed to be the Organs
of sanguification? How Nutrition is performed, and the nourishing
substance assimilated? Whether the Blood affords both the Matter for the
structure of the Body, and such parts also, as are fit for the nourishment of
the same? Whether the Pulse of the Heart ceasing, there remains yet a

certain Motion in the blood, arguing, that Pulse and Life do ultimately rest
in the Blood? Whether the Umbilical Vessels convey the blood of the
Mother to the Child, or whether the Fœtus be for the most part form'd and
acted by the circulating blood, before the existence of the Umbilical
Vessels, or before the connecting of the Fœtus with the Uterus? A new
Experiment to prove that the Chyle is not transmuted into Blood by the
Liver. A discourse of the Nature of the Blood, and what difference there is
between the Venal and Arterial blood, and for what Uses both the one and
the other are particularly designed. Where it is considered, what Life is, and
whence the Soul of Brutes, and its subsistence, and operations do depend. It
is also inquired into, what the uses of the Lungs are in hot Animals? And
many other such material disquisitions are to be found in this small, but
very Ingenious and Learned Treatise.

A Note touching a Relation, inserted in the last Transactions.

In the Experiment of killing Ratle-Snakes, mentioned in the last of the
precedent Papers (wherein, by a mistake, these words, The way, were put
for A way, or An Experiment) it should have been added, that the Gentleman
there mention'd, did affirm, that, in those places, where the Wild Penny-
Royal or Dittany grows, no Ratle-Snakes are observed to come.

Errata.
Pag. 59. line 11. read, bignesses, l. 20. r. endure, for, resist. l. 30. r. those,
for, these. l. 31. r. Plain, for, place.

LONDON,

Printed with Licence, By John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal-Society, at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard. 1665.

Numb. 5.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Munday, July 3. 1665.

The Contents.

An Account, how Adits and Mines are wrought at Liege without Air-
shafts, communicated by Sir Robert Moray. A way to break easily and
speedily the hardest Rocks; imparted by the same Person, as he
received it from Monsieur Du Son the Inventor. Observables upon a
Monstrous Head. Observables in the Body of the Earl of Belcarres,
sent out of Scotland. A Relation of the designed Progress to be made in
the Breeding of Silk-worms, and the Making of Silk, in France.
Enquiries touching Agriculture, for Arable and Meadows.

An Account, how Adits & Mines are wrought at Liege without
Air-shafts, communicated by Sir Robert Moray.

It is well known to those conversant in Mines, that there is nothing of
greater inconvenience in the working or driving, as they call it, of Mines or
Adits under ground, for carrying away of Water, or such Minerals as the
Mine affords, than the Damp, want, and impurity of Air, that occur, when
such Adits are wrought or driven inward upon a Level, or near it, 20, 30, or
40. fathom, more or less. Aswel because of the expence of money, as of
time also, in the Ordinary way of preventing or remedying those
inconveniences; which is, by letting down shafts from the day (as Miners
speak) to meet with the Adit; by which means the Air hath liberty to play
through the whole work, and so takes away bad vapours and furnishes good
Air for Respiration. The Expence of which shafts, in regard of their vast

depth, hardness of the Rock, drawing of water, &c. doth sometimes equal,
yea exceed the ordinary charge of the whole Adit.
Amongst the Expedients that have been devised to remedy this, there is one
practised in the Coal-mines, near the Town of Liege (or Luyck) that seems
preferable to all others for Efficacy, Ease, and Cheapness: the description
whereof followeth.
At the mouth or entry of the Adit there is a structure raised of Brick, like a
Chimney, some 28. or 30. foot high in all: at the bottom, two opposite sides
are (or may be) some 5½ foot broad; and the other two, 5. foot: the wall 1½
Brick thick. At the lower part of it, is a hole, some 9. or 10. inches square,
for taking out of the Ashes, which when it is done, this Ash-hole is
immediately stopt so close, as Air cannot possibly get in at any part of it.
Then, some 3. foot above ground or more, there is on that side, that is next
to the Adit or Pit, a square hole of 8. or 9. inches every way, by which the
Air enters to make the Fire burn: Into this hole there is fixed a square Tube
or Pipe of Wood, whereof the Joints and Chinks are so stopt with
Parchment pasted or glewed upon them, that the Air can no where get in to
the Pipe but at the end: And this Pipe is still lengthened, as the Adit or Pit
advanceth, by fitting the new Pipes so, as one end is alwaies thrust into the
other, and the Joints and Chinks still carefully cemented and stopt as before.
So the Pipe or Tube being still carried on, as near as is necessary, to the wall
or place, where fresh Air is requisite; the Fire within the Chimney doth still
attract (so to speak) Air through the Tube, without which it cannot burn,
which yet it will do, as is obvious to conceive (all Illustrations and
Philosophical Explications being here superfluous,) and so, while the Air is
drawn by the fire from the farthest or most inward part of the Mine or Adit,
fresh Air must needs come in from without to supply the place of the other,
which by its motion doth carry away with it all the ill vapors, that breath out
of the ground; by which meanes the whole Adit will be alwaies filled with
fresh Air, so that men will there breath as surely as abroad, and not only
Candles burn, but Fire, when upon occasion there is use for it for breaking
of the Rock.
Now that there may be no want of such fresh Air, the Fire must alwaies be
kept burning in the Chimney, or at least as frequently as is necessary: For
which purpose there must be two of the Iron Grates or Chimneys, that when

any accident befals the one, the other may be ready to be in its place, the
Coals being first well kindled in it: but when the fire is neer spent, the
Chimney or Grate being haled up to the dore, is to be supplied with fresh
fuel.
The Figure of the Fabrick, Chimney, and all the parts thereof being
hereunto annexed, the rest will be easily understood.

Figure 1.
A. The Hole for taking out the Ashes.
B. The Square-hole, into which the Tube
or Pipe for conveying the Air is to be
fixed.
C. The Border or Ledge of Brick or Iron,
upon which the Iron-grate or Cradle, that
holds the burning Coals, is to rest, the
one being exactly fitted for the other.
D. The Hole where the Cradle is set.
E. The woodden Tube, through which the
Air is conveyed towards the Cradle.
F. The Dore, by which the Grate and
Cradle is let in, which is to be set 8. or
10. foot higher than the Hole D. and the
Shutter made of Iron, or Wood that will
not shrink, that it may shut very close, this Dore being made large enough
to receive the Cradle with ease.
G. The Grate or Cradle, which is narrower below than above, that the
Ashes may the more easily fall, and the Air excite the Fire; the bottom
being barred as the sides.
H. The Border or Ledge of the Cradle, that rests upon the Ledge C.
I. Four Chains of Iron fastned to the four corners of the Cradle, for taking
of it up, and letting of it down.

K. The Chain of Iron, to which the other are fastned.
L. The Pulley of Iron or Brass, through which the Chain passeth.
M. A Hook, on which the end of the Chain is fastned by a Ring, the Hook
fixed being placed in the side of the Dore.
N. A Barr of Iron in the Walls, to which the Pulley is fastned.
The higher the Shaft of the Chimney is, the Fire draws the Air the better.
And this Invention may be made use of in the Pits or Shafts, that are
Perpendicular, or any wise inclining towards it, when there is want of fresh
Air at the bottom thereof, or any molestation by unwholsom Fumes or
Vapors:

A way to break easily and speedily the hardest Rocks,
communicated by the same Person, as he received it from
Monsieur Du Son, the Inventor.

Though the invention of breaking with ease, and dispatch, hard Rocks, may
be useful on several occasions, the benefit is incomparably great, that may
thereby accrue to those, who have Adits or Passages to cut through hard
Rocks, for making passage for Water to run out by, in Mines of Lead, Tin, or
any other whatsoever; these Adits appearing to be the surest, cheapest, and
most advantagious way imaginable, for draining of the same.
That which is here to be described, was invented by one of the most
Excellent Mechanicks in the World, Monsieur du Son, who lately put it in
practice himself in Germany, at the desire of the Elector of Mentz. The
manner is, as followeth.
The Mine or Adit is to be made seven or eight foot high, which though it
seem to make more work downwards, yet will be found necessary for
making the better dispatch by rendring the Invention more effectual.
There is a Tool or Iron well steeled at the end, which cuts the Rock, (of the
shape shewed by Fig. 2. here annexed,) 20. or 22. Inches long or more, and
some 2½ Inches Diameter at the steeled end, the rest being somewhat more

slender. The steeled end is so shaped, as makes it most apt to
pierce the Rock, the Angles at that end being still to be made
the more obtuse, the harder the Rock is. This Tool is to be first
held by the hand, in the place, where the Hole, to be made for
the use, which shall here be shewed, is to be placed; that is, in
the middle between the sides of the Rock, that is to be cut, but
as near the bottom as may be. The Tool being placed, is to be
struck upon with an Hammer, the heavier the better, either
suspended by a Shaft turning upon a Pin, or otherwise, so as
one man may manage the Hammer, while another holds the
Tool or Piercer. If it be hung in a Frame, or other convenient
way, he that manageth it hath no more to do, but to pull it up at
first as high as he can, and let it fall again by its own weight,
the motion being so directed, as to be sure to hit the Piercer
right. After the stroke of the Hammer, he that holds the Piercer,
is to turn it a little on its point; so that the Edges or Angles at
the point may all strike upon a new place; and so it must still be
shifted after every stroke, by which means small Chipps will at
every stroke be broken off, which must from time to time be
taken out, as need requires. And thus the work must be
continued, till the Hole be 18. or 20. Inches deep, the deeper the better. This
Hole being made as deep as is required, and kept as streight and smooth in
the sides, as is possible, there is then a kind of double Wedge to be made,
and fitted exactly for it; the shape whereof is to be seen in the annexed 3.
Figure.
This double Wedge, being 12. or 13. Inches long, each piece of it, and so
made, as being placed in their due position they may make up a Cylinder,
but Diagonal-wise. The two flat sides that are contiguous, are to be greased
or oyled, that the one may slip the more easily upon the other; and one of
them, which is to be uppermost, having at the great end a hollow Crease cut
into it round about, for fastening a Cartridge, full of Gunpowder, to it with
a thred, the round end of the Wedge being pared as much as the thickness of
the Paper or Pastboard, that holds the Powder, needs to make the outside
thereof even with the rest of the Wedge. This Wedge must have an Hole
drilled through the longest side of it, to be filled with priming Powder, for
firing of the Powder in the Cartridge; which needs have no more, than half

a pound of Powder, though upon occasion a greater quantity
may be used, as shall be found requisite.
Then this Wedge, being first thrust into the Hole with the
Cartridge, the round side, whether the Priming-hole is, being
uppermost, the other Wedge is to be thrust in, home to the due
position, care being taken, that they fit the Hole in the Rock as
exactly as may be. Then the end of the lower Wedge being
about an Inch longer, than that of the upper outwardly, and
flatned, priming Powder is to be laid upon it; and a piece of
burning Match or Thread dipt in Brimstone or other such
prepared combustible Matter, fastned to it, that may burn so
long before it fire the Powder, as he, that orders it, may have
time enough to retire quite out the Pit or Adit, having first
placed a piece of Wood or Iron so, as one end thereof, being set against the
end of the lower Wedge, and the other against the side-wall, so as it cannot
slip. Which being done, and the Man retired, when the Powder comes to
take fire, it will first drive out the uppermost Wedge, as far as it will go, but
the slaunting figure of it being so made, as the farther it goes backward, the
thicker it grows, till at the last it can go no farther, then the fire tears the
Rock to get forth, and so cracks and breaks it all about, that at one time a
vast deal of it will either be quite blown out, or so crackt and broken, as will
make it easie to be remov'd: And according to the effect of one such
Cartridge, more may be afterwards made use of, as hath been said.

Observables upon a Monstrous Head.

This was the Head of a Colt, represented in the annexed Figure 4. first
viewed by Mr. Boyle, who went into the Stable where the Colt lay, and got
the Head hastily and rudely cut off, the Body thereof appearing to his Eye
compleately formed, without any Monstrosity to be taken notice of in it.
Afterwards he caused it to be put into a Vessel, and covered with Spirit of
Wine thereby chiefly intending, to give good example, together with a
proof, that by the help of the said Spirit, (which he hath recommended for
such Properties in one of his Essays of the Usefulness of Natural
Philosophy) the parts of Animals, and even Monsters, may in Summer it self

be preserved long enough to afford
Anatomists the opportunities of
examining them.
The Head being opened, and
examined, it was found.
First, That it had no sign of any Nose
in the usual place, nor had it any, in
any other place of the Head, unless
the double Bag CC, that grew out of
the midst of the forehead, were some
rudiment of it.
Next, That the two Eyes were united
into one Double Eye, which was
placed just in the middle of the Brow,
the Nose being wanting, which
should have separated them, whereby
the two Eye-holes in the Scull were
united into one very large round hole, into the midst of which, from the
Brain, entred one pretty large Optik Nerve, at the end of which grew a great
Double Eye; that is, that Membrane, called Sclerotis, which contained both,
was one and the same, but seemed to have a Seam, by which they were
joined, to go quite round it, and the fore or pellucid part was distinctly
separated into two Cornea's by a white Seam that divided them. Each
Cornea seemed to have its Iris, (or Rain-bow-like Circle) and Apertures or
Pupils distinct; and upon opening the Cornea, there was found within it two
Balls, or Crystalline Humours, very well shaped; but the other parts of it
could not be so well distinguished, because the eye had been much bruised
by the handling, and the inner parts confused and dislocated. It had four
Eye-browes, placed in the manner exprest in Figure 4. by a a, b b; a a
representing the lower, and b b, the upper Eye-lids.
Lastly, That just above the Eyes, as it were in the midst of the Forehead,
was a very deep depression, and out of the midst of that grew a kind of
double Purse or Bagg, C C, containing little or nothing in it; but to some it
seemed to be a production of the matter designed for the Nose, but diverted

by this Monstrous Conception; perhaps the Processus mammillares joyned
into one, and covered with a thin hairy skin.

Observables in the Body of the Earl of Balcarres.

These following Observations, were a while since sent out of Scotland by
an ingenious person, an Eye-witness, to Sir Robert Moray.
1. That the Belly of this Nobleman being opened, the Omentum or Net was
found lean and small: his Liver very big; the Spleen big also, filled with a
black and thick humour. His Stomack and Entralls all empty, of a Saffron-
colour, distended with wind only. The Bladder of Gall swelled with a black
humour: The Kidneys filled with a kind of grumous blood.
2. That in the Thorax or Chest, the Lobes of the Lungs were all entire, but of
a bad colour; on the left side somewhat black and blue, and on the right,
whitish; with a yellowish knob under one of the Lobes.
3. That the Pericardium or the Case of the Heart being opened, there
appeared none of that water, in which the Heart uses to swim; and the
external Surface of it, from the Base to the Tipp, was not smooth, but very
rough. It being cut asunder, a quantity of white and inspissate liquour run
out, and beneath the Base, between the right and left Ventricle, two stones
were found, whereof the one was as bigg as an Almond, the other, two
Inches long and one broad, having three Auricles or crisped Angles: And in
the Orifice of the right Ventricle, there was a fleshy fattish Matter.
4. That the whole Body was bloudless, thin, and emaciated, of a black and
bluish Colour.
5. The Scull being opened, both the Cerebrum and Cerebellum were bigg in
proportion to the Body; and out of it run much more Bloud, than was seen
in both the other Regions together.

Of the designed Progress to be made in the Breeding of
Silkworms, and the Making of Silk, in France.

The French King Henry the Fourth, having made a general Establishment
all over France, of planting and propagating of Mulberry-trees, and
Breeding of Silkworms, in order to set up and entertain a Silk-trade there;
and having prospered so well in that Design, that in many parts of his
Dominions great store of such Trees were raised, and Multitudes of Silk-
works propagated, to the great benefit of the French people, forasmuch as it
was a considerable beginning to avoid the transport of several Millions
abroad for buying of Silks, and withall an excellent means of well-
imploying abundance of poor Orphans and Widows, and many old, lame,
and other indigent and helpless people; The present French King, hath
lately revived and seconded that Undertaking by giving express order that it
should be promoted by all possible means, and particularly in the
Metropolis of that Kingdom, and round about it; and that for that end the
whole way concerning that Work and Trade should be fully and punctually
communicated in Print; which hath also been executed by one Monsieur
Isnard, in a Treatise published at Paris, in French, Intituled, Instructions for
the Planting of White Mulberryes, the Breeding of Silkworms, and the
Ordering of Silk in Paris, and the circumjacent Places, In which Book, the
Method being represented, which that Great Prince Henry IV used in
establishing the said Work and Trade, together with the success thereof, and
the advantages thence derived to his Subjects, the Author, from his own
Experience, and long Practice, delivers (and seems to do it candidly) all
what belongs in this business in four main heads. First, he teaches the
Means of sowing, planting, and raising White Mulberryes (as the
Foundation of Silkworks) shewing how many several wayes that may be
done. Secondly, The Breeding of Silkworms, the choosing of good Eggs,
and their hatching, as also the Feeding of the Worms, and preserving them
from sickness, and Curing them of it, together with the way of making them
spin to best advantage. Thirdly, The manner of winding their Silk from their
Bottoms, adding the Scheme of the Instrument serving for that purpose.
Fourthly, The way of keeping Silkworms Eggs for the ensuing year.
Through the whole Book are scattered many not inconsiderable particulars,
though perhaps known to most. The White Mulberry Tree, as it is in other
qualities preferable to the Black, so this Author esteems it the best, not only
for the durableness of the wood, and its large extent of usefulness in
Carpentry and Joyners work; but also for the fitness of its leaves (besides

their principal use for the food of Silkworms) to fatten Sheep, Goats,
Cowes, and Hoggs, only by boyling and mingling them with Bran. The
Berryes themselves he commends as very excellent to fatten Poultry, and to
make them lay Eggs plentifully. In the Changes, Working, and Generation
of this Insect, he is very curious to observe many things. Their
Metamorphoses, as is known, are four, whereof the form of the one hath no
conformity with any of the rest. The first from an Egge (of the bigness of a
Mustard-seed, and of a darkish Gray Colour, when good) to a Worm or
Caterpillar, but of a domestick, noble, and profitable kind, Black, when it
first comes forth, but growing white at last; having 24. feet, 8. on each side
of the body, and 4. besides, close to each side of the head. During this form,
they undergo constantly 4. Sicknesses, in which they cast their Skins, each
sickness lasting about 4. days, wherein they feed not at all; but grow clearer,
shorter, and thicker. The second from a Worm to an Aurelia or Chrysalis,
having the shape of a small Plum, whereunto it is transformed after its
spinning time is past; in which state it lies shut up, in hot Countries, for 14.
or 15. dayes; in more temperate ones, 18. or 20. without any Food or Air,
known to us. During which time this Insect leaves two Coats, both that of a
Worm, whence 'tis changed into an Aurelia, and that of an Aurelia, whence
it becomes a Papilio or Butterfly, in the Theca or Case. The third is, from an
Aurelia to a Butterfly, coming out of the Theca with a head, leggs, and
horns; for which passage it makes way by a whitish water, it casts upon the
Silk, which moistning, and thereby in a manner putrefying it, the new
creature thrusts out its head through the sharp end of the Case, by a Hole as
big as its self. There is found no Excrement in the Case, but the two Skins
only, just now mentioned.
Before they begin to spin, and about the latter end of their feeding, they
must, saith the Author, be often changed, and have Air enough, by opening
the Windows of the Room, they are in, if it be not too ill Weather; else, saith
he, the Silk that is in their Belly, will cause so extraordinary a heat in them,
that it burns their gutts, and sometimes bursts them; and the same (being a
substance that resembleth Gum or Burgundy Pitch) will putrefy and turn
into a yellowish matter.
He maketh the best marks of their maturity for spinning to be, when they
begin to quit their white Colour, & their green and yellow Circles, and grow

of the Colour of Flesh, especially upon the tail; having a kind of consistent
softness shewing that they have something substantial in their Stomachs.
As for their Working, he gives this account of it, that the first day they make
only a Webb; the second, they form in this Webb their Cases, and cover
themselves all over with Silk; the third day, they are no longer seen, and the
dayes following they thicken their Cases, alwayes by one end or thread,
which they never break off, themselves. This, he affirms, they put out with
so much quickness, and draw it so subtle and so long, that without an
Hyperbole, the end or thread of every Case may have two Leagues in
length. He advertiseth, that they must be by no means interrupted in their
work, to the end, that all the Silk, they have in their bellyes, may come out.
Some eight dayes after they have finished their Work, as many of the best
Cases, as are to serve for seed, viz. the first done the hardest, the reddest
and best coloured, must be chosen, and put a-part; and all diligence is to be
used to winde off the silk with as much speed, as may be, especially if the
Worms have nimbly dispatched their work.
Here he spends a good part of his Book, in giving very particular
Instructions, concerning the way of winding off the silk, setting also down
the form of the Oven and Instruments necessary for that work, which is the
painfullest and nicest of all the rest.
Touching their Generation, he prescribeth that there be chosen as many
male as female Cases (which are discerned by this, that the males are more
pointed at both ends of the Cases, and the females more obtuse on the ends,
and bigger-bellyed) and that care be had, that no Cases be taken, but such
wherein the Worms are heard rolling; which done, and they being come
forth in the form of Butterflies, having four wings, six feet, two horns, and
two very black eyes, and put in a convenient place, the males fluttering with
their wings, will joyn and couple with the females, after that these have first
purged themselves of a kind of reddish humour by the fundament: in which
posture they are to be left from Morning (which is the ordinary time of their
coming forth) till evening, and then the females are to be gently pulled
away, whereupon they will lay their eggs, having first let fall by the
Fundament another humour, esteemed to proceed from the seed of the
males; but the males are then thrown away as useless. He advertiseth, that if

they be coupled longer than 9. or 10. hours, (which they will be, and that
sometimes for 24. hours together, if they be let alone) either the female will
receive very great hurt by it, or much seed will remain in her belly.
The seed at first coming out is very white, but within a day it becoms
greenish, then red, at last by little and little gray, which colour it retains
alwaies, the most coloured of an obscure gray, being the best; those grains
which never quit their whiteness, having no fecundity in them.
Each female emits ordinarily some 300 grains, more or less, some of them
not being able to render them all, and dying with them in their belly. One
ounce of seed will require an hundred pair of Cases, of as many Males as
Females.
Care must be taken, that no Rats, Mice, Ants, or other Vermin, nor any
Hens, or Birds, come near the Seed, they being very greedy to eat them.
This is the substance of what is contained in this French Author, published
at Paris on purpose to promote the Making of Silk there, as well as it is
practised already in other parts of that Kingdom; which is represented here,
to the end, that from this occasion the design, which the English Nation
once did entertain of the increasing of Mulberry trees, and the Breeding of
Silk-worms, for the Making of Silk within themselves, may be renewed, and
that encouragement given by King James of Glorious memory for that
purpose (witness that Letter which he directed to the Lords Lievtenants of
the several shires of England) and seconded by his Most Excellent Majesty,
that now is, be made use of, for the honour of England and Virginia, and the
increase of wealth to the people thereof; especially since there is cause of
hope, that a double Silk harvest may be made in one Summer in Virginia,
without hindring in the least the Tobacco-Trade of that Countrey.

Enquiries concerning Agriculture.

Whereas the Royal Society, in prosecuting the Improvements of Natural
knowledge, have it in design, to collect Histories of Nature and Arts, and for
that purpose have already, according to the several Inclinations and Studies
of their Members, divided themselves into divers Commitees, to execute the
said design: Those Gentlemen, which do constitute the Commitee for

considering of Agriculture, and the History and Improvement thereof, have
begun their work with drawing up certain Heads of Enquiries, to be
distributed to persons Experienced in Husbandry all over England,
Scotland, and Ireland, for the procuring a faithful and solid information of
the knowledge and practice already obtained and used in these Kingdoms;
whereby, besides the aid which by this means will be given to the general
End of collecting the aforementioned History, every place will be
advantaged by the helps, that are found in any, and occasion ministred to
consider, what improvements may be further made in this whole matter.
Now to the End, that those Enquiries may be the more universally known,
and those who are skilful in Husbandry, publickly invited to impart their
knowledge herein, for the common benefit of their Countrey, it hath been
thought fit to publish the effect of them in Print, and withal to desire that
what such persons shall think good from their own Knowledge and
Experience to communicate hereupon, they would be pleased to send it to
the Printers of the Royal Society, to be delivered to either of the Secretaries
of same. The Enquiries follow.

1. For Arable.

1. The several kinds of the soyls of England, being supposed to be, either
Sandy, Gravelly, Stony, Clayie, Chalky, Light mould, Heathy, Marish,
Boggy, Fenny, or Cold weeping Ground; information is desired, what kind
of soyls your Country doth most abound with, and how each of them is
prepared, when employed for Arable?
2. What peculiar preparations are made use of to these Soyls for each kind
of Grain; with what kind of Manure they are prepared; when, how, & in
what quantity the Manure is laid on?
3. At what seasons and how often they are ploughed; what kind of Ploughs
are used for several sorts of Ground?
4. How long the several Grounds are let lie fallow?
5. How, and for what productions, Heathy Grounds may be improved? And
who they are (if there be any in your Country) that have reduced Heaths
into profitable Lands?

6. What ground Marle hath over head? How deep generally it lieth from the
surface? What is the depth of the Marle it self? What the colour of it? Upon
what grounds it is used? What time of the year it is to be laid on? How
many loads to an Acre? What Grains Marled Land will bear, and how many
years together? How such Marled Land is to be used afterwards, &c?
7. The kinds of Grain or Seed, usual in England, being supposed to be
either Wheat, Miscelane, Rye, Barley, Oats, Pease, Beans, Fitches, Buck-
wheat, Hemp, Flax, Rape; We desire to know, what sorts of Grains are sown
in your Country, and how each of these is prepared for Sowing? Whether by
steeping, and in what kind of Liquor? Or by mixing it, and with what?
8. There being many sorts of Wheat, as the White or Red Lammas, the
bearded Kentish Wheat, the gray Wheat, the red or gray Pollard, the Ducks-
bill Wheat, the red-eared-bearded Wheat, &c. And so of Oats, as the
common Black, Blue, Naked, Bearded in North-wales: and the like of
Barley, Pease, Beans, &c. The Enquiry is, which of these grow in your
Country, and in what Soyl; and which of them thrive best there; and
whether each of them require a peculiar Tillage; and how they differ in
goodness?
9. What are the chief particulars observable in the choice of Seed-Corn, and
all kinds of Grain; and what kinds of Grain are most proper to succeed one
another?
10. What Quantity of each kind is sown upon the Statute-Acre? And in what
season of the Moon and year 'tis sowed?
11. With what instruments they do Harrow, Clod and Rowl, and at what
seasons?
12. How much an Acre of good Corn, well ordered, generally useth to yield,
in very good, in less good, & in the worst years?
13. Some of the common Accidents and Diseases befalling Corn in the
growth of it, being Meldew, Blasting, Smut; what are conceived to be the
Causes thereof, & what the Remedies?
14. There being other Annoyances, the growing Corn is exposed to, as
Weeds, Worms, Flies, Birds, Mice, Moles, &c. how they are remedied?

15. Upon what occasions they use to cut the young Corn in the Blade, or to
seed it; and what are the benefits thereof?
16. What are the seasons and waies of Reaping and Ordering each sort of
Grain, before it be carried off the Ground?
17. What are the several waies of preserving Grain in the Straw, within and
without doors, from all kind of Annoyance, as Mice, Heating, Rain, &c?
18. What are the waies of separating the several sorts of Grain from the
Straw, and of dressing them?
19. What are the waies of preserving any stores of separated Grain, from the
Annoyances they are obnoxious to?

2. For Meadows.

1. How the above mentioned sorts of Soyl are prepared, when they are used
for Pasture or Meadow?
2. The common Annoyances of these Pasture or Meadow Grounds being
supposed to be, either Weeds, Moss, Sour-grass, Heath, Fern, Bushes,
Bryars, Brambles, Broom, Rushes, Sedges, Gorse or Furzes: what are the
Remedies thereof?
3. What are the best waies of Drayning Marshes, Boggs, Fenns, &c?
4. What are the several kinds of Grass, and which are counted the best?
5. What are the chief circumstances observable in the Cutting of Grass; and
what in the making and preserving of Hay?
6. What kind of Grass is fittest to be preserved for Winter feeding? And
what Grass is best for Sheep, for Cows, Oxen, Horses, Goats, &c.

Advertisement.

The Reader is hereby advertised, that by reason of the present Contagion in
London, which may unhappily cause an interruption aswel of

Correspondencies, as of Publick Meetings, the Printing of these
Philosophical Transactions may possibly for a while be intermitted; though
endeavours shall be used to continue them, if it may be.

LONDON,

Printed with Licence, by John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal Society, at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard. 1665.

Numb. 6.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Monday, November 6. 1665.

The Contents.

An Account of a not ordinary Burning Concave, lately made at Lyons,
and compared with several others made formerly. Of Monsieur
Hevelius his promise of communicating to the World his Invention of
making Optick Glasses; and of the hopes, given by Monsieur Christian
Hugens of Zulichem, to perform something of the like nature; as also
of the Expectations, conceived of some Persons in England, to improve
Telescopes. An intimation of a way of making more lively Counterfeits
of Nature in Wax, then are extant in Painting; and of a new kind of
Maps in a low Relievo, or Sculpture, both practised in France. Some
Anatomical Observations of Milk found in Veins instead of Blood; and
of Grass found in the Wind-pipes of some Animals. Of a place in
England, where, without Petrifying Water, Wood is turned into Stone.

Of the nature of a certain Stone, found in the Indies in the head of a
Serpent. Of the way, used in the Mogol's Dominions, to make Salt-
petre. An Account of Hevelius his Prodromus Cometicus, and of some
Animadversions made upon it by a French Philosopher; as also of the
Jesuit Kircher's Mundus Subterraneus.

An Account of a not ordinary Burning Concave, lately made at
Lyons, and compared with several others made formerly.

An opportunity being presented to revive the publishing of these Papers,
which for some Moneths hath been discontinued by reason of the great
Mortality in London, where they were begun to be Printed; it hath been
thought fit to embrace the same, and to make use thereof for the gratifying
of the Curious, that have been pleased to think well of such
Communications: To re-enter whereupon, there offers it self, first of all a
Relation of an uncommon Burning-glass, not long since made in France, in
the City of Lyons, by one called Monsieur de Vilette, as it was sent to the
Publisher of these Tracts, in two Letters, whereof the one was in Latine, the
other in French, to this effect.
Concerning the Efficacy of Monsieur de Villete his Burning Glass, all what
the P. Bertet hath written of it, is true. We have seen the effects of it
repeated over and over again, in the Morning, at Noon, and in the
Afternoon, alwaies performing very powerfully; burning or melting any
Matter, very few excepted. The Figure of it is round, being thirty Inches,
and somewhat better in Diameter. On one side it hath a Frame of a Circle of
Steel, to the end that it may keep its just Measure: 'Tis easie to remove it
from place to place, though it be above an hundred weight, and 'tis easily
put in all sorts of postures. The burning Point is distant from the Centre of
the Glass, about three Feet. The Focus is about half a Louys d'or large. One
may pass ones hand through it, if it be done nimbly; for if it stay there the
time of a second Minute, there is danger of receiving much hurt.
Green wood takes fire in it, in an instant, as do also many other Bodies.
Seconds

A small peice of Pot-Iron was melted, and ready to
drop down, in 40.
A Silver Peice of 15 Pence was pierced, in 24.
A gross Nail (called le Claude paisan) was melted, in 30.
The end of a Sword-blade of Olinde, was burn'd, in 43.
A Brass Counter was pierced, in 06.
A piece of red Copper was melted ready to drop
down, in 42.
A peice of a Chamber Quarry-stone was vitrified,
and put into a Glass-drop, in 45.
Steel, whereof Watch-makers make their springs, was
found melted, in 09.
A Mineral-Stone, such as is used in Harquebusses à
rovët, was calcin'd and vitrified, in 1. just.
A peice of Morter was vitrified, in 52.
In short, there is hardly any Body, which is not destroyed by this Fire. If
one would melt it by it any great quantity of Mettal, that would require
much time, the Action of Burning not being perform'd but within the
bigness of the Focus, so that ordinarily none but small pieces are exposed to
it. One Mounsieur de Alibert buys it, paying for it Fifteen hundred Livers.
Since this Information, there were, upon occasion given from thence, upon
the same subject, further communicated from Paris the following
Particulars.
I see by two of the Letters, that you incline to believe, the Glasses of
Maginus and Septalius do approach to that of Lyons: But I can assure you,
they come very far short of it. You may consult Maginus his Book, where
he describes his; and there are some persons here that have seen one of his
best, which had but about twenty Inches Diameter; so that this of Lyons
must perform at least twice as much. As to Septalius, we expect the
Relations of it from Intelligent and Impartial men. It cannot well be
compared to that of Lyons: but in bigness; and in this case, if it have five
Palms (as you say) that would be about 3½ feet French, and so it were a
Foot bigger, which would make it half as much greater in surface: But as to
the Effects, seeing it burns so far off, they cannot be very violent. And I

have heard one say, that had seen it, that it did not set Wood on Fire but
after the time of saying a Miserere. You may judge of the difference of the
Effects, since that of Lyons gathers its Beams together within the space of
seven or eight Lines; and that of Septalius must scatter them in the compass
of three Inches. Some here do intend to make of them yea and bigger ones;
but we must stay till they be done, &c.

Of Monsieur Hevelius's Promise of imparting to the World his
Invention of making Optick Glasses; and of the hopes given by
Monsieur Hugens of Zulichem, to perform something of the like
nature; as also of the Expectations, conceived of some Ingenious
Persons in England to improve Telescopes.

That eminent Astronomer of Dantzick, Monsieur Hevelius, writes to his
Correspondent in London, as followeth:
What hath been done in the grinding of Optick-glasses in your parts, and
how those beginnings, mentioned by you formerly, do continue and
succeed, I very much covet to hear, 'Tis now above Ten Years, since I my
self invented a peculiar way of grinding such Glasses, and reduced it also
into practice; by which 'tis easie, without any considerable danger of failing,
to make and polish Optick-glasses of any Conick Section, and that (which is
most notable) in any dish of any Section of a Sphere: which Invention I
have as yet discovered to none, my purpose being, for the Improvement of
Natural Knowledge, to describe the whole method thereof in my Celestial
Machine, and to propose it to the Examination and Judgment of the Royal
Society; not doubting at all, but they will find the way true and practicable,
my self having already made several Glasses by it, which many Learned
Men have seen and tryed.
Monsieur Hugens, inquiring also in a Letter, newly written by him to a
Friend of his in England, of the success of the attempts made by an
ingenious English Man for perfecting such Glasses, and urging the
prosecution of the same, so as to shew by the effects the practicableness of
the Invention, mentions thereupon, That he intends very shortly to try

something in that kind, of the success whereof he declares to have good
hopes.
Monsieur du Son, that excellent Mechanician, doth also at this very present
employ himself in London, to bring Telescopes to perfection, by grinding
Glasses of a Parabolical Figure, by the means whereof he hopes to enable
the Curious to discover more by a Tube of one Foot long, or thereabouts,
furnished with Glasses thus figured, then can be done by any other Tubes of
very many times more that length: The success hereof will ('tis thought)
shortly appear.

