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Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 7 of 7

Author: Edgar Thurston

Contributor: K. Rangachari

Release date: June 21, 2013 [eBook #42997]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASTES AND
TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. VOL. 7 OF 7 ***

Castes and Tribes of Southern India

Castes and Tribes
of
Southern India

By
Edgar Thurston, C.I.E.,
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum;
Correspondant Étranger, Société d’Anthropologie de
Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, Romana di
Anthropologia.

Assisted by K. Rangachari, M.A.,
of the Madras Government Museum.

Volume VII—T to Z
Government Press, Madras
1909.

List of Illustrations.
I. Thanda Palayan.
II. Tiya woman.
III. Tiya woman.
IV. Tiyans.
V. Tiya females at a coir factory.
VI. Toda buffaloes in kraal.
VII. Toda.
VIII. Toda woman.
IX. Toda hut.
X. “Toda cathedral.”
XI. Figures from Nilgiri Cairns.
XII. Toda and phonograph.
XIII. Tottiyan Mālē.
XIV. Tottiyan Mālē.
XV. Urāli.
XVI. Vāda gods.
XVII. Vāda pot shrines.
XVIII. Vāda shrines.
XIX. Valayan hunting festival.
XX. Valluvan dressed up as Siva at Malayanūr festival.
XXI. Mala Vēdan with filed teeth.
XXII. Mala Vēdan.
XXIII. Velichchapād.
XXIV. Vellālas worshipping lingam, snake-stones and Ganēsa.
XXV. Vēttuvans.

XXVI. Viramushti.
XXVII. Yānādis making fire.
XXVIII. Yānādis.
XXIX. Yānādi hut.

Castes and Tribes of Southern India.

Volume VII.

T

Tābēlu (tortoise).—A sept of Aiyarakulu, and section of Gāzula Kāpu and
Koppala Velama.

Taccha Kurup.—Barbers who shave Malabar Kammālans.

Tacchan.—The name of the carpenter sub-division of Kammālans, and
further returned, at the census, 1891, as an occupational sub-division by
some Paraiyans. Taccha Karaiyān has been recorded as a name for some
members of the Karaiyān fishing caste. The Tacchasāstram, or science of
carpentry, prescribes in minute details the rules of construction.

Tacchanādan Mūppan.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891
and 1901, as a sub-division of Kuricchans, and of Kurumbas of the Nīlgiris.

Tādan.—See Dāsari.

Tagara.—A section of Poroja.

Takru.—A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive
islands. (See Māppilla.)

Talaivan (a chief).—A title of the Maravans. Jādi or Jāti Talaivan is the
name of the hereditary chief of the Paravas of Tinnevelly, who, at times of
pearl fisheries, receives a fixed share of the ‘oysters.’

Talamala.—A sub-division of Kānikar.

Talayāri.—The Talayāri (talai, head) or chief watchman, or Uddāri (saviour
of the village), is a kind of undepartmental village policeman, who is
generally known as the Talāri. Among other duties, he has to follow on the
track of stolen cattle, to act as a guard over persons confined in the village
choultry (lock-up), to attend upon the head of the village during the trial of
petty cases, to serve processes, and distrain goods. In big villages there are
two or three Talayāris, in which case one is a Paraiyan, who officiates in the
Paraiya quarter. In parts of the Telugu country, the Mutrāchas, who are the
village watchmen, are known as Talārivallu, or watchman people, and, in
like manner, the Bēdars are called Talārivāndlu in the Kurnool and Bellary
districts.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district (1906), that “from the
earliest years of the British occupation of the country, fees were paid to the
talaiyāri or village watchman. He was probably survival of a state of society
in which kāvalgars did not exist, and his duties were, it seems, to look after
the villagers’ fields and threshing floors. At any rate, he continued in
existence even after the abolition of the kāval system (see Maravan), and
was declared by the early Police Regulation (XI of 1816) to be part of the
regular police establishment. Practically he did little real police duty, and in
1860, when the mufassal police was reorganised, all claims to the services
of the talaiyāri as a servant of the State were formally abandoned, the
Inspector-General of Police having reported that any attempt to utilise the
talaiyāri body would be fruitless and unpopular. Talaiyāris still continue to
be employed and paid by the ryots (cultivators) as the private guardians of
their crops and harvested grain. Recently, however, the district was brought
into line with the rest of the Presidency by the creation of a new force of
talaiyāris, who now perform the police duties assigned to such persons
elsewhere. They are provided with lathis (sticks) and badges, and are a
useful auxiliary to the police.”

Tāli.—“The tāli,” Bishop Caldwell writes,1 “is the Hindu sign of marriage,
answering to the ring of European christendom. I have known a clergyman
refuse to perform a marriage with a tāli, and insist upon a ring being used
instead. A little consideration will show that the scrupulous conscience can
find no rest for itself even in the ring; for, if the ring is more Christian than

the tāli, it is only because its use among Christians is more ancient. Every
one knows that the ring has a Pagan origin, and that, for this reason, it is
rejected by Quakers.” “The custom,” Wagner informs us,2 “of wearing the
wedding ring on the fourth finger of the left hand had unquestionably a
Pagan origin. Both the Greeks and the Romans called the fourth left-hand
finger the medicated finger, and used it to stir up mixtures and potions, out
of the belief that it contained a vein, which communicated directly with the
heart, and therefore nothing noxious could come in contact with it, without
giving instant warning to that vital organ.”

The marriage badge, as it occurs in Southern India, is, broadly speaking, of
two types. The one in use among the Tamil castes is oblong in shape, with a
single or double indentation at the base, and rounded at the top. The
corresponding bottu or sathamanam of the Telugu and Canarese castes is a
flat or cup-shaped disc. The tāli in use among various Malayālam castes at
the tāli-kettu ceremony is a long cylinder.

Tāli-kettu kalyānam (tāli-tying marriage).—A ceremony gone through by
Nāyar girls, and girls of some other Malayālam castes, in childhood. Of
those who gave evidence before the Malabar Marriage Commission, some
thought the tāli-kettu was a marriage, some not. Others called it a mock
marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, fictitious marriage, a
marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless
ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom, a
waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. “While,” the
Report states, “a small minority of strict conservatives still maintain that the
tāli-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer on the bridegroom a right to
cohabit with the bride, an immense majority describe it as a fictitious
marriage, the origin of which they are at a loss to explain. And another large
section tender the explanation accepted by our President (Sir T. Muttusami
Aiyar), that in some way or other it is an essential caste observance
preliminary to the formation of sexual relations.” In summing up the
evidence collected by him, Mr. Lewis Moore states3 that it seems to be
proved beyond all reasonable doubt that “from the sixteenth century at all
events, and up to the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations
between the sexes in families governed by marumakkathāyam (inheritance

in the female line) were of as loose a description as it is possible to imagine.
The tāli-kettu kalyānam, brought about by the Brāhmans, brought about no
improvement, and indeed, in all probability, made matters much worse by
giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious marriage, which bears an
unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage ceremonies performed among
certain inferior castes elsewhere as a cloak for prostitution (see Dēva-dāsi).
As years passed, some time about the opening of the nineteenth century, the
Kērala mahatmyam and Kēralolpathi were concocted, probably by
Nambūdris, and false and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on
the Nāyars by divine law to administer to the lust of the Nambūdris were
disseminated abroad. The better classes among the Nāyars revolted against
the degrading system thus established, and a custom sprang up, especially
in North Malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract,
approved and sanctioned by the Karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad4 to
which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony under the
pudamuri (female cloth cutting) form. That there was nothing analogous to
the pudamuri prevalent in Malabar from A.D. 1500 to 1800 may, I think, be
fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion to it in the works of the
various European writers.” According to Act IV, Madras, 1896,
sambandham means an alliance between a man and woman, by reason of
which they, in accordance with the custom of the community to which they
belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband
and wife.

Tambala.—The Tambalas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as “Telugu-speaking temple priests. Their social position differs in
different localities. They are regarded as Brahmans in Godāvari, Kistna and
Nellore, and as Sūdras in the other Telugu districts.” It is noted, in the
Census Report, that the Tambalas are described by C. P. Brown as a class of
beggars, who worship Siva, and who beat drums; secular priests, etc. These
men are generally Sūdras, but wear the sacred thread. “It is said that, during
his peregrinations in the north, Sankarāchārya appointed Tamil Brāhmans to
perform temple services in all the Saiva shrines. Hence the Telugu people,
in the midst of whom the Tamilians lived, called them the Tambalas
(Tamils). They are not now, however, regarded as Brāhmans, whatever their
original position may have been. They will eat only with Brāhmans. Most

of them are Saivites, and a few are Lingayats. The Smarta Brāhmans
officiate as their priests at birth, marriage, and death ceremonies. They do
not eat animal food, and all their religious rites are more or less like those
of Brāhmans. Their usual titles are Aiya and Appa.”

Tambān.—One of the divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. (See
Tirumalpād.)

Tambi (younger brother).—A term of affection in the Tamil country, used
especially when a younger person is being addressed. It is also recorded as
an honorific title of Nāyars in Travancore, and a suffix to the names of
Nāyar sons of Travancore sovereigns.

Tambirān.—The name for Pandāram managers of temples, e.g., at
Tiruvādudurai in Tanjore and Mailam in South Arcot.

Tamburān.—For the following note on the Rājahs or Tamburāns, I am
indebted to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. “They form an
endogamous community of Kshatriyas, and live as seven families in
Travancore. They are distinguished by the localities in which they reside,
viz., Mavelikkara, Ennaikkāt, Kartikapalli, Mariappalli, Tiruvalla,
Prāikkara, and Aranmula. They are all related by blood, the connection
between some of them being very close. Like the Kōiltampurāns, all the
members of their community observe birth and death pollution with
reference to each other. Their original home is Kōlattunāt in North Malabar,
and their immigration into Travancore, where the reigning family is of the
Kōlattunāt stock, was contemporaneous, in the main, with the invasion of
Malabar by Tippu Sultan. The first family that came into the country from
Kōlattunāt was the Putuppalli Kōvilakam in the 5th century M.E. (Malabar
era). The Travancore royal family then stood in need of adoption. The then
Rājah arranged through a Koiltampurān of Tattārikkōvilakam to bring from
Kōlattunāt two princesses for adoption, as his negotiations with the then
Kōlattiri were fruitless. The Puttuppali Kōvilakam members thus settled
themselves at Kartikapalli, the last of whom died in 1030 M.E. The next
family that migrated was Cheriyakōvilakam, between 920 and 930 M.E.
They also came for adoption. But their right was disputed by another house,

Pallikkōvilakam. They then settled themselves at Aranmula. The third series
of migrations were during the invasion of Malabar by Tippu in 964 M.E. All
the Rājahs living there at the time came over to Travancore, of whom,
however, many returned home after a time.

The Rājahs, like the Kōiltampurāns, belong to the Yajurvēda section of
Dvijas, but follow the sūtra laid down by Baudhāyana. Their gōtra is that of
Bhargava, i.e., Parasurāma, indicating in a manner that these are Kshatriyas
who were accepted by Parasurāma, the uncompromising Brahmin of the
Hindu Purānas. They have all the Brahminical Samskāras, only the Brahmin
priest does most of them on their behalf. Chaulam, or tuft ceremony, is
performed along with Upanāyanam. The Samāvartanam, or termination of
the pupil stage, is celebrated on the fourth day of the thread investiture.
Instruction in arms is then given to the Kshatriya boy, and is supposed to be
kept up until the requisite skill has been obtained. The tāli-tying (mangalya
dhāranam or pallikkettu of a Rāja lady) is done by a Kōiltampurān, who
thereafter lives with her as her married husband. The Kanyakādānam, or
giving away of the bride, is performed by the priest who attends also to the
other Sāstraic rites. The males take Sūdra consorts. If the first husband
leaves by death or otherwise, another Kōiltampurān may be accepted. This
is not called marriage, but kūttirikkuka (living together).

At Srādhas (memorial services), the Kartā, or performer of the ceremony,
throws a flower as a mark of spiritual homage at the feet of the Brahmins
who are invited to represent the manes, and greets them in the conventional
form (namaskāra). The priest does the other ceremonies. After the invited
Brahmins have been duly entertained, oblations of cooked rice are offered
to the ancestors by the Kartā himself.

They are to repeat the Gāyatri ten times at each Sandhya prayer, together
with the Panchākshara and the Ashtākshara mantras.

Their caste government is in the hands of the Nambūtiri Vaidikas. Their
family priests belong to the class of Malayāla Pōttis, known as Tiruveli
Pōttis.

Besides the ordinary names prevalent among Kōiltampurāns, names such as
Martānda Varma, Āditya Varma, and Udaya Varma are also met with. Pet
names, such as Kungāru, Kungappan, Kungōman, Kungunni, Unni and
Ampu are common. In the Travancore Royal House, the first female
member always takes the name of Lakshmi and the second that of Parvati.

Tāmoli.—A few members of this North India caste of betel-leaf sellers
have been returned at times of census. I am unable to discover in what
district they occur. Tāmbuli or Tāmuli is recorded as a caste of betel-leaf
sellers in Bengal, and Tāmboli as a caste carrying on a similar occupation in
the Bombay Presidency.

Tānamanādu.—A sub-division of Valaiyan.

Tanda.—The word literally refers to a settlement or encampment of the
Lambādis, by some of whom it is, at times of census, returned as a tribal
synonym.

Tandan.—It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “in
Walluvanād and Pālghat (in Malabar) Tandan is a distinct caste. The
ceremonies observed by Tandans are, in general outline, the same as those
of the southern Tiyyans, but the two do not intermarry, each claiming
superiority over the other. There is a custom which prohibits the Tandan
females of Walluvanād from crossing a channel which separates that tāluk
from Mankara on the Pālghat side.” The Tandans of Malabar are described
by Mr. F. Fawcett as a people allied to the Izhuvans, who observe the
custom of fraternal polyandry, which the Izhuvans abhor.

For the following note on the Tandans of Travancore, I am indebted to Mr.
N. Subramani Aiyar.

The castemen are known as Urālis to the south of Varkallay, and Tandans to
the north of it. In some places to the east of Kottarakaray, they were
popularly termed Mutalpattukar, or those who receive the first perquisite for
assistance rendered to carpenters. In the days when there were no saws, the
rough instruments of the Tandan served their purpose. Hence some
members of the caste were called Tacchan (carpenter). Tandan is derived

from the Sanskrit dandanam or punishment, as, in ancient times, men of this
caste were employed to carry out the punishments that were inflicted by the
authorities upon offenders. For the execution of such punishments, the
Tandans were provided with swords, choppers and knives. As they were
also told off to guard the villages (ūr) of which they happened to be
inhabitants, they acquired the title of Urāli. In some places, Tandans are
also called Vēlans. Males and females have respectively the title Mūppan
and Mūppatti, meaning an elder. In addressing members of higher castes,
the Tandans call themselves Kuzhiyan, or dwellers in pits.

The Tandans are said to have once belonged to the same caste as the
Izhuvans, but to have fallen away from that position. They must, in times
gone by, have joined the military service of the various States in Malabar.
They were, in some places, given rent-free lands, called Urāli parambu, in
return for the duties they were expected to perform. With the return of
peaceful times, their occupation changed, and the climbing of palm trees, to
extract the juice thereof, became their most important calling. They are also
largely engaged in the manufacture of ropes. Many families still receive the
mutalpattu, or allowance from the carpenters.

The Tandans are divided into four endogamous sections, called Ilanji,
Puvar, Irunelli, and Pilakkuti.

The ornaments of the women are, besides the minnu, wreaths of red and red
and black beads. Nowadays the gold gnāttu of the Nāyars is also worn.
Tattooing is popular. Even males have a crescent and a dot tattooed on the
forehead, the corresponding mark in females being a line from the nasal pit
upwards. Among the devices tattooed on the arms are the conch shell, lotus,
snake, discus, etc. In their food and drink the Tandans resemble the Iluvans.

The priests of the Tandans are called Tanda Kuruppus, and they are also the
caste barbers. The chief deity of the Tandans is Bhadrakāli, at whose shrines
at Mandaikkad, Cranganore, and Sarkkaray, offerings are regularly made.
At the last place, a Tandan is the priest. The chief days for the worship of
this deity are Bharani asterism in March and Pattāmudayam in April.
November is a particularly religious month, and the day on which the

Kartikay star falls is exclusively devoted to worship. The first Sunday in
January is another religious occasion, and on that day cooked food is
offered to the rising sun. This is called Pogala. Maruta, or the spirit of
smallpox, receives special worship. If a member of the caste dies of this
disease, a small shed is erected in his memory either at his home or near the
local Bhadrakāli shrine, and offerings of sweetmeats and toddy are made to
him on the 28th of Makaram (January-February). Chitragupta, the
accountant of Yama, the god of death, is worshipped on the full-moon day
in April-May. Ancestor worship is performed on the new-moon day in July.

A girl’s tāli-tying ceremony, which is called kazhuttukettu, takes place
when she is between seven and twelve years old. The bridegroom is a
relative called Machchampi. The Kuruppu receives a money present of 2½
fanams for every tāli tied in his presence. Though more than one girl may
go through the ceremony in the same pandal (booth), each should have a
separate bridegroom. The relations between the bride and bridegroom are
dissolved by the father of the former paying the latter sixteen rāsi fanams.
The daughter of a man’s paternal aunt or maternal uncle may be claimed as
murappen or lawful bride. The sambandham, or actual marriage, takes place
after a girl has reached puberty. A family is regarded as out-caste, if she has
not previously gone through the tāli-tying ceremony.

Only the eldest member of a family is cremated, the rest being buried.
Death pollution lasts for ten days. The anniversary of a death is celebrated
at the sea-shore, where cooked food, mixed with gingelly (Sesamum) is
offered to the departed, and thrown into the sea.

Tandān.—The Tandān is the hereditary headman of a Tiyan tara (village),
and is a Tiyan by caste. He is appointed by the senior Rāni of the Zamorin’s
family, or by some local Rāja in territories outside the jurisdiction of the
Zamorin. The Tandān is the principal person in the decision of caste
disputes. He is expected to assist at the tāli-tying, puberty, marriage and
pregnancy ceremonies of members of the caste. His formal permission is
required before the carpenter can cut down the areca palm, with which the
shed in which the tāli is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his
functions are important. When a new house is built, a house-warming

ceremony takes place, at which the Tandān officiates. Fowls are sacrificed,
and the right leg is the Tandān’s perquisite. He is a man of importance, not
only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of other castes.
Thus, when a Nāyar dies, it is the Tandān’s duty to get the body burnt. He
controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and can withdraw their
services when they are most needed. He officiates, moreover, at marriages
of the artisan classes.

Tangalān.—A sub-division of Paraiyan. The word indicates one who may
not stand near, in reference to their belonging to the polluting classes.

Tangēdu.—Tangēdu or Tangēdla (Cassia auriculata) has been recorded as
an exogamous sept of Kāpu and Padma Sālē. The bark of this shrub is one
of the most valuable Indian tanning agents, and is, like myrabolams
(Terminalia fruits), used in the manufacture of indigenous dyes.

Tantuvāyan (thread-wearer).—An occupational name used by various
weaving castes.

Tapodhanlu.—The name, meaning those who believe in self-mortification
as wealth, adopted by some Telugu mendicants.

Tārakan.—See Mūttan.

Tartharol.—The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers,5 of a division of
the Todas. Tartāl is also given by various writers as a division of this tribe.

Tarwād.—Defined by Mr. Wigram6 as a marumakkathāyam family,
consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common female
ancestor.

Tāssan.—A Malayālam synonym for the Telugu Dāsari.

Tattān.—The goldsmith section of the Tamil and Malayālam Kammālans.

Teivaliol.—The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers,5 of a division of
the Todas.

Telaga.—“The Telagas,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,7 “are a Telugu caste of
cultivators, who were formerly soldiers in the armies of the Hindu
sovereigns of Telingana. This may perhaps account for the name, for it is
easy to see that the Telugu soldiers might come to be regarded as the
Telugus or Telagas par excellence. The sub-divisions returned under this
name show that there has been some confusion between the Telagas proper,
and persons who are members of other Telugu castes. The Telagas are
Vaishnavites, and have Brāhmans for their priests. Their customs closely
resemble those of the Kāpus. They eat flesh, but are not allowed to drink
liquor. They are usually farmers now, but many still serve as soldiers,
though their further recruitment has recently been stopped. Their common
titles are Naidu and Dora.”

In a note on the Telagas and Vantaris (strong men), it is suggested that they
should be classed with the Kāpus, of which caste they are an offshoot for
the following reasons:—”(1) Members of the three classes admit that this is
so; (2) a collation of the intipērulu or septs shows that the same names recur
among the three classes; (3) all three interdine, and intermarriage between
them is not rare. A poor Telaga or Vantari often gives his daughter in
marriage to a rich Kāpu. The Telagas and Vantaris are highly Brāhmanised,
and will have a Brāhman for their guru, and get themselves branded at his
hands. A Kāpu is generally content with a Sātāni or Jangam. Though they
do not differ in their marriage and funeral rites from the Kāpus, they usually
marry their girls before puberty, and widow remarriage and divorce are
disallowed. A Kāpu is invariably a cultivator; a Vantari was in olden days a
sepoy, and, as such, owned inām (rent-free) lands. Even now he has a
prejudice against ploughing jirāyati (ordinarily assessed) lands, which a
Kāpu has no objection to do. Similarly, a Telaga takes pride in taking
service under a Zamindar, but, unlike the Vantari, he will plough any land.
Kāpu women will fetch their own water, and carry meals to the fields for
their fathers and husbands. The women of the other classes affect the gōsha
system, and the men carry their own food, and fetch water for domestic
purposes, or, if well-to-do, employ Kāpus for these services. It may be
added that rich Kāpus often exhibit a tendency to pass as Telagas.”

Tēlikula.—The Tēlikulas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as “a Telugu oil-presser caste, which should not be confused with
Tellakula, a synonym for Tsākala, or with Telli, a caste of Oriya oil-
pressers.” Telikula is a synonym for the Gāniga or Gāndla caste of oil-
pressers, derived from the oil (gingelly: Sesamum indicum), whereas the
names Gāniga and Gāndla refer to the oil-mill. In the Northern Circars, the
name Tēlikula is used in preference to Gāniga or Gāndla, and the oil-
pressers in that part of the country are known as Tēlikula-vāndlu. The
Tēlikulas are Onteddu, i.e., use a single bullock for working the oil-mill,
whereas, among the Gānigas, there are both Onteddu and Rendeddu
sections, which employ one and two bullocks respectively.

Tellakula (white clan).—Recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, as a
synonym for Tsākala. According to the Rev. J. Cain,8 the Tellakulas are
Telugu washermen (Tsākalas), who, in consequence of having obtained
employment as peons in Government offices, feel themselves to be superior
to other members of their caste.

Telli.—The Tellis are the oil-pressers of the Oriya country, whose caste
name is derived from telo, oil. They are apparently divided into three
endogamous sections, named Holodia, Bolodia, and Khadi. The original
occupation of the Holodias is said to have been the cultivation and sale of
turmeric. They may not carry turmeric and other articles for sale on the
back of bullocks, and consequently use carts as a medium of transport
thereof. And it is further contrary to their caste rules even to assist in
loading or unloading packs carried by bullocks. The Bolodias receive their
name from the fact that they carry produce in the form of oil-seeds, etc., on
pack bullocks, bolodo being Oriya for bullock. The Khadis are mainly
engaged in expressing various oils in oil-mills, and this occupation is also
carried on by some members of the other sections. All Tellis seem to belong
to one gōtra, called Karthikēswara. The caste title is Sāhu. In social position
the Tellis, unlike the Tamil Vāniyans (oil-pressers), are on a par with the
agricultural castes, and are one of the panchapātako, or five castes from
which individuals are selected to decide serious issues which arise among
the Badhōyis. The headman of the Tellis is called Bēhara, and he is assisted

by a Bhollobaya, and in some places apparently by another officer called
Pento.

It is considered by the Tellis as a breach of caste rules to sail in a boat or
ship. If a cow dies with a rope round its neck, or on the spot where it is
tethered, the family which owned it is under pollution until purification has
been effected by means of a pilgrimage, or by bathing in a sacred river. The
Holodias will not rear male calves at their houses, and do not castrate their
bulls. Male calves are disposed of by sale as speedily as possible. Those
Holodias who are illiterate make the mark (nisāni) of a ball of turmeric
paste as a substitute for their autograph on documents. In like manner, the
nisānis of the Bolodias and Khadis respectively are the leather belt of a
bullock and curved pole of the oil-mill. Among nisānis used by other Oriya
castes, the following may be noted:—

Korono (writer caste), style.
Rāvulo (temple servants), trident.
Bāvuri (basket-makers and earth-diggers), sickle.
Dhōba (washermen) fork used for collecting firewood.
Brāhman, ring of dharba grass, such as is worn on ceremonial
occasions.

In their marriage ceremonies, the Tellis observe the standard Oriya type,
with a few variations. On the day before the wedding, two young married
women carry two new pots painted white on their heads. To support the pots
thereon, a single cloth, with the two ends rolled up to form a head-pad, must
be used. The two women, accompanied by another married woman carrying
a new winnowing basket, and mokkuto (forehead chaplet), proceed, to the
accompaniment of the music of a chank shell and pipes, to a temple,
whereat they worship. On their way home, the two girls, according to the
custom of other Oriyas castes, go to seven houses, at each of which water is
poured into their pots. During the marriage ceremony, after the ends of the
cloths of the bride and bridegroom have been tied together, they exchange
myrabolams (Terminalia fruits) and areca nuts. Until the close of the
ceremonies, they may not plunge into a tank (pond) or river, and, in bathing,
may not wet the head.

Most of the Tellis are Paramarthos, and follow the Chaitanya form of
Vaishnavism, but some are Smartas, and all worship Tākurānis (village
deities).

Telugu.—Telugu or Telaga is used as a linguistic term indicating a person
who speaks that language. It has, at recent times of census, been returned as
a sub-division of various classes, e.g., Agasa, Balija, Banajiga, Bēdar,
Bestha, Dēvānga, Holeya, Kumbāra, Rāchewar, Tsākala, and Uppara.
Further, Telugu Vellāla appears as a synonym of Velama, and Telugu Chetti
as a synonym of Saluppan.

Tēn (honey).—Tēn or Jēn has been recorded as a sub-division or
exogamous sept of jungle Kurumbas and Holeyas. Some Irulas style
themselves Tēn Padaiyāchi or Tēn Vanniyan, Padaiyāchi and Vanniyan
being a title and synonym of the Pallis.

Tendisai (southern country).—Recorded as a division of Vellālas in the
Madura and Coimbatore districts.

Tenē (millet: Setaria italica).—An exogamous sept of Holeya.

Tengina (cocoanut palm).—The name of a section of Halēpaiks, who tap
the cocoanut for extracting toddy.

Tennam.—Tennam (cocoanut) or Tennanjānār (cocoanut tappers) is
recorded as the occupational name of Shānān. Tenkāyala (cocoanut) occurs
as an exogamous sept of Yānādi, and the equivalent Tennang as a tree or
kothu of Kondaiyamkōtti Maravans.

Tennilainādu.—A territorial sub-division of Kallan.

Terkattiyar (southerner).—A term applied to Kallan, Maravan,
Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the Tanjore district. At
Mayāvaram, for example, it is applied to Kallans, Agamudaiyans, and
Valaiyans.

Tertal.—A division of Toda.

Teruvān.—A synonym of the Malabar Chāliyans, who are so called
because, unlike most of the west coast castes, they live in streets (teru).

Tēvadiyāl (servant of god).—The Tamil name for Dēva-dāsis. Tēvan (god)
occurs as a title of Maravans.

Tēyyambādi.—A section of Ambalavāsis or temple servants in Malabar,
the members of which dance and sing in Bhagavati temples, and perform a
song called nāgapāttu (song in honour of serpents) in private houses, which
is supposed to be effective in procuring offspring.9

Thādla.—Thādla or Thālla, meaning rope, is an exogamous sept of
Dēvānga and Karna Sālē.

Thākur.—About a hundred members of this caste are returned, in the
Madras Census Report, 1901, as belonging to a Bombay caste of
genealogists and cultivators. It is recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer, that
“inferior in rank to Marāthas, the Thākurs are idle and of unclean habits.
Though some of them till and twist woollen threads for blankets, they live
chiefly by begging and ballad singing. At times they perform plays
representing events mentioned in the Purāns and Rāmayan, and showing
wooden puppets moved by strings.”

Thalakōkala (female cloths).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Thālam (palmyra palm).—An exogamous sept or illam of Kānikar.

Thāmballa (sword bean: Canavalia ensiformis).—An exogamous sept of
Tsākalas, members of which will not eat the bean.

Thambūri.—A class of people in Mysore, who are Muhammadans, dress
like Lambādis, but do not intermarry with them. (See Lambādi.)

Thanda Pulayan.—For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. L. K.
Ananthakrishna Aiyar.10 The Thanda Pulayans constitute a small division of
the Pulayans, who dwell in South Malabar and Cochin. The name is given
to them because of the garment worn by the females, made of the leaves of

a sedge, called thanda (apparently Scirpus articulatus), which are cut into
lengths, woven at one end, and tied round the waist so that they hang down
below the knees. The following story is told with regard to the origin of this
costume. A certain high-caste man, who owned lands in those parts,
chanced to sow seeds, and plant vegetables. He was surprised to find that
not a trace of what he sowed or planted was to be seen on the following day.
With a view to clearing up the mystery, he kept a close watch during the
night, and saw certain human beings, stark naked, come out of a hole. They
were pursued, and a man and a woman were caught. Impressed with a sense
of shame at their wretched condition, the high-caste man threw his upper
garment to the male, but, having nothing to give as a covering for the
woman, threw some thanda leaves over her. The Thanda Pulayans are also
called Kuzhi Pulayans, as they were found emerging from a pit (kuzhi). The
leafy garment is said to be fast going out of fashion, as Māppillas, and
others who own the Pulayans, compel them to wear cotton cloths.
According to the Rev. W. J. Richards, a division of the Pulayans, who are
called Kanna Pulayans, and found near Alleppey, wear rather better, and
more artistically made aprons.11

The following legend is current regarding the origin of the Thanda
Pulayans. In the south, the Pulayans are divided into the eastern and
western sections. The former were the slaves of Duryodhana, and the latter
were attached to the Pāndus. These formed the two rival parties in the war
of the Mahābaratha, and the defeat of Duryodhana was the cause of their
degradation.

The Thanda Pulayans appear to have been the slaves of the soil till 1854,
when they were emancipated. Even now, their condition has not undergone
much material improvement. Though they are left more to themselves, they
still work for farmers or landlords for a daily wage of paddy (unhusked
rice). If they run away, they are brought back, and punished. There is a
custom that, when a farmer or landlord wants a few Pulayans to work in the
fields, he obtains their services on payment of fifteen to twenty rupees to
them, or to their master. When a Pulayan’s services are thus obtained, he
works for his new master for two edangalis of paddy a day. They can obtain
their liberation on the return of the purchase-money, which they can never

hope to earn. Having no property which they can claim as their own, and
conscious perhaps that their lot will be the same wherever they go, they
remain cheerful and contented, drudging on from day to day, and have no
inclination to emigrate to places where they can get higher wages. The
Cherumars of Palghāt, on the contrary, enjoy more freedom. Many go to the
Wynād, and some to the Kolar gold-fields, where they receive a good
money-wage. The Thanda Pulayans work, as has been said, for some
landlord, who allows them small bits of land. The trees thereon belong to
the master, but they are allowed to enjoy their produce during their
residence there. When not required by the master, they can work where they
like. They have to work for him for six months, and sometimes throughout
the year. They have little to do after the crop has been garnered. They work
in the rice-fields, pumping water, erecting bunds (mud embankments),
weeding, transplanting, and reaping. Men, women, and children may be
seen working together. After a day’s hard work, in the sun or rain, they
receive their wages, which they take to the nearest shop, called mattupitica
(exchange shop), where they receive salt, chillies, etc., in exchange for a
portion of the paddy, of which the remainder is cooked. The master’s field
must be guarded at night against the encroachment of cattle, and the
depredations of thieves and wild beasts. They keep awake by shouting
aloud, singing in a dull monotone, or beating a drum. Given a drink of
toddy, the Pulayans will work for any length of time. It is not uncommon to
see them thrashed for slight offences. If a man is thrashed with a thanda
garment, he is so much disgraced in the eyes of his fellow men, that he is
not admitted into their society. Some improve their condition by becoming
converts to Christianity. Others believe that the spirits of the departed
would be displeased, if they became Christians.

The Thanda Pulayan community is divided into exogamous illams, and
marriage between members of the same illam is forbidden. Their
habitations are called matams, which are miserable huts, supported on
wooden posts, sometimes in the middle of a paddy field, with walls of
reeds, bamboo mats or mud, and thatched with grass or cocoanut leaves. A
few earthen pots, bamboo vessels, and cocoanut shells constitute their
property. They are denied admission to the markets, and must stand at a
distance to make their purchases or sales.

Pulayan girls are married either before or after attaining puberty, but there is
special ceremony, which is performed for every girl during her seventh or
eighth year. This is called thanda kalyānam, or thanda marriage. It consists
in having the girl dressed at an auspicious hour in the leafy garment by a
woman, generally a relative, or, in her absence, by one selected for the
purpose. The relations and friends are entertained at a feast of curry and
rice, fish from the backwater, and toddy. Prior to this ceremony, the girl is
destitute of clothing, except for a strip of areca bark.

At the marriage ceremony, the tāli (marriage badge) is made of a piece of a
conch shell (Turbinella rapa), which is tied on the bride’s neck at an
auspicious hour. She is taken before her landlord, who gives her some
paddy, and all the cocoanuts on the tree, beneath which she happens to
kneel. When the time has come for her to be taken to the hut of the
bridegroom, one of her uncles, taking her by the hand, gives her into the
charge of one of her husband’s uncles. On the third morning, her paternal
and maternal uncles visit her at the hut of the bridegroom, by whom they
are entertained. They then return, with the bride and bridegroom, to the
home of the former, where the newly-married couple stay for three days. To
ascertain whether a marriage will be a happy one, a conch shell is spun
round. If it falls to the north, it predicts good fortune; if to the east or west,
the omens are favourable; if to the south, very unfavourable.

The Thanda Pulayans follow the makkathāyam law of inheritance (from
father to son). They have their tribal assemblies, the members of which
meet together on important occasions, as when a woman is charged with
adultery, or when there is a theft case among them. All the members are
more or less of equal status, and no superior is recognised. They swear by
the sun, raising their hands, and saying “By the sun I did not.” Other oaths
are “May my eyes perish” or “May my head be cut off by lightning.”

Every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some demon, with
whom a magician can communicate, and discover a means of liberation.
The magician, when called in professionally, lights a fire, and seats himself
beside it. He then sings, mutters some mantrams (prayers), and makes a
discordant noise on his iron plate (kokkara). The man or woman, who is

possessed by the demon, begins to make unconscious movements, and is
made to speak the truth. The demon, receiving offerings of fowls, sheep,
etc., sets him or her free. A form of ceremonial, called urasikotukkuka, is
sometimes performed. At a place far distant from the hut, a leaf, on which
the blood of a fowl has been made to fall, is spread on the ground. On a
smaller leaf, chunam (lime) and turmeric are placed. The person who first
sets eyes on these becomes possessed by the demon, and sets free the
individual who was previously under its influence. In the event of sickness,
the sorcerer is invited to the hut. He arrives in the evening, and is
entertained with food, toddy, and betel. He then takes a tender cocoanut,
flower of the areca palm, and some powdered rice, which he covers over
with a palm leaf. The sick person is placed in front thereof, and a circle is
drawn round him. Outside the circle, an iron stylus is stuck in the ground.
The demon is supposed to be confined within the circle, and makes the
patient cry out “I am in pai (influence of the ghost) and he is beating me,”
etc. With the promise of a fowl or sheep, or offerings thereof on the spot,
the demon is persuaded to take its departure. Sometimes, when the sorcerer
visits a house of sickness, a rice-pan containing three betel leaves, areca
nuts, paddy, tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), sacred ashes, conch and cowry
(Cypræa moneta) shells, is placed in the yard. The sorcerer sits in front of
the pan, and begins to worship the demon, holding the shells in his hands,
and turning to the four points of the compass. He then observes the omens,
and, taking his iron plate, strikes it, while he chants the names of terrible
demons, Mullva, Karinkāli, Aiyinar, and Villi, and utters incantations. This
is varied by dancing, to the music of the iron plate, sometimes from evening
till noon on the following day. The sick person works himself up into the
belief that he has committed some great sin, and proceeds to make
confession, when a small money fine is inflicted, which is spent on toddy
for those who are assembled. The Thanda Pulayans practice maranakriyas,
or sacrifices to certain demons, to help them in bringing about the death of
an enemy or other person. Sometimes affliction is supposed to be brought
about by the enmity of those who have got incantations written on a palm
leaf, and buried in the ground near a house by the side of a well. A sorcerer
is called in to counteract the evil charm, which he digs up, and destroys.

Thanda Palayan.

When a member of the tribe has died an unnatural death, a man, with a fowl
and sword in his hands, places another man in a pit which has been dug, and

walks thrice round it with a torch. After an hour or two, the man is taken out
of the pit, and goes to a distance, where certain ceremonies are performed.

The Thanda Pulayans worship the gods of Brāhmanical temples at a
distance of nearly a quarter of a mile. A stone is set up in the ground, on
which they place tender cocoanuts and a few puttans (Cochin coins). A
temple servant takes these to the priest, who sends in return some sandal
paste, holy water, and flowers. They worship, as has been already hinted,
demons, and also the spirits of their ancestors, by which small brass figures
of males and females representing the pretas (ghosts) are supposed to be
possessed. They worship, among others, Kandakarnan, Kodunkāli,
Bhairavan, and Arukola pretas, who are lodged in small huts, and
represented by stones. In the month of May, they celebrate a festival, which
lasts for several days. Chrysanthemum and thumba (apparently Leucas
aspera) flowers are used in the performance of worship, and paddy, beaten
rice, tender cocoanuts, toddy, etc., are offered up. There is a good deal of
singing, drum-beating and devil-dancing by men and women, who on this
occasion indulge liberally in toddy. The Pāndavas, whom they call Anju
Thamburakkal, are favourite deities. They devise various plans for warding
off the evil influence of demons. Some, for example, wear rolls of palm
leaf, with incantations written on them, round their necks. Others hang
baskets in the rice fields, containing peace offerings to the gods, and pray
for the protection of the crop. Wherever there is a dense forest, Mātan and
Kāli are supposed to dwell, and are worshipped. From the end of November
to April, which is the slack season, the Thanda Pulayans go about dancing
from hut to hut, and collecting money to purchase fowls, etc., for offerings.
Club-dancing is their favourite amusement, and is often indulged in at night
by the light of a blazing fire. The dancers, club in hand, go round in
concentric circles, keeping time to the songs which they sing, striking each
other’s clubs, now bending to ward off a blow on the legs, or rising to
protect the head.

The dead are buried, and lighted torches are set up all round the grave, on to
which the relations of the dead person throw three handfuls of rice. Near it,
squares are made in rice flour, in each of which a leaf with rice flour and
paddy, and a lighted torch or wick is placed. The chief mourner, who should

be the son or nephew, carrying a pot of water, goes several times round the
grave, and breaks the pot over the spot where the head rests. A few grains of
rice are placed at the four corners of the grave, and a pebble is laid on it,
with mantrams to keep off jackals, and to prevent the spirit from molesting
people. Every morning the chief mourner goes to the grave, and makes
offerings of boiled rice, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and karuka
grass. On the fourteenth day, he has an oil-bath, and, on the following day,
the Pulayans of the village (kara) have a feast, with singing and beating of
drums. On the sixteenth day, which is pulakuli or day of purification, the
chief mourner makes offerings of rice balls, the guests are fed, and make a
present of small coin to the songster who has entertained them. Similar
offerings of rice balls are made to the spirit of the deceased person on the
new-moon day in the month of Kartigam. During the period of pollution,
the chief mourner has to cook his own food. The spirits of deceased
ancestors are called Chavar (the dead), and are said to manifest themselves
in dreams, especially to near relations, who speak in the morning of what
they have seen during the night. They even say that they have held
conversation with the deceased. The Rev. W. J. Richards informs us that he
once saw “a little temple, about the size of a large rabbit-hutch, in which
was a plank for the spirits of the deceased ancestors to come and rest upon.
The spirits are supposed to fish in the backwaters, and the phosphorescence,
sometimes seen on the surface of the water, is taken as an indication of their
presence.”12

The Thanda Pulayans will not eat with the Ullādans or Parayans, but stand
at a distance of ninety feet from Brāhmans and other high-caste people.
They are short of stature and dark-skinned. Like the Cherumans, the women
adorn their ears, necks, arms and fingers with masses of cheap jewellery.

Thappata (drum).—An exogamous sept of Oddē.

Thāthan (a Vaishnavite mendicant).—The equivalent of the Telugu Dāsari.

Thātichettu (palmyra palm).—An exogamous sept of Karna Sālē and
Oddē.

Thāvadadāri.—The name of a section of the Valluvans (priests of the
Paraiyans), who wear a necklace of tulsi beads (thāvadam, necklace, dhāri,
wearer). The tulsi or basil (Ocimum sanctum) is a very sacred plant with
Hindus, and bead necklaces or rosaries are made from its woody stem.

Thēlu (scorpion).—Thēlu and Thēla are recorded as exogamous septs of
Padma Sālē and Mādiga. The Canarese equivalent Chēlu occurs as a sept of
Kuruba.

Thenige Būvva.—A sub-division of Mādigas, who offer food (buvva) to
the god in a dish or tray (thenige) at marriages.

Thikka (simpleton).—A sub-division of Kuruba.

Thippa (rubbish heap).—An exogamous sept of Karna Sālē.

Thogamalai Korava.—Recorded13 as a synonym of a thief class in the
southern districts of the Madras Presidency. In a recent note on the Koravas,
Mr. F. Fawcett writes that “a fact to be noted is that people such as the
members of the well-known Thogamalai gang, who are always called
Koravas by the police, are not Koravas at all. They are simply a criminal
community, into which outsiders are admitted, who give their women in
marriage outside the caste, and who adopt children of other castes.”

Thogaru (bitter).—An exogamous sept of Mūsu Kamma.

Thōka (tail).—An exogamous sept of Yerukala.

Thonda (Cephalendra indica).—An exogamous sept of Mūsu Kamma, and
gōtra of Janappans, members of which abstain from using the fruit or leaves
of the thonda plant.

Thumma (bābūl: Acacia arabica).—An exogamous sept of Māla and
Padma Sālē. The bark, pods, and leaves of the bābūl tree are used by
tanners in the preparation of hides and skins, or as a dye.

Thūmu (iron measure for measuring grain).—An exogamous sept of
Mutrācha.

Thupa (ghī, clarified butter).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Thūrpu (eastern).—A sub-division of Yerukala and Yānādi.

Thūta (hole).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Tigala.—Tigala is summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a
Canarese synonym for the Tamil Palli; applied also by the Canarese people
to any Tamil Sūdras of the lower castes.” In parts of the Mysore country, the
Tamil language is called Tigalu, and the Canarese Mādhva Brāhmans speak
of Tamil Smarta Brāhmans as Tigalaru.

Some of the Tigalas, who have settled in Mysore, have forgotten their
mother-tongue, and speak only Canarese, while others, e.g., those who live
round about Bangalore, still speak Tamil. In their type of cranium they
occupy a position intermediate between the dolichocephalic Pallis and the
sub-brachy cephalic Canarese classes.

The difference in the type of cranium of the Tigalas and Tamil Pallis is
clearly brought by the following tabular statements of their cephalic
indices:—

a. Tigala—

68 ◆
69
70
71 ◆
72 ◆◆◆◆◆
73 ◆◆◆◆
74 ◆
75 ◆

76 ◆◆◆◆◆
77 ◆◆◆◆
78 ◆◆◆◆◆
79 ◆◆◆
80 ◆◆◆
81 ◆◆◆◆
82 ◆
83
84 ◆◆

b. Palli—

64 ◆
65
66
67 ◆◆
68 ◆
69 ◆
70 ◆
71 ◆◆◆◆
72 ◆◆◆◆◆
73 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
74 ◆◆◆◆
75 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
76 ◆
77 ◆
78 ◆
79 ◆◆
80 ◆

The Tigalas are kitchen and market gardeners, and cultivate the betel vine.
They apparently have three divisions, called Ulli (garlic or onions), Elē

(leaf), and Arava (Tamil). Among the Ulli Tigalas, several sub-divisions,
and septs or budas named after deities or prominent members of the caste,
exist, e.g.:—

I. Lakkamma—
Tōta dēvaru (garden god).
Dodda dēvaru (big or chief god).
Dodda Narasayya.
Dodda Nanjappa.
II. Ellammā—
Narasayya.
Muddanna.
III. Sidde dēvaru.

The Tigalas have a headman, whose office is hereditary, and who is assisted
by a caste servant called Mudrē. Council meetings are usually held at a
fixed spot, called gōni mara kattē or mudrē gōni mara kattē, because those
summoned by the Mudrē assemble beneath a gōni (Ficus mysorensis) tree,
round which a stone platform is erected. The tree and platform being sacred,
no one may go there on wearing shoes or sandals. The members of council
sit on a woollen blanket spread before the tree.

Like the Pallis or Vanniyans, the Tigalas call themselves Agni Vanni, and
claim to be descended from the fire-born hero Agni Bannirāya. In
connection with the Tigalas who have settled in the Bombay Presidency, it
is noted14 that “they are a branch of the Mysore Tigalas, who are Tamil Palli
emigrants from the Madras Presidency, and, like the Palli, claim a Kshatriya
origin.” The Tigalas possess a manuscript, said to be a copy of a sāsana at
Conjeeveram (Kānchi), from which the following extracts are taken. “This
is a Kānchi sāsana published by Aswaththa Narayanswāmi, who was
induced to do so by the god Varadarāja of Conjeeveram. This sāsana is
written to acquaint the descendants of the Mahāpurusha Agni Bannirāya
with the origin, doings, and gōtra of their ancestor Bannirāya. This
Bannirāya sprang from fire, and so is much beloved by Vishnu the many-
armed, the many-eyed, and the bearer of the chank and chakram, and who is
no other than Narayana, the lord of all the worlds great and small, and the

originator of the Vēdas and Vedanta.... All those who see or worship this
sāsana relating to Agni Bannirāya, who obtained boons from the Trimurthis,
Dēvatas, and Rishis, and who is the ancestor of the Tigalas, will be
prosperous, and have plenty of grain and children. Those who speak lightly
of this caste will become subject to the curses of Bannirāya, Trimurthis,
Rishis, and Dēvas. The glory of this sāsana is great, and is as follows:—The
keeping and worshipping of this purāna will enable the Tigalas of the
Karnataka country to obtain the merit of surapadavi (the state of Dēvas),
merit of doing pūja to a thousand lingams, a lakh of cow gifts, and a
hundred kannikadānams (gifts of virgins for marriage).” The sāsana is said
to have been brought to the Canarese country because of a quarrel between
the Pallis and the Tigalas at the time of a Tigala marriage. The Tigalas were
prevented from bringing the various biruthus (insignia), and displaying
them. The sāsana was brought by the Tigalas, at an expenditure of Rs. 215,
which sum was subsequently recovered from the Pallis.

Tigala occurs further as the name of a sub-division of Holeya.

Tikkē (gem).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Ti (fire) Kollan.—A sub-division of Kollan.

Tinda (polluting).—A sub-division of Kanisan. Tinda Kuruppu, meaning a
teacher who cannot approach, is a synonym of the Kāvutiyan barber caste.

Tiperum (tī, fire).—A sub-division of Kollan blacksmiths.

Tiragati Gantlavallu (wandering bell hunters).—Stated, in the Manual of
the Vizagapatam district, to repair hand-mills, catch antelopes, and sell the
skins thereof. In hunting, they use lights and bells.

Tirlasetti (the name of a Balija Chetti).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.

Tirumalpād.—Tirumalpād has been summed up as “one of the four
divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. The term, in its literal sense, conveys
the idea of those who wait before kings. In mediæval times the Tirumalpāds
were commanders of armies.” By Mr. Wigram15 Tirumalpād is defined as a

member of a Royal Family. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated
that “there are two Tirumalpāds, one a Sāmanta, and the other a so-called
Kshatriya. The former observes customs and manners exactly similar to
Erādis and Nedungādis. In fact, these are all more or less interchangeable
terms, members of the same family calling themselves indifferently Erādi or
Tirumalpād. The Kshatriya Tirumalpād wears the sacred thread, and the
rites he performs are similar to those of Brāhmans, whose dress he has also
adopted. He has, however, like Nāyars, tāli-kettu and sambandham
separately. His females take Nambūdiri consorts by preference, but may
have husbands of their own caste. Their inheritance is in the female line, as
among Nāyars and Sāmantas. Generally the females of this caste furnish
wives to Nambūdiris. The touch of these females does not pollute a
Nambūdiri as does that of Nāyars and Sāmantas, and, what is more,
Nambūdiris may eat their food. The females are called Nambashtādiri.”

For the following note on Tampāns and Tirumalpāds, I am indebted to the
Travancore Census Report, 1901. “The Tampāns and Tirumalpāts come
under the category of Malabar Kshatriyas.The word Tampān is a
contraction of Tampurān, and at one time denoted a ruling people. When
they were divested of that authority by the Ilayetattu Svarūpam, they are
said to have fallen from the status of Tampurāns to Tampāns. Their chief
seat is the Vaikam tāluk. The Tirumalpāts do not seem to have ruled at all.
The word Tirumulpātu indicates those that wait before kings. There is an
old Sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes of Kshatriyas as occupying
Kērala from very early times, namely (1) Bhūpāla or Mahā Rāja, such as
those of Travancore and Cochin, (2) Rājaka or Rājas, such as those of
Mavelikara and Kotungallūr, (3) Kōsi or Kōiltampurān, (4) Puravān or
Tampān, (5) Srīpurōgama or Tirumulpāt, (6) Bhandāri or Pantārattil, (7)
Audvāhika or Tirumalpāt, (8) Chēta or Sāmanta. From this list it may be
seen that two classes of Tirumulpāts are mentioned, namely, Srīpurōgamas
who are the waiters at the Rāja’s palace, and the Audvāhikas who perform
Udvāha or wedding ceremony for certain castes. Both these, however, are
identical people, though varying in their traditional occupations. The chief
seats of the Tirumulpāts are Shertallay and Tiruvalla.”

The Tampāns and Tirumulpāts are, for all purposes of castes, identical with
other Malabar Kshatriyas. Every Tampān in Travancore is related to every
other Tampān, and all are included within one circle of death and birth
pollution. Their manners and customs, too, are exactly like those of other
Kshatriyas. They are invested with the sacred thread at the sixteenth year of
age, and recite the Gāyatri (hymn) ten times thrice a day. The Nambūtiri is
the family priest, and (death) pollution lasts for eleven days. The
Kettukālyanam, or tāli-tying ceremony, may be performed between the
seventh and the fourteenth year of age. The tāli is tied by the Āryappattar,
while the Nampūtiris recite the Vēdic hymns. Their consorts are usually
Nampūtiris, and sometimes East Coast Brāhmans. Like all the Malabar
Kshatriyas, they follow the marumakkathāyam system of inheritance
(through the female line). Tampāns and Tirumulpāts are often the personal
attendants of the Travancore Maharājas, whom they serve with
characteristic fidelity and devotion.The Tirumulpāts further perform the
tāli-tying ceremony of the Nāyar aristocracy.

The names of the Tirumulpāts and Tampāns are the same as those of other
classes of Kshatriyas. The title Varma is uniformly added to their names. A
few families among these, who once had ruling authority, have the titular
suffix Bhandārattil, which is corrupted into Pantārattil. The Tampāns call
themselves in documents Kōviladhikārikal, as they once had authority in
kōvils or palaces.

Tirumān (holy deer).—An exogamous section of Kallan.

Tirumudi (holy knot).—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
“bricklayers, whose women are usually prostitutes; found chiefly in Salem
and Coimbatore. They are either Vēttuvans or Kaikōlans. Kaikōlan women,
when they are dedicated to the temple, are supposed to be united in wedlock
with the deity.

Tiruvalluvan.—A sub-division of Valluvan. Tiruvalluvar, the author of the
Kurāl, is said to have belonged to the Valluva caste.

Tiru-vilakku-nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).—A name
assumed by Vāniyans (oil-pressers).

Tiyadi.—A synonym of the Tiyāttunni section of Ambalavāsis (see Unni).

Tiyan.—The Tiyans, and Izhuvans or Iluvans, are the Malayālam toddy-
drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore. The following note,
except where otherwise indicated, is taken from an account of the Tiyans of
Malabar by Mr. F. Fawcett.

The Tiyans in Malabar number, according to the census returns, 512,063, or
19·3 per cent. of the total population. The corresponding figures for the
Izhuvans are 101,638, or 3·8 per cent. The Tiyans have been summed up16
as the middle class of the west coast, who cultivate the ground, take service
as domestics, and follow trades and professions—anything but soldiering,
of which they have an utter abhorrence.

The marumakkatāyam system (inheritance through the female line), which
obtains in North Malabar, has favoured temporary connections between
European men and Tiyan women, the children belonging to the mother’s
tarvad. Children bred under these conditions, European influence
continuing, are often as fair as Europeans. It is recorded, in the Report of
the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, that “in the early days of British
rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with
Europeans, and, up to the last generation, if the Sūdra girl could boast of her
Brāhman lover, the Tiyan girl could show more substantial benefits from
her alliance with a white man of the ruling race. Happily, the progress of
education, and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made
shameful the position of a European’s concubine; and both races have thus
been saved from a mode of life equally demoralising to each.” On this
point, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as follows.17 “It is true that
there is an elevation both physically and mentally in the progeny of such a
parentage. On making enquiries about this, I learn from a respectable and
educated Tiyan gentleman that this union is looked upon with contempt by
the respectable class of people, and by the orthodox community. I am
further informed that such women and children, with their families, are

under a ban, and that respectable Tiya gentlemen who have married the
daughters of European parentage are not allowed to enjoy the privileges of
the caste. There are, I hear, several such instances in Calicut, Tellicherry,
and Cannanore. Women of respectable families do not enter into such
connection with Europeans.”

It is commonly supposed that the Tiyans and Izhuvans came from Ceylon. It
is recorded, in the South Canara Manual, that “it is well known that both
before and after the Christian era there were invasions and occupations of
the northern part of Ceylon by the races then inhabiting Southern India, and
Malabar tradition tells us that some of these Dravidians migrated again
from Īram or Ceylon northwards to Travancore and other parts of the west
coast of India, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tengina
mara), and being known as Tīvars (islanders) or Īravars, which names have
since been altered to Tīyars and Ilavars. Dr. Caldwell derives Īram from the
Sanskrit Simhala through the Pali Sihala by the omission of the initial S.” It
is noted by Bishop Caldwell18 that there are traces of a common origin of
the Iluvans and Shānars, Shānar (or Shēnēr), for instance, being a title of
honour amongst the Travancore Ilavars. And it is further recorded19 that
there is a tradition that the Shānars came originally from Ceylon. The
Izhuvans are supposed to derive their caste name from Izha dwipa (island)
or Simhala dwipa (both denoting Ceylon). In a Tamil Puranic work, quoted
by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, mention is made of a King Illa of Ceylon,
who went to Chidambaram in the Tamil country of Southern India, where a
religious discussion took place between the Buddhist priests and the Saivite
devotee Manickavachakar in the presence of King Illa, with the result that
he was converted to the Saivite faith. From him the Iluvans are said to be
descended.

The Tiyans are always styled Izhuvan in documents concerning land, in
which the Zamorin, or some Brāhman or Nāyar grandee, appears as
landlord. The Tiyans look down on the Izhuvans, and repudiate the
relationship. Yet they cannot but submit to be called Izhuvan in their
documents, for their Nāyar or Brāhman landlord will not let them have the
land to cultivate, unless they do so. It is a custom of the country for a man
of a superior caste to pretend complete ignorance of the caste of an

individual lower in the social scale. Thus, in the Wynād, where there are
several jungle tribes, one is accustomed to hear a man of superior caste
pretending that he does not know a Paniyan from a Kurumba, and
deliberately miscalling one or the other, saying “This Paniyan,” when he
knows perfectly well that he is a Kurumba. It is quite possible, therefore,
that, though Tiyans are written down as Izhuvans, the two were not
supposed to be identical. State regulations keep the Izhuvans of Cochin and
Travancore in a position of marked social inferiority, and in Malabar they
are altogether unlettered and uncultured. On the other hand, the Tiyans of
Malabar provide Magistrates, Sub-Judges, and other officials to serve His
Majesty’s Government. It may be noted that, in 1907, a Tiya lady
matriculate was entertained as a clerk in the Tellicherry post-office.

A divagation must be made, to bring the reader to a comprehension of the
custom surrounding māttu, a word signifying change, i.e., change of cloth,
which is of sufficient importance to demand explanation. When a man or
woman is outcasted, the washerwoman (or man) and the barber of the
community (and no other is available) are prohibited from performing their
important parts in the ceremonies connected with birth, death, and
menstruation. A person who is in a condition of impurity is under the same
conditions; he or she is temporarily outcasted. This applies to Nambūtiris
and Nāyars, as well as to the Tiyans. Now the washerwoman is invariably
of the Tiyan caste. There are Mannāns, whose hereditary occupation is
washing clothes for Nambūtiris and Nāyars, but, for the most part, the
washerwoman who washes for the Nāyar lady is of the Tiyan caste. A
woman is under pollution after giving birth to a child, after the death of a
member of her tarvad, and during menstruation. And the pollution must be
removed at the end of the prescribed period, or she remains an outcaste—a
very serious thing for her. The impurity is removed by receiving a clean
cloth from the washerwoman, and giving in exchange her own cloth to be
washed. This is māttu, and, be it noted, the cloth which gives māttu is one
belonging to the washerwoman, not to the person to be purified. The
washerwoman gives her own cloth to effect the purification. Theoretically,
the Tiyan has the power to give or withhold māttu, and thus keep any one
out of caste in a state of impurity; but it is a privilege which is seldom if
ever exercised. Yet it is one which he admittedly holds, and is thus in a

position to exercise considerable control over the Nambūtiri and Nāyar
communities. It is odd that it is not a soiled cloth washed and returned to
the person which gives purification, but one of the washerwoman’s own
cloths. So the māttu may have a deeper meaning than lies in mere change of
cloth, dressing in a clean one, and giving the soiled one to a person of
inferior caste to wash. This māttu is second in importance to no custom. It
must be done on the last day of pollution after birth and death ceremonies,
and menstruation, or the person concerned remains outcasted. It is
noteworthy that the Izhuvans know nothing of māttu.

An Izhuvan will eat rice cooked by a Tiyan, but a Tiyan will not eat rice
cooked by an Izhuvan—a circumstance pointing to the inferiority of the
Izhuvan. A Nāyar, as well as a Tiyan, will partake of almost any form of
food or drink, which is prepared even by a Māppilla (Malabar
Muhammadan), who is deemed inferior to both. But the line is drawn at
rice, which must be prepared by one of equal caste or class, or by a
superior. An Izhuvan, partaking of rice at a Tiyan’s house, must eat it in a
verandah; he cannot do so in the house, as that would be defilement to the
Tiyan. Not only must the Izhuvan eat the rice in the verandah, but he must
wash the plates, and clean up the place where he has eaten. Again, an
Izhuvan could have no objection to drinking from a Tiyan’s well. Further,
there is practically no mixture in the distribution of Tiyans and Izhuvans.
Where there are Izhuvans there are no Tiyans, and vice versâ. [In a
photograph of a group of Izhuvan females of Palghat eating their meal,
which was sent to me, they are all in a kneeling posture, with the buttocks
supported on the heels. They are said to assume the same attitude when
engaged in grinding and winnowing grain, and other occupations, with a
resultant thickening of the skin over the knees.]

Differences, which might well come under the heading marriage, may be
considered here, for the purpose of comparison between the Tiyans and
Izhuvans. During the preliminaries to the marriage ceremony among the
Tiyans, the date of the marriage having been fixed in the presence of the
representatives of the bride and bridegroom, the following formula is
repeated by the Tandān or headman of the bride’s party. Translated as
accurately as possible, it runs thus. “The tara and changati of both sides

having met and consulted; the astrologer having fixed an auspicious day
after examining the star and porutham; permission having been obtained
from the tara, the relations, the illam and kulam, the father, uncle, and the
brothers, and from the eight and four (twelve illams) and the six and four
(ten kiriyams); the conji and adayalam ceremonies and the four tazhus
having been performed, let me perform the kanjikudi ceremony for the
marriage of ... the son of ... with ... daughter of ... in the presence of
muperium.” This formula, with slight variations here and there, is repeated
at every Tiyan marriage in South Malabar. It is a solemn declaration, giving
validity to the union, although, in the way that custom and ritual survive
long after their original significance has been forgotten, the meaning of
many of the terms used is altogether unknown. What, for instance, is the
meaning of muperium? No one can tell. But a few of the terms are
explainable.

Tara. The tara was the smallest unit in the ancient government system,
which, for want of a better term, we may style feudal. It was not exactly a
village, for the people lived apart. Each tara had its Nāyar chieftain, and
also its Tiyan chief or Tandān, its astrologer, its washerman, its goldsmith,
and other useful people, each serving the community for the sake of small
advantages. Each tara was its own world.

Changati (friend). The friends of both parties which negotiated the
marriage.

Porutham (agreement). Examination of the horoscopes of the boy and girl
makes it possible to ascertain whether there is agreement between the two,
and the union will be propitious.

Illam. Here intended to mean the father’s family.

Kulam. The name, derived from kula a branch, here denotes the mother’s
family.

Twelve illams, ten kiriyams. The word illam, now used exclusively for the
residence of a Nambūtiri, is supposed to have been used in days of old for
the house of a person of any caste. And this supposition is said to find

support in the way that a Tiyan coming from the south is often greeted in
South Canara. Thus, a Malabar Tiyan, travelling to the celebrated temple at
Gokarnam in South Canara, is at once asked “What is your illam and
kiriyam?” He has heard these terms used in the foregoing formula during
his own or another’s marriage ceremony, but attached no meaning to them.
To the man of South Canara they have genuine meaning. One should be
able to answer the question satisfactorily, and thus give a proper account of
himself. If he cannot, he gets neither food nor water from the South Canara
Tiyan. This also holds good, to some extent, in the case of a southern Tiyan
visiting the northern parts of the Cherakal tāluk of Malabar.

The ten illams of South Malabar are as follows:—

Tala Kodan.
Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).
Paraka or Varaka.
Ala.
Ten Kudi or Tenan Kudi.
Padayan Kudi.
Kannan.
Varakat.
Kytat
inferior.
Puzhampayi or Bavu

The illams of North Malabar are said to be—

Nellika.
Pullanhi.
Vangeri.
Koyikkalan.
Padayam Kudi.
Tenan Kudi.
Manan Kudi.
Vilakkan Kudi.

Marriage is strictly forbidden between two persons belonging to the same
illam. The bride and bridegroom must belong to different illams. In fact, the
illams are exogamous. Members of some of the illams were allowed certain
privileges and dignities. Thus, the men of the Varakat illam (Varaka Tiyans)
were in the old days permitted to travel in a mancheel (a hammock-cot
slung on a pole). They were allowed this privilege of higher caste people,
which was prohibited to the Tiyans of other illams. But, should one of them,
when travelling in a mancheel, happen to see a Rājah or a Nāyar, he was
obliged to hang one of his legs out of it in token of submission. The Varaka
Tiyans were further allowed to wear gold jewels on the neck, to don silken
cloths, to fasten a sword round the waist, and to carry a shield. The sword
was made of thin pliable steel, and worn round the waist like a belt, the
point being fastened to the hilt through a small hole near the point. A man,
intending to damage another, might make an apparently friendly call on
him, his body loosely covered with a cloth, and to all appearances unarmed.
In less than a second, he could unfasten the sword round his waist, and cut
the other down. The well-known Mannanar belonged to the Varakat illam.
Those who know Malabar will recall to mind the benevolent but strange
institution which he initiated. He provided a comfortable home for
Nambūtiri women who were thrown out of caste, and thus in the ordinary
course of events doomed to every misery and degradation to be found in
life. On being outcasted, the funeral ceremonies of Nambūtiri women were
performed by her own people, and she became dead to them. She went to
the Mannanar, and her birth ceremonies were performed, so that she might
begin life anew in a state of purity. If, on arrival, she entered by the left
door, she was his wife, if by the front door, his sister. It is said that, when
their chief, Mannanar of the Aramana, is destitute of heirs, the Tiyans of
Kolattanād go in procession to the Kurumattūr Nambūtiri (the chief of the
Peringallūr Brāhmans) and demand a Brāhman virgin to be adopted as sister
of Mannanar, who follows the marumakkatāyam rule of succession. This
demand, it is said, used to be granted by the Nambūtiris assembling at a
meeting, and selecting a maiden to be given to the Tiyans.

Kiriyam is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit word griham (house),
but this seems rather fanciful. There are said to have been about two
kiriyams for each village. The names of only three are known to me, viz.,

Karumana, Kaita, and Kampathi. There is a village called Karumana, near
the temple of Lakshmipuram in South Canara. Karumana is applied as a
term to signify a Tiyan during the ordinary devil-dancing in temples, when
an oracular utterance is delivered. The oracle always addresses the Tiyan as
“my Karumana,” not as “my Tiyan.” The only other use of the word is in
Karumana acharam (the customs of the Tiyans).

Other outward and visible differences between Tiyan and Izhuvan
marriages are these. The South Malabar Tiyan bridegroom, dressed as if for
a wrestling match, with his cloth tied tight about his loins, carries a sword
and shield, and is escorted by two companions similarly equipped, dancing
their way along. The Izhuvan does not carry a sword under any
circumstances. The chief feature of his wedding ceremony is a singing
match. This, called the vatil-tura-pāttu, or open the door song, assumes the
form of a contest between the parties of the bridegroom and bride. The story
of Krishna and his wife Rukmini is supposed to be alluded to. We have seen
it all under slightly different colour at Conjeeveram. Krishna asks Rukmini
to open the door, and admit him. She refuses, thinking he has been
gallivanting with some other lady. He beseeches; she refuses. He explains,
and at length she yields. The song is more or less extempore, and each side
must be ready with an immediate answer. The side which is reduced to the
extremity of having no answer is beaten and under ignominy.

I pass on to the subject of personal adornment of the Tiyans:—

(a) North Malabar, Males—

1. A horizontal dab made with white ashes on either side of the
forehead and chest, and on the outside of each shoulder.
2. Two gold ear-rings (kadakkan) in each ear. A silver chain hanging
from the sheath of his knife, and fastened with a boss. Two tambak
(copper, brass and silver) rings on the ring finger of the left hand.
3. A gold kadakkan in each ear, and an iron ring on the ring finger of
the left hand.
4. A thorn in each ear (another was similarly ornamented). Not
married.

5. A gold ear-ring in each ear. An iron ring on the little finger of the left
hand. Two silver rings, in which is set a piece of hair from an
elephant’s tail, on the little finger of the right hand.

A few individuals wore brass rings, and some had ear-rings, in which a red
stone was set. Amulets were worn by some in little cylindrical cases on a
string, to protect the wearer against enemies, the evil eye, or devils. One
man wore a silver girdle, to which an amulet in a case was fastened,
underneath his cloth, so that it was not in view to the public. One individual
only is noted as having been tattooed, with a circular mark just above his
glabella. The arms of a good many, and the abdomen of a few, bore
cicatrices from branding, apparently for the purpose of making them strong
and relieving pains.

(b) South Malabar, Males.

In the country parts, the waist cloth is always worn above the knee. About a
third of the individuals examined wore ear-rings. The ears of all were
pierced. Those who were without ear-rings had no scruples about wearing
them, but were too poor to buy them.

1. Blue spot tattooed over the glabella.
2. Silver amulet-case, containing fifteen gold fanams, at the waist. He
said that he kept the coins in the receptacle for security, but I think it
was for good luck.
3. Ear-ring (kadakkan) in each ear. A copper amulet-case, containing a
yantram to keep off devils, at the waist.
4. Four silver amulet-cases, containing yantrams on a copper sheet for
curing some ailment, at the waist.
5. Two gold kadakkans in each ear. A white spot over the glabella.

(c) North Malabar, Females.

In olden days, the women used to wear coloured and striped cloths round
the waist, and hanging to the knees. The breast was not covered. The body
above the waist was not allowed to be covered, except during the period of
death pollution. Nowadays, white is generally the colour to be seen, and the

body is seldom covered above the waist—never one may say, except (and
then only sometimes) in the towns. The Izhuvan women in Malabar always
wear blue cloths: just one cloth rolled tightly round the waist, and hanging
to the knees. Of late, they have taken to wearing also a blue cloth drawn
tight over the breast.

Ornaments. The thōdu, which is now sometimes worn by Tiyan women, is
not a Tiyan ornament. The ear-rings, called kathila and ananthod, are the
Tiyan ornaments, and look like strings of gold beads with pendants. Discs
of white metal or lead are used to stretch and keep open the dilated lobes of
the ears, in which gold ornaments are worn when necessary or possible.
Venetian sequins, real or imitation, known in Malabar as amāda, are largely
used for neck ornaments. There is a Malabar proverb that one need not look
for an insect’s burrow in amāda, meaning that you cannot find anything vile
in a worthy person.

Turning now to the subject of marriage. In the ordinary course of things, a
marriage would not be made between a Tiyan girl of South Malabar and a
Tiyan man of North Malabar, for the reason that the children of such a
marriage would inherit no property from the family of either parent. The
husband would have no share in the property of his family, which devolves
through the women; nor would the wife have any share in that of her family,
which is passed on through the men. So there would be nothing for the
children. But, on the other hand, marriage between a girl of the north and a
man of the south is a different thing. The children would inherit from both
parents. As a rule, Tiyans of the north marry in the north, and those of the
south in the south.

It was generally admitted that it was formerly the custom among the Tiyans
in South Malabar for several brothers—in fact all of them—to share one
wife. Two existing instances of this custom were recorded.

The arrangement of a marriage, and the ceremonial which will now be
described, though pertaining strictly to the Calicut tāluk of South Malabar,
are sufficiently representative of a Tiyan marriage anywhere. There is,
however, this difference, that, in North Malabar, where inheritance through

females obtains, and the wife invariably resides in her own tarwad or family
home, there is never any stipulation concerning a girl’s dowry. In South
Malabar, where inheritance is through the males, and where the wife lives
in her husband’s house, the dowry in money, jewels, or furniture, is as a rule
settled beforehand, and must be handed over on the wedding day. In the
Calicut tāluk, we find an exception to this general rule of South Malabar,
where the subject of the dowry is not usually mentioned. In North Malabar,
gifts of jewels are made in proportion as the bride’s people are wealthy and
generous. What is given is in the way of a gift, and forms no feature in the
marital agreement.

Tiya woman.

The first step to be taken in connection with marriage is examination of the
horoscopes of the boy and girl, in order to ascertain whether their union will

be one of happiness or the reverse. While this is being done by the Panikkar
(Malabar astrologer), the following persons should be present:—

(a) On the part of the bridegroom—

1. Tandān, or chief of the tara.
2. Father, or other elder in the family.
3. Uncle, i.e., the mother’s brother. In Malabar the word uncle means
maternal uncle.
4. Sisters’ husbands.
5. Four or more friends or companions.
6. Any number of relations and friends.

(b) On the part of the bride—

1. Tandān of her tara.
2. Father,or other guardian.
3. Uncle.
4. Four or more friends.
5. The astrologer of her tara.
6. Friends and relations.

The ceremony must be performed at the house of the girl’s family. Her
father’s consent is necessary, but his presence is not essential at this or the
two subsequent ceremonies in connection with the marriage. The Tandān, it
may be noted, is the caste governmental head in all matters affecting his
own caste and the artisans. He is a Tiyan, and his office, which is authorised
by the local Rājah, or rather by his senior Rāni, is hereditary. In exceptional
cases, however, the hereditary right may be interrupted by the Rāni
appointing some one else. The Tandān of the tara is required to assist at
every ceremony connected with marriage, at the ceremony when a girl
attains puberty, at that of tying the tāli, and at the fifth and seventh months
of pregnancy. His formal permission is required before the carpenter can cut
down the areca palm, with which the little shed in which the tāli is tied is
constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions are important. When a new
house is built, there must be a house-warming ceremony, at which the

Tandān officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and the right leg is the Tandān’s
perquisite. He is a man of importance, not only in many affairs within his
own caste, but also in those of other castes. Thus, when a Nāyar dies, it is
the Tandān’s duty to get the body burnt. He controls the washerman and
barber of the tara, and can withdraw their services when they are most
needed. He officiates, moreover, at marriages of the artisan class—
carpenters, braziers, goldsmiths and blacksmiths.