An Advertisement of a way of making more lively Counterfeits of
Nature in Wax, then are extant in Painting: And of a new kind of
Maps in a low Relievo. Both practised in France.

This was communicated by the Ingenious Mr. John Evelyn, to whom it was
sent from Paris is a Letter, as followeth.
Here is in our Neighbourhood a French-man, who makes more lively
Counterfeits of Nature in Wax, then ever I yet saw in Painting, haveing an
extraordinary address in modelling the Figures, and mixing the Colours and
Shadows; making the Eyes so lively, that they kill all things of this Art I
ever beheld; He pretends to make a visit into England with some of his
Peices.
I have also seen a new kind of Maps in low Relievo, or Sculpture; For
example the Isle of Antibe, upon a square of about eight Foot, made of
Boards, with a Frame like a Picture: There is represented the Sea, with
Ships and other Vessels Artificially made, with their Canons and Tackle of
Wood fixed upon the surface, after a new and most admirable manner. The
Rocks about the Island exactly form'd, as they are upon the Natural Place;
and the Island it self, with all its Inequalities, and Hills and Dales; the
Town, the Forts, the little Houses, Platform, and Canons mounted; and even
the Gardens and Platforms of Trees, with their green leaves standing
upright, at if they were growing in their Natural Colours: in fine, Men,
Beasts, and whatever you may imagine to have any protuberancy above the
level of the Sea. This new, delightful, and most instructive form of Map, or

Wooden Country, you are to look upon either Horizontally, or side-long,
and it affords equally a very pleasant object.

Some Anatomical Observations of Milk found in Veins, instead
of Blood; and of Grass, found in the Wind-pipes of some
Animals.

A curious Person wrote not long since from Paris, that there they had, in the
house of a Physitian, newly open'd a Mans Vein, wherein they found Milk,
instead of Blood. This being imparted to Mr. Boyle at Oxford, his Answer
was, That the like Observation about White Blood, had been made by a
Learned Physitian of his acquaintance, and the thing being by him look'd
upon as remarkable, he was desirous to have it very circumstantially from
the said Physitian himself, before he would say more of it. The next Moneth
may bring us in this Account.
The other Particular, mention'd in the Title of this Head, came in a Letter
sent also by Mr. Boyle, in these words:
I shall acquaint you, That Two very Ingenious Men, Dr. Clark, and Dr.
Lower, were pleased to give me an account of a pretty odd kind of
Observation: One of them assuring me, That he had several times, in the
Lungs of Sheep, found considerable quantity of Grass in the very Branches
of the Aspera Arteria: And the other relating to me, That a few Weeks since,
he, and a couple of Physitians, were invited to look upon an Ox, that had for
two or three daies almost continually held his Neck streight up, and was
dead of a Disease, the owner could not conjecture at; whereupon the parts
belonging to the Neck and Throat, being open'd, they found, to their
wounder, the Aspera Arteria in its very Trunk all stuff'd with Grass as if it
had been thrust there by main force: which gives us a just cause of
marvelling and inquiring, both how such a quantity of Grass should get in
there; and how, being there, such an Animal could live with it so long.

Of a place in England, where, without petrifying Water, Wood is
turned into Stone.

The same Searcher of Nature, that was alledged in the immediately
precedent Observations, did impart also the following, in another Letter
from Oxford, where he saith,
I was a while since visited by a Gentleman, who tells me, That he met with
a place in these parts of England, where, though there be no petrifying
Spring (for that I particularly asked) Wood is turned into Stone in the Sandy
Earth it self, after a better manner then by any Water I have yet seen: For I
had the Curiosity to go to look upon peices of Wood, he brought thence, and
hope for the opportunity of making some tryals to examine the matter a
little further, then I have yet been able to do. Thus far that Letter.
Since which time, He was pleased to give this further Information of the
same matter, with a Mantissa of some other Particulars, belonging to this
Subject, in these Words.
I was lately making some Tryals with the Petrifyed Wood I told you off,
which I find to be a very odde substance, wonderfully hard and fixed. If I
had opportunity to Re-print the History of Fluidity and Firmness, I could
add divers things about Stones, that perhaps would not be disliked; and I
hope, if God vouchsafe me a little leisure, to insert several of them in fit
places of that History, against the next Edition. Here is a certain Stone, that
is thought to be Petrifyed Bone, being in shap'd like a Bone, with the
Marrow taken out; but with a fit Menstruum, I found that I could easily
dissolve it, like other soft Stones: and possibly it may prove as fit as
Osteocolla, for the same Medicinal uses.

Of the nature of a certain Stone, found in the Indies, in the head
of a Serpent.

There was, some while ago, sent by Sir Philiberto Vernatti, from Java
major, where he resides, to Sir Robert Moray, for the Repository of the
Royal Society, a certain Stone, affirmed by the presenter to be found in the
Head of a Snake, which laid upon any Wound, made by any venomous
Creature, is said to stick to it, and to draw away all Poyson: and then, being
put in Milk, to void its Poyson therein, and to make the Milk turn blew; in
which manner it must be used, till the Wound be cleansed.

The like Relations having been made, by several others, of such a Stone,
and some also in this City affirming, to have made the Experiment with
success, it was thought worth while, to inquire further into the truth of this
Matter: since which time, nothing hath been met with but an Information,
delivered by that Ingenious Parisian, Monsieur Thevenot, in his second
Tome, of the Relations of divers considerable Voyages, whereof he lately
presented some Exemplars to his Friends in England. The Book being in
French, and not common, 'tis conceived it will not be amiss to insert here
the said Information, which is to this effect:
In the East Indies and in the Kingdom of Quamsy in China, there is found a
Stone in the Head of a certain Serpent (which they call by a name
signifying Hairy Serpents) which heals the bitings of the same Serpent, that
else would kill in 24 hours. This Stone is round, white in the middle and
about the edges blew or greenish. Being applyed to the Wound, it adheres to
it of it self, and falls not off, but after it hath sucked the Poyson, then they
wash it in Milk, wherein 'tis left awhile, till it return to its natural condition.
It is a rare Stone, for if it be put the second time upon the Wound, and stick
to it, 'tis a sign it had not suck'd all the Venome during its first application,
but if it stick not, 'tis a mark that all the Poyson was drawn out at first. So
far our French Author: wherein appears no considerable difference from the
written Relation before mentioned.

Of the way, used in the Mogol's Dominions, to make Saltpetre.

This is delivered in the same Book of Monsieur Thevenot, and the manner
of it having been inquired after, by several curious Persons, to compare it
with that which is used in Europe, 'tis presum'd, they will not be displeased
to find it inserted here in English, which is as followeth:
Saltpetre is found in many places of the East-Indies, but cheifly about Agra,
and in the Villages, that heretofore have been numerously inhabited, but are
now deserted. They draw it out of three sorts of Earth, black, yellow, and
white: the best is that which is drawn out of the black, for it is free from
common Salt. They work it in this manner: They make two Pits, flat at the
bottom, like those wherein common Salt is made; one of them having much
more compass than the other, they fill that with Earth, upon which they let

run Water, and by the feet of People they tread it, and reduce it to the
consistency of a Pap, and so they let it stand for two daies, that the Water
may extract all the Salt that is in the Earth: Then they pass this Water into
another Pit, in which it christallizes into Saltpetre, They let it boil once or
twice in a Caldron, according as they will have it whiter and purer. Whilest
it is over the Fire, they scum it continually, and fill it out into great Earthen
Pots, which hold each 25 or 30 pounds, and these they expose to clear
Nights; and if there be any impurity remaining, it will fall to the bottom:
Afterwards they break the Pots, and dry the Salt in the Sun. One might
make vast quantities of Saltpetre in these parts; but the Country people
feeling that We buy of it, and that the English begin to do the same, they
now sell us a Maon of 6 pounds for two Rupias and a half, which we had
formerly for half that price.

An account of Hevelius his Prodromus Cometicus, together with
some Animadversions made upon it by a French Philosopher.

This excellent Dantiscan Astronomer, Hevelius, in his Prodromus (by him
so call'd, because it is as a Harbinger to his Cometography, which hath
already so far passed the Press, that of twelve Books there are but three
remaining to be Printed) gives an account of the Observations he hath made
of the First of the two late Comets; reserving those he hath made of the
second, for that great Treatise, where he also intends to deliver the Matter of
this first more particularly, and more fully than he hath done here.
In this Account he represents the Rise, Place, Course, Swiftness, Faces and
Train of this Comet, interweaving his Conceptions both about the Region of
Comets in general (whether in the Air, or the Æther?) and the Causes of
their Generation: In the search of which latter, he intimates to have received
much assistance from his Telescope.

He observes this Comet not before Decemb. 4/14, (though he conceives it
might have been seen since Novemb. 23 st. n.) & he saw it no longer then
Feb. 3/13: though several others have seen it both sooner, and later: and
though himself continued to look out for it till March 7. st. n. but fruitlesly,
whereof he thinks the reason to have been its too great distance and tenuity.

He finds, its apparent Motion was not made in a Just great Circle, but
deviated considerably from it; and conceives, that every Comet falls to this
deviation, when this apparent Motion grows slow, and the Star becomes
Stationary (which, as he saith, it doth in respect of the Ecliptick, not its own
Orbite,) Here he observes, That from Decemb. 8/18, to Decem. 30. Jan. 9. its
course was almost a great Circle: but that then it began to deflect from that
Circle towards the North; so that afterwards, with a very notable and
conspicuous Curvity, it directed its course towards Primam Arietis: Of
which deflection, he ventures to assign the cause from the Cometical
Matter, the various position and the distance of the Comet from the Earth
and the Sun, the annual Motion of the Earth, and the impressed Motion, and
the inclination of the discus of the Cometical Body.
He is pretty positive, that without the annual Motion of the Earth, no
rational Account can be given of any Comet, but that all is involved with
perplexities, and deform'd by absurdities.
He inquires, since all Comets have the peculiar Ingenite Motion, what kind
of Line it is, they describe by that Motion of their own? whether circular, or
streight, or curve, or partly streight and partly curve? And if curve, whether
regular or irregular? if regular, whether Elliptick, or Parabolar, or
Hyperbolical? He answers, That this Motion is Conical; and judgeth, that
by the Conick path all the Phænomena of Comets can, without any
inconveniency, be ready solved; even of that, which (by History) in fifty
daies, passed through more then the 12 Signs in the Zodiack: And of that,
which in two daies ran through eight Signs: and of another, which in 48
daies posted through all the Signs, contra seriem. Which how it can be
explicated upon the supposition of the Earths standing still, and upon the
denying of the annual Motion thereof, he understands not at all.
He refers to his Cometography these Disquisitions: whether all Comets (in
their innate Motion) move equal spaces in equal Times? which is the
swiftest, and which the slowest Motion they are capable of? what the cause
of this acceleration and retardation of their true Motion?
He puts it out of doubt, that they are in the Sky it self, producing reasons for
it that are very considerable, and alledging amongst others, That the
Parallaxes doe clearly evince it, which he finds far less in Comets, then in

the Moon, yea then sometimes in the Sun it self. Where he also represents,
That he hath deduced the Horizontal Parallax of this very Comet from one
onely Observation, made Feb. 4. st. n. by which he found, That then it was
distant from the Earth 5000 Semidiameters of the same, or 4300000
German miles. From this distance from the earth, he deduces, That on that
Day when it was so remote from the Earth, its true Diameter was 2560
German miles, which is three times bigger then the Diameter of the Earth,
and almost six times bigger then that of the Moon, whose Diameter,
according to his Theory, is 442 German miles.
He finds the Matter of Comets to be in the Æther it self, making the Æther
and the Air to differ only in purity, and esteeming, That the Planets do emit
their Exhalations, and have their Atmospheres like unto our Earth. Where he
affirms, That the Sun alone may cast out so much Matter at any time in one
year, as that thence shall be produced not one or two Comets, equallizing
the Moon in Diamiter, but very many; which if so, what contribution may
not be expected from the other Planets?
Of this Cometical Matter, he thinks, That first it is by little and little
gathered together, then coagulated and condensed, and thereby reduced to a
less Diameter; but then, after a while it resolves again, and grows dilute and
pale, and at last is dissipated. And accordingly he affirms, That he hath
observed the Head of this Comet at first more confused, thin and pale,
afterwards clearer and clearer.
He conceives, That all Comets do respect the Sun as their King and Centre,
as Planets do, making them a kind of Spurious Planets, that emulate the
true ones in their Motion almost in all things.
The Train, he makes nothing else but the Beams of the Sun, falling on the
head of the Comet, and passing through the same, refracted and reflected.
And amongst his Observations and Schemes of this Comet, there occurs
one, wherein the Tail is curve, so seen by him Decemb. 11/21. He assigns the
causes why the Trains do so much vary, and shews also, on what depends
their length.
Whether the same Comet returns again, as the Spots in the Sun? and,
whether in the time of great Conjunctions they are more easily generated?

and whether they can be certainly foretold? with several other Inquiries, he
refers for to his great Book.
As to Prognostications, he somewhat complains, That men do more inquire
what Comets signifie, then what they are, or how they are generated and
moved; professing himself to be of the mind of those that would have
Comets rather admired then feared; there appearing indeed no cogent
reason, why the Author of Nature may not intend them rather as Monitors
of his Glory and Greatness, then of his Anger or Displeasure; especially
seeing that some very diligent Men (among whom is Gemma Frisius) take
notice of as great a number of good as bad Events, consequent to Comets.
Seneca also relating, That that Comet which appeared in his time, was so
happy, that it did Cometis detrahere infamiam, it cleared the credit of
Comets, and made People have good thoughts of them.
Having given some Account of what may be look'd for in this Prodromus, it
follows, That some also should be rendred of the Animadversions mention'd
to have been made upon the same. This was done by that Parisian
Philosopher Monsieur Auzout, in a Letter of his to his Country-man
Monsieur Petit; in which he strongly conceives, That this Prodromus
contains some mistakes, of which he chiefly singles out one, as most
considerable, in Hevelius's Observation of Feb. 8/18, and declares
thereupon, That he, and several very intilligent Astronomers of France and
Italy concurring with him therein, (whereas M. Hevelius to him seems to
stand single, as to this particular) found by their Observations, That this
Comet could not, on that day of February, be there where M. Hevelius
placeth it, viz. In Prima Arietis; unless it be said, That it visited that Star of
Aries on the 18, and returned thence the 19th, into its ordinary course; in
which, according to his, and his several Correspondents Observations the
Comet on Feb. 17. was distant from that first Star of Aries at least 1 degree
and 17 minutes; and on February 19. (he having missed, as well as his other
Friends, the Observation on Febr. 18) was advanced in its way 12 or 13
minutes, but yet distant from the said Star some minutes above a whole
degree, and consequently far from having then passed it. After which time
M. Auzout affirms to have seen it as well as several others, for many daies,
and that until March 7/17, observing, That about Feb. 26. or 27, when the

Comet was nearest to the often-mentioned first of Aries, it approached not
nearer thereunto, then the distance of 50. minutes.
This important Difference between two very Learned, and very deserving
Persons, being come to the knowledge of some of the ablest Philosophers &
Astronomers of England, hath been by them thought worthy their
Examination: and they being at this very present employed in the discussion
thereof, by comparing what hath been done and published by the
Dissenters, and by confronting with them their own Domestick
Observations, are very likely to discern where the mistake lies; and having
discern'd it, will certainly be found hightly impartial and ingenuous in
giving their sense of the same.

Of the Mundus Subterraneus of Athanasius Kircher.

This long expected Subterraneous World, is now come to light, dedicated
(at least the Exemplar, that hath been perused by the Publisher of these
Papers, who hears, That other Copies bear Dedication to other Great
Princes) both to the present Pope, as being esteemed by the author to have a
part of his Apostolical Kingdom there; and to the Roman Emperor now
Regent, who indeed in his Kingdom of Hungary, and in several Provinces
of Germany, hath very many and very considerable things, worthy to be
observed, under Ground.
To give the Curious a taste of the Contents of this Volume, and thereby to
excite them to a farther search into the recesses of Nature, for the
composure of a good Natural History; they may first take notice, That the
Author, having given an account in the Preface, what encouragement he
received, for writing this Book, from the opportunity of Travelling with the
Cardinal of Hassia into Sicily (in which Voyage, he saith, He met with, as it
were, an Epitome of what may be observable in the Subterraneous parts of
the Earth; and in particular, with an Earth-quake of 14 daies duration, very
instructive to him concerning several great Secrets of Nature:) having I say,
thus Prefaced, he divided his Work into 12 Books, wherein he affirms not
only to have explicated the Divine Structure of the under-ground World,
and the wondrous distribution of the Work-houses of Nature, and her
Majesty and Riches therein; but also to have opened the Causes of her

Effects and Productions; whence, by the Marriage of Nature and Art, a
happy Issue may follow for the use and benefit of Humane Life.
In the First Book, he considers the nature of the Centre of the Earth, where
he delivers several Paradoxes touching the same, and Discourses of the
Motion of heavy Bodies, of Pendulems, of Projectils.
In the second he treats of the Fabrick of the Terrestrial Globe, of the
Influences it receives from the Cœlestial Bodies, especially the Sun and
Moon, of both which Luminaries he gives a Scheme; of the proportion of
the Earth to the Sun and Moon; of the external conformation of the Earth,
its Mountains, and their concatenations, decrease and increase, together
with the strange transformation thereof. Further, of the Waters
encompassing the Earth, and their various Communications by hidden
Passages; as also the heighth of Mountains, and of the depth of Seas; the
dimension of the Sicilian Straights; the Magnetical Constitution of the
Earth, its Heterogeneous Nature, Interior Frame, Laboratories, Caves,
Channels, &c.
In the third: Of the Nature of the Ocean, and the diversity of its Motions; of
its general Motion from the East to West, Currents; Reciprocations, Gulfs,
Whirle-pools, Saltness, &c.
In the fourth: Of the Nature of the Subterraneous Fire, its necessity,
diffusiveness, food, prodigious Effects through ignivomous Mountains; as
also of the Nature of Air, and Winds, their power and variety; of the general
Wind, how and whence generated; of Periodical and Anniversary Winds,
and their Causes; as also of the production of Artificial Winds, for
refreshment and other advantages. To which he subjoyns a Discourse,
tending to prove, That all Meteors owe their Nativity to the Fiers of the
Subterraneous World.
In the fifth: Of the Original of Springs, Rivers, Lakes; various differences
and qualities of Waters, and the marks where they are to be met with under
Ground; of Waters Medical, hot Baths, and their Differences, Causes,
Virtues; together with the Wonderful Qualities and Proprieties of some
Springs, as to their Colour, Taste, Smell, Weight, Salubrity, Flux and reflux,
Petrifying power, &c.

In the sixth: Of the Earth it self, and the great variety contained in the
Womb thereof; of the manifold Productions made therein, by the virtue of
Salt and its Auxiliaries, the differences whereof are largly discoursed of,
together with the way of extracting the same. In particular of Saltpetre, its
Generation, Nature, Virtues; of the way of making Gunpowder, and the
various uses thereof, as also the Nature, Qualities, Preparation, Medicinal
and other uses of Alume and Vitriol.
In the Seventh: Of some Fossils, as Sand, Gravel, Earths, and their various
Differences, Qualities, uses Economical, Chymical, Medical: together with
the strange varieties & changes happening in the Earth, and their causes; as
also the requisits to Agriculture.
In the eight: First, of Stones, their Origine, Concretion, difference of
Colours; and in particular, of Gems and their variety, causes of generation,
transparency in some and colours in others; as also of their various Figures
and Pictures by Nature framed both in common and precious Stones, with
their Causes. Secondly, of the Transformation of Juices, Salts, Plants, yea of
Beasts and Men turn'd into Stone: together with the generation of Bony
Substances under ground, by many esteemed to be the Bones of Gyants;
and of Horny Substances, taken for Unicorns horns: as also of Fossile wood
and Coals, Thirdly, of Bituminous Flowers, lapis Asbestos, Amber, and its
Electrical virtue; together with the way how Insects, little Fishes, and Plants
are Intombed therein. Fourthly; of Subterraneous Animals, Moles, Mice,
Birds, Dragons; where is also treated, of those Animals that are found in the
midst of Stones.
In the ninth; First, of Poysons, their primeval Origine from Minerals, and
their accidental Generation in Vegetable and Animal Bodies, together with
their differences; where 'tis discoursed, not only how Poysons may be bred
in Men, but also, how the Poyfons of some Animals do infect and kill Men;
and, where the Venom of Vipers lodges, and how mad Dogs and Tarantula's
so communicate their Poyson, as that it exserts not its noxiousness, till after
some time: Where also occasion is taken to discourse on the Original of
Diseases, and cure of Poysonous ones. Secondly, of the wonderful Nature
of Sulphur, Antimony, Quick-silver, their origine and qualities; together with
the productions of Corals and Pearls.

In the tenth: First of Metallurgy, and the way how that unctuous Body, out
of which mettals are produced, is elaborated by Nature, and what therein
are Sulphur, Salt, and Mercury; besides, what it is that renders Mettals fluid
in the Fire, but not Stones and Vegetables, &c. Secondly, of the Requisits to
a perfect knowledge of the Metallick Art, and of the Qualities of the Mine-
master; then of the Diseases of Mine-men, and their Cure, and the waies of
purging the Mines of the Airs malignity; as also of Metallognomy, or the
signs of latent Mettals, and by what Art they may be discovered. Thirdly,
several Accounts sent to the Author, upon his Inquiries by the Mine-masters
themselves, or other cheif Over-seers of the Mine-works, touching the
variety, nature and properties of Minerals, and the many Accidents
happening in Mines, particularly the Hungarian ones at Schemnitz, and
those of Tyrol. Fourthly, of several both Hydraulick and Wind-Engines, to
free the Mines from Water and noxious damps. Fiftly, Of the way of
working Mettals, Gold, Silver, Copper, Iron, and particularly of the method
used at Potosi in Peru, of extracting the Silver out of the Mineral: to which
is added, a Discourse of Salt-pits, and the way of making Salt.
In the eleventh, First, of Alchimy, its Original and Antiquity, the Vessels and
Instruments belonging thereunto. Secondly, of the Philosophers Stone, what
is meant by it, and whether by means thereof true Gold can be produced?
And in general, whether there be any such thing, as a true and real
Transmutation of one Mettal into another? Where are delivered the several
Processes of the reputed Adepti, Raymund Lulle, Azoth, Arnold de
Villanova, Paracelsus, Sendivogius, &c. but all exploded as fals and
deceitful. Thirdly, of the decisions in Law concerning Chimical Gold, true
or fals. Fourthly, what the celebrated Philosophers Stone was among the
Ancients, and what they understood by the same?
In the twelfth: First, Of the Seminal Principle of all things, its origine,
nature and property; of the way how Nature proceeds in the Generation of
Minerals, Vegetables, Animals; of Spontaneous Generation; of Zeophyts,
Insects of all sorts, and particularly of the Worms bred in Men; together
with the causes why Nature would produce such swarms of infinite sorts of
Insects. Secondly, of the variety and differences of Vegetables; of the
requisits to know the virtues of Plants, and of the several waies of
Engrafting. Thirdly, of the Art of Distilling, whereby Nature is imitated, as
doing all her under-ground works, in the Opinion of this Author, by

Distillation. Fourthly, of the Laboratories of various Arts, in which,
according to Natures pattern, used in her Subterraneous Operations, strange
things may be performed: where treating of Chymical Secrets, the truth of
the Preparation of Aurum potabile is discussed, and the Magisteries of
Gold, Silver, Iron, Tin, Copper and Lead, examined: to which is subjoyned
an Appendix, furnishing such Rules, whereby Students in Chymistry may be
directed in their work, and true Operations distinguished from fals ones.
Fiftly, Of Metallostaticks, where by the mixture of Mettals and Minerals
may be certainly known; together with a way of weighing the Proportions
of moist and dry, existent in every Compound, as well Vegetable and
Animal, as Mineral. Sixthly, of Glass-making, where is treated of the
Nature of Glass; of the Artificial Production of all sorts of Precious Stones,
partly from the Authors own Experiments, partly from the Communication
of his Friends, and the Collection of the best Writers upon that subject.
Seventhly, of Fire-works, where the Invention and Preparation of
Gunpowder is largely discoursed of, and the waies of making Squibs, Fires
burning in Water, and many others, used in Publick Festivities, are
described. Eighthly, of some Mechanical Arts, as that of Gold-smiths, Black
smiths, Copper smiths, Wyre-drawers, in the last whereof he resolves this
Problem; a certain weight of Mettal, and the bigness of the hole, through
which the Wyre is to be drawn, being given, to find into what length so
much Mettal can be spun out.
Thus you have a view of this whole Volume; to which it may perhaps not be
amiss to adde, for a Conclusion, some of those Particulars which are
esteemed by the Authour to out-shine the rest, and are here and there inter-
woven as such. For example, in the First Part.
The use of Pindules, for knowing by their means the state of ones Health,
from the different beatings of the Pulse, p. 51.
The Chain of Mountains, so drawn over the Earth, that they make, as it
were, an Axis, passing from Pole to Pole; and several transverse ductus, so
cutting that Axis, as to make, in a manner, an Equator and Tropicks of
Mountains: by which concatenation he imagines, That the several parts of
the Earth are bound together for more firmness, p. 69.

A Relation of a strange Diver, by his continual converse in Water, so
degenerated from himself, That he was grown more like an Amphibium,
than a man, who, by the command of a Sicilian King, went down to the
bottom of Charibdis, and brought a remarkable account of the condition of
that place, p. 98.
A Description of the Origine of the Nile, as this Author found it in a certain
MS. of one of his own Society, called Peter Pais, whom he affirms to have
been an Eye-witness, and to have visited the Head of the Emperor of
Æthiopia himself Anno 1618. which Manuscript, he saith, was brought to
Rome, out of Africa, by their Procurator of India and Æthiopia, p. 72.
The Communication of the Seas with one another by Subterraneous
Passages, viz. of the Caspian, with the Pont Euxin and the Persian Gulf; of
the Mare Mortuum, with the Mare Rubrum, and of this latter with the
Mediterranean; as also of Scylla with Charybdis, p. 85. 101.
The Subterraneous Store-houses (in all the four parts of the Earth) of Water,
and Fire, and Air; together with their important Uses, p. 111.
An account of the state of the Earth about the Poles, how the Waters are
continually swallowed up by the Northern, and running along through the
Bowels of the Earth, do regurgitate at the Southern Pole, p. 159.
A description of Mount Vesuvius and Ætna, both visited by the Author
himself, Anno 1638. their Dimensions, Communication, Incendiums, Paths
of Fiery Torrents cast out by them, &c. as also of the Vulcans in Iceland and
Groenland, and their Correspondence and Effects. p. 180.
An Account of that famous and strange Whirl-pool upon the Coasts of
Norway: commonly call'd The Maelstrom; which the Author fancies to have
Communication, by a Subterraneous Channel, with another such Whirl-pool
in the Bodnick Bay; by which commerce, according to him, the Waters,
when, upon their accumulation and crowding together in one of these
places, they are swallowed up by the Gulf there, carrying along with them
whatsoever is in the way and lodging it in a certain receptacle at the bottom
thereof, are conveyed through the same under-ground Channel to the other
Gulf; where again, upon the like flux and retumescence of Waters, they are
absorbed, and through the same Channel do reciprocally run to the former

Gulf, and meeting in their impetuous Passage with the things formerly sunk
down into the Repository, carry them aloft, with themselves; and cast them
up again on the Coast of Norway, p. 146.
A Relation of strange Earth-quakes, p. 220
An Enumeration of all the celebrated Medical Water, and hot Baths, in all
parts of the world, p. 236. et seq.
In the Second Part, some of his special Observations, are, How Stones are
coloured and figured under ground, p. 13. 24, 25.
Natures skill in Painting of Stones, p. 22.
A whole Natural Alphabet represented upon Stones, and all sorts of
Geometrical Figures, naturally Imprinted upon them, p. 23.
The cause of the variety of Colours in Prismes, and the Authors severe
Judgment concerning those, that hold them to be meerly Phantastical, pag.
15, 16, 17. Where he also delivers an Experiment, by him counted
wonderful, exhibiting all sorts of Colours by the means of Mercury,
coagulated by the vapour of Lead, and put in a Brass spoon upon burning
Coals.
The cause of the curious Colours in Birds, p. 17.
The way of Nature in the Generation of Diamonds, p. 21.
A way of preparing such a Liquor, that shall sink into, & colour the whole
Body of Marble, so that a Picture made on the surface thereof, shall, the
stone being cut through, appear also in the inmost part of the same, p. 43.
A Story of a whole Village in Africa turned into Stone, with all the people
thereof, p. 50.
An Experiment, representing the Generation of the Stone in the Bladder, p.
52.
An Asbestin Paper, that shall last perpetually, p. 74.
Several Relations of numerous Societies of People living under ground, and
their Oeconomy; whereof a strange one is alledged to have been found in

England, attested by an English Author, p. 97, 98, 99.
A Relation of a Man that bred a Serpent in his Stomach, which came from
him of the length of one Foot and a half, affirmed by the Author to have
been seen by himself, p. 126.
Of whole Forrests of Coral at the bottom of the Red Sea, p. 159.
The vanity of Virga Divinatoria, p. 181.
A peculiar way of washing out very small Dust-gold, p. 198.
Of some extraordinary big pieces of perfect Natural Gold and Silver, p.
203.
Of a very rare Mineral, sent to the Author out of the Hungarian Mines,
which had pure Silver branching out into Filaments, and some splendid
yellow parts, which was pure Gold, and some dark parts, which was Silver
mixed with Gold, 189.
Salt the Basis of all Natural Productions, and the admirable variety of Salts,
p. 299.
Strange Figures of Plants, p. 348.
The way of producing Plants; p. 414.
In how much time a Swallow can fly about the World, p. 411, &c.
This may suffice, to give occasion to the Searchers of Nature, to examine
this Book, and the Observations and Experiments contained therein,
together with the Ratiocinations raised thereupon, and to make severer and
more minute Inquiries and Discussions of all.

A farther account of an Observation above-mentioned, about
White Blood.

Since the Printing of the former Sheet, there is this farther account from the
same hand.

Mr. Boyle,
I have at length, according to your desire, received from the Ingenious Dr.
Lower, an account in writing of the Observation about Chyle found in the
Blood; which though you may think strange, agrees well with some
Experiments of his and mine, not now to be mentioned. The Relation,
though short, comprizing the main Particulats of what he had more fully
told me in Discourse, I shall give it you with little or no variation from his
own words.
A Maid, after eating a good Break-fast, about seven in the Morning, was let
Blood about eleven the same day in her Foot; the first Blood was receiv'd in
a Porringer, and within a little while it turn'd very white; the last Blood was
received in a Sawcer, which turn'd white immediately, like the white of a
Custard. Within five or six hours after, he (the Physitian) chanced to see
both, and that in the Porringer was half Blood and half Chyle, swimming
upon it like a Serum as white as Milk, and that in the Sawcer all Chyle
without the least appearance of a drop of Blood; and when he heated them
distinctly over a gentle fire, they both harden'd: As the white of an Egge
when 'tis heated, or just as the Serum of Blood doth with heating, but far
more white. This Maid was then in good health, and only let Blood because
she never had her Courses, yet of a very florid clear Complexion.

Note.

The Reader of these Papers is desired, that in those of Numb. 4. pag. 60.
lin. 10. he would be pleased to read eight, instead of hundred: this latter
word having been put in by a great over-sight, and without this Correction,
injuring that Author, whose Considerations are there related. This
Advertisement should have been given in Number 5. but was omitted for
haste.

Imprimatur Rob. Say, Vice-Cancel. Oxon.

Oxford, Printed by Leonard Lichfield: for Richard Davis. 1665.

Num. 7.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Monday, Decemb. 4. 1665.

The Contents.

Monsieur de Sons progress in working Parabolar Glasses. Some
speculations of Monsieur Auzout concerning the changes, likely to be
discovered in the Moon. The instance of the same Person to Mr. Hook,
for communicating his Contrivance of making with Glasses of a few
feet Diameter, Telescopes drawing several hundred feet; together with
his Offer of recompensing that secret with another, which teaches, How
to measure with a Telescope the Distances of Objects upon the Earth.
The Experiment of Kircher, of preparing a Liquor, that shall sink into,
and colour the whole Body of Marble, delivered at length. An
Intimation of a Way found in Europe, to make good China-Dishes. An
Account of an odd Spring in Westphalia, together with an Information
touching Salt-Springs; and a way of straining Salt-water. Of the Rise
and Attempts of a way to conveigh Liquors immediately into the Mass
of Blood.

Of Monsieur de Sons Progress in working Parabolar Glasses.

Since what was mentioned in the immediately precedent Tract, touching
Monsieur de Son's noble attempt of grinding Glasses of a Parabolical
Figure, the Publisher of these Papers hath himself seen two Eye-glasses of
that shape, about one inch & a half deep, and one inch and a quarter broad,
wrought by this Eminent Artist with a rare Steel-instrument of his own

contrivance and workmanship, and by himself also polished to admiration.
And certainly it will be wondred at by those, who shall see these Glasses,
how they could be truly wrought to such a Figure, with such a Cavity; & yet
more, when they shall hear the Author undertake to excavate other such
Eye-Glasses to above two inches, and Object-glasses of five inches
Diameter. He hath likewise already begun his Object-glasses for the
mentioned two Ocular ones, of the same Figure of about two inches
Diameter, which are to be left all open, yet without causing any colours. Of
all which 'tis hoped, that shortly a fuller and more particular accompt will
be given.

Monsieur Auzout's Speculations of the Changes, likely to be
discovered in the Earth and Moon, by their respective
Inhabitants.