A group of taras forms what is called a dēsam, the koyma or “sovereignty”
of which is represented by a Nāyar tarwad. It is through the head or
Karnavan (really the chieftain) of this tarwad that the Tandān approaches
the Rāja in matters of appeal, and the like. The Tandān is to some extent
under his guidance and control, but he must provide the Tandān with a
body-guard of two Nāyars on occasions of marriages. In the old days, it
may be mentioned, the Tandāns of the taras within the rule of the Zamorin
were always appointed by his senior Rāni. The term Tandān must not be
confounded with the Tandars, a people of the Palghāt tāluk, who appear to
be allied to the Izhuvans. These Tandars observe the custom of paternal
polyandry, while the Izhuvans abhor it.

The procedure observed in the examination of horoscopes is as follows. The
Tandān of the bride’s tara gives a grass or palmyra palm leaf mat to the
astrologer to sit on, and supplies mats or seats for the bridegroom’s party.
The common sleeping mat of wild pine leaves, or a wooden stool, must, on
no account, be given for the astrologer to sit on. It may be day or night
when the ceremony takes place, but, whatever the hour may be, a lamp
having five, seven, nine, or eleven cotton wicks, must be burning in front of
the astrologer. The Tandān’s wife puts it in its place. Then the boy’s uncle
hands over the boy’s horoscope to his Tandān, who passes it on to the girl’s
Tandān. The girl’s father hands her horoscope to their Tandān, who, when
he has received them both, passes them on to the astrologer. The two
horoscopes should agree on twenty-one points—a requirement which might
prove awkward, were it not that a balance in favour of beneficent influences
is generally allowed to admit of the marriage taking place. In the case of
agreement, the boy’s uncle, through his Tandān, then pays two fanams20
(eight annas)—one for each horoscope—to the astrologer. When there is

disagreement, the girl’s uncle pays the money. The horoscopes (which have
been privately examined beforehand to make sure of no disagreement) are
returned to their respective owners. After the examination of the horoscope,
there is a feast with plenty of sweetmeats. The next item is the conjee (rice
gruel) ceremony, at which the following should be present:—

(a) On the part of the boy—

1. Father, his brother, or some one representing him.
2. Husbands of all married sisters.
3. Uncle.
4. Tandān of his tara.
5. Neighbours and friends.

(b) On the part of the girl—

1. Uncle.
2. Relations of married sisters.
3. Relations of married brothers.
4. Tandān of her tara.
5. Astrologer of her tara.
6. Relations and friends.

The horoscopes are again formally examined by the astrologer, who
announces that their agreement augurs a happy wedded life. The boy’s
uncle pays him two fanams. The girl’s uncle takes the two horoscopes,
which have just been tied together, from the astrologer, and hands them to
the Tandān of the girl’s tara, who passes them on to the Tandān of the boy’s
tara. They are handed by him to the boy’s uncle. The astrologer then writes
on a palmyra leaf a note for each party to the marriage, stating the
auspicious day and hour for the final ceremony, the hour at which the bride
should leave her house, and the hour for her arrival at the house of the
bridegroom. The following programme is then gone through. In the
verandah, facing east, before the front door, is spread an ordinary sleeping
mat, over it a grass mat, and over that a plain white cloth which has been

washed and is not a new one. On the floor close by, the following articles
are placed:—

A lamp, having an odd number of cotton wicks, which is kept lighted
whatever the hour of day it may be;

A measure, called nāzhi, made of jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia) wood,
filled to overflowing with rice, and placed on a flat bell-metal plate (talika);

A plain white cloth, washed but not new, neatly folded, and placed on the
metal plate to the right (south) of the rice;

A small bell-metal vessel (kindi), having no handle, filled with water.

The lamp is placed on the south side of the mat, the plate next to it (to the
north), and the kindi at a little distance to the left (the north). The people
who sit on the mat always face the east. The mat having been spread, the
various articles just mentioned are brought from the central room of the
house by three women, who set them in their places. The Tandān’s wife
carries the lamp, the eldest woman of the house the bell-metal plate, and
some other woman the kindi. The Tandān of the boy’s tara, the boy’s sister’s
husband, and a friend then sit on the mat covered with a cloth. If the boy
has two brothers-in-law, both sit on the mat, to the exclusion of the friend.
The senior woman of the house then hands three plates of rice conjee to the
Tandān of the girl’s tara, who places them in front of the three persons
seated on the mat. To the right of each plate, a little jaggery (unrefined
sugar) is placed on a piece of plantain leaf. Each of those seated takes about
a spoonful of conjee in his right hand. The Tandān repeats the formula,
which has already been given, and asks “May the conjee be drunk”? He
answers his question by drinking some of the conjee, and eating a little
jaggery. All three then partake of the conjee and jaggery, after which they
rise from the mat, and the plates and mat are removed. The place is cleaned,
and the mats are again put down, while betel is distributed. The two
Tandāns then sit on the mat. The girl’s Tandān picks up a bundle of about
twenty-five betel leaves, and gives half to the boy’s Tandān. The Tandāns
exchange betel leaves, each giving the other four. The boy’s Tandān then

folds four fanams (one rupee) in four betel leaves, which he hands to the
girl’s Tandān, saying “May the conjee ceremony be performed”? The
Tandāns again exchange betel leaves as before, and distribute them to all
the castemen present, beginning with the uncles of the boy and girl. The
proceedings in the verandah are now over. The next part of the ceremony
takes place in the middle room of the house, where the mats, lamp, and
other articles are arranged as before. The two Tandāns sit on the mat with
the boy on the right and the girl on the left, facing east. The boy’s uncle
stands in front of the Tandāns, facing west, and the girl’s uncle behind them,
facing east. The boy’s father gives to the boy’s uncle two new plain white
cloths, with twenty-one fanams (Rs. 5–4) placed on them. When presenting
them, he says “Let the Adayalam be performed” three times, and the girl’s
uncle says thrice “Let me receive the Adayalam.” The Tandāns again
exchange betel leaves, and distribute them among the castemen. Then
follows a feast, and more betel. The date of the wedding has now to be
fixed. They congregate in the middle room once more, and the Tandāns sit
on the mat. The girl’s Tandān shares a bundle of betel leaves with the boy’s
Tandān, who, taking therefrom four leaves, places two rupees on them, and
gives them to the girl’s Tandān. The boy’s party supplies this money, which
is a perquisite of the Tandān. When handing over the leaves and the coins,
the boy’s Tandan says “On ... (naming a date) ... and ... (the bride and
bridegroom), and friends, and four women will come. Then you must give
us the girl, and you must prepare the food for that day.” The other Tandān
replies “If you bring six cloths and forty-two fanams (Rs. 10–8) as kanam,
and two fanams for the muchenan (the girl’s father’s sister’s son), the girl
will be sent to you.” The cloths should be of a kind called enna kacha, each
four cubits in length, but they are not now procurable. Kanam is a term used
in land tenures, for which there is no precise equivalent in English. It is a
kind of mortgage paid by a tenant to a landlord. The former is liable to
eviction by the latter, when he obtains better terms for his land from another
tenant—a condition of modern growth breeding much mischief and bad
blood. But, when a tenant is evicted, he is entitled, according to law, to the
value of certain improvements on the land, including eight annas for each
tree which he has planted. The kanam is paid by the boy’s sister or sisters.
His Tandān addresses his brother-in-law or brothers-in-law in the words
“On ... (mentioning a date), you must come early in the day, with Rs. 10–8

as kanam,” and gives him or them four betel leaves. Those assembled then
disperse. The boy’s people may not go to the girl’s house before the day
appointed for the marriage.

The next item in connection with a marriage is the issue of invitations to the
wedding. The senior women of the boy’s house, and the Tandān, invite a
few friends to assemble at the house of the bridegroom. The mat, lamp, and
other articles are placed in the middle room. The bridegroom (manavālan)
sits on the mat, with a friend on either side of him. He has previously
bathed, and horizontal daubs of sandal paste have been placed on his
forehead, breast, and arms. He wears a new cloth, which has not been
washed. His Tandān has adorned him with a gold bracelet on his right wrist,
a knife with a gold or silver handle at the waist, and a gold or silver waist-
belt or girdle over the loin-cloth. The bracelet must have an ornamental
pattern, as plain bracelets are not worn by men. The girdle is in the form of
a chain. Besides these things, he must wear ear-rings, and he should have
rings on his fingers. His sister who pays the kanam dresses in the same
style, but her cloths may be of silk, white without a pattern in the border,
and she wears gold bracelets on both wrists. All enjoy a good meal, and
then set out, and visit first the house of the Tandān. He and his wife walk in
front, followed by the boy’s elder sisters, if he has any. Then comes the
bridegroom with a friend before and behind him, with a few women
bringing up the rear. At the Tandān’s house there is another meal, and then
three, five, or seven houses are visited, and invitation to the wedding given
in person. The proceedings for the day are then over, and, after three days,
the brother-in-law, uncle, and all others receive invitations.

On the occasion of the marriage ceremony, the barber first shaves the
bridegroom’s head, leaving the usual forelock on the crown, which is never
cut. He performs the operation in a little shed to the east of the house, and a
plantain leaf is placed so that the hair may fall on it. As a rule, the barber
sits in front of the person whose hair he is shaving, while the latter, sitting
cross-legged on the ground, bends forward. But, on this occasion, the
bridegroom sits on a low wooden stool. Close by are a lamp and a measure
of rice on a plantain leaf. The barber also shaves the two friends of the
bridegroom (changathis), and receives a fanam and the rice for his trouble.

The three youths then bathe, smear themselves with sandal paste, and
proceed to dress. The bridegroom must wear round the loins a white cloth,
new and unwashed. Round the top of the loin cloth he wears a narrow
waist-band (kacha) of silk, from 14 to 21 cubits in length, with the ends
hanging in front and behind. Over the shoulders is thrown a silk lace
handkerchief. He puts in his ears gold ear-rings, round the neck a necklace
called chakra (wheel) mala,21 on the right wrist a gold bracelet, gold rings
on the fingers, a gold or silver chain round the loins, and a gold or silver-
handled knife with a sheath of the same metal. The two companions are
dressed in much the same way, but they wear neither necklace nor bracelet.
The women wear as many ornaments as they please. Sisters of the
bridegroom must wear bracelets on both wrists, a necklace, and a silk cloth
(virāli) on the shoulders. The bracelet worn by men is called vala, and must
be made of one piece of metal. Those worn by women are called kadakam,
and must be made in two pieces. When all are ready, mats, and other things
are once more placed in the middle room, and the bridegroom and his two
companions sit on the mats. They at once rise, and proceed to the little shed
which has been erected in the front yard, and again seat themselves on the
mats, which, with the other articles, have been brought thither from the
middle room. Then the Tandān gives betel to the bridegroom and his two
companions, who must chew it. The Tandān’s wife, the elder woman of the
house, and the bridegroom’s sisters sprinkle rice on their heads. The Tandān
gives a sword to the bridegroom and each of his companions. The
procession then starts. In front walk two Nāyars supplied by the Koyma of
the dēsam (represented by the Nāyar landlord). Then come the Tandān and a
few elders, followed by the Tandān’s wife and some of the elder women,
the bridegroom with his two companions, his sisters, and finally the general
crowd. As the procession moves slowly on, there is much dancing, and
swinging of swords and shields. At the bride’s house, the party is received
by the wife of the Tandān of the tara holding a lighted lamp, the oldest
woman of the family with a plate containing a measure of rice and a folded
cloth, and another woman, who may be a friend, with a kindi of water. They
sprinkle a little rice on the heads of the party as they enter the yard. The
bridegroom sits on a mat, close to which the lamp and other articles are set.
The bride’s Tandān takes charge of the swords, betel is distributed, and a

hearty meal partaken of. The six cloths, which the bridegroom is required to
bring are in reality three double cloths, one of which is for the use of the
bride. It is the privilege of the bridegroom’s sisters and the Tandān’s wife to
dress her. Her waist-cloth is tied in a peculiar way for the occasion, and she
is enveloped from head to foot in a silken cloth, leaving only the eyes
visible. The bridegroom, after his arrival at the bride’s house, has to put on
a peculiar turban of conical shape, made of a stiff towel-like material, tied
round with a silk handkerchief. The bridegroom’s sister leads the bride to
the little shed (pandal) in the yard, and seats her behind the bridegroom.
The kanam, and the remaining four cloths are then given by the
bridegroom’s sister to the bride’s mother, and they, having tied a silk
handkerchief across the body like a Brāhman’s thread, stand behind the
bridegroom, the mother to the right and the sister to the left. The latter says
three times “Let the kanam be given,” and hands it to the bride’s mother,
who, as she receives it, says thrice “Let me receive the kanam.” The mother
at once hands it over to her husband, or the senior male member of the
family. The Tandān then places plantain leaves, for use as plates, before the
bridegroom and his two companions, and, facing the bridegroom, holds a
vessel of cooked rice in front of him. The bride’s mother, standing behind
him, serves out thrice some rice out of the pot on to the leaf in front of the
bridegroom, and the Tandān does the same for his two companions. The
bride’s mother then mixes some plantains, pappadams (large thin biscuits),
sugar, and ghī (clarified butter) with the rice on the bridegroom’s leaf-plate,
and offers the food to him three times. She will not, however, allow him to
taste it. It is taken from his lips, and removed by the washerwomen. The
bridegroom’s sister has the same play with the bride. The rice, which has
thus been made a feature of the ceremony, is called ayini. A few days prior
to the marriage, two small bundles of betel leaves, each containing areca
nuts, half a dozen tobacco leaves, and two fanams are given by the
bridegroom to the Nāyar chieftain of the dēsam as his fee for furnishing an
escort. In return for these offerings, he gives a new cloth to the bridegroom.
Three measures of raw rice, ten or twelve pappadams, plantains, a cocoanut,
and some dry uncooked curry-stuff are given by the bridegroom to each of
the Nāyars provided as escort on the eve of the marriage. When they arrive
on the scene on the wedding day, they are given some beaten rice, rice
cakes, cocoanuts, plantains, and a drink of arrack (spirit). When the bride’s

parents and relations come for the Vathil ceremony, the same escort is
provided, and the same presents are given. Just as the bridegroom and all
are ready to leave, the bride’s father’s sister’s son called the machunan,
steps forward, and demands two fanams from the bridegroom’s party in
return for permission to take away the bride. He gets his money, and the
party starts for the bridegroom’s house, after rice has been sprinkled over
the heads of the contracting couple, the sisters of the bridegroom leading
the bride. The swords, which have been returned by the Tandān, are again
used in flourishing and dancing en route.

It is a prevalent custom throughout Southern India that a girl’s father’s
sister’s son has the first right to her hand in marriage. This obtains not only
among the Dravidian peoples, but also among Brāhmans. The Malayālam
word for son-in-law (marumakan) means nephew. If a stranger should
marry a girl, he also is called nephew. But the unmarried nephew, having
the first admitted right to the girl, must be paid eight annas, or two fanams,
before he will allow her to be taken away. The argument is said to be as
follows. A sister pays forty-two fanams as kanam for her brother’s wife.
When the product, i.e., a daughter, is transferred to a stranger, the son
claims compensation on his mother’s investment at the same rate as that at
which a cocoanut tree is valued—eight annas. At all events, the nephew has
the first right to a girl, and must be compensated before she can be taken
away by another.

At the bridegroom’s house, the party is received by the wife of the Tandān
and the lady of the house. Following the bride should come her parents and
other relations, two Nāyars representing the chieftain, and the Tandān of his
tara. The formalities with mats and rice are gone through as before. Rice is
sprinkled over the heads, the Tandān receives the swords, and all sit in the
shed. The ayini rice ceremony is repeated for the bride by the bridegroom’s
mother and sisters. The happy pair then proceed to the inner room of the
house, where sweetmeats are served to them. Then is observed, as a rule,
the asaram or gift ceremony. Relations are expected to give 101 fanams (Rs.
25–4), but the poorest of them are allowed to reduce the gift to 21 fanams
(Rs. 5–4), and the others give according to their means. These gifts are
supposed to be repaid with interest. The Tandān sees that a regular account

of all the gifts is made out, and handed over to the bridegroom, and receives
eight annas for his trouble. The accountant who prepares the accounts, and
the person who tests the genuineness of the coins, each receives a bundle of
betel leaves, four areca nuts, and two tobacco leaves. Betel leaves, areca
nuts, and tobacco, are also given to each giver of gifts. After this, there is
the vatil or house ceremony. Two large bundles of betel leaves are prepared,
each of which contains a thousand or fifteen hundred leaves, and with them
are placed forty or fifty tobacco leaves, and seventy to a hundred areca nuts.
The bride’s Tandān pays two or four rupees as vatil kanam to the Tandān of
the bridegroom, who hands the money to the bridegroom’s father. The
bridegroom then places one bundle of betel leaves, with half the tobacco
and areca nuts, before the bride’s father, and the other before her mother,
and they are distributed by the Tandān of the girl’s tara and his wife among
the men and women who are present. Sweetmeats are then distributed, and
the marriage ceremony is concluded. A formal visit must be made
subsequently by the women of the bride’s house to the bridegroom’s, and is
returned by the bride and bridegroom. The first visit is paid by a party
consisting of the bride’s mother, her uncle’s and brother’s wives, the wife of
the Tandān, and other relations. They are expected to bring with them
plenty of sweetmeats and bread for general distribution. When the return
visit is made by the bride and bridegroom, the sister of the latter, and other
relations and friends, should accompany them, and they should take with
them a lot of betel leaves, areca nuts, tobacco, and sweetmeats. This
exchange of visits does not, however, complete those which are de rigueur.
For, at the next Ōnam and Vishu festivals, the newly married couple should
visit the house of the bride’s family. Ōnam is the beginning of the first
harvest, and Vishu the agricultural new year. On these occasions, the
bridegroom takes with him the inevitable betel leaves, and presents a new
cloth to the parents of the bride and every one else in the house. When the
annual Tiruvathira festival takes place between the betrothal and marriage
ceremonies, the bridegroom is expected to send to the temple, through his
Tandān and one of his own relations, a quantity of ripe and unripe plantains.

The ceremonies which have been described differ considerably from those
of the Tiyans of North Malabar, where the marumakkatāyam law of
inheritance obtains. These are very simple affairs.

In the Calicut tāluk, a man can marry only one wife at a time. But, when a
wife is barren, a leper, or suffering from incurable disease, her husband
may, with her formal permission, marry another wife. A bride may be of
any age. Where there is no stipulation as to dowry, it is a point of honour to
give the girl as many jewels as the bridegroom can afford. Widows may
remarry.

Divorce is admissible, when the grounds for it are sufficient. And, when we
find that incompatibility of temper is among these, it is safe to say that it is
fairly easy of accomplishment. No specific reason need, in fact, be
assigned. When it is the man who wishes to get rid of his wife, he must pay
her all her expenses towards the marriage, as assessed by persons of the
caste who fill the rôle of mediators. He has to give up jewels received from
his wife’s family, and must, in some cases, pay the discarded wife
something on account of her loss of virginity—a circumstance, which might
make it difficult for her to obtain another husband. If the wife wishes to get
rid of her husband, she must pay up all his expenses towards the marriage.
The party found to be in the wrong must pay a fee of five to twenty rupees
to the Tandān and all present, the relations excepted. The amount is
distributed then and there. The procedure to be adopted in effecting divorce
is as follows. The Tandāns of both sides, uncles and relations, and
sometimes the fathers, assemble at the house of the wife, the Tandān, or one
of the relations. To the left of a burning lamp are placed two small wooden
stools. On one of these are laid a small towel with four fanams (one rupee)
tied up in a corner of it, and another towel with a little rice and four fanams
tied up in it. Close by is the other stool, on which the wife’s uncle stretches
a single thread taken from his own cloth. The husband carries this stool to
the gate, and says three times to the wife’s brother, father, or uncle—“Your
sister’s (daughter’s or niece’s) matrimonial connection is severed.” He then
blows away the thread, throws the stool down, and departs for ever. This
little ceremony cannot be performed at the husband’s house, as it would
involve perpetual banishment from his own house. The coins in the cloths
go to the Tandāns. It is the uncle who gives these cloths, because it was he
who received the two cloths at the conjee ceremony. A marriage cannot be
dissolved unless both parties agree.

Tiya woman.

A girl is under pollution for four days from the commencement of the first
menstrual period. During this time she must keep to the north side of the
house, where she sleeps on a grass mat of a particular kind, in a room

festooned with garlands of young cocoanut leaves. Round the mat is a
narrow ridge made of paddy (unhusked rice), rice, and flowers of the
cocoanut and areca palms. A lamp is kept burning, near which are placed
the various articles already described in connection with marriage. Another
girl keeps her company and sleeps with her, but she must not touch any
other person, tree or plant. She further must not see the sky, and woe betide
her if she catches sight of a crow or cat. Her diet must be strictly vegetarian,
without salt, tamarinds, or chillies. She is armed against evil spirits with an
iron knife carried on her person, or placed on the mat. On the first day, she
is seated on a wooden stool in the yard to the east of the house. The fresh
spathe of a cocoanut is cut in front of her. The bunch of blossoms is placed
in a copper pot painted with perpendicular lines of chunam (lime), and a
horizontal line at the top and bottom. The spathe of an areca palm is
similarly treated, and, if the contents of both spathes are plentiful, it is
regarded as a good augury of fertility. The wife of the girl’s uncle, or, if she
is married, her husband’s sister pours some gingelly (Sesamum) oil over her
head, on the top of which a gold fanam has been placed. Failing such
relations, the wife of the Tandān officiates. The operation is repeated by two
other women, relatives if possible. The oil is poured from a little cup made
from a leaf of the jāk tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), flows over the
forehead, and is received with the fanam in a dish. It is a good omen if the
coin falls with the obverse upwards. Rice is cooked with jaggery, and given
to the girl. The other women partake thereof, and then have a feast by
themselves. The anointing with oil is the only bath the girl has until the
fourth day. On the third day, she is not allowed to eat rice in any form, but
she may partake of any other grain in the form of cakes. Her uncle’s wife,
husband’s sister, and other relations, give her presents of cakes and bread.
During the night, the māttu, or cloth-changing ceremony, takes place. First
of all, the washerman comes along with the washerwoman, carrying two
washed cloths. In the front yard of the house a lamp with an odd number of
wicks is burning. In a bamboo basket are a small measure (edangāli) of
paddy heaped up on a plantain leaf, a measure of rice on another leaf, two
separate quarter measures thereof, a piece of turmeric, a little straw, a piece
of coir (cocoanut fibre), and a cocoanut. As soon as he enters, the
washerman, using the straw and coir skilfully, makes a bundle of the
contents of the basket, and places it near the lamp, which is standing on a

wooden stool. A cocoanut is cut in half, and placed, half on each side, by
the stool. Thereon is set a flat bell-metal dish, containing a little rice and
seven rolls of betel leaves and areca nuts. The washerwoman, having
received the māttu from the woman, places it on his head and proceeds to
sing a song, at the conclusion of which he says solemnly three times “Let
me place the māttu.” He then places the cloths on the bundle, which is on
the stool. The girl’s uncle’s wife, and four other women, have by this time
emerged from the middle room of the house, carrying a lighted lamp, a
plate with a measure of rice, and a kindi as before. The uncle’s wife, having
covered her breast with a silk cloth, and wearing all her ornaments, leads
the other four women as they walk thrice round the māttu. She then places a
fanam (or a four-anna piece) on the māttu, lifts the stool, bundle and all,
with one hand on the māttu and the other below the stool, and leads the
procession of the women, with the lamp and other articles, to the room
where the girl has been sleeping. She deposits her burden near the spot
where the girl has laid her head. A general feast then takes place, and the
washerman appropriates the fanam, and the paddy and rice spread in the
yard. So ends the third day of these strange observances. On the fourth day,
the girl bathes in a neighbouring pool, with some ceremonial. Before she
leaves the house, the washerman fixes in the ground a branch of a certain
tree, to the top and bottom of which he ties the two ends of a long line of
thin coir rope or yarn. This is supposed to represent the bow of Kāma, the
Indian Cupid. He erects a miniature temple-like structure of young cocoanut
leaves, with the stems of young plantains near it, by the side of the pool.
Close to it, he places a burning lamp, and a small quantity of rice and
paddy, each on a separate plantain leaf. Near them he sets a cocoanut, which
has been blackened with charcoal, on some rice spread on a plantain leaf, a
cocoanut reddened with turmeric and chunam on raw rice, and another on a
leaf, containing fried paddy.22 He further deposits a few plantains, and two
other cocoanuts. Before the girl leaves the house, clad in one of the cloths
brought on the previous night, she is well rubbed all over with oil, and the
four or six women23 who accompany her are similarly treated. Leading the
way, they are followed by a number of women to the pool, where the girl
and her companions bathe. After the bath, they stand by the side of the pool,
facing east and holding lighted cotton-wicks in their hands, and go round

the miniature temple three times, throwing the wicks into it. The
washerman again breaks out into song, accompanying himself by striking a
bell-metal plate with a stick. When he has finished, and gone through a little
more business on his own account, the girl’s husband or brother (if she is
unmarried) appears on the scene. He holds aloft the coir string, under the
lower end of which a cocoanut has been placed on the ground. The girl
passes three times forwards and backwards without touching it. Two cotton
wicks, lighted at both ends, are laid on the cocoanut, and the girl should cut
the wicks and the cocoanut through, completely severing them, with one
blow of a strong knife or chopper. If she is successful, the omen is
considered good. The girl, with her party, then bathes a second time. As she
comes out of the water, she kicks out backwards like a mule, and sends the
stem with the single cocoanut attached flying into the water with her right
foot. The second māttu cloth is then brought, and she is clad in it. Then she
is full dressed and ornamented and led back to the house with a silk canopy
over her head. She is taken to the middle room, and cakes and rice are given
to her to eat. A feast is then held. The girl has so far been purified as regards
most affairs of life, but she cannot touch any cooking-vessel until she has
undergone yet another ceremony. This takes place on the seventh or ninth
day after the first appearance of the menses. Every day until then the girl is
rubbed with gingelly oil and turmeric. Three ordinary earthenware cooking-
pots are piled, one above the other, in the kitchen. The uppermost pot
contains cooked rice, the middle one rice boiled with jaggery, and the
lowest curry. The pots must be new, and are marked with perpendicular
daubs of chunam. Seated on a low wooden stool to the west of the pots, the
girl, facing the east, touches each pot with a knife. When the first of all
these menstruation ceremonies has taken place at the house of the girl’s
husband, her mother brings some cakes on this last day. If it has been
performed at her father’s house, her husband’s sister should bring the cakes.
They are distributed among all present, and a small meal is partaken of. All
the expenses of the first, and seventh or ninth day ceremonies, are borne by
the people of the house, who may be those of the family of the girl’s father
or husband. The expenses of the ceremonial of the fourth day are defrayed
by the girl’s husband if they have been performed at her father’s house, and
vice versâ.

The young wife has an easy time of it until the fifth month of her
pregnancy, when she must again submit to becoming the subject for
ceremonial. Then takes place the Belikala, for the purpose of appeasing
some of the many malignant spirits, who are unceasing in their attempts to
destroy infants in the womb. This consists for the most part of offerings,
which are repeated in the seventh month. They are performed by members
of the Mannān (washerman) and Pānan (exorcists and devil-dancers) castes.
At the commencement thereof, there is a feast. A structure, in shape
something like a Muhammadan taboot,24 about five feet in height, is erected
in the front yard of the house. It is made of stems of young plantain trees,
and festooned with leaves of young cocoanut palms. The floor of the little
edifice, and the ground outside it to the west, are strewn with charcoal made
from paddy husk, on which are made magic squares of white rice flour,
intermingled with red, green, and yellow, each colour being compounded
with specified substances. The squares are not always the same, but are
prepared for each occasion, so as to suit the particular spirit which is to be
invoked and appeased. The pregnant woman, with six female companions,
leaves the middle room of the house, carrying the usual lamp and other
articles, and they walk seven times round the edifice. Before completing the
last round, each throws into it a burning wick. They then stand to the west
of it, facing east, and sit down. The Mannāns invoke the spirit in song,
accompanied by the clang of metal plates beaten with sticks. Drums must
not be used. The music and weird devil-dancing go on more or less all
night, and by morning some of the most nervous of the women, overcome
by the spirit, go into fits. The fees for the devil-dancing are paid by the
pregnant woman’s father. Last of all, a live cock is held against the forehead
of the woman, mantrams (magical formulæ) are repeated, and rice is thrown
over her head. If she should have a fit, the head of the cock is cut off, and
the blood offered to the demon spirit. If, however, she does not suffer from
undue excitement, the cock is simply removed alive. She is left in peace for
the next two months, when she goes to her father’s house, at which there is
more devil-dancing at another Belikala ceremony. The fees are paid by the
woman’s husband. They vary from five to thirty-two rupees, according to
the cost of the edifice which is erected, and the quality of the dancing. The
invocation of some of the devils requires specially trained dancers who

must be paid high fees. On the morning following the dance, the tamarind
juice drinking ceremony takes place at the house of the woman’s father. The
fees in connection with this are debited to the husband. Taking advantage of
an auspicious moment, the husband and two companions bathe in the early
morning, and make a neat toilette, the husband wearing a necklace. They
then go to the nearest tamarind, and pluck three small leafy twigs, which
they bring to the house. The husband’s sister pounds the leaves in a mortar
in a little shed or pandal in the front yard. The juice is then strained through
a new double cloth eight cubits in length by the husband’s sisters. If he has
no sisters, this should be done by his and his wife’s mothers. Rice conjee is
then prepared with water, in which the tamarind juice has been mixed. The
husband, and his two companions, sit under the pandal, where the usual
lamp and other articles have been placed, with the wife behind him. Her
brother then feeds him thrice with the conjee from a small gold spoon. The
husband’s sister feeds the wife in like manner. One of the three twigs is
planted by the husband in the front yard, and his wife waters it every day
until the child is born. In the ninth month, the husband’s sister presents his
wife with a couple of pounds of cummin seed and jaggery. The woman who
brings this little gift should be given some cakes and sweetmeats. During
pregnancy, a woman always wears an amulet concealed within a cylindrical
tube on her neck, to protect her against malignant spirits.

The young wife’s child is born at her father’s house, where she is under the
care of her mother. When the child is born, the brother of the newly made
mother goes out into the yard, and strikes the ground three times with the
stem of a dry cocoanut palm leaf. If the child is a boy, he emits a long
drawn out ku-u-u-u in high falsetto as he does so. It is then the duty of the
brother and the midwife to go and inform the father of the event. The
midwife receives from him her fee, and a present of a cloth, and other
presents from his sisters. If the child is a boy, the brother receives a cloth,
and, if a girl, a cloth and a bell-metal plate.

The event of the birth of a child carries with it, as in the case of death,
pollution to every one in the house. This is partially removed by ceremonies
on the third day, and wholly by further ceremonies on the ninth or eleventh
day, whichever happens to be the more auspicious—a Tuesday for example.

Any one coming to the house before the first ceremonies have taken place
must bathe and wash his or her cloth to remove the pollution. Any one
visiting the house after the first, but before the second ceremony, need not
bathe, but cannot eat any food in the house. The men of the household can
get no rice at home until after the second ceremony has been performed,
and they are consequently compelled to board elsewhere for the time being.
A washerwoman carries out the purification rites, assisted by a barber
woman. First of all, the floors of all the rooms are smeared with cow-dung.
All clothes in use are given to the washerwoman. The women rub their
bodies all over with oil, and the washerwoman brings māttu for them. The
barber woman sprinkles a mixture of cow’s milk and karuka grass leaves
over the women, who then go to a pool and bathe. When the milk is about
to be sprinkled, the usual lamp, rice on a metal plate, and kindi of water are
produced. The barber woman takes the rice and one fanam, and receives
also some cocoanut and gingelly (Sesamum) oil. Much the same things are
given to the washerwoman. The second ceremony is just like the first, but,
even after its completion, the women of the house cannot touch any
cooking-vessels until after the fifteenth day. The ceremony of touching the
cooking pots, as at the time of the first menstrual period, is then performed.
These three purificatory ceremonies must be performed after every birth.

On the twenty-seventh or fortieth day after the birth of a child, the mother
and the infant are taken back to the husband’s house, and cow’s milk is for
the first time given to the child. This event, which has all the solemnity of a
regular function, takes place in the middle room, where the lamp, mat and
other articles have been arranged. The child’s paternal grandfather, father’s
elder brother, or other senior man administers the milk, which has been
boiled. A gold bracelet is dipped in it, and the drops of milk are made to fall
into the child’s mouth. As this is being done, the celebrant whispers in the
child’s right ear the name which will be formally given to it in the sixth
month. The eldest son is always named after the paternal grandfather, and
the second after the father. In like manner, the eldest girl is named after its
own mother. Relations and friends take this opportunity to make presents of
bracelets and other articles to the infant. A feast is then held. After the
ceremony is over, the parents of the child’s mother have to send about half a
bag of rice flour mixed with jaggery to her husband’s house.

For the first six months of its life, a child’s food consists of nature’s fount
and cow’s milk. It is then, before the sixth month is over, given boiled rice
for the first time. The ceremony takes place either in the middle room of its
father’s house, or at a temple. The child’s grandfather, or the eldest male
member of the family, sits on a mat, and takes the child in his lap. With a
gold ring he applies honey three times to its mouth, and then gives it a little
rice three times. Female relations who are present follow his example,
giving the child first honey, and then rice. Several women, with the lighted
lamp and other articles, carry the child into the yard, to show it the sky.
They go round a cocoanut tree, and stand before the front door, facing west.
An elder among the women of the house stands at the front door, calls out
the name of the child three times, and asks it to come inside. The relations
give little presents of ornaments, and there is a feast.

It will be observed that even a child’s life is not entirely free from
ceremonial. When it has grown up, it undergoes more of it, and, when it has
lived its course on earth, is the subject of still more ceremonial long after it
is dead. All these affairs involve some expenditure, but the one which
literally runs away with money is marriage. The others are not
extravagances, nor are they as costly as might be implied from the continual
feasting of a large number of people. We must not think of these feasts as of
a banquet at the Carlton, but as simple affairs, at which simple people are
content with simple though pleasing fare.

When a child is provided by nature with teeth, it is the subject of a little
ceremony, during which it is expected to disclose its natural propensities.
The usual mat and other articles are arranged, and there are in addition a
large flat bell-metal plate containing a rice cake, a knife, a palmyra leaf
grantham (book), a cocoanut, and a gold ornament. The child is let loose,
and allowed to pick out anything from the plate. If it takes the cake, it will
be greedy; if the knife, brave; if the book, learned; if the cocoanut, a
landlord; and, if the gold ornament, rich.

A child’s head is shaved in the third or fifth year. The barber, who performs
the operation, is allowed to take away the rice which, with the lamp, is at

hand. He also receives a fanam and a new cloth. The people of the child’s
mother bring rice cakes.

The last day of the Dasara festival in the fifth year of a child’s life is that on
which instruction in the alphabet begins. A teacher, who has been selected
with care, or a lucky person holds the child’s right hand, and makes it trace
the fifty-one letters of the Malayālam alphabet on raw rice spread on a
plate. The fore-finger, which is the one used in offering water to the souls of
the dead and in other parts of the death ceremonies, must not be used for
tracing the letters, but is placed above the middle finger, merely to steady it.
For the same reason, a doctor, when making up a pill, will not use the fore-
finger. When, later on, the child goes to the village school, the fifty-one
letters are written one by one on its tongue with a gold style, if one is
available. As each letter is formed, the child has to repeat the sound of it.

The lobes of both a child’s ears are bored with a golden pin or a thorn. The
helix of the ear is not bored for the purpose of inserting ornaments in it, but
is sometimes bored as a remedy for disease, e.g., hernia. Everywhere else in
Southern India, it is common for people of almost every class to have the
helix of the left ear bored.

The tāli-tying ceremony must be performed before a girl attains puberty.
The Tiyan tāli is usually of gold, and worth about half-a-crown. It is not the
one which is worn in every day life, but the one which is used in the
ceremony about to be described. Throughout Southern India, the tāli is the
ordinary symbol of marriage among Hindus, and it is even worn by Syrian
Christians. In Malabar, and the Native States of Cochin and Travancore, it
is a symbol of marriage, with which a girl is ceremoniously adorned, as a
rule before she is affianced. The ceremony occupies three days, on the last
of which the tāli is tied. On the first day, a shed or pandal is erected in the
front yard. Within it a similar structure is prepared with the leaves of an
areca palm, which has been cut down at an auspicious moment, and with
the formal sanction of the Tandān of the tara. This inner pandal is tastefully
decorated with pictures and flowers. It is important to note that this little
pandal must not be begun until the first day of the ceremony. On this day,
the carpenter of the tara brings a low wooden seat, rather long and narrow,

made from the pala tree (Alstonia scholaris), which must be cut at an
auspicious moment, for which he receives one fanam. This seat is called
mana.25 A grass mat is spread in the middle room of the house, with a white
cloth over it, on which the mana is placed. A lamp, vessel of water, and the
usual paraphernalia are arranged on the ground to the south close by. When
these preliminaries have been completed, the girl is brought by the uncle’s
wife to the pandal, and seated on a stool. In front of her, a lamp, and other
things which are a feature in all ceremonials, and a measure of paddy are
placed on the ground, a gold fanam is put on her head, and over it gingelly
oil is poured. As the coin falls from the forehead, it is caught in a cup. It is
important which side falls uppermost. The girl is then taken to a pool for
bathing, and returns to the pandal. She is conducted to the middle room of
the house in procession, with a silk canopy over her head and women
carrying lamps, etc. She is confined in this room, which is decorated in the
manner described when speaking of the menstruation ceremony, until the
third day. She sleeps on a mat, surrounded by a little ridge of rice and
paddy, cocoanut and areca palm flowers, and near her head is a copper pot
marked with vertical daubs of white. The blacksmith of the tara brings a
little stick, called charathkot, with an iron blade at one end, which is
supposed to represent an arrow of Kāma. This the girl keeps constantly at
her side, and carries in her hand when compelled by nature to leave the
room. While confined in the room, she is not allowed to eat fish, flesh, or
salt, or see any animals, especially a cat, dog, or crow. On the third day, the
tāli is prepared on the spot by the village goldsmith. The girl’s uncle gives
him the gold, which he melts, and works at in the pandal at an auspicious
moment. The paddy and rice, which, with the lamp and vessel of water,
have been in evidence during the operations, are given to the goldsmith,
with a fanam for his labour. A weaver brings two new cloths, of a particular
kind called mantra-kodi, for which the girl’s uncle pays. One is worn by the
girl, and the mana is covered with the other. The girl is taken to bathe, and,
after the bath, is richly dressed and ornamented, and brought in procession,
with a canopy over her head, to the house, where she is conducted to the
inner room. The mana is then placed, with the cloth near it, on a grass mat
in the inner pandal. The uncle’s wife sits on the mat, and the uncle lifts the
girl, carries her three times round the pandal, and deposits her in his wife’s

lap. The astrologer, who is present, indicates the moment when the tāli
should be tied. The girl’s father gives him a fanam, and receives from him a
little rice, called muhurtham (auspicious time). When the psychological
moment has arrived he sprinkles the rice on the girl’s head, saying “It is
time.” The tāli is then tied round the girl’s neck by the uncle’s wife. At the
upper end of the tāli is a ring, through which the thread passes. The thread
which is used for the purpose is drawn from the cloth with which the mana
has been covered. [It is odd that there are some families of Nāyars, who are
not allowed to use a tāli with a ring to receive the string, and are therefore
obliged to make a hole in the tāli itself.] As soon as the tāli has been tied on
the girl’s neck, a number of boys burst into song, praising Ganapathi (the
elephant god), and descriptive of the marriage of King Nala and Damayanti,
or of Sri Krishna and Rukmani. Every one joins in, and the song ends with
shouts and hurrahs. A mock feeding ceremony is then carried out. Three
plantain leaves are spread in front of the girl in the pandal, and rice,
plantains, and pappadams are spread thereon. The uncle’s wife offers some
of each to the girl three times, but does not allow her to touch it with her
lips. The girl is then taken to a temple, to invoke the God’s blessing.

The description which has just been given is that of the ceremony which is
performed, if the girl has not been affianced. If a husband has been arranged
for her, it is he who ties the tāli, and his sister takes the place of the uncle’s
wife. Otherwise the ceremony is the same, with this difference, however,
that, when the husband ties the tāli, there can be no divorce, and the girl
cannot remarry in the event of his death.

In North, as in South Malabar, the tāli-tying ceremony is always performed
before puberty, and occupies four days. This is the orthodox procedure. The
girl wears a cloth provided by the washerwoman. She is taken from the
middle room of the house to the yard, and there seated on a plank of pala
wood. Placed in front of her are a small measure of rice and paddy, a
washed white cloth, and a small bell-metal vessel (kindi) on a bell-metal
plate. The barber pours cocoanut water on her head, on which a silver and
copper coin have been placed. One of her relations then pours water from a
vessel containing some raw rice over her head, using two halves of a
cocoanut as a spout. The girl is then taken back to the middle room, where

she remains for three days. There is a feast in the evening. On the fourth
day, a pandal is erected in the front yard, and decorated. The girl is taken to
bathe at a neighbouring pool, preceded by women carrying a lamp, a kindi
of water, and other things which have been already described. During her
absence, the barber performs pūja to Ganapathi in the pandal. After bathing,
she cuts a cocoanut in half, and returns in procession, with a silk canopy
over her head, amid music and singing, and enters the middle room of the
house. The barber woman ties a gold ornament (netti pattam) on her
forehead, which she marks with sandal paste, and blackens her eyes with
eye-salve. The uncle’s wife, preceded by women bearing a lamp and other
articles, carries the mana, covered with cloth, from the middle room to the
pandal. She walks three times round the pandal, and places the mana on a
grass mat, over which has been spread some paddy and some rice where the
girl will put her foot. The women who have carried the lamp, etc., return to
the room, and escort the girl to the pandal. She walks thrice round it, and
takes her seat on the mana. The barber hands her a little rice, which she
throws on the lighted lamp, and articles which have been used in the pūja to
Ganapathi, and on the post supporting the south-west corner of the pandal.
This post should be of pala wood, or have a twig of that tree tied to it. More
rice is handed to the girl, and she throws it to the cardinal points of the
compass, to the earth, and to the sky. A small earthen pot containing rice, a
cocoanut, betel, and areca nuts, is placed near the girl. Into this a variety of
articles, each tied up separately in a piece of plantain leaf, are placed. These
consist of a gold coin, a silver coin, salt, rice, paddy, turmeric, charcoal, and
pieces of an old cadjan leaf from the thatch of the house. The mouth of the
pot is then covered over with a plantain leaf tied with string. The girl
sprinkles rice three times over the pot, makes a hole in the leaf, and picks
out one of the articles, which is examined as an augur of her destiny. Betel
leaves and areca nuts are then passed twice round her head, and thrown
away. She next twists off a cocoanut from a bunch hanging at a corner of
the pandal. Then follows the presentation of cloths called mantra-kodi.
These must be new, and of a particular kind. Each of her relations throws
one of these cloths over the girl’s head. Half of them (perhaps ten or twelve)
go to the barber, who, at this point, pours cocoanut water from the leaf of a
banyan tree on her head, on which a silver and copper coin have been
placed. The astrologer is then asked whether it is time to tie the tāli, and

replies three times in the affirmative. The barber woman hands the tāli
strung on a thread to the girl’s uncle’s wife, who ties it round the girl’s neck.
The barber woman then pours water on the girl’s hands. Three times the
water is flung upwards, and then to the east, west, south, and north. A cotton
wick, steeped in oil, is then twisted round a piece of bamboo, and stuck on a
young cocoanut. The girl is asked if she sees the sun, looks at the lighted
wick, and says that she does. She is then taken to a cocoanut tree, preceded
by the lamp, etc. She walks three times round the tree, and pours water over
the root. The ceremony is now concluded, and the girl is marched back to
the middle room.

A variation of the tāli-tying ceremony, as performed in Chavakad on the
coast between Calicut and Cochin, may be briefly described, because it
possesses some interesting features. It is always done by the intended
husband, or some one representing him. Seven days prior to the beginning
of the ceremony, the carpenter of the tara, with the permission of the Tandān
(here called Avakāsi), cuts down an areca palm, and fixes part of it as the
south-east post of the booth, at which the tāli will be tied. On the sixth day,
the girl is formally installed in the middle room of the house. The carpenter
brings a mana of pala wood, the cost of which is paid by the father, and
does pūja to it. The bridegroom’s party arrive. A lamp is lighted in the
booth, which is at this time partly, but not entirely, made ready. Near the
lamp are placed a measure of paddy, half a measure (nāzhi) of rice, a
looking-glass, a kindi of water, and a wooden cheppu (a rude vessel with a
sliding cover). The wives of the Tandān and uncle, together with some other
women, bring the girl, and seat her on the mana. The uncle’s wife parts her
hair, and places a gold fanam on her crown. The Tandān’s wife then pours a
little oil on it over a leaf of the jāk tree three times. The other women do the
same. The girl is then taken to a pool, and bathed. Before her return, the
mana should be placed ready for her in the middle room of the house. In the
evening there is a feast. On the day but one following, the tāli is tied. The
last post of the booth is put up, and it is completed and decorated on the
tāli-tying day. A lamp, looking-glass, and other things are put in it. A grass
mat is spread on the floor, and a kambli (blanket) and a whitewashed cloth
are placed over it. On either side of it is placed a pillow. The bridegroom
and his party wait in an adjoining house, for they must not appear on the

scene until the psychological moment arrives. The Tandān of the
bridegroom’s tara, with a few friends, comes first, and hands over two
cloths and ten rupees eight annas to the bride’s Tandān. The girl is dressed
in one of these cloths, and led to the booth, the bridegroom’s sister holding
her by the hand. She sits on the mana, which has been brought, and placed
on the cloth, by her uncle. The bridegroom comes in procession, carried on
his uncle’s shoulders. The girl is still a child, and he is only a few years her
senior. His uncle puts him down on the right side of the girl, after walking
thrice round the booth. The girl’s uncle’s wife sits close to her, on the other
side, on the mana. Her father asks the astrologer three times if it is the
proper time to tie the tāli, and is answered thrice in the affirmative. Then the
boy bridegroom ties the tāli on the girl’s neck. The boy and girl sing out a
chorus in praise of Ganapathi, and end up with three loud shouts and
hurrahs. Then the boy seats himself on the ground, outside the pillow. The
girl is taken inside the house, and, after a general feast, is brought back, and
seated on the mana, and rice and flowers are sprinkled. No money is paid to
the uncle’s son, as at Calicut. The boy bridegroom pays eight annas to his
sister for leading the bride by the hand. When the marriage has been done
by proxy, the boy bridegroom is selected from a tarwad into which the girl
might marry. He stays at the girl’s house for three days, and, on the fourth
day, the boy and girl are taken to a temple. A formal divorce is effected, and
the boy is taken away.

Tiyans.

It will not be worth while to attempt a description of the marriage ceremony of the
Tiyans of North Malabar, because there is none, or next to none. There the Tiyans and all
classes, including even the Muhammadan Māppillas, follow the rule of
marumakkatāyam, or inheritance through females from uncle to nephew. The children
have no right to their father’s property. Either party may annul the marital union at will,
without awarding any compensation; and, as its infraction is easy and simple, so is its
institution. Nor is there any rigid inquiry as to the antecedents of either party. It is an
affair of mutual arrangement, attended with little formality. Proceeding to the girl’s
house, accompanied by a few friends, the intending husband takes with him a couple of

cloths, one for the girl, and the other for her mother. In parts of North Malabar, the Tiyan
women wear an ornament called chittu (ring) in a hole bored in the top of the helix of
each ear. The holes are bored in childhood, but the chittu is not worn until the girl forms
a marital union with a man. The chittus are made on the spot at the time, in the marriage
pandal erected for the occasion, the girl’s uncle providing the gold. They are never
removed during life, except in cases of dire distress. “To sell chittu” is equivalent to
having become a pauper. It is supposed that, in olden days, the marriage ceremonies
lasted over seven days, and were subsequently reduced to seven meals, or three and a
half days, and then to one day. Now the bridegroom remains the first night at the bride’s
house, and then takes her to his home. Before they leave, a cocoanut, the outer husk of
which has been removed, is placed on a stool of pala wood, and one of the bridegroom’s
party must smash it with his fist. Some of the more orthodox in North Malabar observe
the formality of examining horoscopes, and a ceremony equivalent to the conjee-
drinking ceremony which has been described, called achāra kaliāna, and the payment of
kanam in the shape of forty-one fanams, instead of forty-two as in South Malabar. In
connection with fanams it may be noted that the old gold fanam is reckoned as worth
four annas, whereas five silver or velli fanams make a rupee. Everywhere in rural
Malabar, calculations are made in terms of velli fanams thus:—

10 pice (1/12 of an anna) = 1 velli.
5 vellis = 1 rupee.

Bazaar men, and those who sell their small stock at the weekly markets all about the
country, arrange their prices in vellis.

When the death of a Tiyan is expected, all the relations draw near, and await the fateful
moment. The person who is about to die is laid on the floor of the middle room, for it is
inauspicious to die on a cot. We will suppose that the dying man is a parent and a
landlord. Each of the sons and daughters gives him a little conjee water, just before he
passes away. At the moment of death, all the women bawl out in lamentations, giving the
alarm of death. The Cheruman serfs in the fields join in the chorus, and yell out an
unintelligible formula of their own. Absent relations are all formally invited. From the
houses of the son’s wife and daughter’s husband are sent quantities of jāk fruits, unripe
plantains, and cocoanuts, as death gifts. One half of the husks of the cocoanuts is
removed, and the other half left on the shell. After the cremation or burial, these articles
are distributed among those present by the Tandān, who receives an extra share for his
trouble. When life is extinct, the body is placed with the head to the south, and the
thumbs and big toes are tied together. It is then taken out into the yard, washed, bathed in
oil, dressed in a new cloth, and brought back to the middle room. A cocoanut is cut in
two, and the two halves, with a lighted wick on each, are placed at the head and foot.
The house-owner spreads a cotton cloth over the corpse, and all the relations, and
friends, do the same. Any one who wishes to place a silk cloth on the corpse may do so,

but he must cover it with a cotton cloth. The body is then removed for burial or
cremation, and placed near the grave or funeral pyre. It is the rural rule that elderly
persons and karnavans of tarwads are cremated, and others buried. The barber, whose
function it is to perform the purificatory rites, now removes, and retains as his perquisite,
all the cloths, except the last three covering the corpse. As it is being borne away to the
place of burial or cremation, water mixed with cow-dung is sprinkled behind it in the
yard. The eldest son, who succeeds to the property and is responsible for the funeral
ceremonies, then tears crosswise a piece of the cloth which has been placed over the
corpse by the people of the house, and ties it round his forehead. He holds one end of the
cloth while the barber holds the other, and tears off the piece. The barber then cuts three
holes in the remainder of this cloth covering the body, over the mouth, navel, and pubes.
A little water and rice are poured over a gold fanam through the slit over the mouth. All
who observe the death pollution, i.e., sons, grandsons, nephews, younger brothers and
cousins, offer water and rice in the same manner, and walk three times round the grave
or pyre. The barber then breaks a pot of water over the grave. No other ceremonial is
observed on this day, on which, and during the night, rice must not be eaten. If the body
has been cremated, a watch is kept at the burning ground for five days by Pānans, who
beat drums all night to scare away the evil spirits which haunt such spots. Early on the
second day, all who are under pollution are shaved. The operation is attended with some
ceremonial, and, before it is commenced, a lighted lamp, a measure of rice and paddy on
a plantain leaf must be at hand. The paddy and rice are a perquisite of the barber. Those
who have been shaved bathe, and then follows the crow-feeding ceremony. Rice is
boiled in a bell-metal vessel over a hearth prepared with three young cocoanuts. The
eldest son, who tore the cloth of succession from the corpse, makes the rice into two
little balls, places them on a plantain leaf, and offers them to the spirit of the departed by
pouring libations of water on them over a blade of karuka grass. Men and women who
are under pollution then do the same. The rice balls are eaten by crows. This little
ceremony is performed daily until the eleventh or thirteenth day, when the period of
death pollution comes to an end. If the eleventh day happens to fall on a Tuesday or
Friday, or on any inauspicious day, the period is extended to the thirteenth day. When the
period of death pollution is partly in one month, and partly in another, another death in
the house within the year is expected. Preceding the sanchayanam, which occupies the
fifth day, there is the lamp-watching on the previous night. In the south-east corner of the
middle room, a little paddy is heaped up, and on it is placed a bell-metal plate with an
iron lamp having five or seven lighted wicks on it. Under the lamp is a little cow-dung,
and close to it is a bunch of cocoanut flowers. The lamp must be kept burning until it is
extinguished on the following day. In the case of the death of a male, his niece watches
the lamp, and in that of a female her daughter, lying near it on a grass mat. The
sanchayanam is the first stage in the removal of death pollution, and, until it is over, all
who come to the house suffer from pollution, and cannot enter their own house or
partake of any food without bathing previously. When the body has been cremated, the

fragments of calcined bones are collected from the ashes, and carried in procession to the
sea, or, if this is far away, into a river. The members of the family under pollution then
rub their bodies all over with oil, and the barber sprinkles a mixture of cow’s milk over
their heads, using a blade of karuka grass as a spout. They then bathe, and the eldest son
alone observe māttu. The crow-feeding ceremony follows, and, when this is over, the
three cocoanuts which were used as a hearth are thrown away. A large bell-metal vessel
filled with water is now placed in the front yard before the door of the house. The barber
carries the still burning lamp from the middle room, and sets it on the ground near the
pot of water. The women who are under pollution come from the middle room, each
carrying a lighted wick, walk thrice round the pot, and throw the wicks into the water.
The woman who has watched the lamp puts four annas into the pot, and the others
deposit a few pies therein. The eldest son now lights a wick from the iron lamp which is
about to be extinguished, and with it lights a lamp in the middle room. The barber then
dips the iron lamp in the water, and picks out the money as his perquisite. The water is
poured on the roots of a cocoanut tree. The bell-metal vessel becomes the property of the
woman who watched the lamp, but she cannot take it away until she leaves the house
after the pula-kuli ceremony. When the lamp has been extinguished, a woman, hired for
the occasion, is seated on a cocoanut leaf in the front yard. The Tandān pours oil on her
head three times, and she receives a little betel and two annas. She rises, and leaves the
place without turning back, taking the pollution with her. Betel is then distributed. Those
who provided the death gifts on the day of the death must on this day bring with them a
bag of rice, and about four rupees in money. They have also to give eight annas to the
barber. A folded handkerchief is first presented to the barber, who formally returns it,
and receives instead of it the eight annas. Before the people disperse, the day of the pula-
kuli is settled. Pula-kuli, or washing away the pollution, is the final ceremony for putting
off the unpleasant consequences of a death in a family. First of all, the members thereof
rub themselves all over with oil, and are sprinkled by the barber with cow’s milk and
gingelly oil. They then bathe. The barber outlines the figure of a man or woman,
according to the sex of the deceased, with rice flour and turmeric powder, the head to the
south, in the middle room of the house. The figure is covered with two plantain leaves,
on each of which a little rice and paddy are heaped. Over all is spread a new cloth, with a
basket containing three measures of paddy upon it. The eldest son (the heir) sits facing
the south, and with a nāzhi measures out the paddy, which he casts to the south, east, and
west—not the north. He repeats the performance, using the fingers of the left hand
closed so as to form a cup as a measure. Then, closing the first and fourth fingers firmly
with the thumb, using the left hand, he measures some paddy in the same manner with
the two extended fingers. Rice is treated in the same way. A nāzhi of paddy, with a
lighted wick over it, is then placed in a basket. The eldest son takes the nāzhi in his left
hand, passes it behind his body, and, receiving it with his right hand, replaces it in the
basket. The wick is extinguished by sprinkling it with water three times. At the head of
the figure on the floor is placed a clean cloth—the washerman’s māttu. It is folded, and

within the folds are three nāzhis of rice. On the top of it a cocoanut is placed. In the four
corners a piece of charcoal, a little salt, a few chillies, and a gold fanam are tied. The
eldest son, who is always the protagonist in all the ceremonies after death, lifts the cloth
with all its contents, places it on his head, and touches with it his forehead, ears, each
side and loins, knees and toes. He does this three times. The plantain leaves are then
removed from the figure. A little turmeric powder is taken from the outline, and rubbed
on the forehead of the eldest son. He then bows thrice to the figure, crossing his legs and
arms so that the right hand holds the left ear, and the left the right ear, and touches the
ground with the elbow-joints. It is no joke to do this. All this time, the eldest son wears
round his forehead the strip torn from the cloth which covered the corpse. There is
nothing more to be done in the middle room for the present, and the eldest son goes out
into the yard, and cooks the rice for the final feed to the crows. Three nāzhis of this rice
must be pounded and prepared for cooking by the woman who watched the lamp on the
fourth night after death. Having cooked the rice, the eldest son brings it into the middle
room, and mixes it with some unrefined sugar, plantains and pappadams, making two
balls, one large and one small. Each of these he places on a plantain leaf. Then some
pūja is done to them, and offerings of rice are made over a gold fanam. The balls are
given to the crows in the yard, or, in some cases, taken to the sea or a river, and cast into
the water. When this course is adopted, various articles must be kept ready ere the return
of the party. These comprise a new pot containing water, a branch of areca blossoms,
mango leaves, a kindi containing a gold fanam or gold ring, a little salt and rice, each
tied up in a piece of cloth, and a few chillies. The mouth of the pot is covered with a
plantain leaf, and secured. There are also two stools, made of pala and mango wood. The
eldest son sits on one of these, and places his feet on the other, so that he does not touch
the ground. The water in the pot is sprinkled with mango leaves by the barber to the
north, south, east and west, and on the head of the son. The remainder of the water is
then poured over his head. The barber then sprinkles him with cocoanut water, this time
using areca blossoms, and makes him sip a little thereof. The barber makes a hole in the
plantain leaf, and picks out the contents. The eldest son bathes, and after the bath there is
a presentation of gifts. The barber, sitting in the verandah beside the son, first gives to
each person under pollution a little salt and raw rice, which they eat. He then gives them
a little betel leaf and a small piece of areca nut, and receives in return a quarter of an
anna. The eldest son chews the betel which he has received, and spits into a spittoon held
by the barber, whose property it becomes. Then to the barber, who has been presented
with a new mat to sit on and new cloth to wear before he seats himself in the verandah,
are given an ear-ring such as is worn by Tiyan women, a silk cloth, a white cotton cloth,
and a few annas. If the deceased has been cremated he is given six fanams, and, if
buried, five fanams as the fee for his priestly offices. On an occasion of this kind, several
barbers, male and female, turn up in the hope of receiving presents. All who help during
the various stages of the ceremonial are treated in much the same way, but the senior
barber alone receives the officiating fee. It is odd that the barbers of the four surrounding

villages are entitled to receive gifts of new cloths and money. Those under death
pollution are forbidden to eat fish or flesh, chew betel, or partake of jaggery. The
restriction is removed on the pula-kuli day. The last act for their removal is as follows.
The barber is required to eat some jaggery, and drink some conjee. After this, the eldest
son, the Tandān, and a neighbour, sit on a mat spread in the middle of the house, and
formally partake of conjee and jaggery. The pula-kuli is then over.

It is a sacred duty to a deceased person who was one of importance, for example the
head of a family, to have a silver image of him made, and arrange for it being deposited
in some temple, where it will receive its share of pūja (worship), and offerings of food
and water. The new-moon day of the months Karkitakam (July-August), Tulam
(October-November), and Kumbham (February-March) is generally selected for doing
this. The temples at Tirunelli in Wynād and Tirunavayi, which are among the oldest in
Malabar, were generally the resting-places of these images, but now some of the well-to-
do deposit them much further afield, even at Benares and Rāmēsvaram. A silver image is
presented to the local Siva temple, where, for a consideration, pūja is done every new-
moon day. On each of these days, mantrams are supposed to be repeated a thousand
times. When the image has been the object of these mantrams sixteen thousand times, it
is supposed to have become eligible for final deposit in a temple. It is this image which
rests in the temple at Tirunavayi, or elsewhere.

An annual srādh ceremony is performed for the sake of the spirit of the deceased, at
which crows are fed in the manner already described, and relations are fed. On the night
of this day, some sweetmeats or cakes, such as the deceased was fond of during life, are
offered to the spirit. A lamp is placed on a stool, and lighted in the middle room of the
house, with a kindi of water and a young cocoanut near it. The cakes or sweetmeats are
placed in front of the stool. Children sprinkle rice over it, and the door is shut for a
quarter of an hour. The individual who feeds the crows should partake of only one meal,
without fish or flesh, on the previous day. Another ceremony, which is necessary for the
repose of the dead, is called badha-velichatu-variethal, or bringing out the spirit. It
cannot be performed until at least a year after death, for during that period the spirit is in
a sort of purgatory. After that, it may be invoked, and it will answer questions. The
ceremony resembles the nelikala pregnancy ceremony. The performers are Pānans or
washermen. Some little girls are seated in front of a booth in the yard. The celebrant of
the rite sings, invoking the spirit of the deceased. Late at night, one of the girls becomes
possessed by the spirit, and, it is said, talks and acts just like the deceased, calling the
children, relations and friends by name, talking of the past, and giving commands for the
future conduct of the living members of the family. After this, the spirit is severed from
earthly trammels, and attains heavenly bliss.

The wood used for the purpose of cremation is that of a mango tree, which must be cut
down after the death. A little sandalwood and cuscus (grass) roots are sometimes added

to the pyre. In these days, when the important and interesting features of ceremonial are
fast disappearing, it is not surprising that dried cakes of cow-dung are superseding the
mango wood.

Among other ceremonies, there is one called kutti pūja, which is performed when a
newly built house is taken charge of. Vastu Purusha is the name of the supreme being
which, lying on its back with its head to the north-east and legs to the south-west,
supports the earth. Or rather the earth is but a small portion of this vast body. Forests are
its tiny hairs, oceans its blood-vessels, and the wind its breath. In this body are fifty-
three deities, who are liable to disturbance when the surface of the earth is dug, when
trees are felled, foundations laid, and a house built. These angry beings must be
propitiated, or there will be untimely deaths, poverty, and sickness among the inmates.
The ceremony is performed in the following manner. A square with fifty-three columns
is made with rice flour in the middle room of the house, and each column is filled with
yellow, red, and black powder. A plantain leaf is placed over it, and a few measures of
paddy are set on the top of the leaf. On this is placed another leaf, with various kinds of
grain, plantains, cocoanuts, and jaggery on it. The carpenter, who is the architect and
builder of the house, then performs pūja with flowers, incense and lights, and the
troublesome imp-spirit Gulikan is propitiated with toddy and arrack, and a fowl which is
decapitated for him. Then all the workmen—carpenters, masons, and coolies—walk
thrice round the house, breaking cocoanuts on the walls and doors, and howling in order
to drive away all evil spirits which may by chance be lurking about the place. After this,
they are all fed until they cry out “We are satisfied, and want no more.” They are given
cloths and other presents, and the chief feature of the ceremony takes place. This is the
formal handing over of the house by the carpenter. He hands it over to a third person,
and never directly to the owner. It is not always easy to find a third person who is willing
to undertake the responsibility, and who is at the same time suitable for the Gulikan who
is dispossessed of the house, and pursues him henceforth, following him who first
receives charge of the house. He should be a man who brings luck, cheerful and
contented, having a family, and not labouring under any disorder or sickness of body.
There is, or was a few years ago, an old Nāyar living not far from Calicut, who was
much sought after to fulfil the functions of third person on these occasions, and all the
houses he received prospered. The third person is generally a poor man, who is bribed
with presents of cloths, money and rice, to undertake the job. He wears one of the new
cloths during the ceremony. When the carpenter’s ceremonies have been completed, this
man is taken to the middle room of the house, and made to stand facing the door, with
each foot on a plantain leaf. Pieces of the thatch are tied to the four corners of his cloth.
He shuts the door, opens it, and shuts it again. The carpenter calls from without, asking
him whether he has taken charge of the house. He replies evasively “Have the carpenters
and workmen received all their wages? If they have, I take charge of the house.” The
carpenter does not answer the question, for, if he did so, the mischief would be
transferred to him through the house-owner. So he says “I did not ask you about my

wages. Have you taken charge of the house?” The man inside answers as before, adding
“otherwise not.” The carpenter again says “I did not ask you about my wages. Answer
me straight. Have you, or have you not taken charge of the house?” The man inside
replies “I have taken charge of the house,” and opens the door. Taking in his hands the
plantain leaves on which he stood, he runs away as fast as he can without looking back.
This he must not do on any account. The people pelt him with plantains, and hoot at him
as he runs, and water mingled with cow-dung is sprinkled in his path. After all this,
cow’s milk is boiled with a little rice in the house, of which every one partakes, and the
owner assumes charge of his house.

In the pre-British days, a few of the well-to-do families of Tiyans lived in houses of the
kind called nalapura (four houses), having an open quadrangle in the centre. But, for the
most part, the Tiyans—slaves of the Nāyars and Nambūtiris—lived in a one-roomed
thatched hut. Nowadays, the kala pura usually consists of two rooms, east and west.

Toddy-drawing, and every thing connected with the manufacture and sale of arrack
(country liquor) and unrefined sugar, form the orthodox occupation of the Tiyan. But
members of the community are to be found in all classes of society, and in practically all
professions and walks of life. It is interesting to find that the head of a Tiyan family in
North Malabar bears the title Cherayi Panikar, conferred on the family in the old days by
a former Zamorin. A title of this kind was given only to one specially proficient in arms.
Even in those days there were Tiyan physicians, bone-setters, astrologers, diviners, and
sorcerers.

It is easy to identify the toddy-tapper by the indurated skin of the palms, fingers, inner
side of the forearms, and the instep. The business of toddy-tapping involves expert
climbing, while carrying a considerable paraphernalia, with no adventitious aid other
than can be got out of a soft grummet of coir to keep the feet near together, while the
hands, with the arms extended, grasp the palm tree. The profession is rarely adopted
before the age of eighteen, but I have seen a man who said he began when he was twelve
years old. It is very hard work. A tapper can work about fifteen trees, each of which he
has to climb three times a day. In the northern districts of the Madras Presidency, among
the Telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length,
which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or a fourth of it. While in the
act of climbing up or down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the
body at the small of the back, and round the tree. This band is easily fastened with a
toggle and eye. The back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. It gives great
assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. All over the southernmost portion of the
peninsula, among the Shānāns and Tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They
climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only the grummet on the feet. The
Tiyan toddy-tapper’s equipment consists of a short-handled hatchet, about seven inches
square, of thin iron, sheathed in a wooden case, and fastened to a waist-belt composed of

several strings of coir yarn, to which is hung a small pot of gummy substance obtained
by bruising the leaves of the aichil plant. A vessel holding a couple of gallons, made out
of the spathe of the areca palm, is used for bringing down the toddy. Tucked into the
waist-belt is a bone loaded with lead at either end, which is used for tapping the palm to
bring out the juice. A man once refused to sell at any price one of these bones—the
femur of a sāmbar (Cervus unicolor), which had such virtue that, according to its owner,
it would fetch palm juice out of any tree. The garb of the tapper at work consists of a
short cloth round the loins, and (always during the rains, and often at other times) a
head-covering somewhat pointed in shape, made of the leaves of the cocoanut palm
placed together as in a clinker-built boat, or of a rounded shape, made out of the spathe
of the areca palm. The toddy-tapper should go through the show of reverence by
touching the cocoanut tree with the right hand, and then applying his hand to the
forehead, every time he prepares to climb a tree.

In connection with toddy-drawing, the following note occurs in the Gazetteer of
Malabar. “The tapper and the toddy shopkeeper are generally partners, the former
renting the trees, paying the tree-tax, and selling the toddy at fixed prices to the latter.
Sometimes the shopkeeper pays both rent and tax, and the tapper is his servant paid by
the bottle. The trees are rented half yearly, and the rent varies between Re. 1 and Re. 1–
8–0 per tree. They are fit for tapping as soon as they come into bearing, but four years
later and in the succeeding decade are most productive. They are seldom tapped for more
than six months in the year, and the process, though it shortens the life of the tree,
improves the yield of nuts in the rest of the year. The tapper’s outfit is neither costly nor
elaborate. A knife in a wooden case, a bone weighted with lead (the leg bone of a
sambhur for choice), a few pots, and two small rings of rope with which to climb
complete the tale. Operations begin when the spathe is still enclosed by its sheath. Once
a day the spathe is gently bruised on either side with the bone, and on the third and
following days a thin slice is cut off the end twice a day. On the fifteenth day drawing
begins, and the bruising ceases. Sheath and spathe are swathed for the greater part of
their length in a thick covering of leaves or fibre; the ends are still cut off twice or three
times a day, but, after each operation, are smeared with a paste made of leaves and water
with the object, it is said, of keeping the sap from oozing through the wound and rotting
the spathe. The leaves used for this purpose are those of the éechal or vetti tree, which
are said to be one and the same (Aporosa Lindleyana); but in British Cochin, where the
tree does not grow, backwater mud is utilised. Round the space between the end of the
sheath and the thick covering of leaves a single leaf is bound, and through this the sap
bleeds into a pot fastened below. The pot is emptied once a day in the morning. The
yield of sap varies with the quality of the tree and the season of the year. In the hot
months the trees give on an average about a bottle a day, in the monsoon and succeeding
months as much as three bottles. In the gardens along the backwaters, south of
Chēttuvāyi, Messrs. Parry & Co. consider that in a good year they should get a daily

average of three bottles or half a gallon of toddy per tree. A bottle of toddy sells for three
or four pies.”

Tiya females at a coir factory.

In connection with the coir industry, it is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “the
husks of the cocoanuts are buried in pits as near as possible to the waterline of rivers,
backwaters and creeks, and are left to soak for six months, a year, or even eighteen
months—the longer the better. The colour of the yarn, and thereby the quality, depends
very much on the water in which the husks are steeped. It should be running water, and,
if possible, fresh water. If the water be salt, the yarn may at first be almost white, but in a
damp climate it soon becomes discoloured and blotchy. As soon as the husks are taken
out of the pits, the fibre is beaten out with short sticks by Tiyattis (Tiyan females) and
women of the Vēttuvan caste. It is dried in the sun for twelve hours, and is then ready for
sale to native merchants at Calicut and Cochin, who in their turn deal with the European
firms. The fibre is twisted into yarn by Tiyattis and other women, and in that form the
greater part of the coir made in Malabar is exported from Cochin to all parts of the
world, but chiefly to the United Kingdom and Germany.”

It has been said that “in North Malabar the preparation of coir is a regular cottage
industry of the most typical kind. Throughout the year, wherever one goes, one hears the

noise of the women hammering out the fibre, and sees them taking, in the evening, that
part of it which they have rolled into yarn to the nearest little wayside shop, to be
exchanged for salt, chillies, paddy, etc. But, in the north of the district, nothing of the
kind goes on, and the coir is commonly used as fuel.”

It has been already stated that marumakkatāyam, or inheritance through nephews, is the
invariable rule in North Malabar, being followed even by the Muhammadan Māppillas.
In South Malabar, where the Tiyans do not observe marumakkatāyam, the property
devolves through the sons. All sons share alike. Daughters have no share. The practice of
polyandry, which still exists in Malabar among the Tiyans (and other classes), and which
was probably once general, tends to prevent dispersion of the family property. Although
theoretically all sons share the property of their father, it is the eldest son who succeeds
to possession and management of the tarwad property. The others are entitled to
maintenance only, so long as they remain in the same tarwad house. It is the same among
the Izhuvans.

Beef, as in the case of all Hindus, is forbidden as an article of diet. The staple food is
rice with fish curry. The common beverage is conjee, but this is being supplanted by tea,
coffee, lemonade, and soda-water.

A loin-cloth, which should not reach to the knees, with a Madras handkerchief on the
shoulders, is the orthodox dress of the males, and a double loin-cloth that of females.
Women were not allowed to wear anything above the waist, except when under death
pollution. Any colour might be worn, but white and blue are most common. A ring,
composed of hollow gold beads, called mani-kathila, is the proper ornament for a Tiyan
woman’s ear. Twenty or thirty, with a pendant in the middle, might be worn. Gold or
silver bracelets could be worn. Hollow silver bracelets were worn by girls until the birth
of their first child. But times have changed, and nowadays Tiyan women wear the
ornaments which, strictly speaking, appertain to Nāyar and Brāhman women. Their
mode of tying the hair, and even their dress, which is inclined to follow the fashion of
the Christians, has changed. In olden days, a Tiyan woman could wear an ornament
appropriate for a Nāyar on a special occasion, but only with the permission of the Nāyar
landlord, obtained through the Tandān, on payment of a fee.

In North Malabar a good round oath is upon Perumāl Iswaran, the God of the shrine at
Kōtiyūr. In South Malabar it is common to swear by Kodungallūr Bhagavati, or by
Guruvayūr Appan, local deities.