This Inquisitive Philosopher in a letter of his, lately written to his
correspondent in London, takes occasion to discourse of his considerations
concerning those Changes, mentioned in the Title, as followes;
I have (saith he) sometimes thought upon the Changes, which 'tis likely, the
supposed Inhabitants of the Moon might discover in our Earth, to see,
whither reciprocally I could observe any such in the Moon. For example,
methinks, that the Earth would to the people of the Moon appear to have a
different face in the several seasons of the year; and to have another
appearance in Winter, when there is almost nothing green in a very great
part of the Earth; when there are Countries all covered with snow, others,
all covered with water, others, all obscured with Clouds, and that for many
weeks together: Another in Spring, when the Forrests and Fields are green.
Another in Summer, when whole Fields are yellow &c. Me thinks, I say,
that these changes are considerable enough in the force of the reflexions of
Light to be observed, since we see so many differences of Lights in the
Moon. We have Rivers considerable enough to be seen, and they enter far
enough into the Land, and have a bredth capable to be observed. There are
Fluxes in certain places, that reach into large Countries, enough to make
there some apparent change; & in some of our Seas there float sometimes
such bulky masses of Ice, that are far greater, than the Objects, which we

are assured, we can see in the Moon. Again, we cut down whole Forrests,
and drain Marishes, of an extent large enough to cause a notable alteration:
And men have made such works, as have produced Changes great enough
to be perceived. In many places also are Vulcans, that seem big enough to
be distinguish't, especially in the shadow: And when Fire lights upon
Forrests of great extent, or upon Towns, it can hardly be doubted, but these
Luminous Objects would appear either in an Ecclipse of the Earth, or when
such parts of the Earth are not illuminated by the Sun. But yet, I know no
man, who hath observed such things in the Moon; and one may be
rationally assured that no Vulcans are there, or that none of them burn at
this time. This it is (so he goes on) which all Curious men, that have good
Telescopes, ought well to attend; and I doubt not; but, if we had a very
particular Map of the Moon, as I had designed to make one with a
Topography, as it were, of all the considerable places therein, that We or our
Posterity would find some changes in Her. And if the Mapps of the Moon of
Hevelius, Divini, and Riccioli are exact, I can say, that I have seen there
some places considerable enough, where they put parts that are clear,
whereas I there see dark ones. 'Tis true that if there be Seas in the Moon, it
can hardly fall out otherwise, than it doth upon our Earth, where Alluvium's
are made in some places, and the Sea gains upon the Land in others. I say, if
those Spots we see in the Moon, are Seas, as most believe them to be;
whereas I have many reasons, that make me doubt, whether they be so; of
which I shall speak elsewhere. And I have sometimes thought, whether it
might not be, that all the Seas of the Moon, if there must be Seas, were on
the side of the other Hemisphere, and that for this cause it might be that the
Moon turns not upon its Axis, as our Earth, wherein the Lands and Seas are,
as it were, ballanced: That thence also may proceed the non-appearance of
any Clouds raised there, or of any Vapors considerable enough to be seen,
as there are raised upon this Earth; and that this absence of Vapors is
perhaps the cause, that no Crepuscle is there, as it seems there is none, my
selfe at least not having hitherto been able to discerne any mark thereof:
For, me thinks, it is not to be doubted, but that the reputed Citizens of the
Moon might see our Crepuscle, since we see, that the same is without
comparison stronger, than the Light afforded us by the Moon, even when
she is full; for, a little after Sun-set, when we receive no more than the first
Light of the Sun, the sky is far clearer, than it is in the fairest night of the
full Moon. Mean while, since we see in the Moon, when she is increasing or

decreasing, the Light she receives from the Earth, we cannot doubt, but that
the People of the Moon should likewise see in the Earth that Light,
wherewith the Moon illuminates it, with perhaps the difference, there is
betwixt their bigness. Much rather therefore should they see the Light of the
Crepuscle, being, as we have said, incomparably greater. In the mean time
we see not any faint Light beyond the Section of the Light, which is every
where almost equaly strong, and we there distinguish nothing at all, not so
much that cleerest part, which is called Aristarchus, or Porphyrites, as I
have often tryed; although one may there see the Light, which the Earth
sends thither, which is sometimes so strong, that in the Moon's decrease I
have often distinctly seen all the parts of the Moon, that were not enlightned
by the Sun, together with the difference of the clear parts, and the Spots, so
far as to be able to discern them all. The Shaddows also of all the Cavities
of the Moon seem to be stronger, than they would be, if there were a Second
Light. For, although a far off, the shaddows of our Bodies, environed with
Light, seem to Us almost dark; yet they doe not so appear so much, as the
Shaddows of the Moon doe; and those that are upon the Edge of the Section,
should not appear in the like manner. But, I will determine nothing of any
of these things. When I shall hereafter have made more frequent
Observations of the Moon with my great Telescopes, in convenient time, I
shall then perhaps learn more of it, than I know at present, at least it will
excite the Curious to endeavor to make the like Observations; and it may
be, others, that I have not thought of.

The Instance of the same Person to Mr. Hook, for
communicating his Contrivance of making, with a Glass of a
Sphere of 20 or 40 foot diameter, a Telescope drawing several
hundred foot; and his offer of recompensing that Secret with
another, teaching To measure with a Telescope the Distances of
Objects upon the Earth.

In Numb. 4. Of these Papers, pag. 67. Mr. Hook had intimated, that he
would shortly discover a way of his, with a Plane-convex Glasse of a
Sphære of 20. or 40. feet Diameter, without Veines, and truly wrought of
that Figure, to make a Telescope, that with a single Eye-glass should draw

300, 400, yea 1000 feet, without at all altering the Convexity: Monsieur
Auzout returns this consideration, and offer upon it, which follows:
To perform (saith he) with a lesser Object-glass the effect of a great
Telescope, we must find out a way to make such an Object-glass to receive
as many Rayes as one will, without their being sensibly distant from one
another; to the end, that by applying to it a stronger Eye-glass, there may be
still Beams enough to see the Object, and to obliterate the small specks and
imperfections of the Eye-glass. And if Mr. Hook hath this Invention, I
esteem it one of the greatest, that can be found in the matter of Telescopes.
If he please to impart it to us, we shall be obliged to him; and I wish, I had a
secret in Opticks to encourage him to that communication. If I did believe,
that this would be esteemed one, To measure with a great Telescope the
distance of Objects upon the Earth; which I have found long since, and
proposed to some by way of Paradox; Locorum distantias ex unica statione,
absque ullo Instrumento Mathematico, metiri; I doe here promise to
discover it to him, with the necessary Tables, as soon as He shall have
imparted his to me; which I will use, as he shall order me. For, although the
Practise doe not altogether answer the Theory of my Invention, because
that the length of the Telescopes admits of some Latitude; yet one comes
near enough, and perhaps as Just, as by most of the wayes, ordinarily used
with Instruments. That, which I am proposing, I doubt not but M. Hook will
soon understand, and see the determination of all Cases possible. I shall
only say, that if we look upon the sole Theory, we make use of an ordinary
Telescope, whereof the Eye-glass is to be Convexe: for, by putting the
Glasses at a little greater distance, than they are, proportionably to the
distance for which it is to serve, and by adding to it a new Eye-glass, the
Object will be seen distinct, though obscure; and if the Eye-glass be
Convexe, the Object will appear erect. They may be done two manner of
ways; either by leaving the Telescope in its ordinary situation, the Object-
glass before the Eye-glass; or by inverting it, and putting this before that.
But if any will make use of two Object-glasses, whereof the Focus's are
known, the distance of them will be known. If it be supposed, that the
Focus of the first be B. and that of the second C, and the distance given, B
+ 2D, and that D minus C, be equal to F; for, this distance will be equal to
B + C + F - rF² - C². And if you have the Focus of the first Object-glass,
equal to B, the distance, where you will put the second Glass equal to B + C

+ D, the focus of the 2d Glasse will be found equal to CD/C+D. And if you
will that the Object shall be magnified as much with these two Glasses, as it
would be with a single one, whereof the Focus should be of the distance
given, having the Focus of the Object-glass given equal to B, and the
distance to B + D; the distance between the first and the second Glass will
be equal to 2B² + 2BD/2B + D, whence subducting B (the Focus of the Object-
glass given) there remains BD/2B + D; and if this sum be supposed equal to C,
we shall easily know, by the preceding Rule, the Focus of the second Glass.
So far M. Auzout, who, I trust, will receive due satisfaction to his desire, as
soon as the happy end of the present Contagion shall give a beginning and
life again to the Studies and Actions of our retired Philosophers.
I shall onely here adde, That the Secret he mentions [Of measuring the
distance of Places by a Telescope (fitted for that purpose) and from one
Station] is a thing already known (if I am not mis-informed) to some
Members of our Society; who have been a good while since considering of
it, and have contrived ways for the doing of it: Whether the same with those
of Mr. Auzout, I know not. Nor have I (at the distance that I am now from
them) opportunity of particular Information.

An Experiment of a way of preparing a Liquor, that shall sink
into, and colour the whole Body of Marble, causing a Picture,
drawn on a surface, to appear also in the inmost parts of the
Stone.

This Experiment, having been hinted at in the next foregoing Papers, out of
the Mundus Subterraneus of Athanasius Kircher, and several Curious
Persons, who either have not the leisure to read Voluminous Authors, or are
not readily skilled in that Learned Tongue wherein the said Book is written,
being very desirous to have it transferred hither, it was thought fit to comply
with their desire herein.
The Author therefore of the Mundus, &c, having seen some stones reputed
to be natural that had most lively Pictures, not only upon them, but passing
thorow their whole substance, and thereupon finding an Artist; skilful to

perform such rare workmanship, did not only pronounce such stones to be
artificial, but when that Artist was unwilling to communicate unto him his
Secret, did joyn his study and endeavors with those of one Albertus Gunter
a Saxon, to find it out themselves: wherein having succeeded, it seems, they
made the Experiments which this Industrious and communicative Jesuit
delivers in this manner:
The Colours, saith he, are thus prepared; I take of Aqua fortis and Aqua
Regis, two ounces ana; of Sal Armoniack one ounce; of the best Spirit of
Wine, two drachms; as much Gold as can be had for nine Julio's (a Julio
being about six pence English) of pure Silver, two drachmes. These things
being provided, let the Silver, when calcined, be put into a Vial; and having
powred upon it the two drachmes of Aqua fortis, let it evaporate, and you
shall have a Water yielding first a blew Colour, and afterwards a black.
Likewise put the Gold, when calcin'd, into a Vial, and having powred the
Aqua Regis upon it, set it by to evaporate: then put the Spirit of Wine upon
the Sal Armoniack, leaving it also till it be evaporated; and you will have a
Golden coloured Water, which will afford you divers Colours. And, after
this manner, you may extract many Tinctures of Colours out of other
Mettals. This done, you may, by the means of these two Waters, paint what
Picture you please upon white Marble, of the softer kind, renewing the
Figure every day for several days with some fresh superadded Liquor, and
you shall find in time, that the Picture hath penetrated the whole solidity of
the Stone, so that cutting it into as many parts as you will, it will always
represent unto you the same Figure on both sides.
So far he, which how far it answers expectation, is referred to the Tryal of
Ingenious Artists. In the mean time there are not wanting Experienced Men
that scruple the Effect, but yet are far from pronouncing any thing
positively against it, so that they doe not discourage any that have
conveniencies, from trying.
But whether the way there mentioned will succeed, or not, according to
expectation: Sure it is that a Stone-cutter in Oxford, Mr. Bird, hath many
years since found out a way of doing the same thing, in effect, that is here
mentioned; and hath practised it for many years. That is, he is able so to
apply a colour to the outside of polished Marble, as that it shall sink a
considerable depth into the body of the stone; and there represent like

figures or images as those are on the outside; (deeper or shallower
according as he continues the application, a longer, or lesser while.) Of
which kind there be divers pieces to be seen in Oxford, London, and
elsewhere. And some of them being shewed to his Majesty, soon after his
happy restauration, they were broken in his presence, and found to answer
expectation. And others may be dayly seen, by any who is curious, or
desirous to see it.

An Intimation of a Way, found in Europe to make China-dishes.

Notice was lately given by an inquisitive Parisian to a friend of his in
London, that by an Acquaintance he had been informed, that Signor
Septalio, a Canon in Millan, had the Secret of making as good Porcelane as
is made in China it self, and transparent; adding that he had seen him make
some.
This as it deserves, so it will be further inquired after, if God permit.

An Account of an odd Spring in Westphalia, together with an
Information touching Salt-Springs and the straining of salt-
water.

An observing Gentleman did lately write out of Germany, that in
Westphalia in the Diocess of Paderborn, is a Spring, which looses it self
twice in 24 houres; coming always, after 6 houres, back again with a great
noise, and so forcibly, as to drive 3 Mills not far from its source. The
Inhabitants call it the Bolderborn, as if you should say, the Boysterous
Spring.
The same Person, having mentioned the many Salt-Springs in Germany, as
those at Lunenburg, at Hall in Saxony, at Saltzwedel in Brandenburger
Mark, in Tyrol, &c. observes, that no Salt-water, which contains any Metal
with it, can well be sodden to Salt in a Vessel of the same Metal, which it
self contains, except Vitriol in Copper Vessels.

He adds, that, to separate Salt from Salt-water, without Fire, if you take a
Vessel of Wax, hollow within, and every where tight; and plunge it into the
Sea, or into other Salt-water, there will be made such a separation, that the
vessel shall be full of sweet water, the Salt staying behind: but, though this
water have no saltish taste, yet, he saith, there will be found a Salt in the
Essay, which is the Spirit of Salt, subtile enough with the water to penetrate
the Wax.

An Account of the Rise and Attempts, of a Way to conveigh
Liquors immediately into the Mass of Blood.

Whereas there have lately appeared in publick some Books, printed beyond
the Seas, treating of the Way of Injecting liquors into Veines; in which
Books the Original of the Invention seems to be adscribed to others, besides
him, to whom it really belongs; It will surely not be thought amiss, if
something be said, whereby the true Inventor's right may beyond exception
be asserted & preserved; To which end, there will need no more, than barely
to represent the Time when, and the Place where, & among whom it was
first started and put to tryal. To joyn all these circumstances together, 'Tis
notorious, that at least six years since (a good while before it was heard off,
that any one did pretend to have so much as thought of it) the Learned and
Ingenious Dr. Christopher Wren did propose in the University of Oxford
(where he now is the Worthy Savilian Professor of Astronomy, and where
very many Curious Persons are ready to attest this relation) to that Noble
Benefactor to Experimental Philosophy, Mr. Robert Boyle, Dr. Wilkins, and
other deserving Persons, That he thought, he could easily contrive a Way to
conveigh any liquid thing immediately into the Mass of Blood; videl: By
making Ligatures on the Veines, and then opening them on the side of the
Ligature towards the Heart, and by putting into them slender Syringes or
Quills, fastened to Bladders (in the manner of Clyster-pipes) containing the
matter to be injected; performing that Operation upon pretty big and lean
doggs, that the Vessels might be large enough and easily accessible.
This Proposition being made, M. Boyle soon gave order for an Apparatus,
to put it to Experiment; wherein at several times, upon several Doggs,
Opium & the Infusion of Crocus Metallorum were injected into that part of

the hind-legs of those Animals, whence the larger Vessels, that carry the
Blood, are most easy to be taken hold of: whereof the success was, that the
Opium, being soon circulated into the Brain, did within a short time stupify,
though not kill the Dog; but a large Dose of the Crocus Metallorum, made
another Dog vomit up Life and all: All which is more amply and
circumstantially delivered by Mr. Boyle in his Excellent Book of the
Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy, Part 2. Essay 2. pag. 53. 54. 55.
Where 'tis also mention'd, that the fame of this Invention and of the
succeeding Tryals being spread, and particularly coming to the knowledge
of a foreign Ambassadour, that was Curious, and then resided in London, it
was by him tryed with some Crocus Metallorum, upon a Malefactor, that
was an inferiour Servant of his; with this success, that the Fellow, as soon
as ever the Injection began to be made, did, either really or craftily, fall into
a swoon; whereby, being unwilling to prosecute so hazardous an
Experiment, they desisted, without seeing any other effect of it, save that it
was told the Ambassadour, that it wrought once downwards with him: Since
which time, it hath been frequently practised both in Oxford & London; as
well before the Royal Society, as elsewhere. And particularly that Learned
Physitian, Dr. Timothy Clerk, hath made it part of his business, to pursue
those Experiments with much industry, great accurateness, and considerable
observations thereon; which above two years since, were by him produced
and read before the Royal Society, who thereupon desired him, as one of
their Members, to compleat, what he had proposed to himself upon that
subject, and then to publish the same: the Effect whereof 'tis hoped, will
now shortly appear, and not prove unwelcome to the Curious.
Some whereof, though they may conceive, that liquors thus injected into
Veines without preparation and digestion, will make odde, commotions in
the Blood, disturb Nature, and cause strange Symptoms in the Body, yet
they have other thoughts on Liquors, that are prepared of such things, as
have passed the Digestion of the Stomach; for example, of Spirit of Urine,
of Harts-horne, of Blood &c. And they hope likewise, that besides the
Medical Uses, that may be made of this Invention, it may also serve for
Anatomical purposes, by filling, after this way, the vessels of an Animal as
full, as they can hold, and by exceedingly distending them, discover New
Vessels, &c: But not now to enlarge upon the Uses, the Reader may
securely take this Narrative, as the naked real Matter of Fact, whereby 'tis as

clear, as Noon day (both from the Time, and irrefragable Testimony of very
many considerable Persons in that University, who can jointly attest it; as
well as from that particular unquestionable one of Mr. Boyle and his worthy
Company, who were the first Eye-witnesses of the Tryals made,) that to
Oxford, and in it, to Dr. Christopher Wren, this Invention is due; and
consequently, that all others, who discourse or write of it, doe either derive
it from Him, or are fallen upon the same Devise several years after Him.

Published with License.

Oxford, Printed by A: & L: Lichfield, for Ric: Davis. 1665.

Num. 8.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, Januar. 8. 1665/6.

The Contents.

An Account of the Tryals, made in Italy of Campani's new Optick
Glasses. A further relation of the Whale-fishing about the Bermudas,
and upon the Coast of New England, and New Netherland. Of a
remarkable Spring of Paderborn in Germany. Of some other
uncommon Springs at Basel and in Alsatia. Of the richest Salt-springs
in Germany. Some Observations of Strange Swarms of Insects, and the
mischiefs done by them: as also of the Brooding of Snakes and Vipers.
Observations of odd Constitutions of humane Bodies. Of a way, used in
Italy, of preserving Ice and Snow by Chaffe. Directions for Sea-men
bound for far Voyages, drawn up by Master Rook, late Geometry
Professour of Gresham Colledge. Some Observations of Jupiter;
Eclipsed by one of his Satellites: and of his Conversion about his Axis.
Of some Philosophical and Curious Books, that are shortly to come
abroad.

An Account of the Tryalls, made in Italy of Campani's new
Optick Glasses.

An Inquisitive Parisian writes to his Correspondent in London, as follows;
We received lately news from Rome, from a very Curious Person of our
acquaintance, importing, that Campani hath had the advantage of Divini.
The Great Duke of Toskany, and Prince Leopold, his Brother, upon Tryal,

made of both their Glasses, have found those of Campani excel the other,
and with them they have been able, easily to distinguish people at 4
Leagues distance: Of which I intend you more particulars hereafter.
Among them are expected the Length of these Telescopes, and the
Largeness of the Aperture of their Object-glasses. In the mean time, the
Parabolical-glasses, formerly mentioned to be in hand here at London, are
finishing with all possible care and industry.

A Further Relation of the Whale-fishing about the Bermudas,
and on the Coast of New-England and New-Netherland.

The same Person, that communicated the particulars about the new Whale-
fishing near the Bermudas, mentioned in the first of these Tracts, gives this
further Information; That there have been since taken by order of the
Bermudas Company, sixteen of those Whales, the Oyle whereof, to the
quantity of 50 or 60 Tuns arrived in Ireland at Limrick, some few months
agoe.
He adds, that about two years since, there stranded upon the Coast of New-
England a dead Whale, of that sort, which they call Trumpo, having Teeth
resembling those of a Mill, and its mouth at a good distance from, and
under the Nose or Trunk, and several boxes or partitions in the Nose, like
those of the Tailes in Lobsters; and that that being open'd there run out of it
a thin oily substance, which would candy in time; after which, the
remainder, being a thick fatty substance, was taken out of the same part,
with a scoope. And this substance he affirmed to be the Sperma Ceti; adding
further, that the Blubber, as they call it, it self, of the same sort of Whales,
when stewed, yields on the top a creamy substance, which taken off, and
thrown upon white wine, lets fall a dirty heterogeneous sediment, but what
remains aloft, affords a Sperma-Ceti-like matter.
He concluded his relation with observing, that these whales were to be met
with, between the Coast of New-England, and New-Netherland, where they
might be caught eight or nine months in the year, whereas those about the
Bermudas are to be found there only in the Months of February, March and
April.

Concerning the death of the Whale, which hath been related to have
stranded upon New-England, it is not very improbable, but, (that Fish
having also more than one Enemy, whereof a small Fish called the Thresher
is one, who, by Mr. Terry's Relation in his East-Indian Voyage, with his
nimbleness vexes him as much, as a Bee does a great Beast on the land; and
a certain horny Fish another, who runs its horn into the Whal's belly) it may
have been kill'd by the latter of these two; which kind of Fish is known,
sometimes to run its horn into Ships (perhaps taking them for Whales) and
there snapping it asunder; as hapned not long since to an English Vessel in
the West-Indian Seas; the broken piece of that Horn being by the Master of
that ship presented to the King, and now kept in His Majesties Repository:
the like whereof befel a French Vessel, sailing towards the East-Indies,
according to the Relation, made by Monsieur Thevenot in his second Tome
of Curious Voyages.

Of a remarkable Spring, about Paderborn in Germany.

An inquiring Gentleman of those parts writes to his Friend in London, as
follows;
In this Diocess of Paderborn, about 2 leagues from that Town, is a treble
Spring call'd Metborn, which has three streams, two wherof are not above
one foot and a half distant from one another, and yet of so differing
qualities, that whereas one of them is limpid, blewish, lukewarm, bubling,
and holding Sal-armoniack, Ochra, Iron, Vitriol, Allum, Sulphur, Niter,
Orpiment, used against Epilepsie, bad Spleens, and the Wormes; the other is
Ice-cold, turbid and whitish, much stronger in tast, and heavier than the
former, holding much Orpiment, Salt, Iron, Niter, and some Sal-Armoniack,
Allum and Vitriol; Of this all Birds, observed to drink of it, doe dye; which
I have also privately experimented by taking some of it home, and giving it
to Hens, after I had given them Oates, Barly and Bread-crums; For, soon
after they had drunk of it, they became giddy, reeled, and tumbled upon
their backs, with convulsion-fitts, and so dyed with a great extention of
their leggs. Giving them common-salt immediatly after they had drunk;
they dyed not so soon; giving them vineger, they dyed not at all, but seven
or eight days after were troubled with the Pipp. Those that dyed, being

open'd, their Lungs were found quite shrivelled together. Yet some men, that
are troubled with Worms, taking a litle quantity of it, and diluting it in
common water, have been observed by this means to kill the Worms in their
bellies, so that a great number of worms come from them; whereupon
though they are sick, yet they dye not. As to the third stream, that lyes lower
than the other two, about 20 paces distant from them, it is of a greenish
colour, very clear, and of a sowre sweet tast, pleasing enough. It hath about
a middle weight between the other two; whence wee guess, that it is mixed
of them both, meeting there together: to confirm which, we have mixed
equal quantities, of those two, with an addition of a litle common well-
water, and have found that they, being stirred together and permitted to
setle, made just a water of the same colour and tast of this third stream.

Of some other not-common Springs at Basel and in Alsatia.

A Curious Person writes from those Places in manner following;
At Basel the Spring, running in the Gerbergasse (or Tanners-street) from St.
Leonard's Hill, is of a Blewish colour, and somewhat troubled, holding
Copper, Bitumen, and Antimony, about 3 parts of the first, one of the
second, and two of the last, as has been examined by skilful Persons. Our
Tanners do water their Skins in it; and being a well-tasted and wholesome
Water, it is both much drunk, and used to Bath in. It mingles with another
Spring water, call'd the Birsick, and with it, between the Salt-tower and the
Rhine-gate runs into the Rhine.
In the same Town (which abounds with Spring-waters) there are two,
among the rest, called Bandulph's-well, and Brun Zum Brunnen, that are
more observable then the other; the former of them having a Camphory and
drying Quality, and used against Hydropical Distempers; the latter
containing some Sulphur, Saltpeter and Gold, and being an excellent Water
to drink, much used in the principal Tavern of the City, where the chief of
the Town do resort, and near which it runs.
In Alsatia in the Valley, called Leberthal, near Geesbach (an ancient Mine-
work) there runs out of a Cavern a foul, fattish, oily Liquor, which, though
the Country-men of that place employ to the vile use of greasing their

Wheels, instead of ordinary Wheel-grease; yet doth it afford an excellent
Balsom, by taking a quantity of it, and putting it in an Earthen Pot well
luted, that no steam may exhale; and then with a gentle Fire at first, but a
stronger afterwards, boyling it for three hours together; in which space it
will boyl in a fourth part, and an Earthen Matter, like Pitch, will settle it self
at the bottom: but on the top thereof, when cold, there will swim a fatty
Substance, like Lyne-Oyl, limped and somewhat yellowish, which is to be
decanted from the thick Sediment, and then gently distilled in an Alembick
in Arena, by which means, there will come over two differing Liquors, one
Phlegmatick, the other Oily, which latter swimming on the Phlegm, is to be
severed from it. The Phlegm is used as an excellent Resister and Curer of
all the Putrefactions of the Lungs and Liver, and it heals all foul Wounds
and Ulcers. The Oily part, being diluted with double its quantity of distilled
Vineger, and brought three times over the Helm, yields a rare Balsom,
against all inward and outward Corruptions, stinking Ulcers, hereditary
Scurfs and Scabs: 'Tis also much used against Apoplexies, Palsies,
Consumptions, Giddinesses, and Head-aches. Inwardly they take it with
Succory-water against all corruptions of the Lungs. It is a kind of
Petroleum, and contains no other Mineral Juice, but that of Sulphur, which
seems to be thus distilled by Nature under ground; the distillation of an Oyl
out of Sulphur by Art, being not so easie to perform.

Of the richest Salt-Springs in Germany.

An Account having been desired of those two chief Salt-Springs in
Germany, at Hall and Lunenburg, it was lately transmitted thus:
The Salt-Springs at Hall in Saxony are four, called Gutiaar, the Dutch-
Spring, the Mettritz, and the Hackel-dorn; whereof the three first hold near
the same proportion of Salt; the last hold less, but yields the purest Salt. The
three first hold about seven parts of Salt, three of Marcasit, and fourteen of
water: They are, besides their Oeconomical use, employed Medicinally to
Bath in, and to draw a Spirit out of it, exhibited with good success against
Venom, and the putrefaction of the Lungs, Liver, Reins, and the Spleen.
The Salt Water at Lunenburgh, being more greenish then white, and not
very transparent, is about the same nature and hold with that of Hall. It hath

a mixture of Lead with it, whence also it will not be sod in Leaden Pans,
and if it held no Lead at all, it would not be so good, that Metal being
judged to purifie the Water: whence also the Salt of Lunenburg is preferred
before all others, that are made of Salt Springs.

Some Observations of swarms of strange Insects, and the
Mischiefs done by them.

A great Observer, who hath lived long in New England, did upon occasion,
relate to a Friend of his in London, where he lately was, That some few
Years since there was such a swarm of a certain sort of Insects in that
English Colony, that for the space of of 200 Miles they poyson'd and
destroyed all the Trees of that Country; there being found innumerable little
holes in the ground, out of which those Insects broke forth in the form of
Maggots, which turned into Flyes that had a kind of taile or sting, which
they struck into the Tree, and thereby envenomed and killed it.
The like Plague is said to happen frequently in the Country of the Cosacks
or Ukrani, where in dry Summers they are infested with such swarms of
Locusts, driven thither by an East, or South-East Wind, that they darken the
Air in the fairest weather, and devour all the Corn of that Country; laying
their Eggs in Autumn, and then dying; but the Eggs, of which every one
layeth two or three hundred, hatching the next Spring, produce again such a
number of Locusts, that then they do far more mischief than afore, unless
Rains do fall, which kill both Eggs and the Insects themselves, or unless a
strong North or North-West Wind arise, which drives them into the Euxin
Sea: The Hogs of that Country loving these Eggs, devour also great
quantities of them, and thereby help to purge the Land of them; which is
often so molested by this Vermine, that they enter into their Houses and
Beds, fall upon their Tables and into their Meat, insomuch that they can
hardly eat without taking down some of them; in the Night when they
repose themselves upon the ground, they cover it three, or four Inches thick,
and if a Wheel pass over them, they emit a stench hardly to be endured: All
which, and much more may be fully seen in the French Description of the
Countries of Poland, made by Monsieur de Beauplan, and by Monsieur

Thevenot, in his Relation of the Cosacks, contained in the First part of his
Curious Voyages.

An Observation touching the Bodies of Snakes and Vipers.

Several have taken notice, that there is a difference between the brooding of
Snakes and Vipers, those laying their Eggs in Dung-hills, by whose warmth
they are hatched; but these (Vipers) brooding their Eggs within their
Bellies, and bringing forth live Vipers. To which may be added, That some
affirm to have seen Snakes lye upon their Eggs, as Hens sit upon theirs.

Some Observations of odde Constitutions of Bodies.

A very curious Person, studying Physick at Leyden, to whom had been
imparted those Relations about a Milky Substance in Veins, heretofore
alledged in Numb. 6. returns, by way of gratitude, the following
Observations.
There was (saith he) not many Years since, in this Country a Student, who
being much addicted to the study of Astronomy, and spending very many
Nights in Star-gazing, had, by the Nocturnal wet and cold temper of the Air,
in such a manner obstructed the pores of his skin, that little or nothing
exhaled from his Body; which appeared hence, because that the shirt, he
had worn five or six weeks, was then as white as if he had worn it but one
day. In the mean while he gathered a subcutaneous Water, of which yet he
was afterwards well cured.
We have also (saith the same) seen here a young Maid, of about thirteen
Years of age, which from the time that she was but six Years old, and began
to be about her Mother in the Kitchin, would, as often as she was bid to
bring her Salt, or could else come at it, fill her Pockets therewith, and eat it,
as other children doe Sugar: whence she was so dried up, and grown so
stiff, that she could not stirre her limbs, and was thereby starved to death.
That Learned and Observing Doctor John Beal, upon the perusal of the
forementioned Numb. 6. was pleased to communicate this Note:

To your Observation, of Milk in Veines, I can add a Phænomenon of some
resemblance to it, which I received above 20 years agoe from Thomas Day,
an Apothecary in Cambridg; vid. That himself let a man bloud in the arme,
by order of Doctor Eade, a Physitian there. The mans bloud was white as
Milk, as it run out of his arme, it had a little dilute redness, but immediately,
as it fell into the Vessel, it was presently white; and it continued like drops
of Milk on the pavement, where ever it fell. The conjecture which the said
Physitian had of the cause of this appearance, was, that the Patient had
much fed on Fish; affirming withall, that he had soon been a Leper, if not
prevented by Physick.

A way of preserving Ice and Snow by Chaffe.

The Ingenious Mr. William Ball did communicate the relation hereof, as he
had received it from his Brother, now residing at Livorne, as follows;
The Snow, or Ice-houses are here commonly built on the side of a steep hill,
being only a deep hole in the ground, by which meanes, they easily make a
passage out from the bottom of it, to carry away all the water, which, if it
should remain stagnating therein, would melt the Ice and Snow: but they
thatch it with straw, in the shape of a Saucepan-cover, that the rain may not
come at it. The sides (supposing it dry) they line not with any thing, as is
done in St. Jeames's Park, by reason of the moistness of the ground. This Pit
they fill full of Snow or Ice (taking care that the Ice be made of the purest
water, because they put it into their wine) over-spreading first the bottom
very well with Chaffe; by which I mean not any part of the straw, but what
remains upon the winnowing of the Corn; and I think, they here use Barley-
chaffe. This done, they further, as they put in the Ice, or the Snow, (which
latter they ram down,) line it thick by the sides with such Chaffe, and
afterwards cover it well with the same; and in half a years lying so, 'tis
found not to want above an eight part of what it weighed, when first put in.
When ever they take it out into the Aire, they wrap it in this Chaffe, and it
keeps to admiration. The use of it in England would not be so much for
cooling of drinks, as 'tis here generally used; but for cooling of fruits,
sweetmeats &c. So far this Author.

The other usual way both in Italy and other Countries, to conserve Snow
and Ice with Straw or Reed, is set down so punctually by Mr. Boyle in his
Experimental History of Cold, pag. 408. 409. that nothing is to be added. It
seems Pliny could not pass by these Conservatories, and the cooling of
drinks with Ice, without passing this severe, though elegant and witty,
Animadversion upon them: Hi Nives, illi glaciem potant, pœnásque
montium in voluptatem gulæ vertunt: Servatur algor æstibus,
excogitatúrque ut alienis mensibus nix algeat, lib. 19. cap. 4. But the
Epigrammatist sports with it thus;

Non potare nivem, sed aquam potare rigentem
De nive, commenta est ingeniosa sitis. Martial. 14. Ep. 117.

Directions for Sea-men, bound for far Voyages.

It being the Design of the R. Society, for the better attaining the End of their
Institution, to study Nature rather than Books, and from the Observations,
made of the Phænomena and Effects she presents, to compose such a
History of Her, as may hereafter serve to build a Solid and Useful
Philosophy upon; They have from time to time given order to several of
their Members to draw up both Inquiries of things Observable in forrain
Countries, and Directions for the Particulars, they desire chiefly to be
informed about. And considering with themselves, how much they may
increase their Philosophical stock by the advantage, which England injoyes
of making Voyages into all parts of the World, they formerly appointed that
Eminent Mathematician and Philosopher Master Rooke, one of their
Fellowes, and Geometry Professor of Gresham Colledge (now deceased to
the great detriment of the Common-wealth of Learning) to think upon and
set down some Directions for Sea-men going into the East & West-Indies,
the better to capacitate them for making such observations abroad, as may
be pertinent and suitable for their purpose; of which the said Sea-men
should be desired to keep an exact Diary, delivering at their return a fair
Copy thereof to the Lord High Admiral of England, his Royal Highness the
Duke of York, and another to Trinity-house to be perused by the R. Society.
Which Catalogue of Directions having been drawn up accordingly by the
said Mr. Rook, and by him presented to those, who appointed him to

expedite such an one, it was thought not to be unseasonable at this time to
make it publique, the more conveniently to furnish Navigators with Copies
thereof. They are such, as follow;
1. To observe the Declination of the Compass, or its Variation from the
Meridian of the place, frequently; marking withal, the Latitude and
Longitude of the place, wherever such Observation is made, as exactly as
may be, and setting down the Method, by which they made them.
2. To carry Dipping Needles with them, and observe the Inclination of the
Needle in like manner.
3. To remark carefully the Ebbings and Flowings of the Sea, in as many
places as they can, together with all the Accidents, Ordinary and
Extraordinary, of the Tides; as, their precise time of Ebbing and Flowing in
Rivers, at Promontories or Capes; which way their Current runs, what
Perpendicular distance there is between the highest Tide and lowest Ebb,
during the Spring-Tides and Neap-Tides; what day of the Moons age, and at
times of the year, the highest and lowest Tides fall out: And all other
considerable Accidents, they can observe in the Tides, cheifly neer Ports,
and about Ilands, as in St. Helena's Iland, and the three Rivers there, at the
Bermodas &c.
4. To make Plotts and Draughts of prospect of Coasts, Promontories, Islands
and Ports, marking the Bearings and Distances, as neer as they can.
5. To sound and marke the Depths of Coasts and Ports, and such other
places nere the shoar, as they shall think fit.
6. To take notice of the Nature of the Ground at the bottom of the Sea, in all
Soundings, whether it be Clay, Sand, Rock, &c.
7. To keep a Register of all changes of Wind and Weather at all houres, by
night and by day, shewing the point the Wind blows from, whether strong or
weak: The Rains, Hail, Snow and the like, the precise times of their
beginnings and continuance, especiall Hurricans and Spouts; but above all
to take exact care to observe the Trade-Winds, about what degree of
Latitude and Longitude they first begin, where and when they cease, or
change, or grow stronger or weaker, and how much; as near and exact as
may be.