The Tandān is the principal person in the tara, to decide all caste disputes. In South
Malabar, he is, as a rule, appointed by the senior Rāni of the Zamorin. A fee of anything
up to 101 fanams (Rs. 25–4–0) must be paid to this lady, when she appoints a Tandān.
When there is a problem of any special difficulty, it is referred to her for decision. In

territories other than those within the power of the Zamorin, the local Rāja appoints the
Tandān, and gives the final decision in special cases. As we have seen, the Tiyan is
always to some extent subordinate to a Nāyar overlord, but he is not bound to any
particular one. He can go where he likes, and reside anywhere, and is not bound to any
particular chief, as is the Nāyar. It is noted by General E. F. Burton,26 in connection with
bygone days, that “such was the insolent pride of caste that the next (and very
respectable) class of Hindus, the Teers, were not allowed to come near the Nairs, under
penalty of being cut down by the sword, always naked and ready.”

In connection with the religion of the Tiyans, I may commence with an old tradition,
which is no doubt from a Brāhmanic source. Once upon a time there were seven
heavenly damsels, who used to bathe every day before dawn in a lake situated in a
forest. Siva found this out, and appeared as a fire on the bank, at which the girls warmed
themselves. Having thus lured them, the God made all of them mothers. Seven beautiful
boys were born, and Siva presented them to Parvati, who treated them as if they were her
own sons. They were taken to mount Kailāsa, and employed in preparing toddy for the
mysterious and wonderful Sakti worship. Daily they brought the toddy at the moment
when it was required for the golden pot. Parvati embraced the boys all at once, and they
became one. On a certain day, this boy sent the sacred toddy in charge of a Brāhman,
who became curious to know the virtues of the mysterious liquid. As he rested on a river
bank thinking about it, he drank a little, and filled the vessel up with water. Then he
reached Kailāsa too late for the daily worship. Siva was angry, and ordered the Saunika
boy (Parvati’s name for him) to be brought before him. But the boy had been told what
had happened, and cut off the head of the Brāhman, who had confessed to him. Seeing
the boy coming along carrying a Brāhman’s head, Siva was astonished, and commanded
him to approach nearer. The boy explained that it was not a heinous crime to cut off the
head of one who had prevented the Sakti worship. Siva said that the killing of a
Brāhman was the worst of crimes, and put the perpetrator out of caste. He would not
listen to the boy, who replied that whoever prevented Sakti worship was a Chandāla, and
condemned him. The boy asked for death at Siva’s hands. The request pleased the God,
who forgave him. The boy had to remain out of caste, but was initiated into the mysteries
of Sakti worship as the surest means of salvation, and to him was given the exclusive
privilege of performing Sakti worship with liquor. He was commanded to follow, and
imitate the Brāhmans in everything, except in the matter of repeating the sacred
mantrams. By tantrams (signs with the hands) he eventually obtained the merit of
making pūja with mantrams. He was the first Tiyan.

It is pretty safe to say that all the ideas of the Tiyans connected with pure Hinduism—the
Hinduism of the Vēdas—and of tradition, of which we see very little in Southern India,
and which in Malabar is more perverted in confused ideas than perhaps elsewhere, those
relating to re-birth, karma, pilgrimages to Benares and distant temples are borrowed
from the Brāhmans. In the ceremonies which have been described, notably in those

connected with marriage and death, we have seen the expression of many Hindu ideas.
Not so is all that relates to offerings to the dead. That is the common property of all the
children of men.

A main feature in the religion of the Tiyan is that it is largely connected with Sakti
worship. Some Brāhmans indulge therein, but they are unable, like the Tiyans, to use
arrack in connection with it, and are obliged to use, instead of this requisite, milk or
honey. Siva, not exactly a Vēdic entity, and Sakti, are supposed to be the two primordial
and eternal principles in nature. Sakti is, perhaps, more properly the vital energy, and
Sakti worship the worship of the life principle in nature. We are not considering the
abstract meaning of the term Sakti; nor are we now thinking of the Siva of Monier
Williams or Max Müller. We are in Malabar, where the Hinduism of the Vēdas is in
almost hopeless confusion, and mingled with animism and nearly every other kind of
primitive religious idea. It is not therefore at all an easy task to represent in words
anything like a rational conception of what the religion of the Tiyan really is. The poor
and ignorant follow, in a blind ignorant way, Hinduism as they know it and feel it. Their
Hinduism is very largely imbued with the lower cult, which, with a tinge of Hinduism,
varied in extent here and there, is really the religion of the people at large all over
Southern India. The Tiyans have a large share of it. To the actions of evil and other
spirits are attributable most, if not all of the ills and joys of life. The higher Hinduism is
far above them. Nevertheless, we find among them the worship of the obscure and
mysterious Sakti, which, unfortunately, is practiced in secret. Nobody seems to be in the
least proud of having anything to do with it. In fact, they are rather ashamed to say
anything about it. Those who, so to speak, go in for it are obliged to undergo preliminary
purificatory ceremonies, before the great mystery can be communicated to them. The
mantram, which is whispered by the guru (religious preceptor) in the ear of the devotee
is said to be “Brahma aham, Vishnu aham, Bhairavu aham” (I am Brahma, I am Vishnu,
I am Bhairavan). It is believed that each individual is a spark of the divinity. Having in
him the potentiality of the Supreme Being, he can develop, and attain godhood. There is
no distinction of caste in Sakti worship. The devotees may belong to the highest or to the
lowest castes, though I doubt very much whether the Nambūtiri Brāhmans indulge in it.
The novices, of whatever caste, eat and drink together during the period of pūja. Men
and women participate in the secret rites. A solemn oath is taken that the mystery of
Sakti will not be revealed, except with the permission of the guru, or on the death-bed.
The spirit of the goddess (for Sakti is thought of as the female principle) must be
withdrawn from the body of the Sakti worshipper when he is at the point of death. A
lamp is lighted beside him. A few leaves of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum), a little
rice, and a lighted wick are given to the dying man. Holding these things, he makes three
passes over his body from head to foot, and, as it were, transfers the spirit to the next
man, at the same time communicating his wishes about continuing the worship, and so
on. When a man dies before this separation or transfer has been accomplished, a
Brāhman must be called in, who, with a silver image representing the deceased, makes

symbolic transference of the Sakti spirit. It must be done somehow, or the soul of the
deceased cannot attain salvation. It is said that, like many other things in this land, Sakti
worship has undergone degeneration, that such lofty ideas and feelings as may have once
pervaded it have more or less disappeared, and that the residue is not very edifying. Be
this as it may, in every tara there is a Bhagavati temple for Tiyans, where Tiyans officiate
as priests. The Komaram (oracle) of the Bhagavati temple is clothed in red, and
embellished with red sandal paste mixed with turmeric. Bhagavati is always associated
with various jungle spirits or gods, whose Komarams always wear black. There is no
daily worship in Tiyan temples, with the exception of a few in the neighbourhood of
Cannanore. But there is an annual celebration of pūja during the mannalam (forty day)
period, commencing on the first of the month Vrischikam (15th November). Lamps are
lighted, and worship is begun on this day, and continued for forty days. At its conclusion,
the jungle gods retire to the jungle until the next year. A death in the family of a
Komaram involves, I believe, some postponement of the rites. The period is supposed to
be first part of the functional activity of the earth, which ends somewhere about the 21st
of June. It is during this period that Sakti worship is carried on.

The temple of Subramania at Palni in the Madura district is a favourite objective for
Tiyan pilgrims. The subject of pilgrimages to this temple has been touched on in my note
on the Nāyars (see Nāyar). The Bhagavati temple at Kodungallūr in Cochin territory on
the coast is another favourite place of pilgrimage among the Tiyans. All classes of
people, with the exception of Brāhmans, undertake this pilgrimage. Everyone under a
vow, proceeding to the festival, which takes place in February or March, carries with
him a cock, which is beheaded at the shrine. Under the Perumāls, pilgrimage to
Kodungallūr was somewhat compulsory. This temple was a fruitful source of revenue to
the State, for not only the Tiyans, but the fisherman and artisan castes had their own
temple in every tara in the land, and the Mūppan—the Komaram—of each temple was
under an obligation to contribute yearly gifts to the temple at Kodungallūr. Rent for the
temple lands was set at a nominal figure—a mere pepper-corn rent as acknowledgment
of sovereign right. Rent might not be paid in times of trouble, but the gifts eked out of
superstition were unfailing. It is not surprising, therefore, that learning and advancement
among the inferior castes did not receive much encouragement from the rulers of those
days.

The temple of Kotiyūr in North Malabar is also a shrine to which Tiyans make
pilgrimage. Indeed, it may be said that they follow Hinduism generally in rather a low
form, and that Sakti worship is perhaps more peculiarly theirs than others’, owing to
their being able to use arrack, a product of the palm, and therefore of their own particular
métier. The highest merit in Sakti can be reached only through arrack. The Sakti
goddess, Bhagavati, the Tiyans look upon as their own guardian spirit.

As instancing the mixture and confusion of religious ideas in Malabar, it may be
mentioned that Māppillas have been known to indulge in Sakti worship, and Tiyans to
have made vows, and given offerings at Māppilla mosques and Christian churches. Vows
to the well-known mosque at Mambram are made by people of almost every caste. It is
not uncommon to present the first fruit of a jāk tree, or the milk of a cow when it brings
forth its first calf, to the local Tangal or Māppilla priest.

In many, perhaps in most Tiyan houses, offerings are made annually to a bygone
personage named Kunnath Nāyar, and to his friend and disciple Kunhi Rāyan, a
Māppilla. It is probable that they excelled in witchcraft and magic, but, according to the
story, the Nāyar worshipped the kite until he obtained command and control over all the
snakes in the land. The offerings are made in order to prevent accidents from snakes. The
snake god will also give children to the family, and promote domestic prosperity. Men
without offspring worship him. Leprosy and the death of a child are believed to be the
consequence of killing a snake. There are Māppilla devotees of Kunnath Nāyar and
Kunhi Rāyan, who exhibit snakes in a box, and collect alms. There is a snake mosque
near Manarghāt, at the foot of the Nīlgiri hills, which has its annual festival. The alms
are collected ostensibly for this mosque.

An interesting story, which is the legendary account of the exodus of the artisans from
Malabar, and their return with the Tiyans, is narrated by the Pānans. There were, in olden
times, five recognised classes, which includes the Āsāris (carpenters), Musāris (workers
in bell-metal), Thattāns (goldsmiths), and Perin-Kollans (blacksmiths). The fifth class is
unknown. When an individual of the artisan classes dies, the Pānan of the tara must
bring a death gift to the house, which consists of cocoanuts and jāk fruits or plantains.
The Pānan places the gift in the yard and repeats a long formula, which he has learnt by
heart. It is very likely that he knows little or nothing of its meaning. But he reels it off,
and at its conclusion the gifts are accepted. The same formula is also always repeated
among the carpenters, goldsmiths, and blacksmiths during wedding and tāli-tying
ceremonies. It relates how the artisans deserted the land of Chēraman Perumāl, and
sought an asylum in the country of the Izhuvans with the island king, and how the
Perumāl sent the Pānan to bring them back. Every one knows this old story, and believes
it firmly. It must be learnt by heart, and the Pānan gives it in the yard when a member of
the artisan classes dies. The story is to the following effect. During the four Yugams,
Kreta, Treta, Dwapara, and Kāli, many kings reigned over the earth. Parasu Rāman
destroyed the Kshatriya kings on twenty-one occasions, and was obliged to make
atonement in expiatory ceremonies. He worshipped Varuna, the ocean god, and
recovered from the sea a hundred and sixty kāthams of land, consisting of Kōlanād (?),
Vēnād (Travancore), Kanya Kumāri (Cape Comorin), Chēranād, and Malayālam up to
Changala Vazhi beyond the Anaimalai hills. Chēraman Perūmāl was the ruler of this
land, in which were the four castes. His capital was at Tiruvanja Kolam. One day,
Veluthēdan27 Chiraman was washing the Perumāl’s cloths in a tank. He beat the cloths

on a stone which was flat on the ground, and held one of the cloths in his hand. A girl of
the carpenter caste, Ayyesvari by name, was just then going to the tank to bathe after her
monthly period. She called out “Ho! Kammal.28 That is not the way to wash cloths. Put a
small stone under one end of your washing stone, so as to make it slope a little. Then
hold both ends of the cloth in your hand, and beat the middle of the cloth on the stone.”
The Veluthēdan did so, and found that he washed better, and the cloths were whiter. The
Perumāl asked him “Were you not washing the cloths before? Who washed them to-
day?” To which the Veluthēdan replied “Oh! Tamburān (chief or lord), a carpenter girl
instructed your slave to-day how to wash cloths properly. May Perumāl be pleased to
order the girl to be given to your slave as his wife.” Perumāl then said “To whatever
caste she may belong, you may take her by force, and will not lose your caste.” Having
received the king’s permission, Veluthēdan Chiraman concealed himself near the
carpenter’s house, and, when the girl opened the door to sweep the yard at dawn, he
seized her, and carried her off to his house. Carpenter Sankaran of Tiruvanja Kalam went
to the Perumāl, and complained that Veluthēdan Kammal had carried away his daughter,
and disgraced him. He asked the Perumāl whether he would give him an armed guard to
rescue her. To which the Perumāl replied “I will not help either party with armed men.
You must fight it out among yourselves.” Then the five classes of artisans consulted one
another, and made common cause. The Pānans, Perin Malayans, and Chēn (red)
Koravans joined the artisans. The Ven Thachāns, Vēlans, Paravans, Vēttuvans, Kanisan
Panikars, and the Pāndi Pulluvans of Vellālanād joined the other side. There was war for
twelve years. In the end, the artisans were defeated. They said among themselves “We
have been defeated by the fourteenth caste of Veluthēdan Nāyar, who carried away our
daughter. Let us leave this country.” So 7,764 families, with the women and children,
tied up their mats, and left Chēramān Perumāl’s country, and went to Izhuva land, which
was beyond it. They went before the Izhuva king (island king), and told him their story.
Now Chēramān Perumāl used to be shaved every fifteen days. When the barber
(Velakathalavan) was sent for, he came without his knife (razor), as his wife had buried
it. He said “Oh! Tamburan, have mercy on your slave. Your slave’s knife was given to
the blacksmith to be mended, and he took it away with him. He gave me this piece of
iron, saying “If you want the knife made ready for use, you must come to the Izhuva
land for it, and we will mend it on our return.” So Perumāl had to go without shaving,
and his hair grew like a Rishi’s. As there were neither carpenters nor smiths to make
implements, agriculture was almost at a standstill; and, as there were no goldsmiths, the
tāli-tying ceremonies could not be performed. Nor could the rice-giving ceremony be
done, for want of the “neck-rings.” Then Chēramān Perumāl obtained advice, and
resolved to send the Mannān (washerman of the Tiyans), who was included in the
fourteenth caste, and the Pānan, who belonged to the eleventh caste. The Perumāl gave
to each of them a thousand fanams, and told them to go to the Izhuva country, and bring
back the Kammālans (artisans). They wandered over various countries, stopping
wherever they found a house. The Pānan, being clever, was able to live by his wits, and

spent no money of his own. The Mannān, on the contrary, spent all his money. They
passed Ramapūri, and reached Trichivampūri. Then the Mannān asked the Pānan for a
loan, which was refused. On Friday at noon, the Mannān left the Pānan, saying “The
Pānan is no companion for the Mannān.” He returned to the Perumāl and reported his
failure, and the Pānan’s refusal to lend him money. The Pānan went on, crossing rivers,
canals, and ferries, and at last reached the Izhuva king’s country. He entered the
reception hall. At that moment, the king’s goldsmith, who had just finished making a
golden crown for him, had put it on his own head, to test its suitability for wearing. The
Pānan thought he was the king, and made obeisance to him. The Kammālans recognised
him. He discovered his mistake too late, for he had addressed the goldsmith as
Tamburan. So, to this day, the Pānans, when addressing goldsmiths, say Tamburan. The
Pānan told the Kammālans of his mission, but they refused to return unless full
reparation was made for the abduction of the carpenter girl, and certain social disabilities
were removed. The 7,764 families of Kammālans asked the Izhuva king his advice, and
he said that they should not go away. So the Kammālans sent the Pānan back, and gave
him the following presents, in order to demonstrate to the Perumāl that they were in
comfortable circumstances:—

Gold valam-piri (a sort of string worn over the right shoulder);
Silver edam-piri (a similar sort of string worn on the left shoulder);
Gold netti-pattam (to be tied on the forehead);
Gold bracelet;
Gold ornament for the hair.

The Kammālans sent word to the Perumāl that they would not return, unless they were
given a girl in place of the carpenter’s daughter, who had been abducted, and certain
privileges were granted to them. At the same time, they promised the Pānan that they
would share their privileges with him, if he was successful. So the Pānan returned, and
appeared before the Perumāl, who asked him where the Kammālans were. The Pānan
removed his gold cap, and put it under his arm, and replied that they were prosperous,
and not anxious to return. Saying so, he placed before the Perumāl the rich presents
given by the Kammālans, and told the king that they would not return, unless they were
given a girl and certain concessions. The Perumāl told the Pānan to go back, and invite
the Kammālans to return on their own terms. He said they would catch the first girl they
met on the way to his palace, and all their demands were granted. The Pānan arrived
again in the Izhuva country, and told the Kammālans what the Perumāl had said. They
went to the Izhuva king, and obtained his permission to return to their own country. Then
they caught an Izhuva boy, and confined him. The king asked them why they did so.
They replied that they had lived for twelve years29 as his subjects, and would never
recognise any other king, so they wanted the Izhuva boy to represent him. The king
consented. When they started, the boy began to cry. A Nasrāni,30 by name Thomma
(Thomas), was taken to accompany and protect the boy. The Kammālans travelled to

their own country, and appeared before Chēramān Perumāl. On the way, they found a
girl of the Variar caste plucking flowers, and caught her by the hand. All the five classes
claimed her. At last it was resolved to unite her with the Izhuva boy, their Tandān, who
represented their king, and treat her as their sister. Chēramān Perumāl confirmed his
promise, and granted the following privileges to the Kammālans:—

1. To make ceilings for their houses.

2. To make upstairs houses to live in.

3. To put up single staircases, consisting of one pole, in which notches are cut, or pegs
are stuck alternately, for the feet.

4. To have a gate-house.

5. To perform the tāli-tying ceremonies of their girls in a booth having four posts or
supports; to place within it, on a stool, a looking-glass with a handle, and the Rāmayana;
and to place a silk cloth on the girl’s head.

6. To do arpu at the conclusion of the tāli-tying ceremony (Vel! Arpu! is yelled out by the
boys).

7. To cook rice in copper vessels on occasions of marriage and other ceremonies, and to
serve sugar and pappadams at their feasts.

8. To hold the umbrella and taza (a sort of umbrella), which are carried in front of
processions.

9. To clap hands, and dance.

10. To keep milch-cows for their own use.

Permission was further granted for the Kammālans to wear the following ornaments.

1. Netti-pattam, worn on the forehead during the tāli-tying ceremony.

2. Ananthovi, a ear ornament named after Anandan, the endless, the serpent on which
Vishnu reposes. The serpent is sometimes represented with its tail in its mouth, forming
a circle, an endless figure. Ananthovi is the central pendant of the ear-ring worn by Tiyan
women among their kathila (ordinary gold ear-rings). It resembles a serpent in form. It is
worn by men of the Tiyan and artisan castes on special occasions.

3. Waist zone or girdle.

4. Bracelets.

5. Anklet with two knobs, formed of two pieces screwed together.

6. Puli-mothiram, or tiger’s claws mounted in gold, worn by children.

7. Podippu, a knot of cotton-thread at the end of the string on which coins are hung as
ornaments.

8. Kalanchi, a gold knob above the podippu, which represents a flower.

9. Necklace.

10. Edakam and madkam-tāli, neck ornaments, in one of which are set twenty-one
stones.

11. Cotton thread above the gold thread on the neck.

The Perumāl conferred like privileges upon the family (Tiruvarankath) of the Pānan who
brought back the Kammālans. He wore all his ornaments, and made his obeisance to the
Perumāl. He had, however, taken off his gold cap. The Perumāl said “What you have
removed, let it be removed.” So he lost the privilege of wearing a gold cap. The Perumāl
blessed the Kammālans, and they returned to their villages. They made a separate house
for the Izhuva boy and the Variar girl, and maintained them. The Izhuva boy, who was
the first Tiyan to come to Malabar, brought with him the cocoanut, and retained the right
to cultivate and use it. To this day, the people of the serf castes—Cherumans, Kanakans,
and the like—use the word Varian when addressing Tiyans, in reference to their descent
from the Variar girl.

The orthodox number of classes of Kammālans is five. But the artisans do not admit the
workers in leather as of their guild, and say there are only four classes. According to
them, the fifth class was composed of the copper-smiths, who did not return to Malabar
with the others, but remained in Izhuva land. Nevertheless, they always speak of
themselves as the Aiyen kudi or five-house Kammālans.

There is a variant of the legend of the exodus, told by the Āsāris (carpenters), which is
worth narrating. Their version of the story is repeated among themselves, and not by the
Pānan, at every marriage and tāli-tying ceremony. They identify the village of the
Perumāl’s washerman as Kanipayyūr. This is the name of a Nambūtiri’s illam in the
Ponāni tāluk of Malabar. The Nambūtiri is, it may be mentioned, considered to be the
highest extant authority in architecture. Disputed points relating to this subject are
referred to him, and his decision is final, and accepted by all carpenters and house-
builders. The washerman’s stone is said to have been lying flat in the water. The girl

Ayyesvari was also of Kanipayyūr, and was carried off as in the former story. But there
was no request for an armed guard to rescue her. The Perumāl was, instead, asked to
make the washerman marry her, and thus avoid disgrace. He consented to do so, and all
the 7,764 families of the five classes of Kammālans assembled for the wedding. An
immense booth, supported on granite pillars, was erected. The washerman and his party
were fed sumptuously. But the booth had been so constructed that it could be made to
collapse instantaneously. So the Kammālans went quietly outside, and, at a given signal,
the booth collapsed, and crushed to death the washerman and his friends. After this, the
Kammālans fled, and remained one year, eight months and eleven days in the Izhuva
country. Negotiations were carried on through the Izhuva king, and the Kammālans
returned under his guarantee that their demands would be complied with. The Izhuva
king sent his own men and the Nasrāni to the capital of the Perumāl. The story of the
exodus and the return was inscribed on granite stone with solemn rites, and in the
presence of witnesses. This was buried at the northern gate of the Tiruvanchakulam
temple on Friday, the eighth of the month of Kanni. It was resolved that, in any case of
doubt, the stone should be unearthed. And it was only after all this had been done that
the Izhuva king’s envoy returned to him. Then the Kammālans came back to Malabar.
According to the carpenters, the copper-smiths did not return. They say that eighteen
families of Āsāris remained behind. Some of these returned long afterwards, but they
were not allowed to rejoin the caste. They are known as Puzhi Tachan, or sand
carpenters, and Patinettanmar, or the eighteen people. There are four families of this
class now living at or near Parpangadi. They are carpenters, but the Āsāris treat them as
outcastes.

There is yet another variant of the story of the exodus, which is obviously of recent
manufacture, for a Pattar Brāhman is brought in, and gives cunning advice. We know
that the Pattars are comparatively new comers in Malabar.

The Tiyans have recently been summed up as follows.31 “The Tiyas have always been
characterised by their persevering and enterprising habits. A large percentage of them are
engaged in various agricultural pursuits, and some of the most profitable industries of
Malabar have from time out of mind been in their hands. They are exclusively engaged
in making toddy and distilling arrack. Many of them are professional weavers, the
Malabar mundu being a common kind of cloth made by them. The various industries
connected with cocoanut cultivation are also successfully carried on by the Tiyas. For
example, the manufacture of jaggery (crude sugar) is an industry in which a considerable
number of the Tiyas are profitably engaged. The preparation of coir from cocoanut fibre
is one of their hereditary occupations, and this is done almost wholly by their women at
home. They are very skilful in the manufacture of coir matting and allied industries.
Commercial pursuits are also common among them. Apart from their agricultural and
industrial inclinations, the Tiyas give evidence of a literary taste, which is commendable
in a people who are living under conditions which are anything but conducive to literary

life. They have among them good Sanskrit scholars, whose contributions have enriched
the Malayālam literature; physicians well versed in Hindu systems of medicine; and
well-known astrologers, who are also clever mathematicians. In British Malabar, they
have made considerable progress in education. In recent years, there has been gaining
ground among the Tiyas a movement, which has for its object the social and material
improvement of the community. Their leaders have very rightly given a prominent place
to industry in their schemes of progress and reform. Organisations for the purpose of
educating the members of the community on the importance of increased industrial
efforts have been formed. The success which has attended the Industrial Exhibition
conducted by the members of the community at Quilon, in 1905, has induced them to
make it a permanent annual event. Some of their young men have been sent to Japan to
study certain industries, and, on their return, they hope to resuscitate the dying local
industries, and to enter into fresh fields of industry awaiting development. Factories for
the manufacture of coir matting and allied articles have been established by the Tiyas in
some parts of Travancore and Cochin.”

In 1906, the foundation stone of a Tiya temple at Tellicherry was laid with great
ceremony. In the following year, a very successful Industrial Exhibition was held at
Cannanore under the auspices of the Sri Narayan Dharma Paripalana Yogam. Still more
recently, it was resolved to collect subscriptions for the establishment of a hostel for the
use of Tiya youths who come from other places to Tellicherry for educational purposes.

Tiyōro.—The Tiyōros are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “Oriya
fishermen, who also make lotus-leaf platters. They have four endogamous sections, viz.,
Torai, Ghodai, Artia, and Kulodondia.” It has been suggested that the caste name is a
corruption of the Sanskrit tivara, a hunter. (See Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal,
Tiyar.)

Toda.—Quite recently, my friend Dr. W. H. Rivers, as the result of a prolonged stay on
the Nīlgiris, has published32 an exhaustive account of the sociology and religion of this
exceptionally interesting tribe, numbering, according to the latest census returns, 807
individuals, which inhabits the Nīlgiri plateau. I shall, therefore, content myself with
recording the rambling notes made by myself during occasional visits to Ootacamund
and Paikāra, supplemented by extracts from the book just referred to, and the writings of
Harkness and other pioneers of the Nīlgiris.

Toda buffaloes in kraal.

The Todas maintain a large-horned race of semi-domesticated buffaloes, on whose milk
and its products (butter and ney)33 they still depend largely, though to a less extent than
in bygone days before the establishment of the Ootacamund bazar, for existence. It has
been said that “a Toda’s worldly wealth is judged by the number of buffaloes he owns.
Witness the story in connection with the recent visit to India of His Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales. A clergyman, who has done mission work among the Todas, generally
illustrates Bible tales through the medium of a magic-lantern. One chilly afternoon, the
Todas declined to come out of their huts. Thinking they required humouring like
children, the reverend gentleman threw on the screen a picture of the Prince of Wales,
explaining the object of his tour, and, thinking to impress the Todas, added ‘The Prince
is exceedingly wealthy, and is bringing out a retinue of two hundred people.’ ‘Yes, yes,’
said an old man, wagging his head sagely, ‘but how many buffaloes is he bringing?’”

The Todas lead for the most part a simple pastoral life. But I have met with more than
one man who had served, or who was still serving Government in the modest capacity of
a forest guard, and I have heard of others who had been employed, not with conspicuous
success, on planters’ estates. The Todas consider it beneath their dignity to cultivate land.
A former Collector of the Nīlgiris granted them some acres of land for the cultivation of
potatoes, but they leased the land to the Badagas, and the privilege was cancelled. In

connection with the Todas’ objection to work, it is recorded that when, on one occasion,
a mistake about the ownership of some buffaloes committed an old Toda to jail, it was
found impossible to induce him to work with the convicts, and the authorities, unwilling
to resort to hard remedies, were compelled to save appearances by making him an
overseer. The daily life of a Toda woman has been summed up as lounging about the
mad or mand (Toda settlement), buttering and curling her hair, and cooking. The women
have been described as free from the ungracious and menial-like timidity of the
generality of the sex in the plains. When Europeans (who are greeted as swāmi or god)
come to a mand, the women crawl out of their huts, and chant a monotonous song, all
the time clamouring for tips (inām). Even the children are so trained that they clamour
for money till it is forthcoming. As a rule, the Todas have no objection to Europeans
entering into their huts, but on more than one occasion I have been politely asked to take
my boots off before crawling in on the stomach, so as not to desecrate the dwelling-
place. Writing in 1868, Dr. J. Shortt makes a sweeping statement that “most of the
women have been debauched by Europeans, who, it is sad to observe, have introduced
diseases to which these innocent tribes were once strangers, and which are slowly but no
less surely sapping their once hardy and vigorous constitutions. The effects of
intemperance and disease (syphilis) combined are becoming more and more apparent in
the shaken and decrepit appearance which at the present day these tribes possess.” Fact it
undoubtedly is, and proved both by hospital and naked-eye evidence, that syphilis has
been introduced among the Todas by contact with the outside world, and they attribute
the stunted growth of some members of the rising generation, as compared with the
splendid physique of the lusty veterans, to the results thereof. It is an oft-repeated
statement that the women show an absence of any sense of decency in exposing their
naked persons in the presence of strangers. In connection with the question of the
morality of the Toda women, Dr. Rivers writes that “the low sexual morality of the Todas
is not limited in its scope to the relations within the Toda community. Conflicting views
are held by those who know the Nilgiri hills as to the relations of the Todas with the
other inhabitants, and especially with the train of natives which the European
immigration to the hills has brought in its wake. The general opinion on the hills is that,
in this respect, the morality of the Todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a question
whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour of the inhabitants of one or
two villages [e.g., the one commonly known as School or Sylk’s mand] near the
European settlements, and I think it is probable that the larger part of the Todas remain
more uncontaminated than is generally supposed.”

I came across one Toda who, with several other members of the tribe, was selected on
account of fine physique for exhibition at Barnum’s show in Europe, America and
Australia some years ago, and still retained a smattering of English, talking fondly of
‘Shumbu’ (the elephant Jumbo). For some time after his return to his hill abode, a tall
white hat was the admiration of his fellow tribesmen. To this man finger-prints came as
no novelty, since his impressions were recorded both in England and America.

Writing in 1870,34 Colonel W. Ross King stated that the Todas had just so much
knowledge of the speech of their vassals as is demanded by the most ordinary
requirements. At the present day, a few write, and many converse fluently in Tamil. The
Nīlgiri C.M.S. Tamil mission has extended its sphere of work to the Todas, and I cannot
resist the temptation to narrate a Toda version of the story of Dives and Lazarus. The
English say that once upon a time a rich man and a poor man died. At the funeral of the
rich man, there was a great tamāsha (spectacle), and many buffaloes were sacrificed.
But, for the funeral of the poor man, neither music nor buffaloes were provided. The
English believe that in the next world the poor man was as well off as the rich man; so
that, when any one dies, it is of no use spending money on the funeral ceremonies. Two
mission schools have been established, one at Ootacamund, the other near Paikāra. At
the latter I have seen a number of children of both sexes reading elementary Tamil and
English, and doing simple arithmetic.

A few years ago a Toda boy was baptised at Tinnevelly, and remained there for
instruction. It was hoped that he would return to the hills as an evangelist among his
people.35 In 1907, five young Toda women were baptised at the C.M.S. Mission chapel,
Ootacamund. “They were clothed in white, with a white cloth over their heads, such as
the Native Christians wear. A number of Christian Badagas had assembled to witness the
ceremony, and join in the service.”

The typical Toda man is above medium height, well proportioned and stalwart, with
leptorhine nose, regular features, and perfect teeth. The nose is, as noted by Dr. Rivers,
sometimes distinctly rounded in profile. An attempt has been made to connect the Todas
with the lost tribes; and, amid a crowd of them collected together at a funeral, there is no
difficulty in picking out individuals, whose features would find for them a ready place as
actors on the Ober Ammergau stage, either in leading or subordinate parts. The principal
characteristic, which at once distinguishes the Toda from the other tribes of the Nīlgiris,
is the development of the pilous (hairy) system. The following is a typical case,
extracted from my notes. Beard luxuriant, hair of head parted in middle, and hanging in
curls over forehead and back of neck. Hair thickly developed on chest and abdomen,
with median strip of dense hairs on the latter. Hair thick over upper and lower ends of
shoulder-blades, thinner over rest of back; well developed on extensor surface of upper
arms, and both surfaces of forearms; very thick on extensor surfaces of the latter. Hair
abundant on both surfaces of legs; thickest on outer side of thighs and round knee-cap.
Dense beard-like mass of hair beneath gluteal region (buttocks). Superciliary brow
ridges very prominent. Eyebrows united across middle line by thick tuft of hairs. A dense
growth of long straight hairs directed outwards on helix of both ears, bearing a striking
resemblance to the hairy development on the helix of the South Indian bonnet monkey
(Macacus sinicus). The profuse hairy development is by some Todas attributed to their
drinking “too much milk.”

Toda.

Nearly all the men have one or more raised cicatrices, forming nodulous growths
(keloids) on the right shoulder.These scars are produced by burning the skin with red-hot
sticks of Litsæa Wightiana (the sacred fire-stick). The Todas believe that the branding
enables them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease, or as Dr. Rivers puts it, that it cures
the pain caused by the fatigue of milking. “The marks,” he says, “are made when a boy
is about twelve years old, at which age he begins to milk the buffaloes.” About the fifth
month of a woman’s first pregnancy, on the new-moon day, she goes through a
ceremony, in which she brands herself, or is branded by another woman, by means of a

rag rolled up, dipped in oil and lighted, with a dot on the carpo-metacarpal joint of each
thumb and on each wrist.

The women are lighter in colour than the men, and the colour of the body has been aptly
described as of a café-au-lait tint. The skin of the female children and young adults is
often of a warm copper hue. Some of the young women, with their raven-black hair
dressed in glossy ringlets, and bright glistening eyes, are distinctly good-looking, but
both good looks and complexion are short-lived, and the women speedily degenerate
into uncomely hags. As in Maori land, so in Toda land, one finds a race of superb men
coupled to hideous women, and, with the exception of the young girls, the fair sex is the
male sex. Both men and women cover their bodies with a white mantle with blue and red
lines, called putkūli, which is purchased in the Ootacamund bazar, and is sometimes
decorated with embroidery worked by the Toda women. The odour of the person of the
Todas, caused by the rancid butter which they apply to the mantle as a preservative
reagent, or with which they anoint their bodies, is quite characteristic. With a view to
testing his sense of smell, long after our return from Paikara, I blindfolded a friend who
had accompanied me thither, and presented before his nose a cloth, which he at once
recognised as having something to do with the Todas.

In former times, a Badaga could be at once picked out from the other tribes of the Nīlgiri
plateau by his wearing a turban. At the present day, some Toda elders and important
members of the community (e.g., monegars or headmen) have adopted this form of
head-gear. The men who were engaged as guides by Dr. Rivers and myself donned the
turban in honour of their appointment.

Toda woman.

Toda females are tattooed after they have reached puberty. I have seen several
multiparæ, in whom the absence of tattoo marks was explained either on the ground that
they were too poor to afford the expense of the operation, or that they were always
suckling or pregnant—conditions, they said, in which the operation would not be free
from danger. The dots and circles, of which the simple devices are made up,36 are
marked out with lamp-black made into a paste with water, and the pattern is pricked in
by a Toda woman with the spines of Berberis aristata. The system of tattooing and
decoration of females with ornaments is summed up in the following cases:—

1. Aged 22. Has one child. Tattooed with three dots on back of left hand. Wears silver
necklet ornamented with Arcot two-anna pieces; thread and silver armlets ornamented
with cowry (Cypræa moneta) shells on right upper arm; thread armlet ornamented with
cowries on left forearm; brass ring on left ring finger; silver rings on right middle and
ring fingers. Lobes of ears pierced. Ear-rings removed owing to grandmother’s death.

2. Aged 28. Tattooed with a single dot on chin; rings and dots on chest, outer side of
upper arms, back of left hand, below calves, above ankles, and across dorsum of feet.
Wears thread armlet ornamented with young cowries on right forearm; thread armlet and
two heavy ornamental brass armlets on left upper arm; ornamental brass bangle and
glass bead bracelet on left wrist; brass ring on left little finger; two steel rings on left ring
finger; bead necklet ornamented with cowries.

3. Aged 35. Tattooed like the preceding, with the addition of an elaborate device of rings
and dots on the back.

4. Aged 35. Linen bound round elbow joint, to prevent chafing of heavy brass armlets.
Cicatrices of sores in front of elbow joint, produced by armlets.

5. Aged 23. Has one child. Tattooed only below calves, and above ankles.

The following are the more important physical measurements of the Toda men, whom I
have examined:—

Av. Max. Min.
CM. CM. CM.
Stature 169.8 186.8 157.6
Cephalic length 19.4 20.4 18.2
Do. breadth 14.2 15.2 13.3
Do. index 73.3 81.3 68.7
Nasal height 4.7 4.9 4.6
Do. breadth 3.6 3.8 3.4
Do. index 74.9 79.9 70.

Allowing that the cephalic index is a good criterion of racial or tribal purity, the
following analysis of the Toda indices is very striking:—

69 ◆◆
70 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
71 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
72 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆

73 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
37
74 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
75 ◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆◆
76 ◆◆◆◆◆◆
77 ◆
78 ◆
79 ◆
80
81 ◆

A thing of exceeding joy to the Todas was my Salter’s hand-dynamometer, the fame of
which spread from mand to mand, and which was circulated among the crowd at
funerals. Great was the disgust of the assembled males, on a certain day, when the record
of hand-grip for the morning (73 lbs.) was carried off by a big-boned female, who
became the unlovely heroine of the moment. The largest English feminine hand-grip,
recorded in my laboratory note-book, is only 66 lbs. One Toda man, of fine physique,
not satisfied with his grip of 98 lbs., went into training, and fed himself up for a few
days. Thus prepared, he returned to accomplish 103 lbs., the result of more skilful
manipulation of the machine rather than of a liberal dietary of butter-milk.

The routine Toda dietary is said to be made up of the following articles, to which must
be added strong drinks purchased at the toddy shops:—

(a) Rice boiled in whey.

(b) Rice and jaggery (crude sugar) boiled in water.

(c) Broth or curry made of vegetables purchased in the bazar, wild vegetables and pot-
herbs, which, together with ground orchids, the Todas may often be seen rooting up with
a sharp-pointed digging-stick on the hill-sides. The Todas scornfully deny the use of
aphrodisiacs, but both men and women admit that they take sālep misri boiled in milk, to
make them strong. Sālep misri is made from the tubers (testicles de chiens) of various
species of Eulophia and Habenaria belonging to the natural order Orchideæ.

The indigenous edible plants and pot-herbs include the following:—

(1) Cnicus Wallichii (thistle).—The roots and flower-stalks are stripped of their bark, and
made into soup or curry.

(2) Girardinia heterophylla (Nīlgiri nettle).—The tender leafy shoots of vigorously
growing plants are gathered, crushed by beating with a stick to destroy the stinging hairs,

and made into soup or curry. The fibre of this plant, which is cultivated near the mands,
is used for stitching the putkuli, with steel needles purchased in the bazar in lieu of the
more primitive form. In the preparation of the fibre, the bark is thrown into a pot of
boiling water, to which ashes have been added. After a few hours’ boiling, the bark is
taken out and the fibre extracted.

(3) Tender shoots of bamboos eaten in the form of curry.

(4) Alternanthera sessilis.
Stellaria media.
Pot-herbs.
Amarantus spinosus.
Amarantus polygonoides.

The following list of plants, of which the fruits are eaten by the Todas, has been brought
together by Mr. K. Rangachari:—

Eugenia Arnottiana.—The dark purple juice of the fruit of this tree is used by Toda
women for painting beauty spots on their faces.

Rubus ellipticus.
Rubus molucanus. Wild raspberry.
Rubus lasiocarpus.

Fragaria nilgerrensis, wild strawberry.

Elæagnus latifolia. Said by Dr. Mason to make excellent tarts and jellies.

Gaultheria fragrantissima.

Rhodomyrtus tomentosa, hill gooseberry.

Loranthus neelgherrensis.
Parasitic on trees.
Loranthus loniceroides.

Elæocarpus oblongus.

Elæocarpus Munronii.

Berberis aristata.
Barberry.
Berberis nepalensis.

Solanum nigrum.

Vaccinium Leschenaultii.

Vaccinium nilgherrense.

Toddalia aculeata.

Ceropegia pusilla.

To which may be added mushrooms.

A list containing the botanical and Toda names of trees, shrubs, etc., used by the Todas in
their ordinary life, or in their ceremonial, is given by Dr. Rivers.38

Fire is, in these advanced days, obtained by the Todas in their dwelling huts for domestic
purposes from matches. The men who came to be operated on with my measuring
instruments had no hesitation in asking for a match, and lighting the cheroots which
were distributed amongst them, before they left the Paikāra bungalow dining-room.
Within the precincts of the dairy temple the use of matches is forbidden, and fire is
kindled with the aid of two dry sticks of Litsæa Wightiana. Of these one, terminating in a
blunt convex extremity, is about 2′ 3″ long; the other, with a hemispherical cavity
scooped out close to one end, about 2½″ in length. A little nick or slot is cut on the edge
of the shorter stick, and connected with the hole in which the spindle stick is made to
revolve. “In this slot the dust collects, and, remaining in an undisturbed heap, seemingly
acts as a muffle to retain the friction-heat until it reaches a sufficiently high temperature,
when the wood-powder becomes incandescent.”39 Into the cavity in the short stick the
end of the longer stick fits, so as to allow of easy play. The smaller stick is placed on the
ground, and held tight by firm pressure of the great toe, applied to the end furthest from
the cavity, into which a little finely powdered charcoal is inserted. The larger stick is
then twisted vigorously, “like a chocolate muller” (Tylor) between the palms of the
hands by two men, turn and turn about, until the charcoal begins to glow. Fire, thus
made, is said to be used at the sacred dairy (ti), the dairy houses of ordinary mands, and
at the cremation of males. In an account of a Toda green funeral,40 Mr. Walhouse notes
that “when the pile was completed, fire was obtained by rubbing two dry sticks together.
This was done mysteriously and apart, for such a mode of obtaining fire is looked upon
as something secret and sacred.” At the funeral of a female, I provided a box of
tändstickors for lighting the pyre. A fire-stick, which was in current use in a dairy, was
polluted and rendered useless by the touch of my Brāhman assistant! It is recorded by
Harkness41 that a Brāhman was not only refused admission to a Toda dairy, but actually
driven away by some boys, who rushed out of it when they heard him approach. It is
noted by Dr. Rivers that “several kinds of wood are used for the fire-sticks, the Toda

names of these being kiaz or keadj (Litsæa Wightiana), mōrs (Michelia Nilagirica),
parskuti (Elæagnus latifolia), and main (Cinnamomum Wightii).” He states further that,
“whenever fire is made for a sacred purpose, the fire-sticks must be of the wood which
the Todas call kiaz or keadj, except in the tesherot ceremony (qualifying ceremony for
the office of palol) in which the wood of muli is used. At the niroditi ceremony
(ordination ceremony of a dairyman), “the assistant makes fire by friction, and lights a
fire of mulli wood, at which the candidate warms himself.” It is also recorded by Dr.
Rivers that “in some Toda villages, a stone is kept, called tutmûkal, which was used at
one time for making fire by striking it with a piece of iron.”

Toda hut.

The abode of the Todas is called a mad or mand (village or hamlet), which is composed
of huts, dairy temple, and cattle-pen, and has been so well described by Dr. Shortt,42 that
I cannot do better than quote his account. “Each mand,” he says, “usually comprises
about five buildings or huts, three of which are used as dwellings, one as a dairy, and the
other for sheltering the calves at night. These huts form a peculiar kind of oval pent-
shaped [half-barrel-shaped] construction, usually 10 feet high, 18 feet long, and 9 feet
broad. The entrance or doorway measures 32 inches in height and 18 inches in width,
and is not provided with any door or gate; but the entrance is closed by means of a solid

slab or plank of wood from 4 to 6 inches thick, and of sufficient dimensions to entirely
block up the entrance. This sliding door is inside the hut, and so arranged and fixed on
two stout stakes buried in the earth, and standing to the height of 2½ to 3 feet, as to be
easily moved to and fro. There are no other openings or outlets of any kind, either for the
escape of smoke, or for the free ingress and egress of atmospheric air. The doorway itself
is of such small dimensions that, to effect an entrance, one has to go down on all fours,
and even then much wriggling is necessary before an entrance is effected. The houses
are neat in appearance, and are built of bamboos closely laid together, fastened with
rattan, and covered with thatch, which renders them water-tight. Each building has an
end walling before and behind, composed of solid blocks of wood, and the sides are
covered in by the pent-roofing, which slopes down to the ground. The front wall or
planking contains the entrance or doorway. The inside of a hut is from 8 to 15 feet
square, and is sufficiently high in the middle to admit of a tall man moving about with
comfort. On one side there is a raised platform or pial formed of clay, about two feet
high, and covered with sāmbar (deer) or buffalo skins, or sometimes with a mat. This
platform is used as a sleeping place. On the opposite side is a fire place, and a slight
elevation, on which the cooking utensils are placed. In this part of the building, faggots
of firewood are seen piled up from floor to roof, and secured in their place by loops of
rattan. Here also the rice-pounder or pestle is fixed. The mortar is formed by a hole dug
in the ground, 7 to 9 inches deep, and hardened by constant use. The other household
goods consist of three or four brass dishes or plates, several bamboo measures, and
sometimes a hatchet. Each hut or dwelling is surrounded by an enclosure or wall formed
of loose stones piled up two or three feet high [with openings too narrow to permit of a
buffalo entering through it]. The dairy is sometimes a building slightly larger than the
others, and usually contains two compartments separated by a centre planking. One part
of the dairy is a store-house for ghee, milk and curds, contained in separate vessels. The
outer apartment forms the dwelling place of the dairy priest. The doorways of the dairy
are smaller than those of the dwelling huts. The flooring of the dairy is level, and at one
end there is a fire-place. Two or three milk pails or pots are all that it usually contains.
The dairy is usually situated at some little distance from the habitations. The huts where
the calves are kept are simple buildings, somewhat like the dwelling huts. In the vicinity
of the mands are the cattle-pens or tuels[tu], which are circular enclosures surrounded by
a loose stone wall, with a single entrance guarded by powerful stakes. In these, the herds
of buffaloes are kept at night. Each mand possesses a herd of these animals.” It is noted
by Dr. Rivers that “in the immediate neighbourhood of a village there are usually well-
worn paths, by which the village is approached, and some of these paths or kalvol
receive special names. Some may not be traversed by women. Within the village there
are also certain recognised paths, of which two are specially important. One, the
punetkalvol, is the path by which the dairy man goes from his dairy to milk or tend the
buffaloes; the other is the majvatitthkalvol, the path which the women must use when
going to the dairy to receive butter-milk (maj) from the dairy man. Women are not

allowed to go to the dairy or to other places connected with it, except at appointed times,
when they receive buttermilk.”

In addition to the dairies which in form resemble the dwelling-huts, the Todas keep up as
dairy-temples certain curious conical edifices, of which there are said to be four on the
Nīlgiri plateau, viz., at the Muttanād mand, near Kotagiri, near Sholūr, and at
Mudimand. The last was out of repair a few years ago, but was, I was informed, going to
be rebuilt shortly. It is suggested by Dr. Rivers as probable that in many cases a dairy,
originally of the conical form, has been rebuilt in the same form as the dwelling-hut,
owing to the difficulty and extra labour of reconstruction in the older shape. The edifice
at the Muttanād mand (or Nōdrs), at the top of the Sīgūr ghāt, is known to members of
the Ootacamund Hunt as the Toda cathedral. It has a circular stone base and a tall conical
thatched roof crowned with a large flat stone, and is surrounded by a circular stone wall.
To penetrate within the sacred edifice was forbidden, but we were informed that it
contained milking vessels, dairy apparatus, and a swāmi in the guise of a copper bell
(mani). The dairyman is known as the varzhal or wursol. In front of the cattle-pen of the
neighbouring mand, I noticed a grass-covered mound, which, I was told, is sacred. The
mound contains nothing buried within it, but the bodies of the dead are placed near it,
and earth from the mound is placed on the corpse before it is removed to the burning-
ground. At “dry funerals” the buffalo is said to be slain near the mound. It has been
suggested by Colonel Marshall43 that the “boa or boath [poh.] is not a true Toda
building, but may be the bethel of some tribe contemporaneous with, and cognate to the
Todas, which, taking refuge, like them, on these hills, died out in their presence.”

"Toda cathedral."

Despite the hypothesis of Dr. Rivers that the Todas are derived from one or more of the
races of Malabar, their origin is buried among the secrets of the past. So too is the
history of the ancient builders of cairns and barrows on the Nīlgiri plateau, which were
explored by Mr. Breeks when Commissioner of the Nīlgiris.44 The bulk of the Breeks’
collection is now preserved in the Madras Museum, and includes a large series of articles
in pottery, quite unlike anything known from other parts of Southern India. Concerning
this series, Mr. R. Bruce Foote writes as follows.45 “The most striking objects are tall
jars, many-storied cylinders, of varying diameter with round or conical bases, fashioned
to rest upon pottery ring-stands, or to be stuck into soft soil, like the amphoræ of
classical times. These jars were surmounted by domed lids. On these lids stood or sat
figures of the most varied kind of men, or animals, much more rarely of inanimate
objects, but all modelled in the rudest and most grotesque style. Grotesque and
downright ugly as are these figures, yet those representing men and women are
extremely interesting from the light they throw upon the stage of civilization their
makers had attained to, for they illustrate the fashion of the garments as also of the
ornaments they wore, and of the arms or implements carried by them. The animals they
had domesticated, those they chased, and others that they probably worshipped, are all

indicated. Many figures of their domestic animals, especially their buffaloes and sheep,
are decorated with garlands and bells, and show much ornamentation, which seems to
indicate that they were painted over, a custom which yet prevails in many parts.” Among
the most interesting figures are those of heavily bearded men riding on horses, and big-
horned buffaloes which might have been modelled from the Toda buffaloes of to-day,
and, like these, at funerals and migration ceremonies, bear a bell round the neck.

Two forms of Toda dairy have so far been noticed. But there remains a third kind, called
the ti mand, concerning which Dr. Rivers writes as follows. “The ti is the name of an
institution, which comprises a herd of buffaloes, with a number of dairies and grazing
districts, tended by a dairy-man priest called palol, with an assistant called kaltmokh.
Each dairy, with its accompanying buildings and pasturage, is called a ti mad, or ti
village. The buffaloes belonging to a ti are of two kinds, distinguished as persiner and
punir. The former are the sacred buffaloes, and the elaborate ceremonial of the ti dairy is
concerned with their milk. The punir correspond in some respects to the putiir of the
ordinary village dairy, and their milk and its products are largely for the personal use and
profit of the palol, and are not treated with any special ceremony. During the whole time
he holds office, the palol may not visit his home or any other ordinary village, though he
may visit another ti village. Any business with the outside world is done either through
the kaltmokh, or with people who come to visit him at the ti. If the palol has to cross a
river, he may not pass by a bridge, but must use a ford, and it appears that he may only
use certain fords. The palol must be celibate, and, if married, he must leave his wife,
who is in most cases also the wife of his brother or brothers.” I visited the ti mand near
Paikāra by appointment, and, on arrival near the mand, found the two palols, well-built
men aged about thirty and fifty, clad in black cloths, and two kaltmokhs, youths aged
about eight and ten, naked save for a loin-cloth, seated on the ground, awaiting our
arrival. As a mark of respect to the palols, the three Todas who accompanied me
arranged their putkūlis so that the right arm was laid bare, and one of them, who was
wearing a turban, removed it. A long palaver ensued in consequence of the palols
demanding ten rupees to cover the expenses of the purificatory ceremonies, which, they
maintained, would be necessary if I desecrated the mand by photographing it.
Eventually, however, under promise of a far smaller sum, the dwelling-hut was
photographed, with palols, kaltmokhs, and a domestic cat seated in front of it.

In connection with the palol being forbidden to cross a river by a bridge, it may be noted
that the river which flows past the Paikāra bungalow is regarded as sacred by the Todas,
and, for fear of mishap from arousing the wrath of the river god, a pregnant Toda woman
will not venture to cross it. The Todas will not use the river water for any purpose, and
they do not touch it unless they have to ford it. They then walk through it, and, on
reaching the opposite bank, bow their heads. Even when they walk over the Paikāra
bridge, they take their hand out of the putkūli as a mark of respect. Concerning the origin
of the Paikāra river, a grotesque legend was narrated to us. Many years ago, the story

goes, two Todas, uncle and nephew, went out to gather honey. After walking for a few
miles they separated, and proceeded in different directions. The uncle was unsuccessful
in the search, but the more fortunate nephew secured two kandis (bamboo measures) of
honey. This, with a view to keeping it all for himself, he secreted in a crevice among the
rocks, with the exception of a very small quantity, which he made his uncle believe was
the entire product of his search. On the following day, the nephew went alone to the spot
where the honey was hidden, and found, to his disappointment, that the honey was
leaking through the bottom of the bamboo measures, which were transformed into two
snakes. Terrified at the sight thereof, he ran away, but the snakes pursued him (may be
they were hamadryads, which have the reputation of pursuing human beings). After
running a few minutes, he espied a hare (Lepus nigricollis) running across his course,
and, by a skilful manœuvre, threw his body-cloth over it. Mistaking it for a man, the
snakes followed in pursuit of the hare, which, being very fleet of foot, managed to reach
the sun, which became obscured by the hoods of the reptiles. This fully accounts for the
solar eclipse. The honey, which leaked out of the vessels, became converted into the
Paikāra river.

In connection with the migrations of the herds of buffaloes, Dr. Rivers writes as follows.
“At certain seasons of the year, it is customary that the buffaloes both of the village and
the ti should migrate from one place to another. Sometimes the village buffaloes are
accompanied by all the inhabitants of the village; sometimes the buffaloes are only
accompanied by their dairy-man and one or more male assistants. There are two chief
reasons for these movements of the buffaloes, of which the most urgent is the necessity
for new grazing-places.... The other chief reason for the migrations is that certain
villages and dairies, formerly important and still sacred, are visited for ceremonial
purposes, or out of respect to ancient custom.” For the following note on a buffalo
migration which he came across, I am indebted to Mr. H. C. Wilson. “During the annual
migration of buffaloes to the Kundahs, and when they were approaching the bridle-path
leading from Avalanchē to Sispāra, I witnessed an interesting custom. The Toda family
had come to a halt on the far side of the path; the females seated themselves on the grass,
and awaited the passing of the sacred herd. This herd, which had travelled by a
recognised route across country, has to cross the bridle-path some two or three hundred
yards above the Avalanchē-Sispāra sign-post. Both the ordinary and sacred herd were on
the move together. The former passed up the Sispāra path, while the latter crossed in a
line, and proceeded slightly down the hill, eventually crossing the stream and up through
the shōlas over the steep hills on the opposite side of the valley. As soon as the sacred
herd had crossed the bridle-path, the Toda men, having put down all their household
utensils, went to where the women and girls were sitting, and carried them, one by one,
over the place where the buffaloes had passed, depositing them on the path above. One
of the men told me that the females are not allowed to walk over the track covered by the
sacred herd, and have to be carried whenever it is necessary to cross it. This herd has a

recognised tract when migrating, and is led by the old buffaloes, who appear to know the
exact way.”

Figures from Nilgiri Cairns.

The tenure under which lands are held by the Todas is summed up as follows by Mr. R.
S. Benson in his report on the revenue settlement of the Nilgiris, 1885. “The earliest
settlers, and notably Mr. Sullivan, strongly advocated the claim of the Todas to the
absolute proprietary right to the plateau [as lords of the soil]; but another school, led by
Mr. Lushington, has strongly combated these views, and apparently regarded the Todas
as merely occupiers under the ryotwari system in force generally in the Presidency. From
the earliest times the Todas have received from the cultivating Badagas an offering or

tribute, called gudu or basket of grain, partly in compensation for the land taken up by
the latter for cultivation, and so rendered unfit for grazing purposes, but chiefly as an
offering to secure the favour, or avert the displeasure of the Todas, who, like the
Kurumbas (q.v.), are believed by the Badagas to have necromantic powers over their
health and that of their herds. The European settlers also bought land in Ootacamund
from them, and to this day the Government pays them the sum of Rs. 150 per mensem,
as compensation for interference with the enjoyment of their pastoral rights in and about
Ootacamund. Their position was, however, always a matter of dispute, until it was
finally laid down in the despatch of the Court of Directors, dated 21st January, 1843. It
was then decided that the Todas possessed nothing more than a prescriptive right to
enjoy the privilege of pasturing their herds, on payment of a small tax, on the State
lands. The Court desired that they should be secured from interference by settlers in the
enjoyment of their mands, and of their spots appropriated to religious rites. Accordingly
pattas were issued, granting to each mand three bullahs (11.46 acres) of land. In 1863
Mr. Grant obtained permission to make a fresh allotment of nine bullahs (34.38 acres) to
each mand on the express condition that the land should be used for pasturage only, and
that no right to sell the land or the wood on it should be thereby conveyed. It may be
added that the so-called Toda lands are now regarded as the inalienable common
property of the Toda community, and unauthorised alienation is checked by the
imposition of a penal rate of assessment (G.O., 18th April 1882). Up to the date of this
order, however, alienations by sale or lease were of frequent occurrence. It remains to be
seen whether the present orders and subordinate staff will be more adequate than those
that went before to check the practices referred to.” With the view of protecting the Toda
lands, Government took up the management of these lands in 1893, and framed rules,
under the Forest Act, for their management, the rights of the Todas over them being in no
way affected by the rules of which the following is an abstract:—

1. No person shall fell, girdle, mark, lop, uproot, or burn, or strip off the bark or leaves
from, or otherwise damage any tree growing on the said lands, or remove the timber, or
collect the natural produce of such trees or lands, or quarry or collect stone, lime, gravel,
earth or manure upon such lands, or break up such lands for cultivation, or erect
buildings of any description, or cattle kraals; and no person or persons, other than the
Todas named in the patta concerned, shall graze cattle, sheep, or goats upon such lands,
unless he is authorised so to do by the Collector of Nilgiris, or some person empowered
by him.

2. The Collector may select any of the said lands to be placed under special fire
protection.

3. No person shall hunt, beat for game, or shoot in such lands without a license from the
Collector.

4. No person shall at any time set nets, traps, or snares for game on such lands.

5. All Todas in the Nilgiri district shall, in respect of their own patta lands, be exempt
from the operation of the above rules, and shall be at liberty to graze their own buffaloes,
to remove fuel and grass for their domestic requirements, and to collect honey or wax
upon such lands. They shall likewise be entitled to, and shall receive free permits for
building or repairing their mands and temples.

6. The Collector shall have power to issue annual permits for the cultivation of grass
land only in Toda pattas by Todas themselves, free of charge, or otherwise as
Government may, from time to time, direct; but no Toda shall be at liberty to permit any
person, except a Toda, to cultivate, or assist in the cultivation of such lands.

In 1905, the Todas petitioned Government against the prohibition by the local Forest
authorities of the burning of grass on the downs, issued on the ground of danger to the
shōlas (wooded ravines or groves). This yearly burning of the grass was claimed by the
Todas to improve it, and they maintained that their cattle were deteriorating for want of
good fodder. Government ruled that the grass on the plateau has been burnt by the
inhabitants at pleasure for many years without any appreciable damage to forest growth,
and the practice should not be disturbed.

Concerning the social organisation of the Todas, Mr. Breeks states that they are “divided
into two classes, which cannot intermarry, viz., Dêvalyâl and Tarserzhâl. The first class
consists of Peiki class, corresponding in some respects to Brāhmans; the second of the
four remaining classes the Pekkan, Kuttan, Kenna, and Todi. A Peiki woman may not go
to the village of the Tarserzhâl, although the women of the latter may visit Peikis.” The
class names given by Mr. Breeks were readily recognised by the Todas whom I
interviewed, but they gave Tērthāl (comprising superior Peikis) and Tārthāl as the names
of the divisions. They told me that, when a Tērthāl woman visits her friends at a Tārthāl
mand, she is not allowed to enter the mand, but must stop at a distance from it. Todas as
a rule cook their rice in butter-milk, but, when a Tērthāl woman pays a visit to Tarthāl
mand, rice is cooked for her in water. When a Tarthāl woman visits at a Tērthāl mand,
she is permitted to enter into the mand, and food is cooked for her in buttermilk. The
restrictions which are imposed on Tērthāl women are said to be due to the fact that on
one occasion a Tērthāl woman, on a visit at a Tarthāl mand, folded up a cloth, and placed
it under her putkūli as if it was a baby. When food was served, she asked for some for
the child, and on receiving it, exhibited the cloth. The Tarthāls, not appreciating the mild
joke, accordingly agreed to degrade all Tērthāl women. According to Dr. Rivers, “the
fundamental feature of the social organisation is the division of the community into two
perfectly distinct groups, the Tartharol and the Teivaliol [=Dêvalyâl of Breeks]. There is
a certain amount of specialisation of function, certain grades of the priesthood being
filled only by members of the Teivaliol. The Tartharol and Teivaliol are two endogamous

divisions of the Toda people. Each of these primary divisions is sub-divided into a
number of secondary divisions [clans]. These are exogamous. Each class possesses a
group of villages, and takes its name from the chief of these villages, Etudmad. The
Tartharol are divided into twelve clans, the Teivaliol into six clans or madol.”

When a girl has reached the age of puberty, she goes through an initiatory ceremony, in
which a Toda man of strong physique takes part. One of these splendid specimens of
human muscularity was introduced to me on the occasion of a phonograph recital at the
Paikāra bungalow.

Concerning the system of polyandry as carried out by the Todas, Dr. Rivers writes as
follows. “The Todas have long been noted as a polyandrous people, and the institution of
polyandry is still in full working order among them. When the girl becomes the wife of a
boy, it is usually understood that she becomes also the wife of his brothers. In nearly
every case at the present time, and in recent generations, the husbands of a woman are
own brothers. In a few cases, though not brothers, they are of the same clan. Very rarely
do they belong to different clans. One of the most interesting features of Toda polyandry
is the method by which it is arranged who shall be regarded as the father of a child. For
all social and legal purposes, the father of a child is the man who performs a certain
ceremony about the seventh month of pregnancy, in which an imitation bow and arrow
are given to the woman. When the husbands are own brothers, the eldest brother usually
gives the bow and arrow, and is the father of the child, though, so long as the brothers
live together, the other brothers are also regarded as fathers. It is in the cases in which
the husbands are not own brothers that the ceremony becomes of real social importance.
In these cases, it is arranged that one of the husbands shall give the bow and arrow, and
this man is the father, not only of the child born shortly afterwards, but also of all
succeeding children, till another husband performs the essential ceremony. Fatherhood is
determined so essentially by this ceremony that a man who has been dead for several
years is regarded as the father of any children born by his widow, if no other man has
given the bow and arrow. There is no doubt that, in former times, the polyandry of the
Todas was associated with female infanticide, and it is probable that the latter custom
still exists to some extent, though strenuously denied. There is reason to believe that
women are now more plentiful than formerly, though they are still in a distinct minority.
Any increase, however, in the number of women does not appear to have led to any great
diminution of polyandrous marriages, but polyandry is often combined with polygyny.
Two or more brothers may have two or more wives in common. In such marriages,
however, it seems to be a growing custom that one brother should give the bow and
arrow to one wife, and another brother to another wife.”

The pregnancy ceremony referred to above is called pursutpimi, or bow (and arrow) we
touch. According to the account given to me by several independent witnesses, the
woman proceeds, accompanied by members of the tribe, on a new moon-day in the fifth

or seventh month of her pregnancy, to a shola, where she sits with the man who is to
become the father of her child near a kiaz tree (Eugenia Arnottiana). The man asks the
father of the woman if he may bring the bow, and, on obtaining his consent, goes in
search of a shrub (Sophora glauca), from a twig of which he makes a mimic bow. The
arrow is represented by a blade of grass called nark (Andropogon Schœnanthus).
Meanwhile a triangular niche has been cut in the kiaz tree, in which a lighted lamp is
placed. The woman seats herself in front of the lamp, and, on the return of the man, asks
thrice “Whose bow is it?” or “What is it?” meaning to whom, or to which mand does the
child belong? The bow and arrow are handed to the woman, who raises them to her
head, touches her forehead with them, and places them near the tree. From this moment
the lawful father of the child is the man from whom she has received the bow and arrow.
He places on the ground at the foot of the tree some rice, various kinds of grain, chillies,
jaggery (crude sugar), and salt tied in a cloth. All those present then leave, except the
man and woman, who remain near the tree till about six o’clock in the evening, when
they return to the mand. The time is determined, in the vicinity of Ootacamund, by the
opening of the flowers of Onothera tetraptera (evening primrose), a garden escape
called by the Todas āru mani pūv (six o’clock flower), which opens towards evening.46 It
may be noted that, at the second funeral of a male, a miniature bow and three arrows are
burnt with various other articles within the stone circle (azaram).

A few years ago (1902), the Todas, in a petition to Government, prayed for special
legislation to legalise their marriages on the lines of the Malabar Marriage Act. The
Government was of opinion that legislation was unnecessary, and that it was open to
such of the Todas as were willing to sign the declaration prescribed by section 10 of the
Marriage Act III of 1872 to contract legal marriages under the provision of that Act. The
Treasury Deputy Collector of the Nīlgiris was appointed Registrar of Toda marriages. No
marriage has been registered up to the present time.

The practice of infanticide among the Todas is best summed up in the words of an aged
Toda during an interview with Colonel Marshall.47 “I was a little boy when Mr. Sullivan
(the first English pioneer of the Nilgiris) visited these mountains. In those days it was the
custom to kill children, but the practice has long died out, and now one never hears of it.
I don’t know whether it was wrong or not to kill them, but we were very poor, and could
not support our children. Now every one has a mantle (putkuli), but formerly there was
only one for the whole family. We did not kill them to please any god, but because it was
our custom. The mother never nursed the child, and the parents did not kill it. Do you
think we could kill it ourselves? Those tell lies who say we laid it down before the
opening of the buffalo-pen, so that it might be run over and killed by the animals. We
never did such things, and it is all nonsense that we drowned it in buffalo’s milk. Boys
were never killed—only girls; not those who were sickly and deformed—that would be a
sin; but, when we had one girl, or in some families two girls, those that followed were
killed. An old woman (kelachi) used to take the child immediately it was born, and close

its nostrils, ears, and mouth with a cloth thus—here pantomimic action. It would shortly
droop its head, and go to sleep. We then buried it in the ground. The kelachi got a present
of four annas for the deed.” The old man’s remark about the cattle-pen refers to the
Malagasy custom of placing a new-born child at the entrance to a cattle-pen, and then
driving the cattle over it, to see whether they would trample on it or not.48 The
Missionary Metz49 bears out the statement that the Toda babies were killed by
suffocation.

Toda and phonograph.

At the census, 1901, 453 male and 354 female Todas were returned. In a note on the
proportion of the sexes among the Todas, Mr. R. C. Punnett states50 that “all who have
studied the Todas are agreed upon the frequency of the practice (of infanticide) in earlier
times. Marshall, writing in 1872, refers to the large amount of female infanticide in
former years, but expresses his conviction that the practice had by that time died out.
Marshall’s evidence is that of native assurance only. Dr. Rivers, who received the same
assurance, is disinclined to place much confidence in native veracity with reference to
this point, and, in view of the lack of encouragement which the practice receives from

the Indian Government, this is not altogether surprising. The supposition of female
infanticide, by accounting for the great disproportion in the numbers of the sexes, brings
the Todas into harmony with what is known of the rest of mankind.” In summarising his
conclusions, Mr. Punnett notes that:—

(1) Among the Todas, males predominate greatly over females.

(2) This preponderance is doubtless due to the practice of female infanticide, which is
probably still to some extent prevalent.

(3) The numerical preponderance of the males has been steadily sinking during recent
years, owing probably to the check which foreign intercourse has imposed upon female
infanticide.

In connection with the death ceremonies of the Todas, Dr. Rivers notes that “soon after
death the body is burnt, and the general name for the ceremony on this occasion is
etvainolkedr, the first day funeral. After an interval, which may vary greatly in length, a
second ceremony is performed, connected with certain relics of the deceased which have
been preserved from the first occasion. The Toda name for this second funeral ceremony
is marvainolkedr, the second day funeral, or ‘again which day funeral.’ The funeral
ceremonies are open to all, and visitors are often invited by the Todas. In consequence,
the funeral rites are better known, and have been more frequently described than any
other features of Toda ceremonial. Like nearly every institution of the Todas, however,
they have become known to Europeans under their Badaga names. The first funeral is
called by the Badagas hase kedu, the fresh or green funeral, and the term ‘green funeral’
has not only become the generally recognised name among the European inhabitants of
the Nilgiri hills, but has been widely adopted in anthropological literature. The second
funeral is called by the Badagas bara kedu, the ‘dry funeral,’ and this term also has been
generally adopted.” The various forms of the funeral ceremonies are discussed in detail
by Dr. Rivers, and it must suffice to describe those at which we have been present as
eye-witnesses.

I had the opportunity of witnessing the second funeral of a woman who had died from
smallpox two months previously. On arrival at a mand on the open downs about five
miles from Ootacamund, we were conducted by a Toda guide to the margin of a dense
shola, where we found two groups seated apart, consisting of (a) women, girls, and
brown-haired female babies, round a camp fire; (b) men, boys, and male babies, carried,
with marked signs of paternal affection, by their fathers. In a few minutes a murmuring
sound commenced in the centre of the female group. Working themselves up to the
necessary pitch, some of the women (near relatives of the deceased) commenced to cry
freely, and the wailing and lachrymation gradually spread round the circle, until all,
except little girls and babies who were too young to be affected, were weeping and

mourning, some for fashion, others from genuine grief. In carrying out the orthodox
form of mourning, the women first had a good cry to themselves, and then, as their
emotions became more intense, went round the circle, selecting partners with whom to
share companionship in grief. Gradually the group resolved itself into couplets of
mourners, each pair with their heads in contact, and giving expression to their emotions
in unison. Before separating to select a new partner, each couple saluted by bowing the
head, and raising thereto the feet of the other, covered by the putkūli. [I have seen
women rapidly recover from the outward manifestations of grief, and clamour for
money.] From time to time the company of mourners was reinforced by late arrivals
from distant mands, and, as each detachment, now of men and now of women, came in
view across the open downs, one could not fail to be reminded of the gathering of the
clans on some Highland moor. The resemblance was heightened by the distant sound as
of pipers, produced by the Kota band (with two police constables in attendance),
composed of four Kotas, who made a weird noise with drums and flutes as they drew
near the scene of action. The band, on arrival, took up a position close to the mourning
women. As each detachment arrived, the women, recognising their relatives, came
forward and saluted them in the manner customary among Todas by falling at their feet,
and placing first the right and then the left foot on their head. Shortly after the arrival of
the band, signals were exchanged, by waving of putkūlis, between the assembled throng
and a small detachment of men some distance off. A general move was made, and an
impromptu procession formed, with men in front, band in the middle, and women
bringing up the rear. A halt was made opposite a narrow gap leading into the shola; men
and women sat apart as before; and the band walked round, discoursing unsweet music.
A party of girls went off to bring fire from the spot just vacated for use in the coming
ceremonial, but recourse was finally had to a box of matches lent by one of our party. At
this stage we noticed a woman go up to the eldest son of the deceased, who was seated
apart from the other men, and would not be comforted in spite of her efforts to console
him. On receipt of a summons from within the shola, the assembled Toda men and
ourselves swarmed into it by a narrow track leading to a small clear space round a big
tree, from a hole cut at the base of which an elderly Toda produced a piece of the skull of
the dead woman, wrapped round with long tresses of her hair. It now became the men’s
turn to exhibit active signs of grief, and all of one accord commenced to weep and
mourn. Amid the scene of lamentation, the hair was slowly unwrapt from off the skull,
and burned in an iron ladle, from which a smell as of incense arose. A bamboo pot of ghī
was produced, with which the skull was reverently anointed, and placed in a cloth spread
on the ground. To this relic of the deceased the throng of men, amid a scene of wild
excitement, made obeisance by kneeling down before it, and touching it with their
foreheads. The females were not permitted to witness this stage of the proceedings, with
the exception of one or two near relatives of the departed one, who supported themselves
sobbing against the tree. The ceremonial concluded, the fragment of skull, wrapt in the
cloth, was carried into the open, where, as men and boys had previously done, women

and girls made obeisance to it. A procession was then again formed, and marched on
until a place was reached, where were two stone-walled kraals, large and small. Around
the former the men, and within the latter the women, took up their position, the men
engaging in chit-chat, and the women in mourning, which after a time ceased, and they
too engaged in conversation. A party of men, carrying the skull, still in the cloth, set out
for a neighbouring shola, where a kēdu of several other dead Todas was being
celebrated; and a long pause ensued, broken eventually by the arrival of the other funeral
party, the men advancing in several lines, with arms linked, and crying out U, hah! U,
hah, hah! in regular time. This party brought with it pieces of the skulls of a woman and
two men, which were placed, wrapt in cloths, on the ground, saluted, and mourned over
by the assembled multitude. At this stage a small party of Kotas arrived, and took up
their position on a neighbouring hill, waiting, vulture-like, for the carcase of the buffalo
which was shortly to be slain. Several young men now went off across the hill in search
of buffaloes, and speedily re-appeared, driving five buffaloes before them with sticks. As
soon as the beasts approached a swampy marsh at the foot of the hill on which the
expectant crowd of men was gathered together, two young men of athletic build,
throwing off their putkūlis, made a rush down the hill, and tried to seize one of the
buffaloes by the horns, with the result that one of them was promptly thrown. The
buffalo escaping, one of the remaining four was quickly caught by the horns, and, with
arms interlocked, the men brought it down on its knees, amid a general scuffle. In spite
of marked objection and strenuous resistance on the part of the animal—a barren cow—
it was, by means of sticks freely applied, slowly dragged up the hill, preceded by the
Kota band, and with a Toda youth pulling at its tail. Arrived at the open space between
the kraals, the buffalo, by this time thoroughly exasperated, and with blood pouring from
its nostrils, had a cloth put on its back, and was despatched by a blow on the poll with an
axe deftly wielded by a young and muscular man. On this occasion no one was badly
hurt by the sacrificial cow, though one man was seen washing his legs in the swamp after
the preliminary struggle with the beast. But Colonel Ross-King narrates how he saw a
man receive a dangerous wound in the neck from a thrust of the horn, which ripped open
a wide gash from the collar-bone to the ear. With the death of the buffalo, the last scene,
which terminated the strange rites, commenced; men, women, and children pressing
forward and jostling one another in their eagerness to salute the dead beast by placing
their hands between its horns, and weeping and mourning in pairs; the facial expression
of grief being mimicked when tears refused to flow spontaneously.