8. To observe and record all Extraordinary Meteors, Lightnings, Thunders,
Ignes fatui, Comets, &c. marking still the places and times of their
appearing, continuance. &c.
9. To carry with them good Scales, and Glasse-Violls of a pint or so, with
very narrow mouths, which are to be fill'd with Sea-water in different
degrees of Latitude, as often as they please, and the weight of the Vial full
of water taken exactly at every time, and recorded, marking withall the
degree of Latitude, and the day of the Month: And that as well of water near
the Top; as at a greater Depth.

Some Observations concerning Jupiter. Of the shadow of one of
his Satellites seen, by a Telescope passing over the Body of
Jupiter.

I have received an Account from very good hands, That on the 26th. of
September last, at half hour after seven of the Clock, was seen, both in
Holland and in France (by curious Observers, with very good Telescopes)
the shadow of one of the Satellites of Jupiter, passing over his Body. One of
those small Stars moving about his Body (which are therefore called his
Satellites) coming between the Sun and it, made a small Eclipse, appearing
in the Face of Jupiter as a little round black Spot. The Particulars of those
Observations, when they shall come to our Hands, we may (if need be)
make them publik: Which Observations, as they are in themselves very
remarkable, and argue the Excellency of the Glasses by which they were
discovered; So are we, in part, beholding to Monsieur Cassini for them,
who giving notice before hand of such Appearances to be expected, gave
occasion to those Curious Observers to look for them.

Of a permanent Spot in Jupiter: by which is manifested the
conversion of Jupiter about his own Axis.

Besides that Transient Shadow last mentioned, there hath been observed, by
Monsieur Cassini, a permanent Spot in the Disque of Jupiter; by the help
whereof, he hath been able to observe, not onely that Jupiter turns about

upon his own Axis, but also the Time of such conversion; which he
estimates to be, 9 hours and 56 minutes.
For as Kepler did before conjecture, from the motion of the Primitive
Planets about the Sun as their Center, that the Sun moved about its own
Axis, but could not prove it, till by Galileo and Shiner the Spots in the Sun
were discovered; so it hath been thought reasonable, from the Secundary
Planets moving about Jupiter, that Jupiter is also moved about his Axis;
yet, till now, it hath not been evinced by Observation, That it doth so move;
much less, in what Period of Time. And the like reason there is to judge so
of Saturn, because of the Secundary Planet discovered by Monsieur Hugens
de Zulichem to move about it; (though such motion be not yet evinced from
Observation:) as well as that of the Earth, from its Attendant the Moon.
Whether the same may be also concluded of the other Planets, Mars, Venus,
and Mercury, (about whom have not yet been observed any Secondary
Planets to move,) is not so evident. Yet there may be somewhat of like
probability in those. Not onely, because it is possible they may have
Secundary Planets about them, though not yet discovered; (For, we know, it
was long after those of Jupiter, before that about Saturn was discovered;
and who knows, what after times may discover about the rest?) But because
the Primary Planets being all in like manner inlightned by the Sun, and (in
all likely hood) moved by it; it is likely that they be moved by the same
Laws and Methods; and therefore, turn'd about their own Axis, as it is
manifest that some of them are.
But, as for the Secundary Planets, as well those about Jupiter, as that about
Saturn; it is most likely that they have no such Rotation upon their Axis.
Not so much because, by reason of their smalness, no such thing hath been
yet observed, (or, indeed, could be, though it were true;) But because they
being Analogical to our Moon, it is most likely that they are moved in like
manner. Now, though it be true, that there is some kind of Libration of the
Moon's body, so that we have not precisely just the same part of it looking
towards us; (as is evident by Hevelius observations, and others;) yet is there
no Revolution upon its Axis; the same part of it, with very little alteration,
always respecting us, as is to be seen in Hevelius his Tratise de Motu Lunæ
Libratorio, and indeed, by all those who have written particularly of the

spots on the Moon; and is universally known to all that have with any
curiosity viewed it with Telescopes.

Of some Philosophical and curious Books, that are shortly to
come abroad.

1. Of the Origine of Forms and Qualities, deduced from Mechanical
Principles; by the Honorable Robert Boyle Esq.
2. Hydrostatical Paradoxes, by the same. Both in English.
3. A Tract of the Origine of the Nile, by Monsieur Isaac Vossius, opposed to
that of Monsieur de la Chambre, who is maintaining, That Niter is the
principal cause of the Inundation of that River.
4. A Dissertation of Vipers, by Signor Redi, an Italian.
5. A Discourse of the Anatomy of a Lyon, by the same.
6. Another, De Figuris Salium, by the same.
7. A Narration of the Establishment of the Lyncei, an Italian Academy, and
of their Design and Statutes: the Prince Cesi being the Head of them, who
did also intend to establish such Philosophical Societies in all parts of the
World, and particularly in Africa and America, to be by that means well
informed of what considerable productions of Nature were to be found in
those parts. The Author yet Anonymus.
8. To these I shall add, a Book newly Printed in Oxford (and not yet
dispersed) being, A Catalogue of Fixed Stars with their Longitudes,
Latitudes, and Magnitudes, according to the Observations of Uleg-Beig (a
King, and famous Astronomer, who was Great-Grand-childe to the famous
Tamerlane, and one of his Successors in some of his Kingdoms) made at
Samarcand, his cheief seat, (for the year of the Hegira 841, for the year of
Christ 1427), who not finding the Tables of Ptolemy to agree sufficiently
with the Heavens, did with great diligence, and expense, make observations
anew; as Tycho Brahe hath since done. It is a small part of a larger
Astronomical Treatise of his, whereof there be divers Persian Manuscript

Copies in Oxford. Out of which this is Translated and Published, both in
Persian and Latine, by Mr. Thomas Hyde, now Library Keeper to the
Bodleyan Library in Oxford: (with Commentaries of his annexed:) Like as
another part of it hath formerly been by Mr. John Graves. And it were a
desirable work that the whole were Translated, that we might be the better
acquainted with what was the Eastern Astronomy at that time.

Published with License.

Oxford, Printed by A: & L: Lichfield, for Ric: Davis. 1666.

Num. 9.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, Feb. 12. 1665/6.

The Contents.

An Apendix to the Directions for Seamen, bound for far voyages. Of
the judgment of some of the English Astronomers, touching the
difference between two learned men, about an Observation made of the
first of the two late Comets. Of a Correspondency, to be procured, for
the finding out of the True distance of the Sun and Moon from the
Earth. Of an Observation not long since made in England of Saturn.
An Account of some Mercurial Observations, made with a Barometer,
and their Results. Some Observations of Vipers, made by an Italian
Philosopher.

An Appendix to the Directions for Seamen, bound for far
Voyages.

Whereas it may be of good use, both Naval and Philosophical, to know,
both how to sound depths of the sea without a Line, and to fetch up water
from any depth of the same; the following waies have been contrived by
Mr. Hook to perform both; (which should have been added to the lately
printed Directions for Seamen, if then it could have been conveniently
done.)
First, for the sounding of depths without a Cord,
consider Figure 1, and accordingly take a Globe of
Firr, or Maple, or other light Wood, as A: let it be well
secured by Vernish, Pitch, or otherwise, from imbibing
water; then take a piece of Lead or Stone, D,
considerably heavier then will sink the Globe: let there
be a long Wire-staple B, in the Ball A, and a springing
Wire C, with a bended end F, and into the said staple,
press in with your fingers the springing Wire on the
bended end: and on it hang the weight D, by its ring E,
and so let Globe and all sink gently into the water, in
the posture represented in the first Figure, to the
bottom, where the weight D touching first, is thereby
stopt; but the Ball, being by the Impetus, it acquired in descending, carried
downwards a little after the weight is stopt, suffers the springing wire to fly
back, and thereby sets it self at liberty to reascend. And, by observing the
time of the Ball's stay under water (which may be done by a Watch, having
minuts and seconds, or by a good Minut-glass, or best of all, by a Pendulum
vibrating seconds) you will by this way, with the help of some Tables, come
to know any depth of the sea.
Note, that care must be had of proportioning the weight and shape of the
Lead, to the bulk, weight, and figure of the Globe, after such a manner, as
upon experience shall be found most convenient.
In some of the Tryals already made with this Instrument, the Globe being of
Maple-wood, well covered with Pitch to hinder soaking in, was 513/16

inches in diameter, and weighed 2½ pounds: the Lead of 4½ pounds weight,
was of a Conical figure, 11. inches long, with the sharper end downwards,
19/16 inches at the top, and 1/16 at the bottom in diameter. And in those
Experiments, made in the Thames, in the depth of 19. foot water, there
passed between the Immersion and Emersion of the Globe, 6. seconds of an
hour; and in the depth of 10. foot water, there passed 3½ seconds or
thereabout: From many of which kind of Experiments it will likely not be
hard to finde out a method to calculate, what depth is to be concluded from
any other time of the like Globes stay under water.
In the same Tryals, made with this Instrument in the said
River of Thames, it has been found, that there is no
difference in time, between the submersions of the Ball
at the greatest depth, when it rose two Wherries length
from the place where it was let fall (being carried by the
Current of the Tide) and when it rose within a yard or so
of the same place where it was let down.
The other Instrument, for Fetching up water from the
depth of the sea, is (as appears by Figure 2.) a square
woodden Bucket C, whose bottoms EE, are so contrived,
that as the weight A, sinks the Iron B, (to which the
Bucket C, is fastned by two handles DD, on the ends of
which are the moveable bottoms or Valves EE,) and
thereby draws down the Bucket, the resistance of the
water keeps up the Bucket in the posture C; whereby the
water hath, all the while it is descending, a clear passage
through; whereas, as soon as the Bucket is pulled upwards by the Line F,
the resistance of the water to that motion beats the Bucket downward, and
keeps it in the posture G, whereby the Included water is preserved from
getting out, and the Ambient water kept from getting in.
By the advantage of which Vessel, it may be known, whether sea water be
Salter at and towards the bottom, then at or near the top: Likewise, whether
in some places of the sea, any sweet water is to be found at the bottom; the
Affirmative whereof is to be met with in the East Indian Voyages of the
industrious John Hugh Van Linsckoten, who page 16 of that Book, as 'tis
Englished, records, that in the Persian Gulph, about the Island Barem, or

Baharem, they fetch up with certain Vessels (which he describes not) water
out of the sea, from under the salt-water, four or five fathom deep, as sweet,
as any Fountain water.

Of the Judgement of some of the English Astronomers, touching
the difference between two learned men, about an Observation
made of the First of the two late Comets.

Whereas notice has been taken in Num. 6. of these
By Telescopical
Transactions, that there was some difference between Stars are
those two deservedly celebrated Philosophers, Monsieur understood such, as
are not seen, but by
Hevelius and Monsieur Auzout, concerning an the help of a
Observation, made by the former of them, on the 8/18 of Telescope.
February 1665. & that thereupon some Eminent English
Astronomers, considering the importance of the dispute, had undertaken the
examination thereof; it will, 'tis conceived, not be unacceptable to such, as
saw those Papers, to be informed, what has been done and discerned by
them in that matter. They having therefore compared the Printed Writings of
the two Dissenters, and withall consulted the observations made with
Telescopes at home, by some of the most intelligent Astronomers amongst
them, who have attentively observed the Position of that Comet to the
Telescopical stars, that lay in its way; Do thereupon Joyntly conclude, that,
whatever that Appearance was, which was seen near the First Star of Aries,
by Monsieur Hevelius (the truth of whose relation concerning the same,
they do in no wise question) the said Comet did not come neer that Star in
the left Ear of Aries, where the said M. Hevelius supposes it to have passed,
but took its course neer the Bright Star in its Left Horn, according to Bayers
Tables. And since that the Observations of judicious both French, Italian, &
Dutch Astronomers (as many of them, as are come to the knowledge of the
English) do in the main fully agree with theirs, they do not at all doubt, but
that, there being such an unanimous consent in what has been just now
declared, & the Controversie being about Matter of fact, wherein Authority,
Number, and Reputation must cast the Ballance, Mons. Hevelius, who is as
well known for his Ingenuity, as Learning, will joyn and acquiesce in that
sentiment.

Of a correspondency, to be procured, for the Finding out the
True distance of the Sun and Moon from the Earth, by the
Paralax, observed under (or neer) the same Meridian.

Seeing that the knowledge of this distance may prove of important Use, for
the Perfecting of Astronomy, and for the better establishing the doctrine of
Refractions, it is in the thoughts of some very curious Persons in England,
for the finding out the same, to settle a Correspondency with some others
abroad, that are understanding in Astronomical matters, and live in places
farr distant in Latitude, and under (or near) the same Meridian.
To perform which, the following Method is proposed to be observed; viz.
That at certain times agreed on by two Observatours, making use of
Telescopes, large, good and well fitted for this purpose, by a measuring rod,
placed within the Eye glass at a convenient distance, that it may be
distinctly seen, and serve for measuring small distances by minuts and
seconds (which is easie enough in large Telescopes) that, I say, each of such
observers, thus furnish't shall observe the visible way of the Moon among
the Fixt Stars, (by taking her exact distance from any Fixt Starr, that lyes in
or very near her way, together with the exact time of her so appearing) and
the then apparent Diameter of her Disk; continuing these Observations
every time for two or three hours; that so, if possible, two exact
observations of her Apparent place among the Fixt Stars being made, at two
places thus distant in Latitude, and as near as may be under the same
Meridian, by these Observators concurring at the same time, her true and
exact distance may be hence collected, not onely for that time, but at all
other times, by any single Observator's viewing her with a Telescope, and
measuring exactly her Apparent Diameter. It were likewise desirable, that as
often as there happens any considerable Eclipse of the Sun, that this also
might be observed by them, noting therein the exact measure of the greatest
Obscuration compared with the then Apparent Diameter of his Disk. For by
this means, after the distance of the Moon hath been exactly found, the
distance of the Sun will easily be deduced.
As for the time, fittest for making Observations of the Moon, that will be,
when she is about a Quarter or somewhat less illuminated, because then her
light is not so bright, but that with a good Telescope she may be observ'd to

pass close by, and sometimes over several Fixt Stars; which is about four or
five days before or after her Change: Or else at any other time, when the
Moon passes near or over some of the bigger sort of Fixt Stars, such as of
the first or second Magnitude; which may be easily calculated and foreseen:
Or best of all, when there is any Totall Eclipse of the Moon; for then the
smallest Telescopical Stars may be seen close adjoyning to the very body of
the Moon. Of all which particulars the two Correspondents are to agree, as
soon as he, that is to joyn abroad, shall be found out; whereupon they are
mutually to communicate to each other, what they shall have thus observed
in each place.

Of an Observation, not long since made in England, of Saturn.

This Observation was made by Mr. William Ball,
accompanied by his brother, Dr. Ball, October
13. 1665. at six of the Clock, at Mainhead near
Exeter in Devonshire, with a very good Telescope
near 38 foot long, and a double Eye-glass, as the
observer himself takes notice, adding, that he
never saw that Planet more distinct. The observation is represented by
Figure 3. concerning which, the Author saith in his letter to a friend, as
follows; This appear'd to me the present figure of Saturn, somewhat
otherwise, than I expected, thinking it would have been decreasing, but I
found it full as ever, and a little hollow above and below. Whereupon the
Person, to whom notice was sent hereof, examining this shape, hath by
Letters desired the worthy Author of the Systeme of this Planet, that he
would now attentively consider the present Figure of his Anses or Ring, to
see whether the appearance be to him, as in this Figure, and consequently
whether he there meets with nothing, that may make him think, that it is not
one body of a Circular Figure, that embraces his Diske, but two.
And to the end that other Curious men, in other places might be engaged, to
joyn their Observations with him, to see, whether they can find the like
appearance to that, represented here, especially such Notches or
Hollownesses, as at A and B, it was thought fit to insert here the newly
related Account.

A Relation of some Mercurial Observations, and their Results.

Modern Philosophers, to avoyd Circumlocutions, call that Instrument,
wherein a Cylinder of Quicksilver, of between 28. and 31. Inches in
Altitude, is kept suspended after the manner of the Torricellian Experiment,
a Barometer or Baroscope, first made publick by that Noble Searcher of
Nature, Mr. Boyle, and imployed by Him and others, to detect all the minut
variations in the Pressure and weight of the Air. For the more curious and
nice distinguishing of which small changes, Mr. Hook in the Preface to his
Micrography, has described such an Instrument with a Wheel, contrived by
himself, and, by these two last years trials of it, constantly found most exact
for that purpose: which being so accurate, and not difficult to be made, it
were desirable, that those who have a Genius and opportunities of making
Observations of this kind, would furnish themselves with such of these
Instruments, as were exactly made and adjusted according to the Method,
delivered in the newly mentioned place.
To say something of the Observations, made by this Instrument, and withal
to excite studious Naturalists to a sedulous prosecution of the same, the
Reader may first take notice, that the lately named Mr. Boyle hath (as
himself not long since did intimate to the Author of these Tracts) already
made divers Observations of this kind in the year 1659. and 1660. before
any others were publick, or by him so much as heard of; though he has
hitherto forborn to divulge them, because of some other Papers (in whose
Company they were to appear) which being hindred by other studies and
employments, he hath not as yet finished.
Next, that, besides several others, who, since have had the curiosity of
making such observations, the Worthy and Inquisitive Dr. John Beal, is
doing his part with much assiduity (of which he hath by several Letters
acquainted his Friends in London) both by observing himself, and by
procuring many Correspondents in several places in England for the same
purpose; judging it of great importance, that Observations of this kind be
made in parts somewhat distant from one another, that so from many of
those, accurately made and then compared, it may be discovered, whether
the Aire gravitates more in the parts of the Earth lying more East or West,
North or South? whether on such as lie neerer to the Sea, or further up into
the Mainland? in hotter or colder weather? whether in high Winds or

Calms? whether in wet weather or dry? whether most when a North, or
when a South, when an East or a West wind blows? and whether it keeps
the same seasons of Changes? and whether the seasons and changes of the
Air and Weather can be thereby discover'd, and the now hidden causes of
many other Phænomena detected?
The said Doctor is so much pleased with the discovery already made by the
help of this Instrument, that he thinks it to be one of the most wonderful
that ever was in the World, if we speak of strangeness, and just wonder, and
of Philosophical importance, separate from the interest of lucre. For (saith
he in one of his Letters) who could ever expect, that we men should find an
Art, to weigh all the Air that hangs over our heads, in all the changes of it,
and, as it were, to weigh, and to distinguish by weight, the Winds and the
Clouds? Or, who did believe, that by palpable evidence we should be able
to prove, the serenest Air to be most heavy, and the thickest Air, and when
darkest Clouds hang neerest to us, ready to dissolve, or dropping, then to be
lightest. And though (so he goes on) we cannot yet reach to all the Uses and
Applications of it, yet we should be entertain'd for a while, by the truly
Honourable Mr. Boyle, as the leading person herein, upon the delight and
wonder. The Magnet was known many hundreds of years before it was
applied to find out New Worlds. To me (saith he) tis a wonderful delight,
that I have alwaies in my Study before my eye such a Curious Ballance.
Having thus in General expressed his thoughts about this Invention, and the
singular pleasure, he takes in the Observations made therewith, he descends
to particulars, and in several Letters communicates them to his
Correspondent, as follows:
1. My Wheel-barometer I could never fill so exactly with The Exclusion of all
Mercury as to exclude all Air; and therefore I trust more to Air is here
a Mercurial Cane, and take all my Notes from it. This necessary, because
Air being subject to
Cane is but 35. Inches long, of a very slender Cavity, and the operation of
thick Glass. This may easily be conveyed to any place, for Heat and Cold, if
Trials. The Vessel for the stagnating Mercury, into which any of it remain in
the Barometer, it
the said Cane is immersed, is about two Inches wide. The will cause it to vary
Mercury so well fill'd, that for some daies it would not from shewing the
subside, but hung to the top of the Glass-cane. I keep it in true Pressure of the
Air.
a Closet pretty close, 9. foot high, 8. foot broad, 15. foot

long; neer a Window. This I note, because possibly the closeness of the
room may hinder, that it gives not the full of all Changes, as it might in a
more passable Air.
2. In all my Observations from May 28. 1664 to this present (December 9.
1665.) the Quicksilver never ascended but very little above 30¼ Inches.
3. It ascended very seldom so high (videl. to 30¼ Inches) chiefly Decemb.
13. 1664. the weather being fickle-fair, Evening.
4. I find by my Calender of June 22. 1664. at 5. in the Morning, in a time of
long setled fair weather, that the Mercury had ascended about half an Inch
higher then 30: but I fear some mistake, because I then took no impression
of wonder at it; yet for 3. or 4. daies, at that time it continued high, in well-
setled, fair and warm weather; most part above 30. Inches. So that I may
note, the Mercury to rise as high in the hottest Summer, as in the coldest
Winter-weather.
5. Yet surely I have noted it ascend a little higher for the Perhaps this is from
Coldness of the Weather; and very frequently, both in some included Air.
Winter and Summer to be higher in the cold Mornings and
Evenings, then in the warmer Mid-day.
6. Generally in setled and fair weather both of Winter and Summer, the
Mercury is higher, than a little before or after, or in Rainy weather.
7. Again, generally it descended lower after Rain, than it was before Rain.
8. Generally also it falls in great winds; and somewhat it It seems these were
seem'd to sink, when I open'd a wide door to it, to let in Easterly winds.
stormy winds; yet I have found it to continue very high, in
a long stormy wind of 3. or 4. daies.
9. Again, generally it is higher in an East and North-wind. (Cæteris
paribus) than in a South and West-wind.
10. I tryed several times, by strong fumes and thick smoaks to alter the Air
in my Closet; but I cannot affirm, that the Mercury yielded any more, then
might be expected from some increase of heat. Such as have exact Wheel-
Barometers, may try whether Odors or Fumes do alleviate the Air.

11. In this Closet I have not in all this time found the extreamest changes of
the Quicksilver to amount to more, than to 2¾, or to 2⅞. inches, at most.
12. Very often I have found great changes in the Air, without any
perceptible change in the Barometer; as in the dewy nights, when the
moisture descends in a great quantity, and the thickness sometimes seems to
hide the Stars from us: In the days foregoing, and following, the Vapors
have been drawn up so Invisibly, that the Air and Sky seem'd very clear all
day long. This I account a great change between ascending and descending
Dews and Vapors (which import Levity and Weight,) and between thick Air
and clear Air: which changes do sometimes continue in the Alternative
course of day and night, for a week or fortnight together; and yet the
Baroscope holding the same.
13. Sometimes (I say not often) the Baroscope yields not to other very great
changes of the Air. As lately (December 18.) an extraordinary bright and
clear day; and the next following quite darkened, some Rain and Snow
falling; but the Mercury the same: so in high winds and calms the same.
14. I do conceive, that such as converse much Sub dio, and walk much
abroad, may find many particulars much more exactly, then I, who have no
leisure for it, can undertake. To instance in one of many, December 16. last,
was a clear cold day, very sharp and strong East wind, the Mercury very
near 30. inches high, about three in the afternoon, I saw a large black cloud,
drawing near us from the East and South-East, with the East-wind. The
Mercury changed not that day nor the day following; the Stars and most of
the sky were very bright and clear till Nine of the Clock; and then suddenly
all the sky was darkned, yet no change of weather happened; December 17.
the frost held, and 'twas a clear day, till about two of the clock in the
afternoon; and then many thick clouds appear'd low in the West; yet no
change of the weather here; the Wind, Frost, and Quick-silver, the same,
December 18. the Mercury fell almost ¼ of an inch, and the sky and Air so
clear and bright and cold with an East-wind, that I wondred what could
cause the Mercury to descend. I Expected, it should have ascended, as
usually it does in such clear skys. Casually I sent my servant abroad, and he
discovered the remote Hills, about 20. miles off, cover'd with snow, This
seem'd to manifest, that the Air, being discharged of the clouds by snow,
became lighter.

15. I have seldom seen the change to be very great, at any one time. For,
though I do not now take a deliberate view of my Notes, yet I wonder'd
once to see, that in one day it subsided about ¾ of an inch.
16. Of late I have altered my Method upon the Barometer, observing it, as it
is before my Eyes, all day long, and much of the night, being watchful for
the moments of every particular change, to examine, what cause in the Air
and Heavens may appear for such changes. And now my wonder is, to see,
how slow it is, it holding most between the nine and twentieth and thirtieth
inch of late.

17. I must now (January 13. 1665/6) tell you, that the Mercury stands at this
time (as it did also yesterday) a quarter above 30. inches; yet both days very
dark and cloudy, sometimes very thick and misty Air; which seldom falls
out. For, for the most part, I see it higher in clearest setled weather, than in
such cloudy and misty Foggs. This thick Air and darkness hath lasted above
a week; lately more Cold, and East and North-East wind.
Thus far the Notes of this Observing Divine; of which Mr. This seems to be
Boyle, to whom they were also communicated, entertains wished, because the
these thoughts, that they seem to him very faithfully made, motion of the
and do for the main, agree well enough with his Mercury may be
more free in a wider
observations, as far as he remembers, not having them, it Cane.
seems, at that time, when he wrote this, at hand; and
though it be wished by him, that the Observer's Glass-Cane had been
somewhat bigger; yet his diligence in fitting it so carefully, or rather so
skilfully, as is above-mentioned, is much by him commended.

Some Observations of Vipers.

A curious Italian, called Francesco Redi, having lately had an opportunity,
by the great number of Vipers, brought to the Grand Duke of Toscany for
the composing of Theriac or Treacle, to examine what is vulgarly delivered
and believed concerning the Poyson of those Creatures, hath, (according to
the account, given of it in the French Journal des Scavans, printed January
4. 1665/6) performed his undertaking with much exactness, and published in
an Italian tract, not yet come into England, these Observations.

1. He hath observed, that the poyson of Vipers is neither in their Teeth, nor
in their Tayle, nor in their Gall: but in the two Vesicles or Bladders, which
cover their teeth, and which coming to be compressed, when the Vipers
bite, do emit a certain yellowish Liquor, that runs along the teeth and
poysons the wound. Whereof he gives this proof, that he hath rub'd the
wounds of many Animals with the Gall of Vipers, and pricked them with
their Teeth, and yet no considerable ill accident follow'd upon it, but that as
often as he rubbed the wounds with the said yellow Liquor, not one of them
escaped.
2. Whereas commonly it hath hitherto been believed, that the poyson of
Vipers being swallowed, was present death; this Author, after many
reiterated Experiments, is said to have observed, that in Vipers there is
neither Humour, nor Excrement, nor any part, not the Gall it self, that,
being taken into the Body, kills. And he assures, that he hath seen men eat,
and hath often made Bruit Animals swallow all that is esteem'd most
poysonous in a Viper, yet without the least mischief to them. Whence he
shews, that it needs not so much to be wondred at, that certain Empiricks
swallow the juyce of the most venomous Animals without receiving any
harm thereby; adding, that, which is ascribed to the vertue of their Antidote,
ought to be attributed to the nature of those kinds of Poysons, which are no
poysons, when they are swallow'd, (for which Doctrine he also alledges
Celsus) but onely when they are put into wounds. Which also has been
noted by Lucan, who introduces Cato thus speaking;

Noxia serpentum est admisto sanguine pestis,
Morsu virus habent, & fatum dente minantur;
Pocula morte carent.

And what also some Authors have affirm'd, videl. That it is mortal, to eat of
the Flesh of creatures killed by Vipers; or to drink of the Wine wherein
Vipers have been drowned; or to suck the wounds that have been made by
them, is by this Authour observed to be wide of truth. For he assures, that
many persons have eaten Pullets and Pigeons, bitten by Vipers, without
finding any alteration from it in their health. On the contrary, he declares,
That it is a soveraign Remedy against the biting of Vipers, to suck the
wound; alledging an Experiment, made upon a Dog, which he caused to be
bitten by a Viper at the nose, who by licking his own wound saved his life.

Which he confirms by the example of those people, celebrated in History by
the name of Marsi and Psilli, whose Employment it was, to heal those, that
had been bitten by Serpents, by sucking their wounds.
3. He adds, that although Galen and many modern Physitians do affirm,
that there is nothing, which causeth so much thirst, as Vipers-flesh, yet he
hath experimented the contrary and knows divers persons, who did eat the
flesh of Vipers at all their meals, and yet did assure him, they never were
less dry, then when they observed that kind of Diet.
4. As for the Salt of Vipers, whereof some Chymists have so great esteem,
he saith, that it hath no Purging vertue at all in it; adding that even of All
Salts, none hath more vertue than another, as he pretends to have shew'd in
an other Book of his, De natura salium; which also hath not been yet
transmitted into these parts.
5. He denies, what Aristotle assures, and what Galen saith to have often
tryed, that the Spittle of a Fasting person kills Vipers; and he laughs at
many other particulars, that have been delivered concerning the Antipathy
of Vipers unto certain things; and their manner of Conception and
Generation, and several other properties, commonly ascribed to them;
which the alledged French Author affirms to be refuted by so many
experiments made by this Italian Philosopher, that it seems to him, there is
no place left for doubting, after so authentick a testimony.

Advertisement.

The Reader of these Transactions is desired to correct these Errata in
Number 8. viz. page. 132. line penult. read Wine for Lime; and page 133.
line 10. read Thresher for Trepher, as some Copies have it; and page 136.
line ult. read purifie for putrifie.

LONDON,

Printed for John Martyn and James Allestree, Printers to the Royal Society.
1666.

Num. 10.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, March 12. 1665/6.

The Contents.

Observations continued upon the Barometer, or Ballance of the Air. A
Relation concerning the Earth-quake neer Oxford; together with some
Observations of the sealed Weatherglass and Barometer thereupon by
Dr. Wallis. A more full and particular Account of those Observations
about Jupiter, that were mention'd in Numb. 8. An Account of some
Books, lately publisht, videl. Mr. Boyles Hydrostatical Paradoxes;
Steno de Musculis & Gladulis; De Graeff de Natura & Usu Succi
Pancreatici.

Observations continued upon the Barometer, or rather Ballance
of the Air.

These Transactions being intended, not only to be (by parcels) brief
Records of the Emergent Works and Productions in the Universe; Of the
Mysteries of Nature of later discoveries; And, of the growth of Useful
Inventions and Arts; but also, and chiefly, to sollicite in all parts mutuall
Ayds and Collegiate endeavours for the farther advancement thereof: We
shall begin this Second year of our Publications in this kind (in which, for
3-moneths the Printing-presses were interrrupted by the publick Calamity)
with a few more particular Observations upon the Ballance of the Air, as

they are most happily invented and directed by Mr. Boyle; and deserve to be
prosecuted with care and diligence in all places.
But it is to be premised, that the Worthy person, who was alledged as the
Author of the Observations, delivered of this kind in the last of these Tracts
(Dr. Beale) gives notice, That he did not pretend to exactness, but only to
excite the carefulness of others in the several distant places, and chiefly
such, as can have the assistance of a Wheel-ballance perfectly filled:
without both which aids he hopes not to obtain all the benefits and
mysteries of this Invention.
This being thus briefly intimated, the Account of the Observations
themselves, as they were extracted out of a late Letter of the same Person,
are, as followes:
1. As I have fitted and filled the Single Cane, I can say in the general, That I
have not yet found any such infallible Prognostick of these changes of
weather, which do follow a long serenity, or setled weather. And perchance
in brighter Climats it may be constantly infallible. In these Northern
Islands, the Clouds are so short, and narrow, and by fickle changes are
sometimes emptied upon us, sometimes so neer, as may make so little
variation in the weight of the whole Atmosphere of Air, as may sometimes
deceive us, or smother and hide from us the causes of Hygroscopes are
fixedness, or of changes. I wish I could see a good Instruments, to
Calendar or Journal taken in taken in Tangier, and in discover the
some of our Northern and most Southern parts of America. degrees of Moisture
and Drought of the
I have store of Hygroscopes of divers kinds; and I do Air.
remark them, and the sweatings of Marble, and as many
other famed Prognosticks, as I can hear off; but can find nothing so neerly
indicative of the change of weather, as this Ballance. Those others are often
changed by Dews, which do not at all alter the Ballance, nor alter the state
of the weather: And the open Weather-glass is known to signifie nothing at
certainty, having a double obedience to two Masters, sometimes to the
Weight of the Air, sometimes to Heat, as the service is commanded.
2. And in further confirmation of this Note, I may adde to the former, That
in January last 1665/6, from the fourth, and more especially from the
seventh day, for many daies it continued very dark, so that all men expected

daily great rain; yet the Mercury held very high, neer to the greatest height;
And though in those daies sometimes thick mists arose, and some small rain
fell, yet the Quick-silver held at a great height: which did indicate to me,
there could then be no great change of weather. As the small rain fell, it
yeilded somewhat, not much; and that does more confirm the indication.
And more lately, in very dark daies, I had the same confidence upon the
same ground, and I was not disappointed.
3. Again, if the Mercury ascends to a good height after the fall of rain (as
sometimes, but less often it does) then I look for a setled serenity; but if it
proceeds after rain in a descending motion, then I expect a continuance of
broken and showry weather. But in all, as I only say, For the most part, so I
dare not positively declare it an affirmative result, but do refer it to the
remarks of others. And this may explicate the Notes 6. and 14 of Num. 9.
into more clearness.
4. That we find the Weather and our Bodies more chill, cold, and drooping,
when the Mercury is lowest, and the Air lightest, besides other causes, I
guess, That as Air is to us the breath of life, as water is to Fishes; so, when
we are deprived of the usual measure of this our food, 'tis the same to us, as
when the water is drawn ebb from Fishes. But I would much rather be
instructed by others, then offer much in this kind.
5. The lowest descent of the Mercury in all the time, since I have observed
it, was Octob. 26. 1665. in the Evening, when it was very near at 27½
Inches. Which I find thus circumstanced with the weather in my notes.

Oct. 25. Morning; Mercury at 28½ Inch. Great storms and much rain.
Oct. 26. Morning; Merc. at 28. winds quiet, thick dark clouds.
Oct. 26. Evening; Merc. at 27½. That day, and some daies following,
the weather was variable, frequent rain, and as you see, the Mercury
lower, than usual.

6. Over the place, where this Mercurial Cane stands, I have set a Wind
vane, with purpose of exactness, of a Streamer in Brass so large, and
pointing to a Board indented in the Margin, that I can at a sure Level upon
the Vane, take every of the 32. points of the Wind, half points, and quarter

points, at good distance. Otherwise we may find our guesses much
deceived, as the best guessers, upon trial, do acknowledge. And this
exactness may become the Wheel-ballance, which shews the minutest
variations almost beyond imagination. And thus any servant, at the
approach of a thick Cloud, or other Meteor, higher or lower, or at the rising
of a storm or fresh wind in the night, or day, may bring a report of the
Weight of the Air, as certainly and almost as easily, as of the Sun from the
Dial in a Sunshine. It were good to have an Index of Winds, that discover'd
as well their Ascent and Descent, as their Side-coastings.

A Relation concerning the late Earthquake neer Oxford;
together with some Observations of the sealed Weatherglass, and
the Barometer both upon that Phænomenon, and in General.

This Relation was communicated by the excellently learned Dr. Wallis, as
follows:
On the 19. of January 1665. Stylo Angliæ (or Jan. 29. 1666. stylo novo) at
divers places neer Oxford, was observed a small Earthquake (as at
Blechington, Stanton-St. Johns, Bril, &c.) towards evening. In Oxford it
self, I doe not hear, that it was observ'd to be an Earthquake; yet I remember
about that time (whether precisely then or not; I cannot say) I took notice of
some kind of odde shaking or heaving I observed in my study, but did
impute it to the going of Carts or Coaches, supposed to be not far off;
though yet I did take notice of it, as a little differing from what is usual on
such occasions; (and wondered the more, that I did not hear any:) But not
knowing, what else to refer it to, I thought no more of it. And the like
account I have had from some others in Oxford, who yet did not think of an
Earth-quake; it being a rare thing with us. Hearing afterwards of an
Earthquake observed by others; I looked on my Notes concerning my
Thermoscope and Baroscope, to see if any alteration considerable had then
happened.
My Thermoscope consists of a round large Glass, containing about half a
pint or more; from whence issues a long Cylindrical neck of Glass, about
two foot and a half in length, and less than a quarter of an inch diameter;

which neck was hermetically sealed at the top, to exclude communication
with the External Air; but before the sealing of it, the whole Glass was filled
with Spirit of Wine (tinged with Cochineel, to make it the more discernable
to the Eye) so warmed, that it filled the whole content of the Glass; but
afterwards, as it cooled, did so subside, as to leave a void space in the upper
part of the Neck. Which Instrument, so prepared, doth by the rising or
falling of the tinged liquor in the neck (consequent upon the expanding or
contracting of the whole liquor contained in it and the Ball below) give a
very nice account of the Temperature of the Air, as to Heat or Cold: Even so
nice, as that my being or not being in my Study I find to vary its hight
sometimes almost a quarter of an inch.
My Baroscope, I call another Instrument for estimating the Weight or
Pressure of the Incumbent Air, consisting of a long Glass-tube of about 4.
foot in length, and about a quarter of an inch Bore: which tube
(hermetically sealed at the one end) being filled with Quicksilver
(according to the Torricellian Experiment) is inverted, so as to have the
open end of it immersed in Stagnant Quicksilver, contained in a larger Glass
under it, exposed to the pressure of the outward Air: Out of which open end
(after such immersion) the Quicksilver in the Tube being suffered to run
out, as much as it will, into the Stagnant Quicksilver, in which that mouth
or open end is immersed, there is wont to remain (as is commonly known to
those acquainted with this Experiment) a Cylinder of Quicksilver suspended
in the Tube, about 28, 29, or 30. inches high; measuring from the surface of
the Stagnant Quicksilver perpendicularly; (but more or less, within such
limits, according as the Weight or Pressure of the Air incumbent on the
External Stagnant Quicksilver exposed to it, is greater or less:) leaving the
upper part of the Tube void. (Both which Instruments being the contrivance
of the Honourable Robert Boyle, they are by him more particularly
described in his Physico-Mechanical Experiments touching the Air, Exper.
17. and 18. and in his Thermometrical Discourses, premised to his History
of Cold.)
Now, according to both these Instruments, having kept a daily Register of
Observations for more than a whole year (saving when I have been for
some short time absent from home) I find my Notes for that day to be these.

January. Thermoscope. Baroscope.
1665/6.
Day. Hour. inches. inches.
19. 8. Morn. 141/16. 29½. Hard frost. Close.
4. Even. 14⅜. 29¼. Hard frost. Cloudy.
9. Even. 14¾. 29¾. Rain. Wind
20. 8. Morn. 15¼. 28¾. Sunshine. Wind.
So that, there being in the morning (January 19.) a hard frost (which began
the day before about 4. of the Clock in the afternoon (Jan. 18.) and
continued (with us) till about 5. of the Clock in the afternoon of that day,
Jan 19. with some fierceness) and the weather, Jan. 19. being in the
morning, close; and cloudy all the day, with little of Sun-shine; the Liquor
in the Thermoscope was very little raised, by 4. of the Clock afternoon, that
is, but 5/16 of an inch (which, had the Sun shone, would, it's likely, have
been near an Inch:) and after that time (or somewhat before) had there been
no considerable change of weather, it would upon the Sun's setting have
fallen (and probably so it did, till about 5. of the Clock, though I took no
Observation in the interim.) But, contrary to what would have been
expected, it was at 9. of the Clock at night, higher by ⅛ of an inch, than it
had been at 4. occasioned by the change of weather, the Frost suddenly
breaking, with us, between 5. and 6. of the Clock; about which time also it
began to rain, and continued raining that Evening and good part of the
Night. And the next morning I found the Liquor yet higher by half an inch,
vid. 15¼ inches: (by reason of the Air that night being so much warmer,
than it had been the day before;) whereas commonly it is considerably
lower in the morning, than over night.
As to the Baroscope, for the Weight or Pressure of the Air; I find, that for
the 11, l2, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17. dayes, the Mercury in the Tube, was (by
the ballancing Pressure of the incumbent Air on the stagnant Quicksilver,
exposed to it) kept up to the height of near 30. Inches above the surface of
the External Quicksilver, (though with some little variation, as 30, 2915/16,
29⅞, 2913/16 but never so low, all that time, as 29¾;) which is the greatest
height I have know it at, (for I do not find that I have ever, till then,
observed it to be, in my Glasses, full 30. Inches, though it have been very
near it:) the Weather having been almost continually Foggy, or very thick

Mists, all that time. January 18. it came down to 29¾, in the forenoon; and
afternoon, to 2911/16. about the time the frost began: And Jan. 19. it was, at
8. in the morning, come down to 29½; at 4. in the afternoon, to 29¼. But at
9. in the evening (when the Earth quake had intervened) it was risen half an
inch, vid. to 29¾. And, by the next morning, fallen again a whole inch, vid.
to 28¾; which fall I attribute (at least in part) to the rain that fell in the
night.
This being what I observed out of my Register of these Instruments, (which,
if I had then thought of an Earthquake, I should have more nicely watched)
what I have further gathered from Reports, is to this purpose.
I hear, it was observed at Blechington, above 5. miles to the North of
Oxford, and so along by Bostol, Horton, Stanton-St. Johns, and so towards
Whately, which is about 4. miles Eastward from Oxford. Not at all these
places at the same time, but moving forward from Blechington towards
Whately. For it was at Stanton about 6. of the Clock or later (as I understand
from Mr. Boyle, who was there at that time;) but had been at Blechington a
good while sooner. And I am told, that it was taken notice of by Doctor
Holder (a Member of our Society) who was then at Blechington, to be
observed by those in the further part of the Garden, some very discernable
time before it was observed by those in the House; creeping forward from
the one place to the other. What other places in the Country it was observed
at, I have not been informed: but at Oxford (which, it seems, was about the
skirts of it) it was so small, as would have been hardly noted at all, had not
the notice, taken of it abroad, informed us of it.
Upon this Occasion, it will not be unseasonable to give some General
accounts of what I have in my Thermoscope and Baroscope observed.
My Thermoscope, being fitted somewhat at adventures, I have found at the
lowest to be somewhat more than 12. inches high, in the fiercest time of the
long Frost in the beginning of the last year 1665. and about 27. Inches high,
at the highest, in the hottest time of the last Summer: (which I mention, that
it may appear at what temperature in proportion, the Air was at the time
above-mentioned.) But I must add withall, that this standing so, as never to
be exposed to the Sun, but in a room, that has a window only to the North,
it would have been raised much higher than 27. inches, if it were put in the

hot Sun-shine in Summer; this, as it is placed, giving therefore an account
onely of the Temperature of the Air in general, not of the immediate heat of
the Sun-shine.
This Instrument, thus situated, when it is about 15. inches, or lower, is for
the most part hard frost; but seldom a frost, if higher than 16. Yet this I have
often observed, that the Air by the Thermoscope has appeared considerably
colder (and the liquor lower) at sometimes when there is no Frost, than at
some other times, when the Frost hath been considerably hard.
In my Baroscope, I have never found the Quicksilver higher than 30.
inches, nor lower than 28. (at least, scarce discernably, not 1/16 of an inch
higher than that, or lower than this;) which I mention, not only to shew the
limits, within which I have observed mine to keep, vid. full 2 inches, but
likewise as an Estimate of the Clearness of the Quicksilver from Air. For,
though my Quicksilver were with good care cleansed from the Air; yet I
find that which Mr. Boyle useth, much better: for, comparing his with mine
at the same times, and both in Oxford, at no great distance; I find his
Quicksilver to stand alwaies somewhat higher than mine (sometimes neer a
quarter of an Inch;) which I know now how to give a more probable
account off, than that my Quicksilver is either heavier than his; or else, that
his is better cleansed from Air, (unless, possibly, the difference of the Bore,
or other circumstances of the Tube, may cause the alteration; mine being a
taller Tube, and a bigger Bore, than his.) And upon like reason, as his stands
higher than mine; so another less cleansed from Air, may at the same time
be considerably lower, and consequently under 28. Inches at the lowest.
In thick foggy weather, I find my Quicksilver to rise; which I adscribe to the
heaviness of the Vapours in the Air. And I have never found it higher, than
in the foggy weather above-mentioned.
In Sunshiny weather it riseth also (and commonly the clearer, the more;)
which, I think, may be imputed partly to the Vapors raised by the Sun, and
making the Air heavier; and partly to the Heat, increasing the Elastick or
Springy power of the Air. Which latter I the rather add, because I have
sometimes observed in Sunshiny weather, when there have come Clouds for
some considerable time (suppose an hour or two) the Quicksilver has fallen;
and then, upon the Suns breaking out again, it has risen as before.

In Rainy weather, it useth to fall (of which the reason is obvious, because
the Air is lightned, by so much as falls:) In Snowy weather, likewise, but not
so much as in Rain. And sometimes I have observed it, upon a Hoar-frost,
falling in the night.
For Windy weather, I find it generally to fall; and that more
* The Author of
universally, and more discernably, than upon Rain: (which these Observations
I attribute to the Winds moving the Air collaterally, and intends hereafter
more particularly to
thereby not suffering it to press so much directly observe, from what
downwards: the like of which we see in swimming, &c.) points those Winds
And I have never found it lower than in high Winds.* blow, that make the
Quicksilver thus
I have divers times, upon discerning my Quicksilver to fall subside.

without any visible cause at home, looked abroad; and
found (by the appearance of broken Clouds, or otherwise) that it had rained
not far off, though not with us: Whereupon, the Air being then lightened,
our heavier Air (where it rained not) may have, in part, discharged it self on
that lighter.

A more particular Account of those Observations about Jupiter,
that were mentioned in Numb. 8.

Since the publishing of Numb. 8. of these Transactions, where, among other
particulars, some short Observations were set down touching both the
shadow of one of Jupiter's Satellits, passing over his Body, and that
Permanent Spot, which manifests the Conversion of that Planet about his
own Axis; there is come to hand an Extract of that Letter, which was written
from Rome, about those Discoveries, containing an ample and particular
Relation of them, as they were made by the Learned Cassini, Professor of
Astronomy in the University of Bononia. That Extract, as it is found in the
French Journal des Scavans of Febr. 22. 1666. we thus English.
Monsieur Cassini, after he had discovered (by the means of those Excellent
Glasses of 50. palmes, or 35. feet, made by M. Campani) the Shadows, cast
by the 4 Moons or Satellits of Jupiter upon his Diske, when they happen to
be between the Sun and Him; after he had also distinguished their Bodies
upon the Diske of Jupiter; made the last year some Prædictions for the

Months of August and September, noting the dayes and hours, when the
Bodies of the said satellits and their Shadows should appear upon Jupiter,
to the end that the Curious might be convinced of this matter by their own
Observations.
Some of these Prædictions have been verified not only at Rome, and in
other places of Italy, but also at Paris by M. Auzout, the most Celebrated
and the most Exact of our Astronomers; and in Holland, by M. Hugens. And
we can now doubt no longer, of the rotation of the Satellits about Jupiter, as
the Moon turns about the Earth; nor believe, that Jupiter or his Attendants
have any other Light, than that, which they receive from the Sun; as some
did assure before these Observations. There remained to find by
Experience, whether Jupiter did turn about his Axis, as many believe, that
the Earth turns about her's. And although most Astronomers had
conjectur'd, it did so, either by this Analogy, or by other Congruities, yet it
was much wish'd, that we might be assured thereof by Observations. And
this it is, for which we are obliged to M. Cassini, who, having by the
advantage of the same Glasses discover'd several changes, as well in the
three obscure Belts, commonly seen in Jupiter, as in the rest of his Diske,
and having also observed Spots in the midst of that Planet, and sometimes
Brightnesses, such as have bin formerly seen in the Sun, hath at length
discover'd a Permanent Spot in the Northern part of the most Southern Belt;
by the means whereof, he hath concluded, that Jupiter turns about his Axis
in 9. hours, 56. minutes, and makes 29. whole circumvolutions in 12 dayes
4. minutes of ours, and 360 in 149. dayes. For he has found, that this Spot
was not caused by the Shadow of any Satellit, as well by reason of its
Situation, as because it appeared, when there could be no Shadow. Besides,
that its motion differed from that of the Shadows, which is almost equal, as
well towards the Edges as towards the Middle of Jupiter: Whereas, on the
contrary, this Spot hath all the accidents, that must happen to a thing, which
is upon the surface of a round Body moving; for example, to move much
more slowly towards the Edges, than towards the Middle, and to pass over
that part, which is in the middle of the Diske, equal to the half of the
Diameter, in the sixth part of the time, it takes to make the whole
revolution: he having seen this half pass'd over, in 99 or 100 minutes just, as
it must happen, supposing the whole circumrotation is made in 9. hours 56.
minutes.

He hath not yet been able to determine the Situation of the Axis, upon which
this motion is made, because the Belts, according to which it is made, have
for some years appeared streight, though in the precedent years, other
Astronomers have seen them a little crooked: Which sheweth, that the Axis
of the diurnal motion of Jupiter is a little inclined to the plain of the
Ecliptick. But in time we may discover, what certainty there is in this
matter.
After this excellent Discovery, he hath calculated many These Tables are
Tables, whereof he gives the Explication and Use in the not yet sent over,
Letters by him addressed to the Abbot Falconieri. By the but, 'tis hoped, will
means of them, one may know, when this Spot may be be, ere long.
seen by us. For, having first considered it in relation to the
Sun, in respect whereof, its motion is regular, he considers the same in
relation to the Earth, where We observe it; and shews by the means of his
Tables, what is to be added or subtracted, to know, at what time the said
Spot is to come into the middle of Jupiter's Diske, according as he is
Oriental or Occidental. He hath also considered it in relation to an
unmovable point, which he has supposed to be the first point of Aries,
because we thither refer here upon Earth the beginning of all the Celestial
motions, and there is the Primum mobile, that one would imagine, if we
were in Jupiter, as we do here imagine Ours of 24. hours.
The Discovery is one of the best, that have been yet made in the Heavens;
and those, that hold the Motion of the earth, find in it a full Analogy. For,
Jupiter turning about the Sun, does nevertheless turn about his Axis; and
although he be much bigger than the Earth, he does nevertheless turn much
more swiftly than it, since he makes more than two Turns, and a third part,
for its one; and carries with him 4. Moons, as the Earth does one.
This Observation ought to excite all Curious persons to endeavour the
perfecting of Optick Glasses, to the end that it may be discovered, whether
the other Planets, as Mars, Venus and Mercury, about whom no Moon hath
as yet been discovered, do yet turn about their Axes, and in how much time
they do so; especially Mars, in whom some Spot is discover'd, and Venus,
wherein M.Burattini hath signified from Poland, he has observ'd
Inequalities, as in the Moon.

It will be worth while, to watch for the seeing of Jupiter again this Spring,
that this happy Observation may be confirmed in divers places, and
endeavours used to make new ones.

An Account of some Books, lately published.

I. Hydrostatical Paradoxes, made out by New Experiments (for the most
part Physical, and Easie) by the Honourable Robert Boyle. This Treatise,
promised in Numb. 8. of these Papers, is now come forth: And was
occasioned by the perusal of the Learned Monsieur Paschalls Tract, Of the
Æquilibrium of Liquors, and of the Weight of the Air: Of which two
Subjects, the latter having been more clearly made out in England by
Experiments, which could not be made by Monsieur Paschal and others,
that wanted the advantage of such Engines and Instruments, as have here
been frequently made use off; Our Noble Author insists most upon giving
us his thoughts of the former, videl. the Æquilibrium of Liquors: Which
Discourse consisting partly of Conclusions, and partly of Experiments, the
former seem to Him to be almost all of them consonant to the Principles
and Laws of the Hydrostaticks; but as for the latter, the Experimental
proofs, offered by M. Paschall for his Opinions, are by our Author
esteemed such, that he confesses, he hath no mind to make use of them: for
which he alledges more reasons than one; which, doubtless, will appear
very satisfactory to Intelligent Readers.
Wherefore, instead of the those Paschalian Experiments, there is in this
Treatise deliver'd a far more Expeditious way, to make out, not only most of
the Conclusions, agreed on these two Authors, but others also, that M
Paschall mentions not: and that with so much more ease and clearness, that
persons, but ordinarily versed in the common principles of Hydrostaticks,
may readily apprehend, what is deliver'd, if they will but bring with them a
due Attention, and Minds disposed to prefer Reason and Experience to
Vulgar opinions and Authors.
It not being our Authors present Task, to deliver a Body of Hydrostaticks,
but only some Paradoxes, which he conceives to be proveable by his New
way of making them out, he delivers them in as many distinct Propositions;

after each of which, he endeavours, in a Proof, or an Explication, to show,
both that it is true, and why it ought to be so.
The Paradoxes themselves (after a premised Postulatum) are these:
1. That in Water, and other Fluids, the Lower parts are pressed by the
Upper.
2. That a lighter Fluid may gravitate or weigh upon a heavier.
3. That, if a Body, contiguous to the Water, be altogether, or in part, lower
than the highest level of the said Water, the lower part of the Body will be
pressed upward by the Water, that touches it beneath.
4. That in the Ascension of Water in Pumps, &c. there needs nothing to
raise the Water, but a Competent weight of an External Fluid.
5. That the pressure of an External Fluid is able to keep an Heterogeneous
Liquor suspended at the same height in several Pipes, though these Pipes be
of very different Diameters.
6. If a Body be placed under Water, with its uppermost Surface parallel to
the Horizon; how much Water soever there may be on this or that side
above the Body, the direct pressure susteined by the Body (for we now
consider not the Lateral nor the Recoyling pressure, to which the Body may
be exposed, if quite environed with Water) is no more, than that of a
Column of water, having Horizontal Superficies of the Body for its Basis,
and the Perpendicular depth of the Water for its height.

And so likewise,

If the Water, that leans upon the Body, be contained in Pipes open at both
ends, the pressure of the Water is to be estimated by the weight of a pillar of
Water, whose Basis is equal to the lower Orifice of the Pipe (which we
suppose to be parallel to the Horizon) and its height equal to a
perpendicular, reaching thence to the top of the Water; though the Pipe be
much inclined towards the Horizon, or though it be irregularly shap'd, and
much broader in some parts, than the said Orifice.

7. That a Body, immersed in a Fluid, sustains a Lateral pressure from the
Fluid; and that increased, as the depth of the immersed Body, beneath the
Surface of the Fluid, increaseth.
8. That Water may be made as well to depress a Body lighter than it self, as
to buoy it up.
9. That, whatever is said of Positive Levity, a parcel of Oyl lighter than
Water, may be kept in Water without ascending in it.
10. That the cause of the Ascension of Water in Syphons, and of its flowing
through them, may be explicated without having a recourse to Nature's
abhorrency of a Vacuum.
11. That a Solid Body, as ponderous as any yet known, though near the Top
of the water it will sink by its own weight; yet if it be placed at a greater
depth, than that of twenty times its own thickness; it will not sink, if its
descent be not assisted by the weight of the incumbent Water.
These are the Paradoxes, evinced by our Authour with much evidence and
exactness, and very likely to invite Ingenious men to cultivate and to make
further disquisitions in so excellent a part of Philosophy, as are the
Hydrostaticks; and Art deserving great Elogiums, not only, upon the account
of the Theorems and Problems, which are most of them pure and handsome
productions of Reason, very delightful and divers of them surprising, and
besides, much conducing to the clear explication and thorow-understanding
of many both familiar and abstruse Phænomena of Nature; but also, upon
the score of its Practical use, since the Propositions, it teaches, may be of
great importance to Navigation, and to those that inquire into the
Magnitudes and Gravities of Bodies, as also to them, that deal in Salt-
works: Besides, that the Hydrostaticks may be made divers waies
serviceable to Chymists, as the Author intimates, and intends to make
manifest, upon several occasions, in his yet unpublisht part of the
Usefulness of Natural and Experimental Philosophy.
These Propositions are shut up by two important Appendixes, whereof the
one contains an Answer to seven Objections by a late learned Writer, to
evince, that the upper parts of water press not upon the lower; the other,
solves that difficult problem, why Urinators or Divers, and others, who

descend to the bottom of the Sea, are not oppressed with the weight of the
incumbent water? where, among other solutions, that is examined, which
occurs in a printed Letter of Monsieur des Cartes, but is found
unsatisfactory.
II. Nicolai Stenonis de Musculis & Glandulis Observationum Specimen;
cum duabus Epistolis Anatomicis. In the Specimen it self, the Author,
having described in general, both the Structure and the Function of the
Muscles, applies that description to the Heart, to demonstrate that that is
also a true Muscle: Observing first, that in the substance of the Heart there
appears nothing but Arteries, Veins, Nerves, Fibres, Membrans; and that
that, & nothing else is found in a Muscle; affirming withall, that which is
commonly taught of the Muscles, and particularly of the Heart's
Parenchyma, as distinct from Fibres, is due, not to the Senses, but the Wit of
Anatomists: so that he will not have the Heart made up of a substance
peculiar to it self, nor considered as the principle of Innate heat, or of
Sanguification, or of vital spirits. He observes next, that the Heart performs
the like operation with the Muscles, to wit, to contract the Flesh; which
action how it can have a different cause from that of the Contraction made
in the Muscles, where there is so great a parity and agreement in the Vessels,
he sees not. And as for the Phænomena, that occur, of the Motion of the
Heart, he undertakes to explicate them all, from the Ductus or Position of
the Fibres; but refers for the performance of this undertaking to another
Treatise, he intends to publish.
As to his Observations about Glanduls, he affirms, that he
Conglobate
has been the First, that has discover'd that Vessel, which by Glanduls are called
him is call'd Salivare Exterius, passing from the Parotides those, that do
consist, as it were,
(or the two chief Arteries that are on the right and left side of one continued
neer the Throat) into the Mouth, and conveying the Spittle: substance, having
Where he also gives an account of several other Vessels an even superficies;
whereof there are
and Glanduls, some about the Lips; others under the many in the
Tongue; others in the Pallate &c. To which he adds the Mesentery, and in
Vessels of the Eye-lids, which have their root in the other places: contra
distinguisht to
Glanduls that are about the Eyes, and serve for the those, that bear the
shedding of Tears. He mentions also several things about name of
the Lymphatick vessels, and is of opinion, that the Conglomerate
Glanduls, which are
knowledge thereof may be much illustrated by that kind of made up of several

Glanduls that are called Conglobatæ, and by their true small Kernels, such
as the Pancreas, the
insertion into the veins; the mistake of the latter whereof, Salivating
he conceives to have very much misled the Noble Glanduls, &c.
Ludovicus de Bills, notwithstanding his excellent method
of dissection. And here he observes first, that all the Lymphatick vessels
have such a commerce with the Glanduls, that none of them is found in the
body, which either has not its origine from, or is inserted into a Glandule:
And then, that Glanduls are a kind of Strainers, so form'd, that whilst the
Blood passes out of the Arteries into the Veins through the small Capillary
vessels, the Serous parts thereof, being freed from the Sanguineous, are by
vertue of the beat expell'd through fit pores into the Capilaries of the
Lymphaticks, the direction of the Nerves concurring.
Of the two annex'd Epistles, the First gives an account of the dissection of
two Raja's or Skates, and relates that the Author found in the bellies of these
Fishes a Haddock of 1½ span long, and a Sole, a Plaise, and nine middle-
sized Sea crafishes; whereof not only the three former had their flesh, in the
fishes stomack, turn'd into a fluid, and the Gristles or Bones into a soft
substance, but the Crafishes had their shels comminuted into very small
particles, tinging here and there the Chyle near the Pylorus; which he judges
to be done not so much by the heat of the Fishes stomack, as by the help of
some digesting juyce. Coming to the Uterus of these Fishes, he takes
occasion to examine, with what ground several famous Naturalists and
Anatomists have affirm'd, that Eggs are the uterus exposed or ejected out of
the body of the Animal. Taking a view of their Heart, he there finds but one
ventricle, and discourses of the difficulty arising from thence. As for the
Lungs, he saw no clearer footsteps of them in these, than he had done in
other Fishes: but within the mouth he trac'd several gaping fissures, and
found the recesses of the Gills so form'd, that the water taken in at the
mouth, being let out by these dores, cannot by them re-enter, by reason of a
skin outwardly passing over every hole, and covering it. Where he
intimates, that though Fishes have not true Lungs, yet they want not a
Succedaneum thereto, to wit, the Gills; and if water may be to Fishes, what
Air is to terrestrial Animals, for Respiration: affecting, that whereas nothing
is so necessary for the conservation of Animal life as a reciprocal Access
and Recess of the Ambient to the sanguineous vessels, tis all one, whether

that be done by receiving the Ambient within the body, or by its gentle
passing by the Prominent vessels of the Gills.
The other Epistle, contains some Ingenious Observations, touching the way,
by which the Chicken, yet in the shell, is nourish't, videl. not by the
conveyance of the Yolk into the Liver by the Umbilical vessels, nor into the
Stomack by the Mouth, but by a Peculiar ductus, by him described, into the
Intestins, where, according to his alledged experience, it is turn'd into
Chyle: which he affirms, he hath discover'd, by taking an Egge from under a
brooding Hen, when the Chicken was ready to break forth, and when he
was looking for the passage of the Yolk, out of its integument into the Liver,
by finding it pass thence into the Intestins, as he found the White to do by
the mouth into the belly. Whence he inclines to infer, that, since every fætus
takes in at the mouth the liquor it swims in, and since the Chicken receives
the white of the Egge into the mouth, and the yolk by the new discover'd
ductus into the Intestins, it cannot be certainly made out, that a part of the
Chyle is conveyed into the Liver, before it passes into the Heart; Exhorting
in the mean time the Patrons of the Liver, that they would produce
Experiments to evince their Ratiocinations.
III. Regneri de Graeff, de Succi Pancreatici Natura & usu, Exercitatio
Anatomico-medica. In this Tract, the Industrious Author, after he has
enumerated the various opinions of Anatomists concerning the use of that
kernelly substance; call'd Pancreas (in English, the Sweetbred) endeavours
to prove experimentally that this Glandule was not form'd by Nature, to
separate any Excrementitious humor, and to convey it into the Intestins, but
to prepare an useful juyce out of the Blood and Animal Spirits, of a
somewhat Acid taste, and to carry the same into the Gut, call'd Duodenum,
to be there mixt with the Aliment, that has been in some degree already
fermented in the Stomack, for a further fermentation, to be produced by the
conflux of the said acid Pancreatick juyce and some Bilious matter,
abounding with volatile Salt, causing an Effervescence; which done, that
juyce is, together with the purer part of the nourishment, carried into the
Milkie veins, thence into the common receptacle of the Chyle and
Lymphatick liquor, and so through the ductus Thoracicus into the right
Ventricle of the Heart.

This Assertion, first advanced (saith the Author) partly by Gothofredus
Mobius, partly by Franciscus de le Boe Sylvius, he undertakes to prove by
experiments; which, indeed, he has with much industry, tried upon several
Animals, to the end that he might collect some of this juyce of the Pancreas
for a taste: which having at last obtained, and found it somewhat acid, he
thereupon proceeds to deliver his opinion both of the constitution and
quantity of this Succus in healthy Animals, and the vices thereof, in the
unhealthy: deriving most diseases partly from its too great Acidity, or from
its saltness, or harshness; partly from its paucity or redundancy: but
especially, endeavouring to reduce from thence, as all intermittent Feavers
(of all the Phænomena whereof he ventures to assign the causes from this
Hypothesis) so also the Gout, Syncope's, Stranguries, Oppilations,
Diarrhæas, Dysenteries, Hysterical and Colick passions, &c. All which he
concludes with mentioning the waies and remedies to cure the manifold
peccancy of this juyce by Evacuations and Alterations.
This seeming to be a new as well as a considerable discovery, it is hop'd,
that others will by this intimation be invited to prosecute the same by
further experiments, either to confirm what this Author has started, if true,
or to rectifie it, if he be mistaken.

NOTE.

In Fig. 1. of Num. 9 of these Tracts the Graver hath placed the bended end
of the Springing Wire C F, above the Wire-staple B, between it and the Ring
E, of the Weight D; whereas that end should have been so expressed, as to
pass under the Wire-staple, betwixt its two Wires, into the said Ring.

London, Printed for John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the Royal
Society. 1666.

Num. 11.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Munday, April. 2. 1666.

The Contents.

A Confirmation of the former Account, touching the late Earth-quake
near Oxford, and the Concomitants thereof, by Mr. Boyle. Some
Observations and Directions about the Barometer, communicated by
the same Hand. General Heads for a Natural History of a Country,
small or great, proposed by the same. An Extract of a Letter, written
from Holland, about Preserving Ships from being Worm-eaten. An
Account of Mr. Boyle's lately publish't Tract, entituled, The Origine of
Forms and Qualities, illustrated by Considerations and Experiments.

A Confirmation of the former Account touching the late Earth-
quake near Oxford, and the Concomitants thereof.

This Confirmation came from the Noble Mr. Boyle in a Letter, to the
Publisher, as followeth:
As to the Earth-quake, your curiosity about it makes me sorry, that, though
I think, I was the first, that gave notice of it to several of the Virtuosi at
Oxford; yet the Account, that I can send you about it, is not so much of the
Thing it self, as of the Changes of the Air, that accompanied it. To inform
you of which, I must relate to you, that riding one Evening somewhat late
betwixt Oxford & a Lodging, I have at a place, 4 miles distant from it, the
weather having been for a pretty while Frosty, I found the Wind so very
cold, that it reduced me to put on some defensives against it, which I never
since, nor, if I forget not, all the foregoing part of the Winter was obliged to
make use off. My unwillingness to stay long in so troublesome a Cold,

which continued very piercing, till I had got half way home-ward, did put
me upon galloping at no very lasy rate; and yet, before I could get to my
Lodgings, I found the Wind turned, and felt the Rain falling; which,
considering the shortness of the time, and that this Accident was preceded
by a setled Frost, was surprising to me, and induced me to mention it at my
return, as one of the greatest and suddainest Alterations of Air, I have ever
observ'd: And what changes I found, have been taken
* See Num. 10.
notice of in the Gravity of the Atmosphere at the same time Phil. Transactions
by that Accurate Observer * Dr. Wallis, who then p. 166-171; at the
suspected nothing of what follow'd; as I suppose, he has time of the printing
whereof, this
ere this told you himself. Soon after, by my guess about an Relation of Mr.
hour, there was a manifest Trembling in the House where I Boyle was not yet
was (which stands high in comparison of Oxford.) But it come to hand.
was not there so great, but that I, who chanced to have my
thoughts busied enough on other matters, than the weather, should not have
taken notice of it as an Earth-quake, but have imputed it to some other
cause, if one, that you know, whose hand is employed in this Paper, and
begins to be a diligent observer of Natural things, had not advertis'd me of
it; as being taken notice of by him and the rest of the people of the House.
And soon after there hapned a brisk Storm: whereupon I sent to make
inquiry at a place call'd Brill, which standing upon a much higher ground, I
supposed might be more obnoxious to the effects of the Earth-quake (of
which, had I had any suspition of it, my having formerly been in one neer
the Lacus Lemanus, would have made me the more observant:) But the
person I sent to, being disabled by sickness to come over to me (which he
promis'd to do, as soon as he could) writ me only a Ticket, whose substance
was, That the Earth-quake was there much more considerable, than where I
lodged, and that at a Gentlemans house, whom he names (the most noted
Person, it seems, of the neighbourhood) the House trembled very much, so
as to make the Stones manifestly to move to and fro in the Parlour, to the
great amazement and fright of all the Family. The Hill, whereon this Brill
stands, I have observ'd to be very well stor'd with Mineral substances of
several kinds; and from thence I have been inform'd by others, that this
Earth-quake reach'd a good many miles; but I have neither leasure, nor
inclination to entertain you with uncertain reports of the Extent and other
Circumstances, especially since a little further time an inquiry may enable
me to give you a better warranted account.

Some Observations and Directions about the Barometer,
communicated by the same Hand, to the Author of this Tract.