The ceremonial connected with the final burning of the relics and burial of the ashes at
the stone circle (azaram) are described in detail by Dr. Rivers.

A few days after the ceremony just described, I was invited to be present at the funeral of
a young girl who had died of smallpox five days previously. I proceeded accordingly to
the scene of the recent ceremony, and there, in company with a small gathering of Todas
from the neighbouring mands, awaited the arrival of the funeral cortége, the approach of

which was announced by the advancing strains of Kota music. Slowly the procession
came over the brow of the hill; the corpse, covered by a cloth, on a rude ladder-like bier,
borne on the shoulders of four men, followed by two Kota musicians; the mother carried
hidden within a sack; relatives and men carrying bags of rice and jaggery, and bundles of
wood of the kiaz tree (Eugenia Arnottiana) for the funeral pyre. Arrived opposite a small
hut, which had been specially built for the ceremonial, the corpse was removed from the
bier, laid on the ground, face upwards, outside the hut, and saluted by men, women, and
children, with the same manifestations of grief as on the previous occasion. Soon the
men moved away to a short distance, and engaged in quiet conversation, leaving the
females to continue mourning round the corpse, interrupted from time to time by the
arrival of detachments from distant mands, whose first duty was to salute the dead body.
Meanwhile a near female relative of the dead child was busily engaged inside the hut,
collecting together in a basket small measures of rice, jaggery, sago, honey-comb, and
the girl’s simple toys, which were subsequently to be burned with the corpse. The
mourning ceasing after a time, the corpse was placed inside the hut, and followed by the
near relatives, who there continued to weep over it. A detachment of men and boys, who
had set out in search of the buffaloes which were to be sacrificed, now returned driving
before them three cows, which escaped from their pursuers to rejoin the main herd. A
long pause ensued, and, after a very prolonged drive, three more cows were guided into
a marshy swamp, where one of them was caught by the horns, and dragged reluctantly,
but with little show of fight, to the strains of Kota drum and flute, in front of the hut,
where it was promptly despatched by a blow on the poll. The corpse was now brought
from within the hut, and placed, face upwards, with its feet resting on the forehead of the
buffalo, whose neck was decorated with a silver chain, such as is worn by Todas round
the loins, as no bell was available, and the horns were smeared with butter. Then
followed frantic manifestations of grief, amid which the unhappy mother fainted.
Mourning over, the corpse was made to go through a form of ceremony, resembling that
which is performed during pregnancy with the first child. A small boy, three years old,
was selected from among the relatives of the dead girl, and taken by his father in search
of a certain grass (Andropogon Schœnanthus) and a twig of a shrub (Sophora glauca),
which were brought to the spot where the corpse was lying. The mother of the dead child
then withdrew one of its hands from the putkūli, and the boy placed the grass and twig in
the hand, and limes, plantains, rice, jaggery, honey-comb, and butter in the pocket of the
putkūli, which was then stitched with needle and thread in a circular pattern. The boy’s
father then took off his son’s putkūli, and replaced it so as to cover him from head to
foot. Thus covered, the boy remained outside the hut till the morning of the morrow,
watched through the night by near relatives of himself and his dead bride. [On the
occasion of the funeral of an unmarried lad, a girl is in like manner selected, covered
with her putkūli from head to foot, and a metal vessel filled with jaggery, rice, etc., to be
subsequently burnt on the funeral pyre, placed for a short time within the folds of the
putkūli. Thus covered, the girl remains till next morning, watched through the dreary

hours of the night by relatives. The same ceremony is performed over the corpse of a
married woman who has not borne children, the husband acting as such for the last time,
in the vain hope that the woman may produce issue in heaven.] The corpse was borne
away to the burning-ground within the shola, and, after removal of some of the hair by
the mother of the newly wedded boy, burned, with face upwards, amid the music of the
Kota band, the groans of the assembled crowd squatting on the ground, and the genuine
grief of the nearest relatives. The burning concluded, a portion of the skull was removed
from the ashes, and handed over to the recently made mother-in-law of the dead girl, and
wrapped up with the hair in the bark of the tūd tree (Meliosma pungens). A second
buffalo, which, properly speaking, should have been slain before the corpse was burnt,
was then sacrificed, and rice and jaggery were distributed among the crowd, which
dispersed, leaving behind the youthful widower and his custodians, who, after daybreak,
partook of a meal of rice, and returned to their mands; the boy’s mother taking with her
the skull and hair to her mand, where it would remain until the celebration of the second
funeral. No attention is paid to the ashes after cremation, and they are left to be scattered
by the winds.

A further opportunity offered itself to be present at the funeral of an elderly woman on
the open downs not far from Paikāra, in connection with which certain details possess
some interest. The corpse was, at the time of our arrival, laid out on a rude bier within an
improvised arbour covered with leaves and open at each end, and tended by some of the
female relatives. At some little distance, a conclave of Toda men, who rose of one accord
to greet us, was squatting in a circle, among whom were many venerable white-turbaned
elders of the tribe, protected from the scorching sun by palm-leaf umbrellas. Amid much
joking, and speech-making by the veterans, it was decided that, as the eldest son of the
deceased woman was dead, leaving a widow, this daughter-in-law should be united to
the second son, and that they should live together as man and wife. On the
announcement of the decision, the bridegroom-elect saluted the principal Todas present
by placing his head on their feet, which were sometimes concealed within the ample
folds of the putkūli. At the funeral of a married woman, three ceremonies must, I was
told, be performed, if possible, by a daughter or daughter-in-law, viz.:—

(1) Tying a leafy branch of the tiviri shrub (Atylosia Candolleana) in the putkūli of the
corpse;

(2) Tying balls of thread and cowry shells on the arm of the corpse, just above the elbow;

(3) Setting fire to the funeral pyre, which was, on the present occasion, done by lighting
a rag fed with ghī with a match.

The buffalo capture took place amid the usual excitement, and with freedom from
accident; and, later in the day, the stalwart buffalo catchers turned up at the travellers’

bungalow for a pourboire in return, as they said, for treating us to a good fight. The
beasts selected for sacrifice were a full-grown cow and a young calf. As they were
dragged near to the corpse, now removed from the arbour, butter was smeared over the
horns, and a bell tied round the neck. The bell was subsequently removed by Kotas, in
whose custody, it was said, it was to remain till the next day funeral. The death-blow, or
rather series of blows, having been delivered with the butt end of an axe, the feet of the
corpse were placed at the mouth of the buffalo. In the case of a male corpse, the right
hand is made to clasp the horns. [It is recorded by Dr. Rivers that, at the funeral of a
male, men dance after the buffalo is killed. In the dancing a tall pole, called tadri or
tadrsi, decorated with cowry shells, is used.] The customary mourning in couples
concluded, the corpse, clad in four cloths, was carried on the stretcher to a clear space in
the neighbouring shola, and placed by the side of the funeral pyre, which had been
rapidly piled up. The innermost cloth was black in colour, and similar to that worn by a
palol. Next to it came a putkūli decorated with blue and red embroidery, outside which
again was a plain white cloth covered over by a red cotton cloth of European
manufacture. Seated by the side of the pyre, near to which I was courteously invited to
take a seat on the stump of a rhododendron, was an elderly relative of the dead woman,
who, while watching the ceremonial, was placidly engaged in the manufacture of a holly
walking-stick with the aid of a glass scraper. The proceedings were watched on behalf of
Government by a forest guard, and a police constable who, with marked affectation, held
his handkerchief to his nose throughout the ceremonial. The corpse was decorated with
brass rings, and within the putkūli were stowed jaggery, a scroll of paper adorned with
cowry shells, snuff and tobacco, cocoanuts, biscuits, various kinds of grain, ghī, honey,
and a tin-framed looking-glass. A long purse, containing a silver Japanese yen and an
Arcot rupee of the East India Company, was tied up in the putkūli close to the feet.
These preliminaries concluded, the corpse was hoisted up, and swung three times over
the now burning pyre, above which a mimic bier, made of slender twigs, was held. The
body was then stripped of its jewelry, and a lock of hair cut off by the daughter-in-law
for preservation, together with a fragment of the skull. I was told that, when the corpse is
swung over the pyre, the dead person goes to amnodr (the world of the dead). In this
connection, Dr. Rivers writes that “it would seem as if this ceremony of swinging the
body over the fire was directly connected with the removal of the objects of value. The
swinging over the fire would be symbolic of its destruction by fire; and this symbolic
burning has the great advantage that the objects of value are not consumed, and are
available for use another time. This is probably the real explanation of the ceremony, but
it is not the explanation given by the Todas themselves. They say that long ago, about
400 years, a man supposed to be dead was put on the funeral pyre, and, revived by the
heat, he was found to be alive, and was able to walk away from the funeral place. In
consequence of this, the rule was made that the body should always be swung three
times over the fire before it is finally placed thereon.” [Colonel Marshall narrates the
story that a Toda who had revived from what was thought his death-bed, has been

observed parading about, very proud and distinguished looking, wearing the finery with
which he had been bedecked for his own funeral, and which he would be permitted to
carry till he really departed this life.] As soon as the pyre was fairly ablaze, the
mourners, with the exception of some of the female relatives, left the shōla, and the men,
congregating on the summit of a neighbouring hill, invoked their god. Four men, seized,
apparently in imitation of the Kota Dēvādi, with divine frenzy, began to shiver and
gesticulate wildly, while running blindly to and fro with closed eyes and shaking fists.
They then began to talk in Malayālam, and offer an explanation of an extraordinary
phenomenon, which had appeared in the form of a gigantic figure, which disappeared as
suddenly as it appeared. At the annual ceremony of walking through fire (hot ashes) in
that year, two factions arose owing to some dissension, and two sets of ashes were used.
This seems to have annoyed the gods, and those concerned were threatened with speedy
ruin. But the whole story was very vague. The possession by some Todas of a smattering
of Malayālam is explained by the fact that, when grazing their buffaloes on the northern
and western slopes of the Nīlgiris, they come in contact with Malayālam-speaking
people from the neighbouring Malabar district.

At the funeral of a man (a leper), the corpse was placed in front of the entrance to a
circle of loose stones about a yard and a half in diameter, which had been specially
constructed for the occasion. Just before the buffalo sacrifice, a man of the Paiki clan
standing near the head of the corpse, dug a hole in the ground with a cane, and asked a
Kenna who was standing on the other side, “Puzhut, Kenna,”51 shall I throw the earth?—
three times. To which the Kenna, answering, replied “Puzhut”—throw the earth—thrice.
The Paiki then threw some earth three times over the corpse, and three times into the
miniature kraal. It is suggested by Dr. Rivers that the circle was made to do duty for a
buffalo pen, as the funeral was held at a place where there was no tu (pen), from the
entrance of which earth could be dug up.

Several examples of laments relating to the virtues and life of the deceased, which are
sung or recited in the course of the funeral ceremonies, are given by Dr. Rivers. On the
occasion of the reproduction of a lament in my phonograph, two young women were
seen to be crying bitterly. The selection of the particular lament was unfortunate, as it
had been sung at their father’s funeral. The reproduction of the recitation of a dead
person’s sins at a Badaga funeral quickly restored them to a state of cheerfulness.

The following petition to the Collector of the Nilgiris on the subject of buffalo sacrifice
may be quoted as a sign of the times, when the Todas employ petition-writers to express
their grievances:—

“According to our religious custom for the long period, we are bringing forward of our
killing buffaloes without any irregular way. But, in last year, when the late Collector
came to see the said place, by that he ordered to the Todas first not to keep the buffaloes

without feeding in the kraal, and second he ordered to kill each for every day, and to
clear away the buffaloes, and not to keep the buffaloes without food. We did our work
according to his orders, and this excellent order was an ample one. Now this ——, a
chief of the Todas, son of ——, a deceased Toda, the above man joined with the
moniagar of —— village, joined together, and, dealing with bribes, now they arose
against us, and doing this great troubles on us, and also, by this great trouble, one day
Mr. —— came for shooting snapes (snipe) by that side. By chance one grazing buffalo
came to him, push him by his horns very forcely, and wounded him on his leg. By the
help of another gentleman who came with him he escaped, or he would have die at the
moment. Now the said moniagar and —— joined together, want to finish the funeral to
his late father on the 18th instant. For this purpose they are going to shut the buffaloes
without food in the kraal on the 18th instant at 10 o’clock. They are going to kill the
buffaloes on the 19th instant at 4 o’clock in the evening. But this is a great sin against
god. But we beg your honour this way. That is, let them leave the buffaloes in the
grazing place, and ask them to catch and kill them at the same moment. And also your
honour cannot ordered them to keep them in the kraal without food. And, if they will
desire to kill the buffaloes in this way, these buffaloes will come on us, and also on the
other peoples one who, coming to see funs on those day, will kill them all by his
anxious. And so we the Todas begs your honour to enquire them before the 18th, the said
funeral ceremony commencing, and not to grant the above orders to them.”

A Whit Monday at Paikāra was given up to an exhibition of sports and games, whereof
the most exciting and interesting was a burlesque representation of a Toda funeral by
boys and girls. A Toda, who was fond of his little joke, applied the term pacchai kēdu
(green funeral) to the corpses of the flies entrapped by a viscous catch’em-alive-oh on
the bungalow table. To the mock funeral rites arrived a party of youths, as from a distant
mand, and crying out U, hah, in shrill mimicry of their elders. The lad who was to play
the leading part of sacrificial buffalo, stripping off his putkūli, disappeared from sight
over the brow of a low hillock. Above this eminence his bent and uplifted upper
extremities shortly appeared as representatives of the buffalo horns. At sight thereof,
there was a wild rush of small boys to catch him, and a mimic struggle took place, while
the buffalo was dragged, amid good-tempered scuffling, kicks, and shouting, to the spot
where the corpse should have been. This spot was, in the absence of a pseudo-dead body
or stage dummy, indicated by a group of little girls, who had sat chatting together till the
boy-beast arrived, when they touched foreheads, and went, with due solemnity, through
the orthodox observance of mourning in couples. The buffalo was slain by a smart tap on
the back of the head with a cloth, which did duty for an axe. As soon as the convulsive
movements and twitchings of the death struggle were over, the buffalo, without waiting
for an encore, retired behind the hillock once more, in order that the rough and tumble
fight, which was evidently the chief charm of the game, might be repeated. The buffalo
boy later on came in second in a flat race, and he was last seen protecting us from a
mischievous-looking member of his herd, which was grazing on the main-road. Toda

buffaloes, it may be noted, are not at all popular with members of the Ootacamund Hunt,
as both horses and riders from time to time receive injuries from their horns, when they
come in collision.

While the funeral game was in progress, the men showed off their prowess at a game
(eln),52 corresponding to the English tip-cat, which is epidemic at a certain season in the
London bye-streets. It is played with a bat like a broomstick, and a cylindrical piece of
wood pointed at both ends. The latter is propped up against a stone, and struck with the
bat. As it flies off the stone, it is hit to a distance with the bat, and caught (or missed) by
the out fields.

At the Muttanād mand, we were treated to a further exhibition of games. In one of these,
called narthpimi, a flat slab of stone is supported horizontally on two other slabs fixed
perpendicularly in the ground so as to form a narrow tunnel, through which a man can
just manage to wriggle his body with difficulty. Two men take part in the game, one
stationing himself at a distance of about thirty yards, the other about sixty yards from the
tunnel. The front man, throwing off his mantle, runs as hard as he can to the tunnel,
pursued by the ‘scratch’ man, whose object is to touch the other man’s feet before he has
squeezed himself through the tunnel. Another sport, which we witnessed, consists of trial
of strength with a heavy globular stone, the object being to raise it up to the shoulder;
but a strong, well-built-man—he who was entrusted with slaying the funeral buffalo—
failed to raise it higher than the pit of the stomach, though straining his muscles in the
attempt. A splendidly made veteran assured me that, when young and lusty, he was able
to accomplish the feat, and spoke sadly of degeneration in the physique of the younger
members of the tribe.

Mr. Breeks mentions that the Todas play a game resembling puss-in-the-corner, called
kāriālapimi, which was not included in the programme of sports got up for our benefit.
Dr. Rivers writes that “the Todas, and especially the children, often play with mimic
representations of objects from practical life. Near the villages I have seen small
artificial buffalo-pens and fireplaces made by the children in sport.” I have, on several
occasions, come across young children playing with long and short pieces of twigs
representing buffaloes and their calves, and going solemnly through the various
incidents in the daily life of these animals. Todas, both old and young, may constantly be
seen twisting flexible twigs into representations of buffaloes’ heads and horns.

Of Toda songs, the following have been collected:—

Sunshine is increasing. Mist is fast gathering. Rain may come. Thunder roars. Clouds are
gathering.
Rain is pouring. Wind and rain have combined.
Oh, powerful god, may everything prosper!
May charity increase!
May the buffaloes become pregnant!
See that the buffaloes have calves.
See that the barren women have children.
Go and tell this to the god of the land.
Keygamor, Eygamor (names of buffaloes).
Evening is approaching. The buffaloes are coming.
The calves also have returned.
The buffaloes are saluted.
The dairy-man beats the calves with his stick.
Milk has been offered to the bell.
It is growing dark.
This is a buffalo with beautiful horns.
A buffalo stupidly given away by the Badaga.
A buffalo brought to the Kāndal mand.
Innerovya (name of buffalo).
Like this buffalo there is no other.
Parkūr (name of a Toda).
Like him there is no man.
The sun is shining. The wind is blowing.
Rain is coming. The trees are in flower.
Tears are falling. The nose is burning.
He is coming, holding up his umbrella.
He is coming, wearing a good body-cloth.
He is coming, wearing a good under-cloth.
He (the palol) is coming, wearing a black cloth.
He is coming, holding his walking-stick of palai wood.
I have a god. What is to become of me?
I am inclined to cry, my heart being heavy.

Oh, my child! Do not cry. It is still crying.
Thuree. Thuree. See. Be quiet.
A robust bull buffalo. Ach! Ach!
A big buffalo not intended for killing. Ach! Ach!
Is leading the cow buffalo. Ah! Ah!
Two or three men are driving it. Ah! Ah!

Song in honour of the arrival of the Maharāni-Regent of Mysore at Ootacamund.

All we Todas go to her house, and dance before her.
She gives us fifteen rupees.
She comes near our women, and talks to them.
She gives cloths to us.
Next day we take milk, eight bottles in the morning, four in the evening.
Month by month she pays us for our milk.
She goes back to Mysore, and, when she goes, we stand in a row before her.
She gives us presents; cloths and three rupees.
The women cut their hair, and stand before her.

Marriage Song.

Boys and girls are singing.
Much money are they spending.
To the girl her father is giving five buffaloes.
The husband tells his wife that she must curl her hair.
If her hair is curled, all the people will rejoice.
The buffalo is slain, and now we must all dance.
Why are not more people here? More should come.
My buffalo is big, very big.
Go quickly and catch it.
The Todas are all there. They are standing in a row.
Who will run, and catch the buffalo first?
To him will a present of five rupees be given.
I will go and catch it first.
The Todas are all fighting.
The Todas are all feasting.
People give them rice.
The buffalo is coming. Two men run to catch it by the neck.
Ten men collect the buffaloes. They pen them in a kraal.
At one o’clock we take our food.
The buffalo is running, and I hit it on the back with a stick.
It swerves aside, but I drive it back to the path.

Night comes, and we all dance.
Next morning at ten o’clock we bring out the buffalo, and slay it.
At four in the morning we wrap rice and grain in a white cloth, and burn it.
At eleven we cut the hair of the boys and girls.
At four in the morning the priest goes to the temple (dairy).
He lights the lamp.
At eight he milks his buffaloes.
He puts on no cloth.
He places butter and ghī before the god.
Then he grazes his buffaloes, and eats his food.
Then he puts on his cloth.
At three in the afternoon he goes again to the temple.
He kindles a fire, and lights the lamp.
He puts milk in a chatty, and churns it into butter with a cane.
He mixes water with the butter-milk, and gives it to the women to drink.
He alone may sleep in the temple.
At four in the morning he lets out the buffaloes to graze.
At seven he milks them.
The woman’s house is down the hill.
The priest must not go in unto the woman.
He may not marry.
When he is twenty, he may not enter the temple.
Another is made priest in his stead.

The religious institutions of the Todas, including the elaborate dairy ritual, and their
religion, are described in full detail by Dr. Rivers. The Todas have been to some extent
influenced by Hinduism, and some visit the temples at Nanjengōd in Mysore, Karamadai
in the Coimbatore district, and other shrines, whereat they worship, present votive
offerings, and pray for offspring, etc. Writing in 1872, Mr. Breeks remarked that “about
Ootacamund, a few Todas have latterly begun to imitate the religious practices of their
native neighbours. Occasionally children’s foreheads are marked with the Siva spot, and
my particular friend Kinniaven, after an absence of some days, returned with a shaven
head from a visit to the temple of Siva at Nanjengudi.” A man who came to my
laboratory had his hair hanging down in long tails reaching below his shoulders. He had,
he said, let it grow long because his wife, though married five years, had borne no child.
A child had, however, recently been born, and, as soon as the second funeral of a relation
had been performed, he was going to sacrifice his locks as a thank-offering at the
Nanjengōd temple. The following extracts from my notes will serve to illustrate the
practice of marking (in some instances apparently for beauty’s sake) and shaving as
carried out at the present day.

(1) Man, aged 28. Has just performed a ceremony at the ti mand. White curved line
painted across forehead, and dots below outer ends thereof, on glabella, and outside
orbits. Smeared with white across chest, over outer side of upper arms and left nipple,
across knuckles and lower end of left ulna, and on lobes of ears.

(2) Man, aged 21. Painted on forehead as above. Smeared over chest and upper eye lids.

(3) Man, aged 35. White spot painted on forehead.

(4) Man, aged 30. Hair of head and beard cut short owing to death of grandfather.

(5) Boy, aged 12. Shock head of hair, cut very short all over owing to death of
grandfather.

(6) Girl, aged 8. Hair shaved on top, back and sides of head, and in median strip from
vertex to forehead.

(7) Boy, aged 6. White spot painted between eyebrows. Hair shaved on top and sides of
head, and in median strip from vertex to forehead. Hair brought forward in fringe over
forehead on either side of median strip, and hanging down back of neck.

(8) Male child, aged 18 months. White spot painted between eyebrows. Shaved on top
and sides of head.

Todupuzha Vellāla.—For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
Besides the Nanchinād Vellālas, there are, in Travancore, two sections of the Vellāla
caste, inhabiting the mountainous Todupuzha tāluk. These are the Tenkanchi and
Kumbakōnam Vellālas. The former are known by the popular name of Anjuttilkar, or the
five hundred, and the latter are designated Munnutilkar, or the three hundred, in
reference to the number of families which originally settled in the taluk. Like the
Nanchinād Vellālas, they take the title of Pillai, and, in special cases, the honorific prefix
Kanakku.

The Tenkanchi Vellālas appear to have dwelt originally in the Tenkāsi taluk of the
Tinnevelly district, and to have emigrated, as the legend goes, on account of the demand
of a Vaduka ruler for the hand of a member of their community in marriage. The
Vadakkumkur Rājas were ruling over Todupuzha at the time of their migration, and
afforded them a safe asylum. The Kumbakōnam Vellālas believe that they emigrated to
Travancore about the commencement of the Malabar era from Kumbakōnam in the
Tanjore district. Both divisions speak Malayālam, but there are clear indications in their
speech that their mother-tongue was once Tamil, and they always use that language in
their ceremonial writings. The Anjuttilkar women have adopted the dress and ornaments
of the Nāyars. Both sections wear the tuft of hair in front, but the Munnutilkar women do

not tie the hair on the left side like the Nāyars and Anjuttilkars, but behind like the Pāndi
Vellālas. Nor do the Anjuttilkar women wear a white dress like the Tenkanchis, but a
coloured cloth, sixteen cubits in length, in orthodox Tamil fashion. Again, while the
Tenkanchi women largely resort to the todu and other Nāyar ornaments, the
Kumbakōnam women are more conservative, and wear only the pampadam and melidu,
though they sometimes wear jewels, such as the nāgapata tāli for the neck. Both sections
are Saivites, in the sense that they abstain from flesh and fish.

Their principal occupation is agriculture. They worship the two mountain deities
Bhadrakāli and Durgā. In the Kirikkot muri of the Karikkod property there is a temple
dedicated to Siva or Unnamalanathar, with a large amount of property attached to it. This
belongs to the Tenkanchi Vellālas, and a Malayālam Brāhman performs the priestly
functions. The Kumbakōnam Vellālas have their own temples, such as the Ankalamma
koil, Annamala matam, Vīrabhadran koil, etc., and worship, besides the principal gods of
the Hindu pantheon, such minor deities as Vīrabhadran, Karuppan, Bhairavan,
Māriamman, and Muttaramman. The priests of both sections are East Coast Brāhmans,
who live in the Todupuzha tāluk. As their profession is regarded by other Brāhmans as
degrading, they, especially in the case of the Kumbakōnam Vellālas, perform their duties
stealthily. The headman of the Kumbakōnam section lives in the Periyakulam tāluk of
the Madura district, and, by his order, an image of Siva is worshipped at their homes.

Divorce is not permitted on any ground, and, in ancient days, widow remarriage was
forbidden. There is a legend that a woman of this caste, who was a friend of the daughter
of a certain Vadakkumkur Rājah, was so aggrieved at the news of her newly married
husband’s death that, at her intercession, the Rājah issued a proclamation permitting the
remarriage of widows. If no husband has been found for a girl before she reaches
puberty, certain propitiatory rites have to be performed, at which one of her female
relations represents her. On the fourth day of the marriage ceremony, the bride and
bridegroom, before they bathe, rub each other’s bodies with oil, and, going to a large
caldron containing water, throw a gold and silver ring into it, and pick them out three
times. Inheritance of both sections is from father to son (makkathāyam). A sambandham
alliance does not confer any rite of inheritance.

The names of both sections are such as are unknown among Nāyars, e.g., Sivalingam,
Arunāchalam, Chidambaram, Arumukham. The Tenkanchis are considered to be higher
in the social scale than the Kumbakōnam section, as they observe only twelve days’
death pollution, whereas the latter are under pollution for sixteen days. The Tenkanchis
may enter the temple, and, like Nāyars, stand on the left side of the inner shrine, whereas
the Kumbakōnam Vellālas may proceed only as far as the balikkalpura, or out-house of
the temple, and not enter the nalambalam. Again, butter-milk is freely received by
Brāhmans from the Tenkanchis, but not from members of the Kumbakōnam section.

While Pāndi Vellālas will not receive food from the Tenkanchis, or give their daughters
in marriage to them, the latter will not intermarry with the Nānchinād Vellālas.

Togata.—The Togatas are Telugu weavers, most numerous in the Cuddapah district,
who manufacture the coarsest kind of cotton cloths, such as are worn by the poorer
classes. They are generally Vaishnavites, wear the sacred thread, and have for their
priests Vaishnava Brāhmans or Sātānis. They eat flesh, and their widows are allowed to
remarry. Writing concerning the Togatas in 1807, Buchanan states53 that “widows cannot
marry again, but are not expected to kill themselves. The Panchanga, or village
astrologer, attends at births, marriages, funerals, at the ceremonies performed in honour
of their deceased parents, and at the building of a new house, and on each occasion gets
a fee of one fanam, or eight pence. On other occasions, when a weaver wants to pray, he
calls in a Satanana, who reads something in an unknown language, and gives the votary
some holy water, which he consecrates by pouring it on the head of a small image that he
carries about for the purpose.”

As regards their origin, some Togatas claim to be sons of Chaudēsvari, who threw some
rice on to the fire, from which sprang a host of warriors, whose descendants they are.
Others give Pūppandaja Rishi as the name of their ancestor. Concerning Chaudēsvari,
Mr. Francis writes as follows.54 “Connected with the margosa tree (Melia Azadirachta)
is the worship of Chaudēsvari, the goddess of the Togata caste of weavers. She is
supposed to reside in margosa trees, and either the tree itself, or a stone representing the
goddess and placed at its foot, is worshipped by the Togatas at certain seasons, such as
the Telugu New Year Day. Apparently the other weaver castes take no share in the
ceremonies. They consist largely of animal sacrifices. Nevertheless, a particular class of
Brāhmans, called Nandavarīkula Brāhmans, take a prominent part in the festival. This
name Nandavarīkula is derived from the village of Nandavaram in Kurnool, and
doubtless many stories are prevalent there about this sub-division. The account given at
Tadpatri, where they are fairly numerous, is as follows. Once upon a time, a king from
Southern India went on a pilgrimage with his wife to Benares. While there, he
unwittingly incurred a nameless but heinous pollution. Horrified, he applied to some
Brāhmans there to purify him, promising them half his kingdom in return. They asked
for some tangible record of this promise, and the king called upon the goddess
Chaudēsvari, who had a temple near by, to witness his oath. The purification was
effected, and he departed home. Later on the Brāhmans came south, and asked for the
fulfilment of his promise. The king declared that he could not remember having made
any such undertaking. The Brāhmans accordingly went to Benares, and asked
Chaudēsvari to come south, and bear witness to the king’s oaths. She agreed, on the
usual condition that they should go in front, and not look back at her as she came. As
happens in other stories of the same kind, they are said to have broken the condition. At
Nandavaram they looked back, and the goddess instantly stopped, and remained
immoveable. A temple was built for her there, and the Brāhmans remained in the south,

and still take part in the worship of Chaudēsvari which the Togatas inaugurate, even
though she is not one of the Hindu pantheon, and delights in animal sacrifice. At
Tadpatri other castes besides the Togatas help at the festival.”

Though Chaudēsvari is the patron god of the Togatas, they also worship Poleramma,
Ellamma, Kotamma, and other minor deities.

The original occupation of the Togatas is said to have been dyeing, but, at the present
day, owing to the depression in the hand-loom weaving industry, a large number have
taken to cultivation.

Like many other Telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, of which the following are
examples:—

Pātha, old. Mékala, goat.
Kambhapu, pillar. Gōpalam, alms.
Nīli, indigo. Sāmanthi, Chrysanthemum indicum.
Madaka, plough. Gurram, horse.
Bana, pot. Perumāl, a god.
Jīlakara, cummin seed. Bandāri, treasurer?
Annam, food. Gudditi.

Pūjāris (priests) for temple worship are always elected from the Perumāl sept, and caste
messengers from the Bandāri sept, if they are represented in a settlement. Torches are
generally carried, at processions, by men of the Gudditi sept. Members of the Gurram
sept are not allowed to ride on horseback.

The panchāyat (village council) system is in vogue, but, in some places, a headman is
selected, as occasion requires. In their marriage and funeral ceremonies, the Togatas
closely follow the Telugu standard Purānic form of ceremonial. The dead are buried in a
recumbent posture. On the last day of the death rites, the Sātāni gives arrack (liquor) to
the Togatas, as to the Padma Sālēs, in lieu of holy water (thirtham).

Tohala.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class of Oriya hill
cultivators and petty traders in the Ganjam Agency.

Tolagari.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Mutrācha.
In the North Arcot Manual the Tolagaris are described as a small cultivating caste, who
were formerly hunters, like the Pālayakkārans.

Tolar (Wolf).—An exogamous sept of Halēpaik. The equivalent Tolana occurs as a sept
of Mogēr.

Tōlkollan.—The Tōlkollans or Tōlans (skin people) are summed up in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, as “leather workers and dyers, and also gymnasts and teachers of
gymnastics. They are also called Vatti Kurup, Chāya Kurup, and Vil Kurup. Their title is
Kurup.” The Tōlkollans are stated55 to be “blacksmiths by caste, who abandoned their
hereditary trade for leather work, and they are chiefly employed by Māppillas. One
peculiar custom in this caste is that two or more brothers may have one wife in common.
Only those in good circumstances indulge in the luxury of a private wife. The following
information furnished by Mr. S. Vaidyanadha Aiyar, the headmaster of the School of
Commerce, Calicut, gives some information regarding leather work in Malabar:—

(a) Boots and shoes of country make and English pattern.

(b) Harness making.

(c) Native shoes (ceruppu). These are of the special pattern peculiar to Malabar, and are
largely used by all classes of the Hindu and Māppilla communities. The Arabs who visit
this coast once a year purchase a considerable number to take back with them. The price
of a pair varies from Rs. 1–8–0 to Rs. 5. Those with ornamental gold lace work cost
from Rs. 10 to Rs. 50. These shoes are generally used by well-to-do Māppillas. White of
egg is used to give a creaking sound to the shoes. This work is mainly done by
Thōlperunkollans and Māppillas, and the latter show more skill in finish and ornamental
work.

(d) Knife sheaths. Almost every Nāyar, Tiyan and Māppilla carries a knife about a foot
in length, and there is a demand for leather sheaths. These are made by Pānans as well as
by Thōlperunkollans and Māppillas.

(e) Leather baskets are also made, and are largely used as receptacles for carrying
pepper, paddy (rice), and other grain.

(f) Winnowing fans are made of leather, and are used in pepper and paddy yards, etc.

(g) Muttu ceruppu (clogs) are leather shoes with wooden soles. These are largely used
during the rainy season.”

Tollakkādan (one with a big hole in the lobes of his ears).—Taken, at the census, 1901,
as a sub-caste of Shānān, as those returning the name, who are vendors of husked rice in
Madras, used the Shānān title Nādān. The equivalent Tollakādu was returned as a sub-
division of Konga Vellāla.

Tōl Mēstri.—A sub-division of Semmān.

Tondamān.—It is stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that the Tondamāns are
“also called Sunnāmbukkāran (q.v.), a Tamil caste of lime (chunam) burners found only
in the Tinnevelly district. They are said to be a branch of the Kallans who migrated to
Tinnevelly from Pudukkōttai, or the Tondamān’s country. Its members are now
drummers and pipers as well as lime-burners. Brāhmans are their purōhits, but they are
not allowed to go into Hindu temples. They will eat in the houses of Maravans. Their
title is Sōlagan.” It is noted, in the same report, that the Semmān caste “has two sub-
divisions, Tondamān and Tōl-mēstri, and men of the former take wives from the latter,
but men of the latter may not marry girls of the former.” Tondamān is the family name of
the Rāja of Pudukkōttai, a Native State surrounded by the British districts of Tanjore,
Madura, and Trichinopoly. The Rāja is the head of the Kallan caste. Copper coins, called
amman kāsu, are current only within the State, and their greatest distribution is during
Navarātri or Dusserah, when they are issued to the people with a dole of rice every day
during the nine days of the festival. They bear on one side the word “Vijaya,” meaning
victory, or more probably having reference to our faithful ally Vijaya Ragunātha
Tondamān, in whose reign they were first struck, it is said in 1761, after the surrender of
Pondicherry to the British.

Tondamandalam.—The name of a sub-division of Vellāla, derived from Tondanādu, the
ancient Pallava country.