These shall be set down, as they came to hand in another Letter; videl.
As to the Barometrical Observations (as for brevities sake
* See Num. 9. of the
I use to call them) though you * guessed aright, that, when Phil. Transact. p.
I saw those of the Learned and Inquisitive Dr. Beale, I had 159 the last
not Mine by me, (for I left them, some years since, in the paragraph.
hands of a Virtuoso, nor have I now the leasure to look
after those Papers;) yet since by the Communication, you have made
publick, 'tis probable, that divers Ingenious men will be invited to attempt
the like Observations, I shall (notwithstanding my present haste) mention to
you some particulars, which perhaps will not appear unseasonable, that
came into my mind upon the reading of what you have presented the
Curious.
When I did, as you may remember, some years agoe, * Some whereof
publickly express and desire that some Inquisitive men have been since
would make Baroscopical Observations in several parts of invited by the
England (if not in forrain Countries * also;) and to assist Publisher, to give
their concurrence
them, to do so, presented some of my Friends with the herein.
necessary Instruments: The declared reason of my desiring
this Correspondence was (among other things) that by comparing Notes, the
Extent of the Atmospherical Changes, in point of Weight, might be the better
estimated. But not having hitherto received some account, that I hoped for, I
shall now, without staying for them, intimate thus much to you: That it will
be very convenient, that the Observers take notice not only of the day, but
as near as they can, of the Houre wherein the height of the Mercurial
Cylinder is observ'd: For I have often found, that within less than the
compass of one day, or perhaps half a day, the Altitude of it has so
considerably vary'd, as to make it in many cases difficult, to conclude any
thing certainly from Observations, that agree but in the day.
It will be requisite also, that the Observers give notice of the Scituation of
the place, where their Barometers stand, not only, because it will assist men
to Judge, whether the Instruments were duely perfected, but principally,

because, that though the Baroscope be good (nay, because it is so) the
Observations will much disagree, even when the Atmosphere is in the same
state, as to Weight, if one of the Instruments stand in a considerably higher
part of the Countrey, than the other.
To confirm both the foregoing admonitions, I must now inform you, that,
having in these parts two Lodgings, the one at Oxford, which you know
stands in a bottom by the Thames side, and the other at a place four miles
thence, seated upon a moderate Hill, I found, by comparing two
Baroscopes, that I made, the one at Oxford, the other at Stanton St. Johns,
that, though the former be very good, and have been noted for such, during
some years, and the latter was very carefully fill'd; yet by reason, that in the
Higher place, the incumbent part of the Atmosphere must be lighter, than in
the Lower, there is almost always between 2 and 3 Eights of an Inch
difference betwixt them: And having sometimes order'd my servants to take
notice of the Disparity, and divers times carefully observ'd it my self, when
I pass'd to and fro between Oxford and Stanton, I generally found, that the
Oxford Barometer and the other, did, as it were by common consent, rise
and fall together so, as that in the former the Mercury was usually ⅜ higher,
than in the latter.
Which Observations may teach us, that the Subterraneous steams, which
ascend into the Air, or the other Causes of the varying Weight of the
Atmosphere, do, many times, and at least in some places, uniformly enough
affect the Air to a greater height, than, till I had made this tryall, I durst
conclude.
But, as most of the Barometricall observations are subject to exception, so I
found the formerly mentioned to be. For (to omit lesser variations) riding
one evening from Oxford to Stanton, and having, before I took horse, look't
on the Baroscope in the former of these 2. places, I was somewhat
surprised, to find at my comming to the latter, that in places no farther
distant, and notwithstanding the shortness of the time (which was but an
hour and a half, if so much) the Barometer at Stanton was short of its usual
distance from the other, near a quarter of an Inch, though, the weather being
fair and calm, there appear'd nothing of manifest change in the Air, to which
I could adscribe so great a Variation; and though also, since that time, the

Mercury in the two Instruments hath, for the most part, proceeded to rise
and fall as before.
And these being the only Observations, I have yet met with, wherein
Baroscopes, at some Distance of Place, and Difference of Height, have been
compar'd (though I cannot now send you the Reflexions, I have else where
made upon them;) as the opportunity I had to make them my self, rendred
them not unpleasant to me, so perhaps the Novelty will keep them from
being unwelcome to you. And I confess, I have had some flying suspicions,
that the odd Phænomena of the Baroscope, which have hitherto more pos'd,
than instructed us, may in time, if a competent number of Correspondents
do diligently prosecute the Inquiries (especially with Baroscopes,
accommodated with Mr. Hooks ingenious additions) make men some
Luciferous discoveries, that possibly we do not yet dream off.
I know not, whether it will be worth while to add, that
* This hath been
since I was oblig'd to leave London, I have been put upon inquired into, and is
so many lesser removes, that I have not been able to make found, that several
Baroscopical Observations with such a constancy, as I Accurate and
Curious persons (as
have wished, but, as far as I remember, the Quick-silver the Most Noble
has been for the most part, so high, as to invite me to take President of the
notice of it; and to desire you to do me the favour to Royal Lord
Society, the
Viscount
inquire among your correspondents whether they have Brounker, Doctor
observ'd the same thing. * For, if they have, this lasting Beale, Mr. Hook
&c.) have observed
(though not uninterrupted) Altitude of the Quick-silver, the same.
happening, when the Seasons of the year have been
extraordinary dry (so much as to become a grievance, and to dry up, as one
of the late Gazettes informs us, some springs near Waymouth, that used to
run constantly) it may be worth inquiry, whether these obstinate Droughts,
may not be cleaving of the ground too deep, and making it also in some
places more porous and as it were, spungy, give a more copious Vent, than
is usual, to subterraneal steams, which adscending into the Air, increase the
gravity of it. The inducements I have to propose this inquiry, I must not now
stay to mention. But perhaps, if the Observation holds, it may prove not
useless in reference to some Diseases.
Perhaps it will be needless to put you in mind of directing * See Number 9.
those Virtuosi, that may desire your Instructions about Phil. Transact. p.

Baroscopes, to set down in their Diarys not only the day of 157. 5. 8 & 9.
where the Word,
the month, and the hour of the day, when the Mercuries Generally, signifies
height is taken, but (in a distinct Columne) the weather, no more, than for
especially the Winds, both as to the Quarters, whence they the most part.
blow (though that be not always so easy nor necessary,)
and as to the Violence or Remisness, wherewith they blow. For, though it be
more difficult, than one would think, to settle any general rule about the
rising and falling of the Quick-silver; yet in these parts one of those, that
seem to hold oftnest, is, * that when high winds blow, the Mercury is the
lower; and yet that it self does sometimes fail: For, this very day (March 3.)
though on that hill, where I am, the somewhat Westerly Winds have been
blustering enough, yet ever since morning the Quick-silver has been rising,
and is now risen near ⅜ of an Inch.
I had thoughts to add something about another kind of Baroscope (but
inferiour to that in use) whereof I have given some intimation in one of the
Præliminaries to the History of Cold. But you have already too much of a
letter, and my occasions, &c.
So far that Letter. Since which time, another from the same
* Dr. Beale concurs
Noble Observer intimates, That, as for that cause of the with this
height of the Quick-silver in Droughts, which by him is Observation, when
he saith, in a late
suspected to be the elevation of steams from the Crust or Letter of March 19.
Superficial parts of the Earth, which by little and little may to his
add to the Weight of the Atmosphere, being not, as in other Correspondent in
London; By change
seasons, carried down from time to time by the falling of Weather and
Rain, it agrees not ill with what he has had since occasion Wind, the Mercury
to observe. For, whereas about March 12th, at Oxford, The is sunk more than
an Inch, since I
Quick-silver was higher, than, for ought he knew, had been wrote to you on
yet observ'd in England, viz. above 5/16 above 30. Inches, Munday last. March
12. This last night,
upon the first considerable showers, that have interrupted by Rain and South
our long Drought, as he affirms, he foretold divers hours wind, 'tis sunk half
an Inch.
before that the Quick-silver would be very low, (a
blustering Wind concurring with the Rain) so he found it at
Stanton to fall ⅜ beneath 29. Inches.*

General Heads for a Natural History of a Countrey, Great or
Small, imparted likewise by Mr. Boyle.

It having been already intimated (Num. 8 of Phil. Transact. p. 140. 141.)
that divers Philosophers aime, among other things, at the Composing of a
good Natural History, to superstruct, in time, a Solid and Useful Philosophy
upon; and it being of no slight importance, to be furnisht with pertinent
Heads, for the direction of Inquirers; that lately named Benefactour to
Experimental Philosophy, has been pleased to communicate, for the ends
abovesaid, the following Articles, which (as himself did signifie) belong to
one of his Essays of the unpublisht part of the Usefulness of Nat. and
Experimen. Philosophy.
But first he premises, that what follows, is design'd only to point at the
more General heads of Inquiry, which the proposer ignores not to be Divers
of them very comprehensive, in so much, that about some of the
Subordinate subjects, perhaps too, not the most fertile, he has drawn up
Articles of inquisition about particulars, that take up near as much room, as
what is here to be deliver'd of this matter.

The Heads themselves follow;
The things, to be observ'd in such a History, may be variously (and almost
at pleasure) divided: As, into Supraterraneous, Terrestrial, and
Subterraneous; and otherwise: but we will at present distinguish them into
those things, that respect the Heavens, or concern the Air, the Water, or the
Earth.
1. To the First sort of Particulars, belong the Longitude and Latitude of the
Place (that being of moment in reference to the observations about the Air
&c.) and consequently the length of the longest and shortest days and
nights, the Climate, parallels &c. what fixt starrs are and what not seen
there: What Constellations 'tis said to be subject to? Whereunto may be
added other Astrological matters, if they be thought worth mentioning.
2. About the Air may be observ'd, its Temperature, as to the first four
Qualities (commonly so call'd) and the Measures of them: its Weight,
Clearness, Refractive power: its Sublety or Grossness: its abounding with,

or wanting an Esurine Salt: its variations according to the seasons of the
year, and the times of the day; What duration the several kinds of Weather
usually have: What Meteors it is most or least wont to breed; and in what
order they are generated; and how long they usually last: Especially, what
Winds it is subject to; whether any of them be stated and ordinary, &c.
What diseases are Epidemical, that are supposed to flow from the Air: What
other diseases, wherein that hath a share, the Countrey is subject to; the
Plague and Contagious sicknesses: What is the usual salubrity or insalubrity
of the Air; and with what Constitutions it agrees better or worse, than
others.
3. About the Water, may be observ'd, the Sea, its Depth, degree of Saltness,
Tydes, Currents, &c. Next, Rivers, their Bigness, Length, Course,
Inundations, Goodness, Levity (or their Contraries) of Waters, &c. Then,
Lakes, Ponds, Springs, and especially Mineral waters, their Kinds,
Qualities, Vertues, and how examined. To the Waters belong also Fishes,
what kinds of them (whether Salt or Fresh-water fish) are to be found in the
Country; their Store, Bigness, Goodness, Seasons, Haunts, Peculiarities of
any kind, and the wayes of taking them, especially those that are not purely
Mechanical.
4. In the Earth, may be observed,

1. It self.
2. Its Inhabitants, and its Productions, and these External, and
Internal.

First, in the Earth it self, may be observ'd, its dimensions, scituation, East,
West, North, and South: its Figure, its Plains, and Valleys, and their Extent;
its Hills and Mountains, and the height of the tallest, both in reference to the
neighbouring Valleys or Plains, and in reference to the Level of the Sea: As
also, whether the Mountains lye scattered, or in ridges, and whether those
run North and South, or East and West, &c. What Promontories, fiery or
smoaking Hills, &c. the Country has, or hath not: Whether the Country be
coherent, or much broken into Ilands. What the Magnetical Declination is in
several places, and the Variations of that Declination in the same place (and,
if either of those be very considerable, then, what circumstances may assist

one to guess at the Reason as Subterraneal fires, the Vicinity of Iron-mines,
&c.) what the Nature of the Soyle is, whether Clays, Sandy, &c. or good
Mould; and what Grains, Fruits, and other Vegetables, do the most naturally
agree with it: As also, by what particular Arts and Industries the Inhabitants
improve the Advantages, and remedy the Inconveniences of their Soyl:
What hidden qualities the Soyl may have (as that of Ireland, against
Venemous Beasts, &c.)
Secondly, above the ignobler Productions of the Earth, there must be a
careful account given of the Inhabitants themselves, both Natives and
Strangers, that have been long settled there: And in particular, their Stature,
Shape, Colour, Features, Strength, Agility, Beauty (or the want of it)
Complexions, Hair, Dyet, Inclinations, and Customs that seem not due to
Education. As to their Women (besides the other things) may be observed
their Fruitfulness or Barrenness; their hard or easy Labour, &c. And both in
Women and Men must be taken notice of what diseases they are subject to,
and in these whether there be any symptome, or any other Circumstance,
that is unusual and remarkable.
As to the External Productions of the Earth, the Inquiries may be such as
these: What Grasses, Grains, Herbs, (Garden and Wild) Flowers, Fruit-trees,
Timber-trees (especially any Trees, whose wood is considerable) Coppices,
Groves, Woods, Forrests, &c. the Country has or wants: What peculiarities
are observable in any of them: What Soyles they most like or dislike; and
with what Culture they thrive best. What Animals the Country has or wants,
both as to wild Beasts, Hawks, and other Birds of Prey; and as to Poultrey,
and Cattle of all sorts, and particularly, whether it have any Animals, that
are not common, or any thing, that is peculiar in those, that are so.
The Internal Productions or Concealments of the Earth are here understood
to be, the riches that ly hid under the Ground, and are not already referr'd to
other Inquiries.
Among these Subterraneal observations may be taken notice of, what sorts
of Minerals of any kind they want, as well as what they have; Then, what
Quarries the Country affords, and the particular conditions both of the
Quarries and the Stones: As also, how the Beds of Stone lye, in reference to
North and South, &c. What Clays and Earths it affords, as Tobacco-pipe-

clay, Marles, Fullers-earths, Earths for Potters wares, Bolus's and other
medicated Earths: What other Minerals it yields, as Coals, Salt-Mines, or
Salt-springs, Allom, Vitrial, Sulphur, &c. What Mettals the Country yields;
and a description of the Mines, their number, scituation, depth, signs,
waters, damps, quantities of ore, goodness of ore, extraneous things and
ways of reducing their ores into Mettals, &c.
To these General Articles of inquiries (saith their Proposer) should be
added; 1 Inquiries about Traditions concerning all particular things, relating
to that Country, as either peculiar to it, or at least, uncommon elsewhere, 2
Inquiries, that require Learning or Skill in the Answerer: to which should be
subjoyned Proposals of ways, to enable men to give Answers to these more
difficult inquiries.
Thus far our Author, who, as he has been pleased to impart these General
(but yet very Comprehensive and greatly Directive) Articles; so, 'tis hoped
from his own late intimation, that he will shortly enlarge them with
Particular and Subordinate ones. These, in the mean time, were thought fit
to be publisht, that the Inquisitive and Curious, might, by such an
Assistance, be invited not to delay their searches of matters, that are so
highly conducive to the improvement of True Philosophy, and the wellfare
of Mankind.

An Extract of a Letter, Written from Holland, about Preserving
of Ships from being Worm-eaten.

This Extract is borrowed from the French journal des Scavans of Febr. 15.
1666. and is here inserted, to excite Inventive heads here, to overtake the
Proposer in Holland. The letter runs thus:
Although you have visited our Port (Amsterdam) I know not whether you
have noted the ill condition, our ships are in, that return from the Indies.
There is in those Seas a kind of small worms, that fasten themselves to the
Timber of the ships, and so pierce them, that they take water every where;
or if they do not altogether pierce them thorow, they so weaken the wood,
that it is almost impossible to repair them. We have at present a Man here,
that pretends to have found an admirable secret to remedy this evil. That,

which would render this secret the more important, is, that hitherto very
many ways have been used to effect it, but without success. Some have
imployed Deal, Hair and Lime, &c. and therewith lined their ships; but,
besides that this does not altogether affright the worms, it retards much the
ship's Course. The Portugals scorch their ships, insomuch that in the quick
works there is made a coaly crust of about an Inch thick. But as this is
dangerous, it happening not seldom, that the whole vessel is burnt; so the
reason why worms eat not thorow Portugal ships, is conceived to be the
exceeding hardness of the Timber, employed by them.
We expect with impatience the nature and effect of this Proposition. Many
have already ventur'd to give their thoughts concerning it. Some say, there
needs no more, but to build Ships of a harder kind of Wood, than the usual.
Others having observed, that these Worms fasten not to a kind of wild
Indian Pear-tree, which is highly bitter, do thereupon suggest, that the best
Expedient would be, to find out a Wood having that quality. But certainly
there being now no Timber, fit for Ships, that is not known, 'tis not likely
that any will be found either more hard, or more bitter, than that, which has
been hitherto employed. Some do imagine, that the Proposer will, by certain
Lixiviums, give to the ordinary Wood such a quality and bitterness, as is
found in the already mention'd Indian Pear-tree. But this also will hardly
succeed, since it will be requisite not only to make Lixiviums, in great
quantities at an easie rate, and strong enough to penetrate the thick sides of
a Ship, but also to make them durable enough, not to be wash't out by the
Sea. Yet notwithstanding, in these matters one ought to suspend on's
judgement, untill experience do shew, what is to be believed of them.
So far the Extract. To which it may perhaps not be unseasonable to add, that
a very worthy person in London, suggests the Pitch, drawn out of Sea coles,
for a good Remedy to scare away these noysome insects.

An Account of a Book, very lately publish't, entituled, The
Origine of Forms and Qualities, illustrated by Considerations
and Experiments, by the Honourable Robert Boyle.

This Curious and Excellent Piece, is a kind of Introduction to the Principles
of the Mechanical Philosophy, explicating, by very Considerable
Observations and Experiments, what may be, according to such Principles,
conceived of the Nature and Origine of Qualities and Forms; the
knowledge whereof, either makes or supposes the Fundamental and Useful
part of Natural Philosophy. In doing of which, the Author, to have his way
the clearer, writes rather for the Corpuscularian Philosophers (as he is
pleased to call them) in General, than any Party of them, keeping himself
thereby disengaged from adopting an Hypothesis, in which perhaps he is
not so throughly satisfied, and of which he does not conceive himself to be
necessitated to make use here; and accordingly forbearing to employ
Arguments, that are either grounded on, or suppose Atoms, or any Innate
Motion belonging to them; or that the Essence of Bodies consists in
Extension; or that a Vacuum is impossible; or that there are such Globuli
Cælestes, or such a Materia Subtilis, as the Cartesians imploy to explicate
most of the Phænomena of Nature.
The Treatise consisting of a Speculative, and an Historical part, the Author,
with great modesty leaves the Reader to judge; Whether in the First part he
hath treated of the Nature and Origine of Forms and Qualities in a more
Comprehensive way, than others; Whether he has by fit Examples, and
other means, rendred it more intelligible, than they have done: Whether he
has added any considerable number of Notions and Arguments towards the
compleating and confirming of the proposed Hypothesis: Whether he has
with reason dismissed Arguments unfit to be relied on; and Whether he has
proposed some Notions and Arguments so warily, as to keep them from
being liable to Exceptions and Evasions, whereto they were obnoxious, as
others have proposed them. And, as to the Second and Historical part, he is
enclin'd to believe that the Reader will grant, he hath done that part of
Physicks, he is treating of, some service, by strengthning the doctrines of
the New Philosophy (as 'tis call'd) by such particular Experiments, whose
Nature and Novelty will render them as well Acceptable as Instructive.
The summe of the Hypothesis, fully and clearly explicated in the First Part,
is this;
That all Bodies are made of one Catholick matter, common to them all, and
differ but in Shape, Size, Motion or Rest, and Texture of the small parts, they

consist off; from which Affections of Matter, the Qualites, that difference
particular Bodies, result: whence it may be rationally concluded, that one
kind of Bodies may be transmuted into another; that being in effect no
more, than that one Parcel of the Universal Matter, wherein all Bodies
agree, may have a Texture produced in it, like the Texture of some other
Parcel of Matter, common to them both.
To this Hypothesis, is subjoin'd an Examination of the Scholastick opinion
of Substantial Forms; where the Author, first, States the Controversie; next,
gives the Principal reasons, that move him to oppose that Opinion; then,
answers the Main arguments employed to evince it; further, assigns both the
First Cause of Forms (God;) and the Grand Second Cause thereof (Local
Motion:) and lastly, proves the Mechanical Production of Forms; grounding
his proof, partly upon the Manner, by which such a Convention of
Accidents, as deserve to pass for a Form, may be produced; as that the
Curious Shapes of Salts (believed to be the admirablest Effects and
strongest Proofs of Substantial Forms) may be the Results of Texture; Art
being able to produce Vitriol, as well as Nature: partly, upon the possibility
of Reproducing Bodies by skill, that have been deprived of their reputed
Substantial Forms: Where he alledges the Redintegration of Saltpetre,
successfully performed by himself; though his Attempts, made upon the
dissipation and re-union of Amber, Allum, Sea-Salt, and Vitriol, proved (by
reason of accidental hindrances rather, than of any impossibility in the
Nature of the Thing) less successful.
In the Second and Historical Part, the Author, appealing to the Testimony of
Nature, to verifie his Doctrine, sets down, both some Observations, of what
Nature does without being over-ruled by the power and skill of man; and
some Experiments, wherein Nature is guided, and as it were, mastered by
Art.

The Observations are four.
1. The First is taken from what happens in the Hatching of an Egge; out of
the White whereof, which is a substance Similar, insipid, soft, diaphanous,
colourless, and readily dissoluble in cold water, there is by the New and
Various contrivement of its small parts, caused by the Incubation of the
Hen, an Animal produced, some of whose parts are opacous, some red,

some yellow, some white, some fluid, some consistent, some solid and
frangible, others tough and flexible, some well, some ill-tasted, some with
springs, some without springs, &c.
2. The Second is fetcht from Water, which being fluid, tastless, inodorous,
diaphanous, colourless, volatile, &c. may by a Differing Texture of its parts,
be brought to constitute Bodies, having qualities very distant from these, as
Vegetables, that have firmeness, opacity, odors, tasts, colours, Medicinal
vertues; yielding also a true Oyle, that refuses to mingle with Water, &c.
3. The Third, from Inoculation; wherein, a small Bud is able to transmute
all the sap, that arrives at it, as to make it constitute a Fruit quite otherwise
qualified, then that, which is the genuine production of the Tree, so that the
same sap, that in one part of the Branch constitutes (for Instance) a Cluster
of Haws, in another part of the same Branch, may make a Pear. Where the
Author mentions divers other very considerable Effects of Inoculations, and
inserts several Histories, all countenancing his doctrine.
4. The Fourth, from Putrified Cheese; wherein, the rotten part, by the
alteration of its Texture, will differ from the Sound, in colour, odor, taste,
consistence, vermination, &c.

The Experiments are ten.
1. A Solution of Vitriol and Camphire; in which by a change of Texture,
appear'd the Production of a deep colour from a white Body, and a clear
Liquor without any external heat: The destruction of this Colour, by adding
only some fair water: The change of an Odorous Body, as Camphire, into
an Inodorous, by mixing it with a Body, that has scarce any sensible odour
of its own: The sudden restauration of the Camphire to its native scent and
other qualities, by common water, &c.
2. Sublimate, distill'd from Copper and Silver, which both did wholly loose
their Metalline forms, and were melted into brittle lumps, with colours quite
differing from their own; both apt to imbibe the moisture of the Air, &c.
3. A solution of silver into Luna Cornea: Whereby the opacous, malleable
and hardly fusible Body of Silver, was, by the addition of a little spirit of
salt, reduced into Chrystals, differing from those of other Mettals;

diaphanous also, and brittle, and far more easily fusible, than Silver; wholly
unlike either a Salt or a Mettal, but very like to a piece of Horn, and withall
insipid, though the Solution of Silver, be very bitter, and the spirit of salt,
highly sowre, &c.
4. An Anomalous Salt; (which the Author had not, it seems the liberty to
teach the Preparation off) whose Ingredients were purely Saline, and yet the
Compound, made up only of salt, sowre, and strongly tasted Bodies, was
rather really sweet, than of any other taste , and when a little urged with
heat, its odour became stronger, and more insupportable than that of Aqua
fortis, distilled Urine and even spirit of salt Ammoniack; but yet when these
Fumes settled again into salt, their odour would again prove inoffensive, if
not pleasant &c.
5. A Sea-salt, whence Aqua fortis had been distilled: Where the Liquor, that
came over, proved an Aqua Regis: the substance in the bottom, had not
onely a mild taste, and affected the Pallat much more like salt-peter, than
Common salt; but was also very fusible, and inflammable, though produced
of two un-inflammable bodies: and the same substance, consisting of Acid
salts, by a certain way of the Author, produced a Fixt salt.
6. Oyle of Vitriol poured upon a Solution of Bay-salt: whence was
abstracted a liquor, that by the smell and Taste appeared to be a spirit of
salt. In which operation, the mixture, by working a great change of Texture,
did so alter the nature of the compounding Bodies, that the sea-salt, though
a considerably fixt Body, was distill'd over in a moderate Fire of sand,
whilst the Oyl of Vitriol, though no such gross salt, was by the same
operation so fixt, as to stay behind: Besides that the same, by a competent
heat yeilded a substance, though not insipid, yet not at all of the taste of
Sea-salt, or of any other pungent one, much less having the highly corrosive
acidity of oyl of Vitriol, &c.
7. A dissolvent, made by pouring a strong spirit of Nitre on the rectified Oyl
of the Butter of Antimony, and then distilling off all the liquor, that would
come over, &c. This Menstruum (called by the Author Peracutum) being put
to highly refined Gold, destroyed its Texture, and produced, after the
method prescribed in the book, a true Silver, as its whiteness in colour,
dissolublenes in Aqua fortis, and odious Bitterness, did manifest: which

change of a Mettal, commonly esteemed to be absolutely indestructible by
Art, though it be far from being Lucriferous, is yet exceedingly Instructive;
as is also the way, the Author here adds, of Volatilizing Gold, by the power
of the same Dissolvent.
8. Aqua fortis, concoagulated with differing Bodies, produced very differing
Concretes: And the same Numeral Saline Corpuscles, that being associated
with those of one Mettal, had already produced a Body eminent in one
Taste, did afterwards, being freed from that Body, compose a Liquor of a
very differing taste; and after that too, being combin'd with the parties of
another Mettal, did with them constitute a Body of a very eminent Taste, as
opposite as any one can be to both the other Tasts; and yet these Saline
Corpuscles, being instead of this second Mettal, associated with such a one
as that, they are driven from, did therewith exhibite again the first of the
three mention'd Tasts.
9. Water transmuted into Earth, though the Author saith of this
Transmutation, that it was not so perfect, as he wish'd, and as he hopes to
make it.
10. A mixture of Oyle of Vitriol and Spirit of Wine. These two Liquors,
being of odd Textures in reference to each other, their conjunction and
distillation made them exhibite these Phænomena: vid. That, whereas Spirit
of Wine has no great, nor good scent, and moderately dephlegm'd Oyl of
Vitriol is wont to be inodorous; the Spirit, that first came over from their
mixture, had a scent not only very differing from Spirit of Wine, but from
all things else, that the Author ever smelt; the Odor being very fragrant &
pleasant, and so subtle, that in spight of the care taken in luting the Glasses
exactly together, it would perfume the neighbouring parts of the
Laboratory, and afterwards smell strongly at some distance from the Viol,
wherein it was put, though stopt with a close Cork covered with two or
three several Bladders. But, after this volatile and odoriferous Spirit was
come over, and had been follow'd by an Acid Spirit, it was at last succeeded
by a strongly stinking Liquor, &c.
But Manum de Tabula: the Book it self will certainly give a satisfaction far
beyond what here can be said of it.

Some New observations about the Planet Mars, communicated
since the Printing of the former sheets.

There was very lately produced a Paper, containing some observations,
made by Mr. Hook, about the Planet Mars; in the Face whereof he affirmed
to have discovered, in the late months of February and March, that there
are several Maculæ or Spotted parts, changing their place, and not returning
to the same Position, till the next ensuing night near about the same time.
Whence it may be collected, that Mars (as well as Jupiter, and the Earth,
&c.) does move about his own Axis, of which a fuller account will be given
hereafter, God permitting. This short and hasty intimation of it, is intended
onely to invite others, that have opportunity, timely to make Observations,
(either to confirm, or rectify) before Mars gets out of sight.

Printed with Licence for John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal Society. 1666.

Num. 12.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, May 7. 1666.

The Contents.

A way of Preserving Birds taken out of the Egge, and other small
Fetus's; communicated by Mr. Boyle. An Extract of a Letter, lately sent
to Sr. Robert Moray out of Virginia, concerning an unusuall way of
Propagating Mulberry-trees there, for the better improvement of the
Silk-Work; together with some other particulars, tending to the good
of that Royall Plantation. A Method, by which a Glass of a small
Plano-Convex Sphere may be made to refract the Rayes of Light to a
Focus of a far greater distance, than is usuall. Observations about
Shining Worms in Oysters. Observations of the Effects of Touch and
Friction. Some particulars, communicated from forrain Parts,
concerning the Permanent Spott in Jupiter; and a contest between two
Artists about Optick-Glasses, &c. An Account of a Book written by Dr.
Thomas Sydenham, entituled, Methodus Curandi Febres, propriis
Observationibus superstructa.

A way of preserving Birds taken out of the Egge, and other small
Fætus's; communicated by Mr. Boyle.

This was imparted in a Letter, as follows;
The time of the year invites me to intimate to you, that among the other
Uses of the Experiment, I long since presented the Society, of preserving
Whelps taken out of the Dams womb, and other Fætus's, or parts of them,
in Spirit of Wine; I remember, I did, when I was sollicitous to observe the

Processe of Nature in the Formation of a Chick, open Hens Eggs, some at
such a day, and some at other daies after the beginning of the Incubation,
and carefully taking out the Embryo's, embalmed each of them in a distinct
Glass (which is to be carefully stopt) in Spirit of Wine: Which I did, that so I
might have them in readinesse, to make on them, at any time, the
Observations, I thought them capable of affording; and to let my Friends at
other seasons of the year, see, both the differing appearances of the Chick at
the third, fourth, seventh, fourteenth, or other daies, after the Eggs had been
sate on, and (especially) some particulars not obvious in Chickens, that go
about; as the hanging of the Gutts out of the Abdomen, &c. How long the
tender Embryo of the Chick soon after the Punctum saliens is discoverable,
and whilst the Body seems but a little Organized Gelly, and some while
after That, will be this way preserv'd, without being too much shrivel'd up, I
was hindred by some mischances to satisfie my self: but when the Fætus's, I
took out, were so perfectly formed as they were wont to be about the
seventh day, and after, they so well retain'd their shape and bulk, as to make
me not repent of my curiosity: And some of those, which I did very early
this Spring, I can yet shew you. I know I have mention'd to you an easie
application of what I, some year since, made publick enough; but not
finding it to have been yet made by any other, and being perswaded by
Experience, that it may be extended to other Fætus's, which this season (the
Spring) is time to make provision off, I think the Advertisement will not
seem unseasonable to some of our Friends; though being now in haste, and
having in my thoughts divers particulars, relating to this way of Preserving
Birds taken out of the Egge, and other small Fætus's, I must content my self
to have mention'd that, which is Essential, leaving divers other things,
which a little practise may teach the Curious, unmention'd. Notwithstanding
which, I must not omit these two Circumstances; the one, that when the
Chick was grown big, before I took it out of the Egge, I have (but not
constantly) mingled with the Spirit of Wine, a little Spirit
* In the Usefulness
of Sal Armoniack, made (as I have elsewhere delivered) * of Experimental
by the help of Quick-lime: which Spirit I choose, because, Philosophy.
though it abounds in a Salt not Sowre, but Urinous, yet I
never observed it (how strong soever I made it) to coagulate Spirit of Wine.
The other circumstance is, that I usually found it convenient, to let the little
Animals, I meant to imbalme, lie for a little while in ordinary Spirit of
Wine, to wash off the looser filth, that is wont to adhere to the Chick, when

taken out of the Egge; and then, having put either the same kind of Spirit, or
better upon the same Bird, I suffer'd it to soak some hours (perhaps some
daies, pro re nata) therein, that the Liquor, having drawn as it were what
Tincture it could, the Fætus being remov'd into more pure and well
dephlegm'd Spirit of Wine, might not discolour it, but leave it almost as
limpid, as before it was put in.

An Extract of a Letter, sent lately to Sir Robert Moray out of
Virginia, concerning an unusual way of propagating Mulberry
trees there, for the better improvement of the Silk-Work;
together with some other particulars, tending to the good of that
Plantation.

I am disappointed at this time of some Rarities of Minerals, Mettals, and
Stones; but you may have them any other time, as conveniently, &c. I have
planted here already ten thousand Mulberry trees; and hope, within two or
three years, to reap good silk of them. I have planted them in a way unusual
here, which advances them two or three years growth, in respect of their
being sown in seed: And they are now, at writing hereof all holding good,
although this has been a very long and bitter winter with us, much longer
and colder, than ever I did find it in Scotland or England. I intend likewise
to plant them all, as if they were Currants or Goos-berries, so thick as
hedges; whereby one man may gather as many of them, as otherwise, when
they are planted in trees at distance, four persons my do. Expedient is the
benefit of this Trade. Having discoursed of this new way to all here; they
are generally inclinable to it; considering that the Planting their Trees, as
before, at distance, and letting them grow high, has been the main
obstruction of that work hitherto, and the loss of their time and gain: but
being in hedges, they will be always young tender plants; and consequently
will be easily cut in great quantities with a pair of Garden Sizzers. But there
may be suggested yet another, and perhaps a better way; which is, to sowe
some Acres with Mulberry seed, and to cut it with a sith, and ever to keep it
under. I have also bethought my self of a new way, for a few hands to serve
many Worms, and that more cleanly than before: which also will be a
means, without more trouble or pains, to separate unhealthy worms from

healthful; and by which a great many more may be kept in a room, than
otherwise upon shelves, as is usual here. Besides this, I have sown a little
French Barley and Rice seed, and am thinking on a way of un-husking them
with expedition, and so preparing them for the Merchant, as they use to be:
But if you can inform me, how they are prepared, you may save me some
labour. If I had any Coffee in husks, or any other vegetable commodity,
from the Streights to try, I would here make tryal with them. Its like, that
some of those Merchants that are of your Society, and keep a
Correspondency there, may assist in procuring them. By the latter ships I
intend to send you a New sort of sweet sented Tobacco, which I have not
yet had time to improve.

A Method, by which a Glass of a small Plano-convex Sphere may
be made to refract the Rayes of light to a Focus of a far greater
distance, than is usual.

This is proposed by Mr. Hook, in consequence of what was mention'd from
him in Numb. 4 pag. 67, of these Transactions.
Prepare (saith he) two Glasses, the one exactly flat on both sides, the other
flat on the one side, and convex on the other, of what Sphere you please.
Let the flat Glass be a little broader than the other. Then let there be made a
Cell or Ring of Brass, very exactly turn'd, into which these two Glasses
may be so fastened with Cement, that the plain surfaces of them may lye
exactly paralell, and that the Convex-side of the Plano-convex-Glass may
lye inward; but so, as not to touch the flat of the other Glass. These being
cemented into the Ring very closely about the edges, by a small hole in the
side of the Brass-ring or Cell, fill the interposed space between these two
with Water, Oyl of Turpentine, Spirit of Wine, Saline Liquors, &c; then stop
the hole with a screw: and according to the differing refraction of the
interposed Liquors, so shall the Focus of the compound Glass be longer or
shorter.
But this (adds the Proposer) I would only have look't upon, as one instance
of many (for there may be others) of the Possibility of making a Glass,
ground in a smaller Sphere, to constitute a Telescope of a much greater

length: Though (not to raise too great exspectation) I must add, That of
Spherical object glasses, those are the best, which are made of the greatest
Sphere, and whose substance hath the greatest refraction.

Observations about Shining Worms in Oysters.

These Observations occur in the French journal of April 12. 1666. in two
letters, written by M. Auzout to M. Dela Voye; whereof the substance may
be reduced to the following particulars.
1. That M. Dela Voye having observed, as he thought, some shining Worms
in Oysters; M. Auzout, being made acquainted with it, did first conceive,
they were not Worms (unless they were crushed ones) that shin'd, as having
not been able then to discern any parts of a Worm; but only some shining
clammy moysture; which appeared indeed like a little Star of a blewish
colour, and stuck to the Oyster-shell; being drawn out, shone in the Air its
whole length (which was about four or five lines,) and when put upon the
Observers hand, continued to shine there for some time.
2. That M. Auzout afterwards, causing more than 20. douzen of Oysters to
be open'd at Candle-light, really saw, in the dark, such shining worms in
them; and those of three sorts. One sort was whitish, having 24. or 25. feet
on each side, forked; a black speck on one side of the head (taken by him
for a Chrystallin) & the back like an Eele, stript off her skin. The second,
red, and resembling the common Glow-worms, found at Land, with folds
upon their backs, and feet like the former; and with a nose like that of a
dog, and one eye in the head. The third sort was speckled, having a head
like that of a Sole, with many tufts of whitish hair on the sides of it,
3. That, besides these, the Observer saw some much bigger, that were
grayish, with a big head, and two horns on it, like those of a Snayl, and with
7. or 8. whitish feet, but these, though kept by him in the night, shin'd not.
4. That the two first sorts are made of a matter easily resoluble, the least
shaking or touch turning them in into a viscous and aqueous matter; which
falling from the shell, stuck to the Observers fingers, and shone there for
the space of 20. seconds: and if any little part of this matter, by strongly
shaking the shell, did fall to the ground, it appear'd like a little piece of a

flaming Brimstone; and when shaken off nimbly, it became like a small
shining Line, which was dissipated before it came to the ground.
5. That this shining matter was of different colour; some, whitish, some,
reddish; but yet that they afforded both, a light which appear'd a violet to
his eye.
6. That it is very hard to examine these worms entire (especially the white
ones) because that at the least touch they doe burst, and resolve into a
glutinous moysture; whence also if it were not for their feet, that are
discover'd in their matter, none would judge them to be Worms.
7. That among those, which he observed, he saw two more firm, than the
rest, which shone all over; and when they fell from the Oyster, twinkled like
a great star, shining strongly, and emitting rays of a violet-light by turns, for
the space, (as touch't above) of 20. seconds. Which Scintillation the
Observer imputes to this, that those worms being alive, and sometimes
raising their head, sometimes their tayle, like a Carpe, the light increased
and lessened accordingly; seeing that, when they shone not, he did, viewing
them by a Candle, find them dead.
8. That forcibly shaking the Oyster-shells in the dark, he sometimes saw the
whole shell full of lights, now and then as big as a fingers end; and
abundance of this clammy matter, both red and white, (which he judges to
have been Worms) burst in their holes.
9. That in the shaking he saw all the Communications of these little
Verminulous holes, like to the hole of Worms in Wood.
10. That in more than 20 douzen of Oysters he shook no shell (10. or 12.
excepted) but it emitted light: And found some of this light in sixteen of the
Oysters themselves.
11. That this light occurs more frequently in big, than small Oysters; in
those that are pierced by the Worm, oftner, than in those that are not, and
rather upon the Convex-side, than the other; and more in fresh ones; than in
the stale.
12. That having somewhat scaled the Convex-side of the shell, and
discover'd the Communication of the holes, wherein the often-mention'd

viscous moysture, that has any form of insects, is found; he smelt a scent,
that was like the water of a squeesed Oyster.
13. That the Worms give no light, when irritated, but if they do, the light
lasts but a very little time, whereas that which appears in those, that were
not angred before, continues a great while; the Observer affirming to have
kept of it above 2 hours.
So far the Journal des Scavans; which intimates withal, that if the
Observers had had better Microscopes, they could have better examin'd this
matter.
But since the curious here in England are so well furnish with good ones,
'tis hoped, that they will employ some of them for further and more minute
Observations of these Worms; it being a matter, which, joyned with other
Observations, already made by some excellent persons here, (especially Mr.
Boyle) upon this subject of Light, may prove very luciferous to the doctrine
of it, so much yet in the dark.

Some Observations of the Effects of Touch and Friction.

The Operations and Effects of Touch and Friction having been lately much
taken notice off, and being lookt upon by some, as a great Medical Branch,
for the curing of many diseases and infirmities; it will perhaps not be
unseasonable to mention (here also) some Observations relating thereunto;
which may give an occasion to others, to consider this subject more, than
has been done heretofore, and to make further Observations and Tryals
concerning the power of the same.
And First, the Illustrious Lord of Verulam, in his History of Life and Death,
Histor. 6. §. 3. observes, That Motion and Warmth (of which two, Friction
consists) draws forth, into the parts, New Juyce and Vigour. And Canon.
XIII. he affirms, That Frictions conduce much to Longevity. See the same,
Connex. ix. §. 26. &c.
Secondly, The Honourable Robert Boyle, in his Usefulness of Experimental
Philosophy, sect 2. ch. 15. considering the Body of a Living man or any
Animal, as an Engine, so composed, that there is a conspiring

communication betwixt its parts, by vertue whereof a very slight impression
of adventitious matter upon some one part, may be able to work, on some
other distant part, or perhaps on the whole Engine, a change far exceeding,
what the same adventitious matter could do upon a Body not so contrived:
Representing, I say, an Animal in this manner, and thence inferring, how it
may be alter'd for the better or worse by motions or impulses, confessedly
Mechanicall, observes, How some are recover'd from swouning fits by
pricking; others grow faint and do vomit by the bare motion of a Coach;
others fall into a troublesome sickness by the agitation of a Ship, and by the
Sea-air (whence they recover by rest, and by going a shore.) Again, how in
our Stables a Horse well-curried is half-fed: How some can tell by the Milk
of their Asses, whether that day they have been well curried or not: Arguing
hence, that if in Milk the alteration is so considerable, it should be so
likewise in the Blood, or other Juyces, of which the Blood is elaborated, and
consequently in divers of the principal parts of the Body. Where also (upon
the authority of Piso) he refers the Reader to the Brasilian Empiricks,
whose wild Frictions, as unskilfully as they order them, do strange things,
both in preserving health, and curing diseases; curing Cold and Chronical
ones by Friction, as they do Acute ones, by Unction.
Thirdly, The learned Dr. John Beale, did not long since communicate by
some Letters; First, that he could make good proof of the curing or killing a
very great and dangerous Wen (that had been very troublesome for two or
three years,) by the application of a dead mans hand, whence the Patient felt
such a cold stream pass to the Heart, that it did almost cause in him a fit of
swouning. Secondly, that, upon his brothers knowledge, a certain Cook in a
Noble Family of England (wherein that brother of his then lived) having
been reproached for the ugliness of his Warty hands, and return'd for
answer, that he had tried many remedies, but found none, was bid by his
Lord, to rub his hand with that of a dead man; and that this Lord dying soon
after, the Cook made use both of his Lords advise and hand, and speedily
found good effect. (Which is also confirm'd by what Mr. Boyle relates in his
lately mentioned Book, of Dr. Harvey's frequently succesfull triall, of curing
some Tumors or Excrescencies, by holding on them such a Hand.) Here is
Friction or Touch, to mortifie Wens, to drive away swellings and
Excrescencies: And why not to repell or dissipate Spirits, that may have a
dangerous influence upon the Brain, or other parts; as well as to call forth

the retired ones into the habit of the Body, for Invigoration? Thirdly, that a
Gentleman, who came lately out of Ireland, lay at his House, and inform'd
him of an aged Knight there, who having great pain in his feet, insomuch
that he was unable to use them, suffered, as he was going to bed, a loving
Spaniell to lick his feet; which was for the present very pleasing to him, so
that he used it mornings and evenings, till he found the pain appeased, and
the use of his feet restored. This, saith the Relater, was a gentle touch, and
transpiration; for he found the Spirits transpire with a pleasing Kind of
Titillation. Fourthly, that he can assure of an honest Blacksmith, who by his
healing hand converted his Barrs of Iron into Plates of Silver; and had this
particular faculty, that he caused Vomitings by stroaking the Stomack; gave
the Stool by stroaking the Belly; appeased the Gout, and other paines, by
stroaking the parts affected.

Some particulars, communicated from forraign parts, concerning
the Permanent Spott in Jupiter; and a Contest between two
Artists about Optick Glasses, &c.

Eustachio de Divinis (saith the Informer,) has written a See Numb. 1. of
large Letter, wherein he pretends, that the Permanent Spot these Transactions;
in Jupiter hath been first of all discovered with his by the date whereof
it will appeare, that
Glasses; and that the P. Gotignies is the first that hath that Spot was
thence deduced the Motion of Jupiter about his Axis; and observed in
that Signior Cassini opposed it at first; to whom the said England, a good
while before any
Gotignies wrote a letter of complaint thereupon. such thing was so
much as heard of.
The same Eustachio pretends likewise, that his great
Glasses excell those of Campani; and that in all the tryals,
made with them, they have performed better; and that Campani was not
willing to do, what was necessary for well comparing the one with the
other. viz. To put equall Eye-glasses in them, or to exchange the same
Glasses.
The said Divini affirms also, that he hath found a way to know, whether an
Object glass be good or not, onely by looking upon it, without trying. This

would be of good use, especially if it should extend so far as to discerne the
goodness of such a glass, whilst it is yet on the Cement.

An Account of Dr. Sydenham's Book, entituled, Methodus
Curandi Febres, Propriis observationibus superstructa.

This Book undertakes to deliver a more certain and more genuine Method
of curing Feavers and Agues, than has obtained hitherto: And it being
premised, First, that a Fever is Natures Engine, she brings into the field, to
remove her enemy; or her handmaid, either for evacuating the impurities of
the blood, or for reducing it into a New State: Secondly, that the true and
genuine cure of this sickness consists in such a tempering of the
Commotion of the Blood, that it may neither exceed, nor be too languide:
This, I say, being premised by the Author, he informs the Reader;
In the First Section, of the different Method, to be employed in the cure of
Feavers, not only in respect of the differing constitutions and ages of the
patients, but also in regard of the differing seasons of one and the same
year, and of the difference of one year from another. As to the Former, he
shews, in what sorts of Patients, and at what time of the Feaver,
Phlebotomy, or Vomiting, or both, are to be used; and when and where not:
In what space of time the Depuration if nature be not disturbed or hindred
in her work, will be perform'd: When Purgatives are to be administred:
How that Diarrhea's happen, if the Patient had in the beginning of the
Feaver an inclination to vomit, but no vomit was given; and that those
symptoms, which commonly are imputed to a malignity, do, for the most
part, proceed from the Relaxation of the tone of the Bloud, caused by
Medicines too refrigerating, or by the unseasonable use of Glisters in the
declination of the disease. As to the Latter, he observes, that one of the
chief causes, rendring the Cure of Feavers so uncertain and unsuccessfull,
is, that Practitioners do accommodate their observations, they take from the
successful cure of some Feavers in one season or the year, or in some one
year, to that of all Feavers in any season, or in any year whatsoever. And
here he observes, first, how vigorous the blood is in the Spring, and how
dispirited in Autumn; and thence regulates the letting of bloud, and
Vomiting, and the giving of Glisters. Next, how difficult it is, to assign the

cause of the difference between the Feavers of Several years; and to
prognosticate of the salubrity or insalubrity of the following part of the
year: where yet he insinuates, that, when Insects do swarm extraordinarily,
and when Feavers and Agues (especially Quartans) appear very early, as
about Midsummer, then Autumn commonly proves very sickly. Lastly, what
method and Cautions are to be used in the Cure of Epidemical Feavers.
In the Second Section, he treats of the Symptoms, accompanying Continued
Feavers; as Phrensies, Pleurisies, Coughs, Hicoughs, Fluxes, &c. Shewing,
both whence they are caused, and how they are to be cured: Where having
inserted a considerable Paragraph, touching a certain Symptomatical
Feaver in the Spring, to be cured like Plurisies; he mentions among many
Observables, this, as a chief one, that Laudanum, or any other Narcotick
given against the Phrensy, in the beginning, progress, or height of a Feaver,
does rather hurt, than good, but in the declination thereof, is used with good
success. To all which he subjoins a particular accompt of the Iliac Passion
(esteem'd by him to be sometimes a Symptome also of Feavers;) not only
discoursing of its cause (a preposterous inversion of the Intestins,
proceeding either from Obstruction, or Irritation,) but adding also a very
plain way of Curing the same; and that not by the use of Quick-silver or
Bullets (by him judged to be frequently noxious) but only by Mint-water;
and the application of a Whelp to the Patients stomach; to strengthen the
same, and to reduce it again to its natural motion.
In the Third Section, he treats of Intermittent Feavers, or of Agues: Where
he discourses of the times of the Cold and Hot fits, and of that of the
Separation of the subdued aguish matter: Finds difficulty in giving a
satisfactory accompt of the return of Fits: distinguishes Agues into Vernal
and Autumnal: Takes notice, that as there are few Continued Feavers, so
generally there are only Quotidians and Tertians, in the Spring; and only
Tertians and Quartans in Autumn; Of which having offered Reasons, that
seem considerable, he proceeds to his Method of curing them; and, laying
much weight upon the said difference, he prescribes and urges different
ways to be used in that cure: Interserting among other things these notes;
First, that the Period of Fermentation in Feavers, both Continued and
Intermittent, is (if left to Natures own conduct, and well regulated, if need
be, by Art) perform'd in about 336. hours or 14 dayes, subducting in
Intermittent ones, the hours of intermission, and counting 5½ hours for

every Paroxism; and imputing the excursion beyond that time to the
disturbance given to nature by the error of Practitioners. Secondly, that
whoever hath had a Quartan formerly, though many years be pass'd, shall,
if he chance to have another, be soon freed from it; and that a Physician
knowing that, may confidently predict this.
In the Fourth Section, the Author, in conformity to the Custom of those that
write of Feavers, discourses of the Small-pox; and First, examining the
cause of this sickness and its universality, delivers his peculiar opinion of
the bloud's endeavouring a Renovation or a New Texture (once at least in a
Mans life) and is inclin'd to preferr the same to the received doctrine of its
malignity. Then, having laid down, for a foundation of the Cure, the two
times, of Separation and Expulsion, he argues as well against too high an
Ebullition or too hasty a separation (by a hot diet or high Cordials) as
against too languid a one (by Blooding, Purges, and Cooling medicines.)
The like he does to the Time of Expulsion, forbidding both immoderate
Heat (whereby Nature's expelling operation is disturbed by a precipitated
and too thick a crowd of the protruded pustuls,) and too much Cooling,
whereby due Expulsion is hindred. In short, he advises, to permit Nature to
do her own work, requiring nothing of the Physician, but to regulate her,
when she is exorbitant, and to fortifie her, when she is too weak. He
concludes all, with delivering a Model of the Method, he would use for his
own only Son, if he should fall into this Sickness.

Advertisement.

Whereas 'tis taken notice of, that several persons perswade themselves, that
these Philosophical Transactions are publish't by the Royal Society,
notwithstanding many circumstances, to be met with in the already publish't
ones, that import the contrary; The Writer thereof hath thought fit, expresly
here to declare, that that perswasion, if there be any such indeed, is a meer
mistake; and that he, upon his Private account (as a Well-wisher to the
advancement of usefull knowledge, and a Furtherer thereof by such
Communications, as he is capable to furnish by that Philosophical
Correspondency, which he entertains, and hopes to enlarge) hath begun and
continues both the composure and publication thereof: Though he denies

not, but that, having the honour and advantage of being a Fellow of the
said Society, he inserts at times some of the Particulars that are presented
to them; to wit, such as he knows he may mention without offending them,
or transgressing their Orders; tending only to administer occasion to others
also, to consider and carry them further, or to Observe or Experiment the
like, according as the nature of such things may require.

Printed with Licence for John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal Society. 1666.

Numb. 13.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.

Munday, June 4. 1666.

The Contents.

Certain Problems touching some Points of Navigation: Of a new
Contrivance of Wheel-Barometer, much easier to be prepar'd, than
others. An account of Four Suns which lately appear'd in France; and
of two, unusually posited, Rainbows, seen in the same Kingdom. A
Relation of an Accident, by Thunder and Lightning, in Oxford. An
Experiment, to examine, what Figure or Celerity of Motion begetteth
or increaseth Light and Flame. Some Considerations touching a Letter
in the Journal des Scavans of May 24. 1666.

Certain Problems touching some Points of Navigation.

These Problems are presented by the Learned and Industrious Nicolaus
Mercator, for the advancing of that Excellent and Beneficial Science,
Navigation, as follows:
The line of Artificial Tangents, or the Logarithmical Tangent-line,
beginning at 45 deg. and taking every half degree for a whole one, is found
to agree pretty near with the Meridian-line of the Sea-Charte; they both
growing, as it were, after the same Proportion. But the Table of Meridional
degrees being calculated only to every Sexagesimal minute of a degree,
shews some small difference from the said Logarithmical Tangent-line.
Hence it may be doubted, whether that difference do not arise from that
little errour, which is committed by calculating the Table of Meridional
degrees only to every minute.
Mr. Oughtred in the VI. Chap. of his Navigation, annexed to the Book,
entituled, The Circles of Proportion, and the Horizontal Instrument &c.
mentions an Artifice, by himself discover'd, by which it may be effected,
that the small Parts of the Meridian be not one minute (which on the face of
the Earth answers to above an English Mile) but the hundred-thousanth, or,
if need be, the millioneth part of a minute, scarce exceeding one fifteenth
part of an Inch: Which thing, he saith, he is able to perform in Tables unto
the Radius 10000000; yet nothing at all differing either in their form or
manner of working from those that are now commonly in use.
But which way this is to be done, this Author hath not made known to the
Publick. And, though such Tables unto the Radius 10000000, had been
brought to light, yet would they not be sufficient to prove the identity or
sameness of the said two Lines, as to continue the comparison between
them as far, as the one of them, videl. the Logarithmicall Tangent-line, is
already calculated, that is; to Ten places, besides the Charactoristick.
Now therefore, if a certain Rule could be produced, by which the
Agreement or Disagreement of the said two Lines might be shew'd, not only
to that Extent of places, to which that Tangent Line is already calculated,
but also to as many more, as the same may be yet further extended unto, in
infinitum usque; surely that rule would not only save us the labour of
making Tables unto the Radius 10000000; but also the Helix or Spiral Line
of the Ships Course would be reduced to a more precise exactness, than

ever was pretended by Him: and this most Noble and Useful Science (as He
justly calls it) which is the Bond of most disjunct Countries, and the
Consociation of Nations farthest remote, would attain its full lustre and
perfection.
Besides, that the same Rule would also discover a far easier way of making
Logarithmes, than ever was practised or known; and therefore might serve,
when ever there should be occasion, to extend the Logarithmes beyond that
number of places, that is already extant.
Moreover such a rule would enable men to draw the Meridian line
geometrically, that is, without Tables or Scales: which indeed might also be
done, by setting of the Secants of every whole or half degree, if there were
not this Inconveniency in it (which is not in my Rule:) That a Line
composed of so many small parts, would be subject to many errours,
especially in a small compass.
The same Rule also will serve, to find the Course and Distance between two
Places assigned, as far, as practice shall require it; and that, without any
Table of Meridional parts, and yet with as much ease and exactness.
And seeing all these things do depend on the solution of this Question,
Whether the Artificial Tangent-line be the true Meridian-line? It is
therefore, that I undertake, by God's assistance, to resolve the said Question.
And to let the world know the readiness and confidence, I have to make
good this undertaking, I am willing to lay a Wager against any one or more
persons that have a mind to engage, for so much as another Invention of
mine (which is of less subtlety, but of far greater benefit to the publick) may
be worth to the Inventor.
For, the great advantage, that all Merchants, Mariners, and consequently the
Common-wealth, may receive from this other Invention, is, in my
judgment, highly valuable; seeing it will oftentimes make a ship sail,
though, according to the common way of sailing, the wind be quite
contrary, and yet as near to the place intended, as if the wind had been
favourable: Or, if you will, it will enable one to gain something in the
intended way, whether the wind be good or no (except only when you go
directly South or North) but the advantage will be most, where there is most
need of it, that is, when the Wind is contrary: So that one may very often

gain a fifth, fourth, third part, or more of the intended voyage; according as
it is longer or shorter, viz. always more in a longer Voyage, where the gain
is more considerable, and more welcome; not only by saving Time, but also
Victuals, Water, Fuel, Mens health, and so much Room in the ship.
All this, which is here pretended, the Proposer is to make good by the
Verdict of some able Men, who also may give a guess, what this latter
Invention may be worth to the owner: And for so much, and no more, he
will stand engaged against any one or more Persons, that he will and shall
resolve the Question above-mention'd, viz. Whether the Artificial Tangent-
line be the true Meridian-line, yea or no? And if he do not, that then he will
loose, and transport to the other Party the whole benefit of the last
mentioned invention. But if, on the contrary, he do prove or disprove the
Identity of the said two lines, to the Judgment of some able
Mathematicians, That then so much money be paid him by the other Party,
as the said Invention was valued.
And, whereas there are often Wagers laid about things that concern the
Engagers little or nothing; 'tis thought, that it would concern all Merchants,
Mariners, and all Lovers of the common good, rather to lay wagers against
one another about Things of this nature, where the Gainer doth gain as well,
as if he had laid his wager about something else, and the Looser hath so far
the benefit as well as the Gaine, That he seeth thereby promoted the thing,
that concerns them both alike.
Now therefore, to the end, that the Looser may have his benefit by it, as
well as the Gainer, it would not be amiss, that the condition were made
thus, that the latter should grant the moity of his gain to the Proposer; that
thereby he might be enabled to bring to light both those, and some other
useful inventions, for the Service of Mankind. And to manifest, that it is not
for his own interest only, that the Proposer mentions this; he is willing to
impart from that moity, so received, the full moity again to any other person
within his Majesty's Dominions, who shall first of all give notice of his
Undertaking to prove or disprove the said Identity, and perform it
accordingly within the space of two Months, to be computed from the
present Date. Those that have a mind to engage, may repair to the Printers
of these Tracts, where they may know further.

A new Contrivance of Wheel-
Barometer, much more easy to be
prepared, than that, which is described
in the Micrography; imparted by the
Author of that Book.

This is only an easy way of applying an
Index to any Common Barascope, whether
the Glass be only a Single Cane, or have a
round Bolthead at the top. And by the means
thereof, the Variation of the Altitude of the
Mercurial Cylinder, which at most is hardly
three Inches, may be made as distinguishable,
as if it were three Foot, or three Yards, or as
much more, as is desired.
The manner hereof is visible enough by Figure I: where A B C represents
the Tube, which may be either Blunt, or with a Head, as A B C (by which
latter shape, more room is allow'd for any remainder of Air, to expand the
better.) This is to be filled with Quick-silver, and inverted as commonly; but
into a Vessel of Stagnant Mercury, made after the fashion of I K, that is,
having its sides about 3 or 4 inches high, and the Cavity of it equally big
both above and below; and if it can be (besides that part, which is fill'd by
the end of the Mercurial Tube, that stands in it) of equal capacity with the
hollow of the Cane about B: For then the Quicksilver rising as much in the
hollow of I, as it descends at B, the difference of the height in the Receiver
I, will be just half the usual difference, And if the receiving Vessel I K have
a bigger Cavity, the difference will be less, but if less, the difference will be
greater: But, whether the difference be hereby made bigger or less, 'tis no
great matter, since by the contrivance of the Wheel and Index (which is
more fully described in the Preface to the Micrography) the least variation
may be made as sensible as is desired, by diminishing the bigness of the
Cylinder E, and lengthening the Index F G, according to the Proportion
requisite.

An Account of Four Suns, which very lately appear'd in France,
and of two Raine-bows, unusually posited, seen in the same
Kingdom, somewhat longer agoe.

These Phænomena are thought worthy to be inserted here, for the
Speculation of the Curious in those Kingdoms; as they were publisht in the
French Journal des Scavans, of May 10, 1666. viz.
The 9th of April of this present year, about half an hour past nine, there
appear'd three Circles in the Sky. One of them was very great, a little
interrupted, and white every where, without the mixture of any other colour.
It passed through the midst of the Sun's Disk, and was parallel to the
Horizon. Its Diameter was above a hundred degrees, and its Center not far
from the Zenith.
The Second was much less and defective in some places, having the
Colours of a Rainbow, especially in that part, which was within the great
Circle. It had the true Sun for its Center.
The Third was less, than the first, but greater than the second; it was not
entire, but only an Arch or Portion of a Circle, whose Center was far distant
from that of the Sun, and whose circumference did, by its middle, join to
that of the least Circle, intersecting the greatest Circle by its two extreams.
In this Circle were discerned also the Colours of a Rainbow, but they were
not so strong, as those of the Second.
At the place, where the circumference of this Third Circle did close with
that of the Second, there was a great brightness of Rainbow-Colours, mixt
together: And at the two extremities, where this Second Circle intersected
the First, appear'd two Parhelia's or Mock-suns; which shone very bright,
but not so bright, nor were so well defined, as the true Sun. The False Sun,
that was towards the South, was bigger, and far more luminous, than that
towards the East. Besides those two Parhelia's, which were on the two
sides of the true Sun, in the intersection of the First and Third Circle, there
was also upon the First great Circle, a third Mock-sun, situated to the
North, which was less and less bright, than the two others. So that at the
same time there were seen Four Suns in the Heavens.

Figure II. will illustrate the
Position of this Phænomenon.
A. The Zenith or the Point Vertical
to the place of Observation.
B. The true Sun.
S C H N. The great Circle,
altogether White, almost parallel to the Horizon, which
pass'd through the true Sun's Diske, and upon which were the false Suns.
D E B O. A Rain-bow about the Sun, forming an entire Circle, but
interrupted in some places.
H D N. A portion of a Circle, that was Excentrick to the Sun, and greater
than the Circle D E B O, which touch'd D E B O, and was confounded with
it in the point D. H N. The two Mock-Suns, in the intersection of the
Semicircle H D N, and the Circle S C H N: The midst of which two False-
Suns was white and very luminous; and their Extremities towards D I were
tinged with the Colours of a Rainbow. The False Sun, mark'd N, was fainter
than that, which is mark'd H.
C. The Mock-Sun, all white, and far less shining, than the two others.
I. A space very dark betwixt R. and D.
This Appearance is look't upon as one of the notablest, that
* Those Five Suns,
can be seen, by reason of the Excentricity of the Circle H that appear'd the 29
D N, and because that the Parhelia * were not in the March, A. 1629. at
Rome, between 2 or
Intersection of the Circle D E B O with the great Circle S 3 of the Clock, in
C H N, but in that of the Semi-circle H D N. the afternoon, were
thus posited; that
As for the two odd Rainbows; they appear'd at Chartres the two of them,
the 10. of August, 1665. about half an hour past six in the which were in the
intersection of two
Evening; and did cross one another almost at right Angles, Circles, appear'd in
as may be seen by Fig. IV. that of a Circle,
which passed
The Rainbow, which was opposite to the Sun, in the usual through the Sun's
Diske, with another,
manner, was more deeply colour'd, than that, which cross'd that was
Concentrick to the

it; though even the Colours of Sun: as may be seen
in Figure III.
the first Iris were not so strong, borrow'd (for the
as they are now and then seen at easier comparing
other times. them together) out
of Des-Cartes his
Meteors, cap. X.
The greatest height of the
stronger Rainbow, was about 45.
degrees; the feebler Rainbow lost one of its Legs, by growing fainter, about
20 degrees above the stronger; and the Leg below appear'd continued to the
Horizon.
These Rainbows did not Just decussate one another at right Angles; there
was some 6 or 7 degrees difference. The fainter, seem'd to be a Portion of a
great Circle; and the stronger was but a Portion of a small Circle, as usually.
The Sun, at their appearance, was about 6 degrees high above the Horizon,
and towards the 17 Azimuth of the West, Northward.
The Observer, M. Estienne, notes, that, when he made this Observation, the
River of Chartres, which runs very near from South to North, was betwixt
him and the Rainbow; and that he stood Level with this River, whence he
was distant not above 150 paces: which he adds, that the Curious may the
better judge of this Observation.

A Relation of an Accident by Thunder and Lightning, at Oxford.

This was imparted by Dr. Wallis in a Letter, written at Oxford, May 12,
1666. to the Publisher, as follows:
I should scarce have given you so soon the trouble of another Letter, were it
not for an Accident which hapn'd here May 10. I had that afternoon, about 4
of the clock heard it thunder at some distance. About 5 of the clock the
Thunder coming nearer to us; it began to rain, and soon after (the rain
withal increasing) the Thunder grew very loud, and frequent, and with long
ratling Claps (though not altogether so great, as I have some other times
heard:) and the Lightning with flashes very bright (notwithstanding the
clear day-light) and very frequent, (when at the fastest, scarce a full minute
between one flash and another; many times not so much, but a second flash

before the Thunder of the former was heard:) The Thunder for the most part
began to be heard about 8 or 10 second minutes after the flash; as I observ'd
for a great part of the time by my Minute-Watch: but once or twice I
observ'd it to follow (in a manner) immediately upon it, as it were in the
same moment; and the lightning extream red and fiery. I do not use to be
much apprehensive of Thunder and Lightning, but I was at this time (I
know not well, why?) very apprehensive, more than ordinary, of mischief to
be done by it, for it seem'd to me to be very low and near us (which made
me so particular, as to observe the distance of the flash by the noise) and
very frequent, and bright, so that, had it been by night as it was by day, it
would have been very terrible. And, though I kept within doors, yet I
sensibly discover'd a stinking sulphureous smell in the Air. About 7 of the
clock it ended, before which time I had news brought me of a Sad Accident
upon the water at Medley about a Mile or somewhat more distant from
hence. Two Schollars of Wadham-Colledge, being alone in a Boat (without
a Water-man) having newly thrust off from shore, at Medley, to come
homewards, standing near the Head of the Boat, were presently with a
stroke of Thunder or Lightning, both struck off out of the Boat into the
Water, the one of them stark dead, in whom, though presently taken out of
the Water (having been by relation, scarce a minute in it) there was not
discerned any appearance of life, sense, or motion: the other was stuck fast
in the Mud (with his Feet downwards, and his upper parts above water) like
a post not able to help himself out; but, besides a present stonying or
numness, had no other hurt; but was for the present so disturb'd in his
senses, as that he knew not, how he came there out of the Boat, nor could
remember either Thunder or Lightning, that did effect it: and was very
feeble and faint upon it; which (though presently put into a warm Bed) he
had not thoroughly recover'd by the next Night; and whether since he have
or no, I know not.
Others in another Boat, about 10 or 20 yards from these (as by their
description I estimate) felt a disturbance and shaking in their Boat, and one
of them had his Chair struck from under him, and thrown upon him; but had
no hurt. Those immediately made up to the others, and (some leaping into
the Water to them) presently drew them either into the Boat or on Shore; yet
none of them saw these two fall into the Water (not looking that way) but
heard one of them cry out for help presently upon the stroke, and smelt a

strange stinking smell in the Air; which, when I asked him, that told it me,
what kind of stink? he said, like such a smell, as is perceived upon the
stricking of Flints together.
He that was dead (when by putting into a warm Bed, and rubbing, and
putting strong waters into his Mouth, &c. no life could be brought into him)
was the next morning brought to town; where, among the multitudes of
others, who came to see, Dr. Willis, Dr. Mellington, Dr. Lower, and my self,
with some others, went to view the Corps: where we found no wound at all
in the skin, the face and neck swart and black, but not more, than might be
ordinary, by the settling of the blood: On the right side of the neck was a
little blackish spot about an inch long, and about a quarter of an inch broad
at the broadest, and was, as if it had been sear'd with a hot iron; and, as I
remember, one somewhat bigger on the left side of the neck, below the Ear.
Streight down the breast, but towards the left side of it, was a large place
about three quarters of a Foot in length, and about two inches in breadth, in
some places more, in some less, which was burnt and hard, like Leather
burnt with the fire, of a deep blackish red Colour, not much unlike the
scorch'd skin of a rosted Pig. And on the fore-part of the left Shoulder such
another spot about as big as a Shilling; but that in the neck was blacker and
seem'd more sear'd. From the top of the right shoulder, sloping downwards
towards that place in his Breast, was a narrow Line of the like scorched
skin; as if somewhat had come in there at the neck, and had run down to the
breast, and there spread broader.
The buttons of his Doublet were most of them off; which, some thought
might have been torn off with the blast, getting in at the neck, and then
bursting its way out: for which the greatest presumption was (to me) that,
besides 4 or 5 buttons wanting towards the bottom of the Breast, there were
about half a dozen together clear off from the bottom of the collar
downwards, and I do not remember, that the rest of the buttons seem to be
near worn out, but almost new. The collar of his doublet just over the fore-
part of the left shoulder was quit broken asunder, cloth and stiffening,
streight downwards, as if cut or chop'd asunder, but with a Blunt tool; only
the inward linnen or fustian lineing of it was whole, by which, and by the
view of the ragged Edges, it seem'd manifest to me, that it was by the stroak
inward (from without) not outwards from within.

His Hat was strangely torn, not just on the Crown, but on the side of the hat,
and on the brim. On the side of it was a great hole, more than to put in ones
fist through it: some part of it being quite struck away, and from thence
divers gashes every way, as if torn, or cut with a Dull tool, and some of
them of a good length, almost quite to the edges of the brim. And, beside
these, one or two gashes more, which did not communicate with the hole in
the side. This also I judged by a stroke inwards; not so much from the view
of the edges of those gashes (from which there was scarce any judgement to
be made either way) but because the lining was not torn, only ript off from
the edge of the hat (where it was sow'd on) on that side, where the hole was
made. But his hat not being found upon his head, but at some distance from
him, it did not appear, against what part of the head that hole was made.
Upon the rest of his Cloaths, I do not know of any further effect, nor did we
smell any sulphurous scent about them: which might be, Partly because it
was now a good while after the time, and Partly by reason of their being
presently drenched in the water into which he fell.
The night following, the three Doctors above mentioned, and my self, with
some Chirurgions (besides a multitude of others) were present at the
opening of the head, to see if any thing could be there discover'd; but there
appear'd no sign of contusion; the brain full and in good order; the nerves
whole and sound, the vessels of the brain pretty full of Blood. But nothing
was by any of them discern'd to be at all amiss. But it was by candle-light,
and they had not time to make very nice Observations of it (the Body being
to be buried by and by) and the croud of People was a further hindrance.
But if any thing had been considerably out of order to the view, it would
surely have been by some of them discover'd. Some of them thought, they
discern'd a small fissure or crack in the skull; and some who held it, while it
was sawing off, said, they felt it Jarring in their hands, and there seem'd to
the eye something like it, but it was so small, as that by candle-light we
could not agree it certainly so to be.
Some of the Hair on the right Temple was manifestly singed, or burnt; and
the lower part of that Ear blacker, than the parts about it, but soft; and it
might be only the settling of the Blood. The upper part of the left shoulder,
and that side of the neck, were also somewhat blacker than the rest of the
Body, but whether it were by the blow, which broke the collar, and scorch'd

the round red spot thereupon, or only by settling of the Blood, I cannot say;
yet I think, it might very well be, that both on the head, and on this side of
the neck, there might be a very great blow, and a contusion upon it (and
seems to have been so, by the tearing of the hat, and breaking the collar, if
not also cracking of the skull) and yet no sign of such contusion, because
dying so immediately, there was not time for the Blood to gather to the part
and stagnate there (which in bruises is the cause of blackness) and it was
but as if such a blow had been given on a Body newly dead; which does not
use to cause such a symptom of a bruise, after the Blood ceases to circulate.
Having done with, the Head, they open'd the Breast, and found that burning
to reach quite through the skin, which was in those scorch'd places hard and
horney, and shrunk up, so as it was not so thick as the soft skin about it: but
no appearance of any thing deeper than the skin; the Muscles not at all
disorder'd or discolour'd (perhaps, upon the reason, that was but now said of
the Head, Neck and Shoulder). Having then taken off the Sternum, the
Lungs and Heart appear'd all well, and well-colour'd without any disorder.
This is the sum of what was observ'd; only that the whole Body was, by
night, very much swell'd, more than in the morning; and smelt very strong
and offensively: Which might be by the hotness of the weather, and by the
heat of the place occasion'd by the multitude of People.

An Experiment to examine, what Figure, and Celerity of Motion
begetteth, or encreaseth Light and Flame.

This was communicated by Dr. Beale, as follows;
May 5. 1665. fresh Mackrels were boyl'd in Water, with salt and sweet
herbs; and, when the Water was perfectly cold, the next morning, the
Mackrels were left in the Water for pickle.
May 6. more fresh Mackrels were boyl'd in like Water; and May 7. both
Water and Mackrels were put into the former Water, together with the
former Mackrels. (Which circumstances I do particularize, because,
whether, the mixture of the pickle of several ages, and a certain space of

time, or whatever else was necessary, and wanting, the trial did not succeed
with like effect at other times).
But now on the next Munday (May 8). evening, the Cook stirring the Water,
to take out some of the Mackrels, found the Water at the first motion
become very luminous, and the Fish shining through the Water, as adding
much to the Light, which the water yielded. The water by the mixture of
Salt and Herbs, in the boyling, was of it self thick and rather blackish, than
of any other clear colour: yet being stirr'd, it shin'd, and all the fish appear'd,
more brightly luminous in their own shapes.
Wherever the drops of this water (after it was stirr'd) fell on the Ground, or
Benches, they shin'd: And the Children took drops in their hands, as broad
as a penny, running with them about the house, and each drop, both near
and at distance, seem'd by their shining as broad as a six pence, or a
shilling, or broader.
The Cook turn'd up the side of the Fish, which was lowest, and thence came
no shining: and after the water was for some good time settled, and fully at
rest, it did not shine at all.
On Tuesday night (May 9). we repeated the same Trial, and found the same
effects. The water, till it was stirr'd, gave no light, but was thick and dark, as
we saw by day-light, and by candle-light. As soon as the Cook's hand was
thrust into the water, it began to have a glimmering; but being gently stirr'd
by the hand moving round (as the Dairy-maid do to gather the Curds for
Cheese) it did so shine, that they, who look'd on it at some distance, from
the farther end of another room, thought verily, it was the shining of the
Moon through a Window upon a Vessel of Milk; and by brisker Circulation
it seem'd to flame.
The Fish did then shine as well from the Inside, as the Outside, and chiefly
from the Throat, and such places, as seem'd a little broken in the boyling.
I took a piece that shin'd most, and fitted it as well as I could devise in the
night, both to my great Microscope, and afterwards to my little one; but I
could discern no light by any of these Glasses; nor from any drops of the
shining water, when put into the Glasses. And May 10. in the brightest rayes
of the Sun, I examin'd, in my great Microscope, a small broken piece of the

Fish, which shin'd most the night before. We could find nothing on the
surface of the Fish very remarkable. It seem'd whitish, and in a manner
dried, with deep inequalities. And others, as well as my self, thought, we
saw a stream, rather darkish, than luminous, arising like a very small dust
from the Fish: And rarely here and there, a very small; and almost
imperceptible sparkle in the Fish. Yet of these sparkles we are certain; we
numbered them, and agreed in the number, order and place. Of the steam I
am not confident, but do suspect our Eyes in the bright Sun, or that it might
be some dust in the Aire.
The great Microscope being fitted in the day-light for this piece of Fish, we
examin'd it that night, and it yielded no light at all, either by the view of the
Glass, or otherwise.
Finding it dry, I thought that the moisture of Spittle, and touching of it,
might cause it to shine: and so it did, though but a very little, in a few small
sparks, which soon extinguish'd. This we saw with the bare eye; not in the
Glass.
The Fish were not yet fetide, nor insipid to the best discerning palats: And I
caused two Fish to be kept for further Tryal, two or three days longer, till
they were fetide in very hot weather; and then I expected more brightness,
but could find none, either in the water, by stirring it, or in the Fish, taken
out of the water.
And some Trials I made afterwards with other boyl'd Mackrels (as is above
said) with like pickle, but failed of the like success.
This season serves for many Trials in this kind, and by better Microscopes,
or better ordered. And in these Vulgarities we may perhaps as well trace out
the cause and nature of Light, as in Jewels of greatest value, &c.

Some Considerations touching a Letter in the Journal des
Scavans of May 24. 1666.

In Num. 9. of these Transactions were publish'd the Schemes and
Descriptions of certain Ways of Sounding the Depth of the Sea without a
Line; and of Fetching up Water from the bottom of it; together with some

Experiments already made with the former of these two Contrivances. The
Author of the French Journal des Scavans found good, to insert them both
in his Journal of May 3. but in another of May 24. intimates, that the said
Schemes and their Descriptions are not very clear and intelligible (he
means, that they were not well understood by French Readers) proposing
also some Difficulties, relating to that Subject, and esteemed by him
necessary to be satisfied, before any use could be made of the said
Instruments.
Upon this occasion, the Author of these Tracts thinks fit, here to represent,
First, That Englishmen and such others, as are well versed in the English
tongue, find no difficulty in understanding the descriptions of these
Engines, nor in apprehending their structure, exhibited by the Figures,
especially if notice be taken of the Emendation, expressed at the end of
Num. 10. about the misgraving the Bended end of the Springing Wire
(which it seems has not been noted in France, tho' the said Num. 10 is
known to have been seen there a pretty while before their Journal of May
24. was publish'd). And as for the particular of the Bucket, fetching water
from the bottom of the Sea, both the Figure and the annexed Description
thereof are so plain and clear, that 'tis some wonder here, that any difficulty
of understanding them is pretended by any, that hath but ordinary skill in
Cutts and the English language. Mean while, that way, which the French
Author recommends for this purpose as more simple, Videl. a Brass-Pump
with double Valves, is not at all unknown in England, nor has bin left
untried there; but was found inconvenient, in respect that the Valves in
descending did not fully open, and give the water a free passage through the
Cavity of the Vessel, nor in ascending shut so close, as to hinder the water
from coming in at the top: Whereas by the way proposed in Num. 9. both is
perform'd with great ease and security.
Secondly, Whereas the French Author is of opinion, that 'tis unknown, how
much time a Heavy Body requires to sink in water, according to a certain
depth; he may please to take notice, that that hath been made out in England
by frequent Experiments; by which, several Depths, found by this Method
of sounding without a Line, were examin'd by trying them over again in the
same place with a Line, after the common way. And as to that Quære of his,
Whether a heavy Body descends in the same Proportion of swiftness in

Water, that it would do in Air? The Answer is, that it does not; but that, after
it is sunk one or two fathoms into the Water, it has there arrived to its
greatest swiftness, and keeps, after that, an equal degree of velocity; the
Resistance of the water being then found equal to the Endeavour of the
heavy Body downwards.
Thirdly, When the same Author alledges that it must be known, when a
Light Body reascends from the bottom of the water to the top, in what
proportion of time and swiftness it rises. He seems not to have considered,
that in this Experiment, the times of the descent and assent are both taken
and computed together; so that for this purpose, there needs not that nicety,
he discourses of.
Fourthly, Whereas it is further excepted, That this way of Sounding Depths
is no new Invention; The answer is ready, that neither is it pretended to be
so, in the often quoted Tract; it being only intimated there, that the manner
of performing it, as it is in that place represented and described, is new.
Lastly, To rectifie the said Author's mistake, as if the instrument of fetching
up Water from the bottom of the Sea, were chiefly contriv'd, to find out,
Whether in some places of the Sea any Sweet Water is to be met with at the
bottom: There will need no more, than to direct him to the Book it self
Num. 9. where p. 149. towards the end, the First use of this Bucket is
express'd to be, to know the degrees of Saltness of the Water according to
its nearness to the top or bottom; or rather to know the constitution of the
Sea-water in several depths of several Climates, which is a matter, much
better to be found out by Trial, than Discourse. Neither is it any where
argued in that Book (as the French Journal insinuates) that, because sweet
water is found at the Bottom of the Sea of Baharem, therefore it must, but
only that it may, be found so elsewhere. And since the same Journal admits,
that those Sweet water-springs, which yield the sweet water, that is found at
the said place, have been formerly on the Continent, far enough from the
Sea, which hath afterwards covered them. It will be, it is presumed, lawful
to ask, Why in many other places there may not be found the like? And
besides, how we do know, but that there may be in other parts, Eruptious of
large Springs at the bottom of the Sea, as well as there?

Printed with Licence for John Martyn, and James Allestry, Printers to the
Royal-Society. 1666.

Num. 14.

PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Munday, July 2. 1666.

The Contents.

An Account of a New kind of Baroscope, which may be call'd Statical;
and of some Advantages and Conveniencies it hath above the
Mercurial; communicated by Mr. Boyle. The Particular Observations
of the Planet Mars, formerly intimated to have been made by Mr. Hook
in February and March last. Some Observations, made in Italy,
confirming the former; and withall fixing the Period of the said
Planet's Revolution. Observations, lately made at London, of the
Planet Jupiter: as also of Saturn. A Relation of a sad Effect of Thunder
and Lightning. An Account of some Books, lately publish'd; videl. The
Relations of divers Curious Voyages, by Mons. Thevenot: A Discourse
about the Cause of the Inundation of the Nile, by Mons. de la
Chambre, both French: De Principiis & Ratiocinatione Geometrarum,
Contra Fastum Professerum Geometriæ, by Mr. Hobbes: King
Salomons Pourtraiture of Old Age, by J. Smith, M. D.

An Account of a New kind of Baroscope, which may be called
Statical; and of some Advantages and Conveniencies it hath

above the Mercurial: Communicated, some while since, by the
Honourable Robert Boyle.

As for the New kind of Baroscopes, which, not long agoe,
* See Num. 11. p.
* I intimated to you, that my haste would not permit me to 185. Phil.
give you an account off; since your Letters acquaint me, Transactions.
that you still design a Communicating to the Curious as
much Information, as may be, in reference to Baroscopes; I shall venture to
send you some Account of what I did but name (in my former Letter) to
you.
Though by a Passage, you may meet with in the 19th and
* The Scales here
20th Pages of my Thermometrical Experiments and meant were before
Thoughts, you may find, that I did some years agoe think competent
upon this New kind of Baroscope; yet the Changes of the Eyewitnesses made
to turn manifestly
Atmosphere's Weight not happening to be then such, as I with the thousandth
wish'd, and being unwilling to deprive my self of all other part of a grain.
use of the exactest Ballance *, that I (or perhaps any man)
ever had, I confess to you, that successive avocations put this attempt for
two or three years out of my thoughts; till afterwards returning to a place,
where I chanc'd to find two or three pairs of Scales, I had left there, the
sight of them brought it into my mind; and though I were then unable to
procure exacter, yet my desire to make the Experiment some amends for so
long a neglect, put me upon considering, that if I provided a Glass-buble,
more than ordinary large and light, even such Ballances, as those, might in
some measure perform, what I had tried with the strangely nice ones above-
mention'd.
I caused then to be blown at the Flame of a Lamp some Glass-bubles as
large, thin and light, as I could then procure, and choosing among them,
one, that seem'd the least unfit for my turn, I counterpoised it in a pair of
Scales, that would loose their Æquilibrium with about the 30th part of a
Grain, and were suspended at a Frame. I placed both the Ballance and the
Frame by a good Baroscope, from whence I might learn the present weight
of the Atmosphere. Then leaving these Instruments together; though the
Scales, being no nicer than I have express'd, were not able to shew me all
the Variations of the Air's weight that appear'd in the Mercurial Baroscope,

yet they did what I expected, by shewing me variations no greater, than
alter'd the height of Quicksilver half a quarter of an Inch, and perhaps much
smaller than those: Nor did I doubt, that, if I had had either tender Scales, or
the means of supplying the experiment with convenient accommodations, I
should have discerned far smaller Alterations of the Weight of the Air, since
I had the pleasure to see the Buble sometimes in an æquilibrium with the
counterpoise; sometimes, when the Atmosphere was high, preponderate so
manifestly, that the Scales being gently stirr'd, the Cock would play
altogether on that side, at which the Buble was hung; and at other times
(when the Air was heavier) that, which was at the first but the Counterpoise,
would preponderate, and, upon the motion or the Ballance, make the Cock
vibrate altogether on its side. And this would continue sometimes many
daies together, if the Air so long retain'd the same measure of gravity; and
then (upon other changes) the Buble would regain an æquilibrium, or a
preponderance; so that I had oftentimes the satisfaction, by looking first
upon the Statical Baroscope (as for distinctions sake it may be call'd) to
foretell, whether in the Mercurial Baroscope the Liquor were high or low.
Which Observations though they hold as well in Winter, and several times
in Summer (for I was often absent during that season) as the Spring, yet the
frequency of their Vicissitudes (which perhaps was but accidental) made
them more pleasant in the latter of these seasons.
So that, the matter of Fact having been made out by variety of repeated
Observations, and by sometimes comparing severall of those new
Baroscopes together, I shall add some of those Notes about this Instrument,
which readily occur to my memory, reserving the rest till another
opportunity.
And First, if the ground, on which I went in framing this Baroscope, be
demanded, the answer in short may be; 1. That, though the Glass-buble, and
the Glass-counterpoise, at the time of their first being weigh'd, be in the Air,
wherein they both are weigh'd, exactly of the same weight; yet they are
nothing near of the same bulk; the Buble, by reason of its capacious cavity
(which contains nothing but Air, or something that weighs less than Air)
being perhaps a hundred or two hundred times (for I have not conveniency
to measure them) bigger than the Metalline counterpoise. 2. That according
to a Hydrostatical Law (which you know I have lately had occasion to
make out) If two Bodies of equal gravity, but unequal bulk come to be

weigh'd in another Medium, they will be no longer equiponderant; but if the
new Medium be heavier, the greater Body, as being lighter in Specie, will
loose more of its weight, than the lesser and more compact; but if the new
Medium be lighter than the first, then the bigger Body will outweigh the
lesser; And this disparity, arising from the change of Medium's, will be so
much the greater, by how much the greater inequality of bulk there is
between the Bodies formerly equiponderant. 3. That, laying these two
together, I consider'd, that 'twould be all one, as to the effect to be produced,
whether the Bodies were weighed in Mediums of differing gravity, or in the
same Medium, in case its (specifick) gravity were considerably alter'd: And
consequently, that since it appear'd by the Baroscope, that the weight of the
Air was sometimes heavier, and sometimes lighter, the alterations of it, in
point of gravity, from the weight, it was off at first counterpoising of the
Buble of it, would unequally affect so large and hollow a Body, as the
Buble, and so small and dense a one, as a Metallin weight: And when the
Air by an increase of gravity should become a heavier Medium, than before,
it would buoy up the Glass more than the Counterpoise; and if it grew
lighter, than it was at first, would suffer the former to preponderate: (The
Illustrations and Proof can scarce be added in few words; but, if it be
desired, I may, God permitting, send you them at my next leasure:) And
though our English Air be about a thousand times lighter, than water, the
difference in weight of so little Air, as is but equal in bulk to a Buble,
seem'd to give small hopes, that it would be sensible upon a Ballance; yet,
by making the Buble very large and light, I supposed and found the Event, I
have already related.
Secondly, The hermetically seal'd Glass-buble, I employed, was of the
bigness of a somewhat large Orange, and weigh'd about 1. drachme and 10.
grains. But I thought it very possible, if I had been better furnish'd with
conveniencies (wherein I afterwards found, I was not mistaken) to make
(among many, that might be expected to miscarry) some, that might be
preferable to this, either for capacity or lightness, or both; especially if care
be taken, that they be not seal'd up, whilst they are too hot. For, though one
would think, that it were advantagious to rarify and drive out the Air as
much as is possible, because in such seal'd Bubles the Air it self (as I have
elsewhere shewn) has a weight; yet this advantage countervails not the
inconvenience of being obliged to increase the weight of the Glass, which

when it includes highly rarified Air, if it be not somewhat strong, will be
broken by the pressure of the External Air, as I have sufficiently tryed.
Thirdly, I would have tryed, whether the Dryness and Moisture of the Air
would in any measure have alter'd the weight of the Buble, as well as the
Variation of Gravity produced in the Atmosphere by other causes; but the
extraordinarily constant absence of Fogs, kept me from making
Observations of this kind; save that one morning early, being told of a mist,
I sent to see (being my self in bed) whether it made the Air so heavy as to
buoy up the Buble; but did not learn, that that mist had any sensible
operation on it.
Fourthly, By reason of the difficulties and casualties, that may happen
about the procuring and preserving such large and light Bubles, as I have
been lately mentioning; it may in some cases prove a convenience to be
inform'd, That I have sometimes, instead of one sufficiently large Buble,
made use of two, that were smaller. And, though a single Buble of
competent bignes be much preferable, by reason that a far less quantity and
weight of Glass is requisite to comprise an equal capacity, when the Glass is
blown into a single Buble, than when it is divided into two; yet I found, that
the employing of two instead of one, did not so ill answer my exspectations,
but that they may for a need serve the turn instead of the other; than which
they are more easier to be procured; And if the Ballance be strong enough
to bear so much Glass, without being injur'd: by employing two or a greater
number of large Bubles, the effect may be more conspicuous, than if only a
single Buble (though a very good one) were employed.
This instrument may be much improved by divers Accommodations, As
First, There may be fitted to the Ansa (or Checks of the Ballance) an Arch
(of a Circle) divided into 15. or 20. deg. (more or less, according to the
goodness of the Ballance) that the Cock resting over against these
Divisions, may readily and without Calculation shew the quantity of the
Angle, by which, when the scales propend either way, the Cock declines
from the Perpendicular, and the beam from its Horizontall parallelism.
Secondly, Those, that will be so curious, may, instead of the Ordinary
Counterpoise (of Brass) employ one of Gold, or at least of Lead, whereof

the latter being of equal weight with Brass, is much less in Bulk, and the
former amounts not to half its bigness.
Thirdly, These parts of the Ballance, that may be made of Copper or Brass,
without any prejudice to the exactness, will, by being made of one of those
Mettals, be less subject, than Steel, (which yet, if well hardned and polish'd,
may last good a great while) to rust with long standing.
Fourthly, Instead of the scales, the Buble may be hung at one end of the
Beam, and only a Counterpoise to it at the other, that the Beam may not be
burthen'd with unnecessary weight.
Fifthly, The whole instrument, if placed in a small Frame, like a square
Lanthorn with Glass-windows, and a hole at the top for the Commerce of
the internal and external Air, will be more free from dust, and irregular
agitations; to the latter of which, it will otherwise be sometimes incident.
Sixthly, This instrument being accommodated with a light Wheele and an
Index (such as have been applyed by the excellent Dr. Chr. Wren to open
Weather glasses, and by the ingenious Mr. Hook to Baroscopes) may be
made to shew much more minute variations, than otherwise.
Seventhly, And the length of the Beam, and exquisitness of the Ballance,
may easily, without any of the foregoing helps (and much more with them)
make the instrument far exacter, than any of those, I was reduced to employ.
And to these Accommodations divers others may be suggested by a farther
consideration of the nature of the thing, and a longer practice.
Though in some respects this Statical Baroscope be inferior to the
Mercurial; yet in others it has its own advantages and conveniencies above
it.
And 1: It confirms ad oculum our former Doctrine, that the falling and
rising of the Mercury depends upon the varying weight of the Atmosphere;
since in this Baroscope it cannot be pretended, that a Fuga vacui, or a
Funiculus, is the cause of the changes, we observe. 2. It shews, that not only
the Air has weight, but a more considerable one, than some Learned men,
who will allow me to have prov'd, it has some weight, will admit; since
even the variation of weight in so small a quantity of Air, as is but equal in
bulk to an Orange, is manifestly discoverable upon such Balances, as are

none of the nicest. 3. This Statical Baroscope will oftentimes be more
parable, than the other: For many will finde it more easie, to procure a good
pair of Gold-scales, and a Buble or two, than a long Cane seal'd, a quantity
of Quick-silver, and all the other requisits of the Mercurial Baroscope;
especially if we comprise the trouble and skill, that is requisite to free the
deserted part of the Tube from Air. 4. And whereas the difficulty of
removing the Mercurial Instrument has kept men from so much as
attempting to do it, even to neighbouring places; the Essential parts of the
Scale-Baroscope (for the Frame is none of them) may very easily in a little
room be carried, whither one will, without the hazard of being spoil'd or
injur'd. 5. There is not in Statical Baroscopes, as in the other, a danger of
uncertainty, as to the goodness of the Instruments, by reason, that in these
the Air is, in some more, and in some less perfectly excluded; whereas in
those, that consideration has no place. (And by the way, I have sometimes,
upon this account, been able to discover by our new Baroscope, that an
esteem'd Mercurial one, to which I compared it, was not well freed from
Air.) 6. It being, as I formerly intimated, very possible to discover
Hydrostatically, both the bigness of the Buble, and the Contents of the
cavity, and the weight and dimensions of the Glassie substance (which
together with the included Air make up the Buble,) much may be discover'd
by this Instrument, as to the Weight of the Air, absolute or respective. For,
when the Quick-silver in the Mercurial Baroscope is either very high, or
very low, or at a middle station between its greatest and least height,
bringing the Scale-Barometer to an exact Æquilibrium (1 with very minute
divisions of a Graine,) you may, by watchfully observing, when the
Mercury is risen or faln just an inch, or a fourth, of half an inch &c. and
putting in the like minute divisions of a Grain to the lighter Scale, till you
have again brought the Ballance to an exquisit Æquilibrium; you may, I say,
determine, What known weight in the Statical Baroscope answers such
determinate Altitudes of the ascending and descending Quick-silver in the
Mercurial. And if the Ballance be accommodated with a divided Arch, or a
Wheel and Index, these Observations will assist you for the future to
determine readily, by seeing the inclination of the Cock or the degree
mark'd by the Index, what pollency the Buble hath, by the change of the
Atmospheres weight, acquired or lost. Some Observations of this nature I
watchfully made, sometimes putting in a 64th. sometimes a 32th. sometimes
a 16th. and sometimes heavier parts of a Grain, to the lighter Scale. But one,

that knew not, for what uses those little papers were, coming to a window,
where my Baroscopes stood, so unluckily shook them out of the Scales, and
confounded them, that he robb'd me of the opportunity of making the nice
Observations I intended, though I had the satisfaction of seeing, that they
were to be made. 7. By this Statical Instrument we may be assisted to
compare the Mercurial Baroscopes of several places (though never so
distant) and to make some Estimates of the Gravities of the Air therein. As
if, for instance, I have found by Observation, that the Buble, I employ, (and
one may have divers Bubles of several sizes, that the one may repaire any
mischance, that may happen to another) weigh'd just a Drachme, when the
Mercurial Cylinder was at the height of 29½ inches (which in some places I
have found a moderate altitude;) and that the Addition of the 16th part of a
gr. is requisite to keep the Buble in an Æquilibrium, when the Mercury is
risen an 8th, or any determinate part of an inch above the former station:
When I come to another place, where there is a Mercurial Barometer, as
well freed from Air as mine (for that must be supposed) if taking out my
Scale instrument, it appeare to weigh precisely a Drachme, and the Mercury
in the Baroscope there stand at just 29½ inches, we may conclude the
Gravity of the Atmosphere not to be sensibly unequal in both those two
places, though very distant. And though there be no Baroscope there, yet if
there be an additional weight, as for instance, the 16th part of a Grain
requisite to be added to the Buble, to bring the scales to an Æquilibrium, it
will appear that the Air at this second place is, at that time so much heavier,
than the Air of the former place was, when the Mercury stood at 29½
inches.
But in making such comparisons, we must not forget to consider the
Situation of the several places, if we mean to make Estimates not only of
the weight of the Atmosphere, but of the weight and density of the Air. For,
though the Scales wil shew (as has been said) whether there be a difference
of weight in the Atmosphere at the two places; yet, if one of them be in a
Vale or bottom, and the other on the top or some elevated part of a Hill, it is
not to be exspected, that the Atmosphere, in this latter place, should
gravitate as much, as the Atmosphere in the former, on which a longer Pillar
of Air does lean or weigh.
And the mention, I have made of the differing Situation of Places, puts me
in mind of something, that may prove another use of our Statical

Baroscope, and which I had thoughts of making tryal off, but was
Accidentally hindred from the opportunity of doing it. Namely, that by
exactly poysing the Buble at the foot of a high Steeple or Hill, and carrying
it in its close Frame to the top, one may, by the weight requisite to be added
to Counterpoise there to bring the Beam to its Horizontal position, observe
the difference of the weight of the Air at the bottom, and at the top; and, in
case the Hill be high enough, at some intermediate Stations. But how far
this may assist men, to estimate the Absolute or Comparative height of
Mountains, and other elevated Places; and what other Uses the Instrument
may be put to, when it is duly improved; and the Cautions, that may be
requisite in the several cases, that shall be proposed, I must leave to more
leasure, and farther Consideration.

The Particulars of those Observations of the Planet Mars,
formerly intimated to have been made at London in the Months
of February and March A. 1665/6.

To perform, what was promised Num. 11. of these Papers, pag. 198; 'tis
thought fit now to publish the Particular Observations, concerning the spots
in Mars, and their motion, as they were made with a 36 foot Telescope, and
produced in writing before the Royal Society, the 28 March 1666. by Mr.
Hook, as follows;
Having a great desire (saith he) to observe the Body of Mars, whilst
Acronycal and Retrograde (having formerly with a Glass of about 12. foot
long, observ'd some kind of Spots in the Face of it,) though it be not at
present in the Perihelium of its Orbe, but nearer its Aphelium, yet I found,
that the Face of it, when neer its Opposition to the Sun (with a Charge, the
36. foot-glass, I made use off, would well bear) appear'd very near as big, as
that of the Moon to the naked eye; which I found, by comparing it with the
Full Moon, near adjoyning to it, March 10.
But such had been the ill disposition of the Air for several nights, that from
more than 20. Observations of it, which I had made since its being
Retrograde, I could find nothing of satisfaction, though I often imagin'd, I
saw Spots, yet the Inflective veins of the Air (if I may so call those parts,

which, being interspers'd up and down in it, have a greater or less
Refractive power, than the Air next adjoyning, with which they are mixt)
did make it so confus'd and glaring, that I could not conclude upon any
thing.
On the third of March, though the Air were still bad enough yet I could see
now and then the Body of Mars appearing of the form A: which I presently
described by a Scheme; and about 10. minutes after, as exactly representing
what I saw through the Glass, as I could, I drew the Scheme B. This I was
sufficiently satisfied (by very often observing it through the Tube, and
changing my Eye into various positions, that so there might be no kind of
Fallacy in it) could be nothing else, but some more Dusky and Spotted parts
of the Face of this Planet.
March 10. finding the Air very bad, I made use of a very shallow Eye-glass,
as finding nothing Distinct with the greater Charge; and saw the appearance
of it as in C, which I imagin'd, might be the Representation of the former
Spots by a lesser charge. About 3 of the Clock the same morning, the Air
being very bad (though to appearance exceeding clear, and causing all the
Stars to twinckle, and the minute Stars to appear very thick) the body
seem'd like D; which I still suppos'd to be the Representation of the same
Spots through a more confused and glaring Air.
But observing March 21. I was surprised to find the Air (though not so
clear, as to the appearance of small Stars) so exceeding transparent, and the
Face of Mars so very well defined, and round, and distinct, that I could
manifestly see it of the shape in E. about half an hour after Nine at night.
The Triangular spot on the right side (as it was inverted by the Telescope,
according to the appearances, through with all the preceeding Figures are
drawn) appear'd very black and distinct, the other towards the left more
dim; but both of them sufficiently plain and defin'd. About a quarter before
12. of the Clock the same night, I observ'd it again with the same Glass, and
found the appearance exactly, as in F; which I imagin'd to shew me a
Motion of the former triangular spot: But designing to observe it again
about 3. of the Clock the same Morning, I was hindred by cloudy weather.
But March 22. about half an hour after 8. at night, finding the same Spots in
the same posture, I concluded, that the preceeding Observation was only the

appearance of the same Spots at another height and thickness of the Air:
And thought my self confirm'd in this Opinion, by finding them in much the
same posture, March 23. about half an hour after 9. though the Air was
nothing so good as before.
And though I desired to make Observations, about 3. of the Clock those
mornings; yet something or other interven'd, that hindred me, till March 28.
about 3 of the Clock, the Air being light (in weight) though moist and a
little hazy; when I plainly saw it, to have the form, represented in I; which
is not reconcileable with the other Appearances, unless we allow a
Turbinated motion of Mars upon its Center: Which, if such there be, from
the Observations made March 21. 22. and 23. we may guess it to be once or
twice in about 24. hours unless it may have some kind of Librating motion;
which seems not so likely. Now, whether certainly so or not, I shall
endeavour, as oft as I have opportunity, further to observe.

A particular direction to the Figures mentioned in the precedent discourse.

A. March 3d. 00h. 20m. in the morning: the Air having many inflecting parts
dispersed up and down in it; by the Wheel Barometer, heavy,
B. Another Scheme, which I drew from my Observation, about 10. minutes
after, the same morning. Both these were observed with a very deep Eye-
glass.

C. March 10d. 00h. 20m. in the morning: the Air heavy and inflective. Use
was made of a shallow or ordinary Charge.

D. March 10d. 3h. 00m in the Morning; the Air very heavy and Inflective,
which made it glare and radiate, and be more confused, than about 3. hours
before. A shallow Charge.

E. March 21d. 9½h. post merid; the Air light (in weight) and clear, without
inflecting parts; the Face appear'd most distinctly of this Forme. A shallow

Charge.

F. March 21d. 11¾h. post merid; the Air continuing very light and clear,
without inflecting vapours. A shallow Charge.

G. March 22d. 8½h. post mer. the Air clear, with few inflecting veins in it,
and indifferent light. A shallow Charge.

H. March 23d. 9½h. post mer. the Air pretty light, but moist, and somewhat
thick and hazy, but seem'd to have but few veins, or inflecting parts.

I. March 28d. 3h. p. m. much the same kind of Air with that of March 23;
light, moist, and a little hazy, with some very few veins.

Observations made in Italy, confirming the former, and withall
fixing the Period of the Revolution of Mars.

These Observations we shall summarily present the Curious in these parts
with, as they were lately presented (by Letter from his Excellency the
Ambassadour of Venice, now residing at the Court of France) to the Royal
Society, in some printed sheets of Paper, entituled, MARTIS, circa Axem
proprium Revolubilis, Observationes, BONONIÆ à JO. DOMINICO
CASSINO habitæ; come to hand June 3. 1666.

In these Papers the Excellent Cassini affirms;
1. That with a Telescope of 24. Palmes, or of about 16 Foot, wrought after
S. Campani's way, he began to observe February 6. 1666 (st.n.) in the
morning, and saw two dark Spots in the first Face of Mars.

2. That with the same Glass he observ'd Febr. 14/24. in the Evening, in the
other Face of this Planet, two other Spots, like those of the first, but bigger.
3. That afterwards continuing the Observations, he found the Spots of these
two Faces to turn by little and little from East to West, and to return at last
to the same situation, wherein he had seen them first.

4. That S. Campani, having also observ'd at Rome with Glasses of 50.
Palmes or about 35 Foot, likewise of his own contrivance, had seen in the
same Planet the same Phenomena.
5. That sometimes he hath seen, during the same night, the two Faces of
Mars, one, in the Evening, the other in the Morning.
6. That the Motion of these Spots in the inferior part of the apparent
Hemisphere of Mars, is made from East to West, as that of all the other
Celestial Bodies, and is peform'd by Parallels, that decline much from the
Equator, and little from the Ecliptick.
7. That the Spots return the next day to the same situation, 40. minuts later,
than the day before; so that in every 36. or 37. daies, about the same hour,
they come again to the same place.
8. He promises shortly to give us the particular Tables of this Motion and of
its Inequalities, together with the Ephemerides themselves.
9. He represents, that some other Astronomers have also made at Rome
several Observations of these Spots of Mars, from March 14/24. to March
20
/30. with Glasses, wrought by Eustachio Divini, of 25. and 45. Palmes;
Which Spots he makes little differing from his own, of the first Face; as will
by and by appear, by the direction to the Schemes.
10. But he adds, that those other Roman Astronomers, that have observ'd
with Divini's Glasses, will have the Conversion of Mars to be performed,
not in 24 h, 40 m. (as he maintains it is) but in about 13 h.
11. And to evince, that they are mistaken in these Observations of theirs; he
alledges, That they assure that the Spots, which they have seen in this
Planet, (by an Eustachian Telescope) the 20/30 of March, were small, very
distant from one another, remote from the middle of the Disk, and the
Oriental Spot was less, than the Occidental (as is represented by the Fig. O;
like that of the first Face of Mars.) whereas, on the contrary, He (Cassini)
pretends to evidence by his Observations, made at the same time at
Bononia, that, the same day and hour, those Spots were very large, neer one
another, in the midst of the Disk, the Oriental bigger than the Occidental (as
appears by Fig. P, which is that of the second Face of Mars.)

12. Besides, he declares, that those Astronomers were too hasty, in
determining, after 5 or 6 Observations only, in how much time Mars finish's
his Revolution; and denies it to be perform'd in 13 hours: adding, that,
though Himself had observ'd for a much longer time, than they; yet he durst
not for a great while define, Whether Mars made but one Turn in 24 hours
40 minuts or two; and that all, that he could, for a long time affirm, was
onely this, that after 24 h. 40 m. this Planet appear'd in the same manner he
did before.
13. But since those first Observations, He affirms to have found cause to
determine, that the Period of this Conversion is made in the said space of 24
h. 40 m; and not oftner than once within that time; Alledging for proof;
1. That, whereas Febr. 6. (st.n.) he saw the Spots of the first Face of Mars,
moving from eleven of the Clock in the night, until break of day, they
appear'd not afterwards in the Evening after the rising of that Planet
(witness several intelligent persons, which he names, that were present at
the Observations) Whence he infers, that after 12 hours and 20 minuts, the
same Spots did not come about; since that the same, which in the morning
were seen in the middle, upon the rising of Mars; after 13 or 14 hours,
might have appear'd neer the Occidental Limb. But, because he might be
imposed upon by Vapors, whilst Mars was yet so neer the Horizon, he gives
this other determination, vid.
2. Whereas he saw the first Face of Mars the 6 of February at 11 of the
clock of the night following; he did not see the same after 18 daies at the
same hour; as he ought to have done, if the Period were absolved in the
space of 12 h. 20 m.
3. Again, whereas he saw Febr. 24. in the Evening, the other Face of Mars,
he could not see the same, the 13. and 15. day of March, to wit after 17 and
19 days; as he should have done, if the Revolution were made in the newly
mention'd time.
4. Again, whereas the 27. of March in the Evening he saw the second Face
of Mars, he could not see it the 14. and 16. of April.
From all which Observations he Judges it to be evident, that the Period of
this Planets Revolution is not perform'd in the space of 12. hours 20,