Tonti.—The Tontis are said to be cotton-weavers of Bengal, who have settled in
Ganjam.56 The name denotes threadmen, and the weaving of rough white cloths is the
traditional occupation of the caste. All Tontis belong to a single gōtra named after
Kāsyapa, one of the seven important rishis, and the priest of Parasurāma. Various
bamsams or exogamous septs, the names of some of which occur also as titles, exist,
e.g., Biswālo, Dasso, Pālo, Bono, Chondo, Parimaniko, Korono, Bēhara, and Mahāpātro.
The marriage and death ceremonies conform to the standard Oriya type. On the fourth
day of the marriage rites, a Bhondāri (barber) is presented with some beaten rice and
sugar-candy in a new earthen pot. These are sold to those who have assembled, and the
proceeds go to the Bhondāri. The corpse of a dead person is washed at the burning
ground, instead of, in accordance with the common custom among other castes, at the
house.

Toppa Tāli.—A name applied to certain Vāniyans in the North Arcot district, owing to
the peculiar tāli (marriage badge) which married women wear.

Torai.—A title of various Oriya castes.

Toreya.—The Toreyas are a Canarese class, living chiefly in the Tamil districts of
Coimbatore and Salem. They are said to have been originally fishermen and palanquin
bearers, and the name is derived from turai, a river ghāt. Most of them are now
cultivators, especially of the betel vine (Piper betle). Those whom I examined at
Coimbatore were earning their living as betel and sugar-cane cultivators, vendors of
tobacco, bakers, cloth merchants, contractors, petty traders, and police constables.

By the Coimbatore Toreyas, the following endogamous divisions were returned:—

Elai, leaf. Betel cultivators.
Chunam, lime. Lime burners.
Gāzul, glass bangle. The Toreya caste is said to have originated from the bangles of
Machyagandhi or Gandhavati, the daughter of a fisherman on the Jumna. She was
married to king Shantanu of Hastinapūr, who was one of the ancestors of the heroes
of the Mahābhārata.

Many exogamous septs exist among the Toreyas, of which the following are examples:
—

Belli, silver. May not wear silver toe-rings.
Nāga, snake. The members of the sept, at times of marriage, worship ant-hills,
which are the home of snakes.
Alwar or Garuda.
Chinnam, gold.
Kansugaje, small bronze bells, tied to the legs when dancing.
Urukathi, a kind of knife.
Vajjira, diamond.
Vasishta, a Hindu saint.
Mogila, clouds.

Onne (Pterocarpus Marsupium). Do not mark their foreheads with the juice from the
trunk of this tree.

Kuzhal, the flute played by shepherd boys and snake charmers. If the sound thereof is
heard during a meal, what remains of the food should be thrown away.

Rākshasa, a giant. Do not celebrate the Dīpāvali festival in honour of the victory over,
and death of, a rākshasa.

Erumai, buffalo.

The headman of the caste is called Ejaman, who has under him an officer entitled
Dalavayi. The caste messenger bears the name of Kondikar. These three offices are

hereditary. The Ejaman presides at council meetings which are held at the temple of the
caste. The eldest member of each family is entitled to a seat on the council. Those who
come late to a meeting thereof prostrate themselves before the assembly. Witnesses
before the council have to take an oath, which is administered by the Kondikar. He
makes the witness stand within a circle drawn on the ground, and makes him repeat the
formula “Before God and the elders assembled, with the sky above and the earth
beneath, I will state only the truth.” The Kondikar then takes up a pinch of earth, and
puts it on the head of the witness. For merely threatening to beat a person with shoes, the
offender has to feed twenty-five castemen. If he takes the shoes in his hands he must
feed fifty, and, if he actually resorts to beating with them, he has to feed a hundred men.
In addition, the culprit has to pay a small fine, and both parties have to be purified at the
temple. A similar punishment is enforced for beating, or threatening to beat with a
broom. For adultery the guilty person is excommunicated, and is admitted back into the
caste only after the death of one of the parties concerned. He then has to feed a large
number of castemen, or pay a money fine, and, prostrating himself before the assembly,
he is beaten with a tamarind switch. He further makes obeisance to the Ejaman, and
washes his feet. The Ejaman then purifies him by a small piece of burning camphor in
his mouth.

When a married girl reaches puberty, she is taken to her father’s house, and her husband
constructs a hut with branches of Ficus glomerata. On the last day of her confinement
therein, the hut is pulled down, and the girl sets fire to it. The house is purified, and the
female relations go to the houses of the Ejaman and caste people, and invite them to be
present at a ceremonial. A small quantity of turmeric paste is stuck on the doors of the
houses of all who are invited. The relations and members of the caste carry betel, and
other articles, on trays in procession through the streets. The girl is seated on a plank,
and the trays are placed in front of her. Rice flour, fruits, betel, etc., are tied in her cloth,
and she is taken into the house. In the case of an unmarried girl, the hut is built by her
maternal uncle.

Marriage is always celebrated at the house of the bridegroom, as there is a legend that a
Rājah belonging to the Toreya caste had a son, who was taken to the house of his bride
elect, and there murdered. The bridegroom’s father and relations go to the house of the
bride, and make presents of money, cloths, ornaments, etc. They also have to make
obeisance to, and feed five married women sumptuously. Pandals (booths) are
constructed at the houses of both the bride and bridegroom. Five married women go, on
behalf of each of the contracting parties, to their houses, and pound rice there. On the
second day, five such women fetch water from a tank, and bathe the bride and
bridegroom respectively. The ten women then go to the potter’s house, and bring five
decorated pots. Three of these are taken to a tank, and filled with water. On the following
day, the bridegroom and his sister take the two remaining pots to the tank, and fill them
with water. The five pots are placed in the pandal, and represent the household gods. The

relations of the bridegroom take twelve kinds of ornaments, a new cloth, flowers, etc., to
the house of the Ejaman, and go with him to the bride’s house. She is then bathed, and
decked with finery. A Brāhman does pūja (worship) and ties on her forehead a
mandaikettu or bashingham (chaplet) made of gold leaf or tinsel. She is then carried in
procession to the house of the bridegroom. Meanwhile, the Brāhman ties a mandaikettu
on the forehead of the bridegroom, who puts on the sacred thread, and sits within the
pandal, holding a katar (dagger) in his hand, and closed in by a screen. The bride goes
thrice round this screen, and the Brāhman does pūja and gives advice (upadēsam) to the
couple. The screen is then lowered slightly, and the bride and bridegroom garland each
other. The bride’s parents place a few gingelly (Sesamum) seeds in the hand of the
bridegroom, and pour water thereon, saying that their daughter belongs to him, and
telling him to take care of her. The tāli, after being blessed by those assembled, is given
by the Brāhman to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride’s neck. The screen is then
removed, and the couple sit side by side. The sacred fire is lighted, their hands are linked
together, and the ends of their cloths tied together. They then leave the pandal, and,
placing their feet on a grindstone, look at the pole-star (Arundati). Entering the pandal
once more, they sit therein, and the elders bless them by throwing rice coloured with
turmeric over their heads. On the fourth day, they again sit within the pandal, and cooked
rice, coloured white, red, yellow, green, and black, on five trays, and nine lighted wicks
on a tray are waved before them. Five married men and women, holding a string, stand
round them in a circle, within which is the bride’s brother with a twig of pīpal (Ficus
religiosa). The bridegroom places his hands together, and small rice cakes are placed on
the head, shoulders, bend of the elbows and knees, and between the fingers of the
couple. They are then bathed, and, taking betel in their hands, bow to the four corners of
the earth. The bridegroom makes a nāmam (Vaishnavite sect mark), or places vibhūti
(sacred ashes) on the twelve posts of the pandal, and the bride places a little cooked rice
and water before each post, to which camphor is burnt, and pūja done. They then start
for the bride’s house, but the bride’s sister meets them at the entrance thereto, and will
not allow them to go in until she has extracted a promise that their child shall marry hers.
The bride proceeds to a tank, sowing some paddy (rice) on the way thither, and brings
back a pot of water, with which she washes her husband’s hands and feet. Husband and
wife then feed each other with a small quantity of rice and milk. Their hands are then
cleaned, and the bride’s brother puts a gold ring on the finger of the bridegroom. A tray
with betel leaves and areca nuts is brought, and the bridegroom ties three handfuls
thereof in his cloth. The newly married couple then worship at the temple. On the fifth
day, they carry the earthen pots to a river, and, on their return, five married women are
worshipped and fed. Five men have to come forward as sureties for the good behaviour
of the couple, and declare before those assembled that they will hold themselves
responsible for it. In the evening the pair go to the bride’s house, and rub oil over each
other’s head before bathing in turmeric water. On the following day they repair to the
house of the bridegroom.

The corpse of a dead Toreya is placed in a pandal constructed of cocoanut leaves and
stems of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli). Sect marks are placed on the foreheads
of the corpse and the widow. The son of the deceased dons the sacred thread. The funeral
ceremonies resemble, in many particulars, those of the Oddēs. A mound is piled up over
the grave. A Paraiyan places a small twig of the arka plant (Calotropis gigantea) in three
corners of the grave, leaving out the north-east corner, and the son puts a small coin on
each twig. As he goes round the grave with a water-pot and fire-brand, his maternal
uncle, who stands at the head of the grave, makes holes in the pot. On the third, fifth,
seventh, or ninth day, the widow, dressed in new cloths, and bedecked with ornaments
and flowers, is taken to the burial-ground, with offerings of milk, ghī (clarified butter),
tender cocoanut, sandal, camphor, etc. Five small stones, smeared with turmeric and
lime, are set up at the head of the grave, and worshipped. The widow goes thrice round
the grave, and seats herself near the head thereof. Her brother holds up her arms, and one
of her husband’s male relations breaks her bangles. She breaks, and throws her tāli on
the grave, with the flowers which adorn her. Her ornaments are removed, and she is
covered with a cloth, and taken to a river, where she is rubbed with cow-dung and
bathed. The son and other relatives go to the temple with butter and other articles. A
Brāhman does pūja, and shuts the doors of the temple. The son, with his back to the
temple, throws a little butter on the doors, which are then opened by the Brāhman. This
is done thrice. On the seventh day, pollution is removed by sprinkling holy water, and
the caste people are fed. A widow remains in seclusion (gōsha) for three months. Srādh
(memorial ceremony) is performed.

The Toreyas worship both Siva and Vishnu, but consider Ayodhya Rāman as their special
deity, and sacrifice sheep and fowls to Koriamma.

Toreya.—A sub-division of the Badagas of the Nīlgiris.

Tōta (garden).—Recorded as a sub-division of cultivating Balijas, and an exogamous
sept of Bōya, Chenchu, Vāda Balija (or Mila), Mutrācha and Bonthuk Savara. The
equivalent Tōta occurs as an exogamous sept of Kāpu and Yānādi. Tōta Dēvaru, or
garden god, is the name of an exogamous sept of the Tigala gardeners and cultivators.

Tōtakūra (Amarantus gangeticus).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Toththala or Tottadi.—A sub-division of Velama.

Tōti.—The Tōti or Totti is one of the village communal servants. The name has been
derived from tondu, to dig, or tott, to go round, as the Tōti is the purveyor of news, and
has to summon people to appear before the village council. The functions of this useful
person to the community have been summed up as follows by a district official.57 “This
individual has all the dirty work of the village allotted to him. He is of the lowest caste,

and hence makes no scruple of doing any manner of work that he may be called upon to
perform. The removal and sepulture of unclaimed dead bodies, the cleansing of
choultries, rest-houses and the like, where travellers carrying infectious diseases might
have halted, and other gruesome duties are entrusted to him. In spite of all this, the Tōti
is one of the most trusted of the humbler servants of the village community. Considering
his humble status and emoluments, which average between Rs. 3 and Rs. 4 a month, his
honesty with regard to pecuniary matters is wonderful. He may be trusted with untold
wealth, as is often done when he is the sole custodian of the revenue collections of his
village to the tune of several thousands at a time, when on their way from the collecting
officers to the Government Treasury.” Testimony is borne to the industry of the Tōti in
the proverb that if you work like a Tōti, you can enjoy the comforts of a king.

In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Tōti is returned as a sub-division of Chakkiliyan.
The Tōti of Mysore is defined by Mr. L. Rice58 as a menial among the village servants, a
deputy talāri, who is employed to watch the crops from the growing crop to the granary.

Odiya Tōti is a Tamil synonym for Oriya Haddis employed as scavengers in
municipalities in the Tamil country.

Tottiyan.—In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. W. Francis writes that the Tottiyans are
“Telugu cultivators. The Tottiyans or Kambalattāns of the Tanjore district are, however,
said to be vagrants, and to live by pig-breeding, snake-charming, and begging. So are the
sub-division called Kāttu Tottiyans in Tinnevelly. The headman among the Tinnevelly
Tottiyans is called the Mandai Periadanakkāran or Sērvaikāran. Their marriages are not
celebrated in their houses, but in pandals (booths) of green leaves erected for the purpose
on the village common. However wealthy the couple may be, the only grain which they
may eat at the wedding festivities is either cumbu (Pennisetum typhoideum) or horse-
gram (Dolichos biflorus). The patron deities of the caste are Jakkamma and Bommakka,
two women who committed sati. The morality of their women is loose. The custom of
marrying boys to their paternal aunt’s or maternal uncle’s daughter, however old she may
be, also obtains, and in such cases the bridegroom’s father is said to take upon himself
the duty of begetting children to his own son. Divorce is easy, and remarriage is freely
allowed. They offer rice and arrack (alcoholic liquor) to their ancestors. The Kāttu
Tottiyans will eat jackals, rats, and the leavings of other people. Tottiya women will not
eat in the houses of Brāhmans, but no explanation of this is forthcoming. The men wear
silver anklets on both legs, and also a bracelet upon one of the upper arms, both of which
practices are uncommon, while the women wear bangles only on the left arm, instead of
on both as usual. Some of the Zamindars in Madura belong to this caste. The caste title is
Nāyakkan.” At the census, 1901, Kudulukkāran was returned as a sub-caste of the
Tottiyans in Madura and Tinnevelly. The Urumikkāran, meaning those who play on the
drum called urumi, are said to be Tottiyans in Madura and Paraiyans elsewhere.

“The Tottiyans or Kambalattāns,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,59 “are a caste of Telugu
cultivators settled in the districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, Coimbatore and Salem. They
are probably the descendants of poligars and soldiers of the Nāyakkan kings of
Vijayanagar, who conquered the Madura country about the beginning of the sixteenth
century. As regards the origin of their caste, the Tottiyans say with pride that they are the
descendants of the eight thousand gōpastris (milkmaids) of Krishna—a tradition which
seems to indicate that their original occupation was connected with the rearing and
keeping of cattle. The most important sub-divisions are Kollar and Erkollar, the Tamil
form of the Telugu Golla and Yerragolla, which are now shepherd castes, though
probably they formerly had as much to do with cattle as sheep. Another large sub-
division is Kille or Killavar, which I take to be a corruption of the Telugu kilāri, a
herdman. The bride and bridegroom, too, are always seated on bullock saddles. They do
not wear the sacred thread. Most of them are Vaishnavites, some of whom employ
Brāhman priests, but the majority of them are guided by gurus of their own, called
Kodāngi Nāyakkan. [It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that caste
matters used to be settled by the Mēttu Nāyakkan or headman, and a Kodāngi Nāyakkan,
or priest, so called because he carried a drum.] Each family has its own household deity,
which appears to be a sort of representation of departed relations, chiefly women who
have burned themselves on the funeral pile of their husbands, or have led a chaste and
continent life, or died vestals. Their girls are married after they have attained maturity.
Adultery is no crime when committed within the family circle, but a liaison with an
outsider involves expulsion from the caste. It is said that their newly married girls are
even compelled to cohabit with their husband’s near relatives. [It is further said to be
believed that ill-luck will attend any refusal to do so, and that, so far from any disgrace
attaching to them in consequence, their priests compel them to keep up the custom, if by
any chance they are unwilling.60] The pongu tree (Pongamia glabra) is the sacred tree of
the caste. Suttee was formerly very common, and the remarriage of widows is
discouraged, if not actually forbidden. The dead are generally burned. Both men and
women are supposed to practice magic, and are on that account much dreaded by the
people generally. They are especially noted for their power of curing snake-bites by
means of mystical incantations, and the original inventor of this mode of treatment has
been deified under the name Pāmbalamman. They are allowed to eat flesh. The majority
speak Telugu in their houses.”

The traditional story of the migration of the Tottiyans to the Madura district is given in
several of the Mackenzie manuscripts, and is still repeated by the people of the caste.
“Centuries ago, says this legend, the Tottiyans lived to the north of the Tungabhadra
river. The Muhammadans there tried to marry their women, and make them eat beef. So
one fine night they fled southwards in a body. The Muhammadans pursued them, and
their path was blocked by a deep and rapid river. They had just given themselves up for
lost when a pongu (Pongamia glabra) tree on either side of the stream leant forward,

and, meeting in the middle, made a bridge across it. Over this they hurried, and, as soon
as they had passed, the trees stood erect once more, before the Mussulmans could
similarly cross by them. The Tottiyans in consequence still reverence the pongu tree, and
their marriage pandals (booths) are always made from its wood. They travelled on until
they came to the city of Vijayanagar, under whose king they took service, and it was in
the train of the Vijayanagar armies that they came to Madura.”61

The Tottiyans are most numerous in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, and include
two grades in the social scale. Of these, one consists of those who are engaged in
cultivation, and petty Zamindars. The other is made up of those who wander about
begging, and doing menial work. Between the two classes there is neither interdining nor
intermarriage. In districts other than Madura and Tinnevelly, the name Tottiyan is
applied by Tamil-speaking castes to the Jōgis, who are beggars and pig breeders, and,
like the Tottiyans, speak Telugu. The following legend is current, to account for the
division of the Tottiyans into two sections. They once gave a girl in marriage to a
Muhammadan ruler, and all the Tottiyans followed him. A large number went to sleep on
one side of a river, while the rest crossed, and went away. The latter are represented
today by the respectable section, and the begging class is descended from the former. To
this day the Muhammadans and Tottiyans of the Trichinopoly district are said to address
each other as if they were relations, and to be on terms of unusual intimacy.

In the Madura district, the Tottiyans are apparently divided into three endogamous
sections, viz., Vēkkili, Thokala, and Yerrakolla, of which the last is considered inferior to
the other two. Other names for the Vēkkili section are Kambalattar, or Rāja Kambalattar.
In some places, e.g., in Tinnevelly, there seem to be six divisions, Thokala, Chilla or
Silla, Kolla, Narasilla, Kānthikolla and Pāla. Of these, Pāla may intermarry with Chilla,
but the other four are endogamous. As examples of exogamous septs occurring among
the Yerrakollas may be noted Chīkala (broom), and Udama (lizard, Varanus), of which
the latter also occurs as an exogamous sept of the Kāpus.

In the neighbourhood of Nellakota in the Madura district, the Yerrakollas have a group
of seven septs called Rēvala, Gollavīrappa, Kambli-nayudi, Karadi (bear), Uduma,
Chīla, and Gelipithi. Intermarriage between these is forbidden, as they are all considered
as blood-relations, and they must marry into a group of seven other septs called
Gundagala, Būsala, Manni, Sukka, Alivīrappa, Sikka, and Mādha. The names of these
septs are remembered by a system of mnemonics.

In a note on the Tottiyans of the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as
follows. “Three endogamous sub-divisions exist in the caste, namely, the Erra (red)
Gollas or Pedda Inti (big family), the Nalla (black) Gollas or Chinna Inti (small family),
and the Vālus, who are also called Kudukuduppai Tottiyans. The Vālus are said to be a
restless class of beggars and sorcerers. The red Gollas are, as a rule, fairer than the

blacks (whence perhaps the names). The women of the former wear white cloths, while
those of the latter do not. Again, they tie their hair in different ways, and their ornaments
differ a good deal. The red women carry no emblem of marriage at all, while the black
women wear the pottu. The reds allow their widows to remarry, but the blacks do not.
Both sections have exogamous sections, called Kambalams—the reds fourteen, and the
blacks nine. The reds are divided, for purposes of caste discipline, into nine nādus and
the blacks into fourteen mandais. Each village is under a headman called the Ūr-
Nāyakan, and each nādu or mandai under a Pattakāran. The former decide petty disputes,
and the latter the more serious cases. The Pattakāran is treated with great deference. He
is always saluted with clasped hands, ought never to look on a corpse, and is said to be
allowed to consort with any married woman of the caste.”

The Tottiyans are supposed to be one of the nine Kambalam (blanket) castes, which,
according to one version, are made up of Kāppiliyans, Anappans, Tottiyans, Kurubas,
Kummaras, Parivārams, Urumikkārans, Mangalas, and Chakkiliyans. According to
another version, the nine castes are Kāppiliyan, Anappan, Tottiyan, Kolla Tottiyan,
Kuruba, Kummara, Mēdara, Oddē, and Chakkiliyan. At tribal council-meetings,
representatives of each of the nine Kambalams should be present. But, for the nine
castes, some have substituted nine septs. The Vekkiliyans seem to have three headmen,
called Mettu Nāyakan, Kodia Nāyakan, and Kambli Nāyakan, of whom the first
mentioned is the most important, and acts as priest on various ceremonial occasions,
such as puberty and marriage rites, and the worship of Jakkamma and Bommakka. The
Kambli Nāyakan attends to the purification of peccant or erring members of the
community, in connection with which the head of a sheep or goat is taken into the house
by the Kambli Nāyakan. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that “persons
charged with offences are invited to prove their innocence by undergoing ordeals. These
are now harmless enough, such as attempting to cook rice in a pot which has not been
fired, but Turnbull says that he saw the boiling oil ordeal in 1813 in Pudukkōttai
territory. Perhaps the most serious caste offence is adultery with a man of another
community. Turnbull says that women convicted of this used to be sentenced to be killed
by Chakkiliyans, but nowadays rigid excommunication is the penalty.”

The Kambalam caste is so called because, at caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket)
is spread, on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and containing
margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, and decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by
mango leaves and a cocoanut.

A correspondent writes to me that “the Zamindars in the western parts of Madura, and
parts of Tinnevelly, are known as Kambala Palayapat. If a man belongs to a Zamindar’s
family, he is said to be of the Rāja Kambala caste. The marriage ceremony is carried out
in two temporary huts erected outside the village, one for the bridegroom, the other for
the bride. The tāli is tied round the bride’s neck by an elderly female or male belonging

to the family. If the marriage is contracted with a woman of an inferior class, the
bridegroom’s hut is not made use of, and he does not personally take part in the
ceremony. A dagger (kattar), or rude sword, is sent to represent him, and the tāli is tied in
the presence thereof.”

In a zamindari suit, details of which are published in the Madras Law Reports, Vol.
XVII, 1894, the Judge found that the plaintiff’s mother was married to the plaintiff’s
father in the dagger form; that a dagger is used by the Saptūr Zamindars, who are called
Kattari Kamaya, in the case of inequality in the caste or social position of the bride; that,
though the customary rites of the Kambala caste were also performed, yet the use of the
dagger was an essential addition; and that, though she was of a different and inferior
caste to that of the plaintiff’s father, yet that did not invalidate the marriage. The
defendant’s argument was that the dagger was used to represent the Zamindar
bridegroom as he did not attend in person, and that, by his non-attendance, there could
have been no joining of hands, or other essential for constituting a valid marriage. The
plaintiff argued that the nuptial rites were duly performed, the Zamindar being present;
that the dagger was there merely as an ornament; and that it was customary for people of
the Zamindar’s caste to have a dagger paraded on the occasion of marriages. The Judge
found that the dagger was there for the purpose of indicating that the two ladies, whom
the Zamindar married, were of an inferior caste and rank.

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that, when a Tottiyan girl attains
maturity, “she is kept in a separate hut, which is watched by a Chakkiliyan. Marriage is
either infant or adult. A man has the usual claim to his paternal aunt’s daughter, and so
rigorously is this rule followed that boys of tender years are frequently married to grown
women. These latter are allowed to consort with their husband’s near relations, and the
boy is held to be the father of any children which may be born. Weddings last three days,
and involve very numerous ceremonies. They take place in a special pandal erected in
the village, on either side of which are smaller pandals for the bride and bridegroom.
Two uncommon rites are the slaughtering of a red ram without blemish, and marking the
foreheads of the couple with its blood, and the pursuit by the bridegroom, with a bow
and arrow, of a man who pretends to flee, but is at length captured and bound. The ram is
first sprinkled with water, and, if it shivers, this, as usual, is held to be a good omen. The
bride-price is seven kalams of kumbu (Pennisetum typhoideum), and the couple may eat
only this grain and horse-gram until the wedding is over. A bottu (marriage badge) is tied
round the bride’s neck by the bridegroom’s sister.”

Concerning the marriage ceremonies of the Yerrakollas, I gather that, on the betrothal
day, kumbu must be cooked. Food is given to seven people belonging to seven different
septs. They are then presented with betel leaves and areca nuts and four annas tied in a
cloth, and the approaching marriage is announced. On the wedding day, the bride and
bridegroom are seated on planks on the marriage dais, and milk is sprinkled over them

by people of their own sex. A few hours later, the bridegroom takes his seat in the
pandal, whither the bride is brought in the arms of her maternal uncle. She sits by the
side of the bridegroom, and the Mettu Nāyakan links together the little fingers of the
contracting couple, and tells them to exchange rings. This is the binding portion of the
ceremony, and no bottu is tied round the bride’s neck. At a marriage among the
Vekkiliyans, two huts are constructed in an open space outside the village, in front of
which a pandal is erected, supported by twelve posts, and roofed with leafy twigs of the
pongu tree and Mimusops hexandra. On the following day, the bride and bridegroom are
conducted to the huts, the bride being sometimes carried in the arms of her maternal
uncle. They worship the ancestral heroes, who are represented by new cloths folded, and
placed on a tray. The bridegroom’s sister ties the bottu on the bride’s neck inside her hut,
in front of which kumbu grain is scattered. Betel and a fanam (coin) are placed in the
bride’s lap. On the third day the bridegroom is dressed up, and, mounting a horse, goes,
accompanied by the marriage pots, three times round the huts. He then enters the bride’s
hut, and she is carried in the arms of the cousins of the bridegroom thrice round the huts.
The contracting couple then sit on planks, and the cousins, by order of the Mettu
Nāyakan, link their little fingers together. They then enter the bridegroom’s hut, and a
mock ploughing ceremony is performed. Coming out from the hut, they take up a child,
and carry it three times round the huts. This is, it is said, done because, in former days,
the Tottiyan bride and bridegroom had to remain in the marriage huts till a child was
born, because the Mettu Nāyakan was so busy that he had no time to complete the
marriage ceremony until nearly a year had elapsed.

At a wedding among the nomad Tottiyans, a fowl is killed near the marriage (aravēni)
pots, and with its blood a mark is made on the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom on
their entry into the booths. The Vekkiliyans sacrifice a goat or sheep instead of a fowl,
and the more advanced among them substitute the breaking of a cocoanut for the animal
sacrifice.

In connection with marriage, Mr. Hemingway writes that “the Tottiyans very commonly
marry a young boy to a grown woman, and, as among the Konga Vellālas, the boy’s
father takes the duties of a husband upon himself until the boy is grown up. Married
women are allowed to bestow their favours upon their husbands’ relations, and it is said
to be an understood thing that a man should not enter his dwelling, if he sees another’s
slippers placed outside as a sign that the owner of them is with the mistress of the house.
Intercourse with men of another caste is, however, punished by expulsion, and widows
and unmarried girls who go astray are severely dealt with. Formerly, it is said, they were
killed.”

At a Tottiyan funeral, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a Chakkiliyan, and the
pyre is lighted, not by the sons, but by the sammandhis (relations by marriage).

The Tottiyans of the Madura district observe the worship of ancestors, who are
represented by a number of stones set up somewhere within the village boundaries. Such
places are called mālē. According to Mr. Hemingway, when a member of the caste dies,
some of the bones are buried in this shed, along with a coin, and a stone is planted on the
spot. The stones are arranged in an irregular circle. The circles of the Yerrakollas are
exceedingly simple, and recall to mind those of the Nāyādis of Malabar, but without the
tree. The stones are set up in an open space close to the burning-ground. When a death
occurs, a stone is erected among the ashes of the deceased on the last day of the funeral
ceremonies (karmāndhiram), and worshipped. It is immediately transferred to the
ancestral circle. The mālē of the Vekkiliyan section of the Tottiyans consists of a massive
central wooden pillar, carved with male and female human figures, set up in a cavity in a
round boulder, and covered over by a conical canopy supported on pillars. When this
canopy is set in motion, the central pillar appears to be shaking. This illusion, it is
claimed, is due to the power of the ancestral gods. All round the central pillar, which is
about ten feet high, a number of stones of different sizes are set up. The central pillar
represents Jakkamma and other remote ancestors. The surrounding stones are the
representatives of those who have died in recent times. Like the Yerrakollas, the
Vekkiliyans erect a stone on the karmāndhiram day at the spot where the body was
cremated, but, instead of transferring it at once to the ancestral circle, they wait till the
day of periodical mālē worship, which, being an expensive ceremonial, may take place
only once in twelve years. If the interval is long, the number of stones representing those
who have died meanwhile may be very large. News of the approaching mālē worship is
sent to the neighbouring villages, and, on the appointed day, people of all castes pour in,
bringing with them several hundred bulls. The hosts supply their guests with fodder,
pots, and a liberal allowance of sugar-cane. Refusal to bestow sugar-cane freely would
involve failure of the object of the ceremonial. After the completion of the worship, the
bulls are let loose, and the animal which reaches the mālē first is decorated, and held in
reverence. Its owner is presented with cloths, money, etc. The ceremony may be
compared with that of selecting the king bull among the Kāppiliyans.

Tottiyan Mālē.

Self-cremation is said62 to have been “habitually practiced by Tottiya widows in the
times anterior to British domination; and great respect was always shown to the memory
of such as observed the custom. Small tombs termed thipanjankōvil (fire-torch temple)
were erected in their honour on the high-roads, and at these oblations were once a year
offered to the manes of the deceased heroines. Sati was not, however, compulsory
among them, and, if a widow lived at all times a perfectly chaste and religious life, she
was honoured equally with such as performed the rite.” It is noted, in the Gazetteer of
the Madura district, that “sati was formerly very common in the caste, and the two caste
goddesses, Jakkamma and Bommayya, are deifications of women who thus sacrificed
themselves. Every four years a festival is held in their honour, one of the chief events in
which is a bullock race. The owner of the winning animal receives a prize, and gets the
first betel and nut during the feast. The caste god is Perumāl, who is worshipped in the
form of a curry-grinding stone. The story goes that, when the Tottiyans were fleeing to
the south, one of their women found her grinding-stone so intolerably heavy that she
threw it away. It, however, re-appeared in her basket. Thrown away again, it once more
re-appeared, and she then realised that the caste god must be accompanying them.”

“The Tottiyans,” Mr. Hemingway writes, “do not recognise the superiority of Brāhmans,
or employ them as priests at marriages or funerals. They are deeply devoted to their own
caste deities. Some of these are Bommaka and Mallamma (the spirits of women who
committed sati long ago), Vīrakāran or Vīramāti (a bridegroom who was killed in a fight
with a tiger), Pattālamma (who helped them in their flight from the north), and Mālai
Tambirān, the god of ancestors. Muttalamma and Jakkamma are also found. Mālai
Tambirān is worshipped in the mālē. The Tottiyans are known for their uncanny devotion
to sorcery and witchcraft. All of them are supposed to possess unholy powers, especially
the Nalla Gollas, and they are much dreaded by their neighbours. They do not allow any
stranger to enter their villages with shoes on, or on horseback, or holding up an
umbrella, lest their god should be offended. It is generally believed that, if any one
breaks this rule, he will be visited with illness or some other punishment.”

Tottiyan Mālē.

The Tottiyans have attached to them a class of beggars called Pichiga vādu, concerning
whose origin the following legend is narrated. There were, once upon a time, seven
brothers and a sister belonging to the Irrivāru exogamous sept. The brothers went on a
pilgrimage to Benares, leaving their sister behind. One day, while she was bathing, a
sacred bull (Nandi) left its sperm on her cloth, and she conceived. Her condition was
noticed by her brothers on their return, and, suspecting her of immorality, they were
about to excommunicate her. But they discovered some cows in calf as the result of
parthenogenesis, and six of the brothers were satisfied as to the girl’s innocence. The
seventh, however, required further proof. After the child was born, it was tied to a branch

of a dead chilla tree (Strychnos potatorum), which at once burst into leaf and flower. The
doubting brother became a cripple, and his descendants are called Pichiga vāru, and
those of the baby Chilla vāru.

Traivarnika (third caste men).—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a
section of Kōmatis (who claim to be Vaisyas, or members of the third caste of Manu),
who follow the details of Brāhmanical customs more scrupulously than the others. They
are described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as followers of the Rāmānuja faith, who deal
chiefly in gold and silver, and ornaments made thereof.

Triputa (Ipomæa Turpethum, Indian jalap).—A sept of Vīramushti.

Tsākala.—The Tsākalas, Sākalas, or Chākalas, who derive their name from chāku (to
wash), are the washermen of the Telugu country, and also act as torch and palanquin
bearers. In the Census Report, 1901, Tellakula (the white class) is given as a synonym.
The Rev. J. Cain writes63 that the “Tellakulavandlu are really washermen who, in
consequence of having obtained employment as peons (orderlies) in Government offices,
feel themselves to be superior to their old caste people. In their own towns or villages
they acknowledge themselves to be washermen, but in other places they disclaim all
such connection.” It is noted in the Kurnool Manual (1886) that, in the Cumbum
division, “they serve as palanquin-bearers, and are always at the mercy of Government
officials, and are compelled to carry baggage for little or no wage. Some are Inamdars
(landholders), while others work for wages.”

The ordinary Tsākalas are called Bāna Tsākala, in contradistinction to the Gūna or
Velama Tsākāla. Bāna is the Telugu name for the large pot, which the washermen use for
boiling the clothes.64 The Gūna Tsākalas are dyers. In a note on the Velamas, Mr. H. A.
Stuart writes65 that “some say they form a sub-division of the Balijas, but this they
themselves most vehemently deny, and the Balijas derisively call them Gūni
Sākalavāndlu (hunchbacked washermen). The pride and jealousy of Hindu castes was
amusingly illustrated by the Velamas of Kālahasti. The Deputy Tahsildar of that town
was desired to ascertain the origin of the name Gūni Sākalavāndlu, but, as soon as he
asked the question, a member of the caste lodged a complaint of defamation against him
before the District Magistrate. The nickname appears to have been applied to them
because in the northern districts some print chintz, and, carrying their goods in a bundle
on their backs, walk stooping like a laden washerman. This derivation is more than
doubtful, for, in the Godāvari district, the name is Gūna Sākalavāndlu, gūna being the
large pot in which they dye the chintzes.”

Like other Telugu castes, the Tsākalas have exogamous septs or intipēru, among which
chīmala (ant) is of common occurrence. Members of the gummadi sept do not cultivate,
or eat the fruit of Cucurbita maxima (gummadi), and those of the magili pula gōtra avoid

the fruit of Pandanus fascicularis. In like manner, sword beans (Canavalia ensiformis)
may not be eaten by those who belong to the thamballa gōtra.

Among the sub-divisions of the caste are Reddi Bhūmi (Reddi earth), Murikināti,
Pākanāti (eastern country), Dēsa, and Golkonda. Of these, some are also sub-divisions of
other Telugu classes, as follows:—

Dēsa or Dēsūr Balija—Kāpu.

Murikināti or Murikinādu—Kamsala, Mangala, Māla and Rāzu.

Pākanāti—Balija, Golla, Kamsala, Kāpu, and Māla.

Reddi Bhūmi—Māla, Mangala.

At the census, 1891, Odde was recorded as a sub-division of the Tsākalas, and it is noted
in the Vizagapatam Manual (1869) that the Vadde or Odde Cakali wash clothes, and
carry torches in that district. The name Odde Tsākala refers to Oriya-speaking
washermen. Telugus call the Oriya country Ōdra or Odde dēsam and Oriyas Ōdra or
Odde Vāndlu.

Like the Tamil Vannāns, the Tsākalas prepare for various castes torches for processional
or other ceremonial occasions, and the face cloth, and paddy piled up at the head of a
corpse, are their perquisite. The Reddi Bhūmi and other sub-divisions wash the clothes
of all classes, except Mālas and Mādigās, while the Dēsa and Golkonda sub-divisions
will wash for both Mālas and Mādigās, provided that the clothes are steeped in water,
and not handed to them, but left therein, to be taken by the washerman. Every village has
its families of washermen, who, in return for their services, receive an allowance of grain
once a year, and may have land allotted to them. Whenever a goat or fowl has to be
sacrificed to a deity, it is the privilege of the Tsākala to cut off the head, or wring the
neck of the animal. When Kāpu women go on a visit to a distant village, they are
accompanied by a Tsākala. At a Kāpu wedding, a small party of Kāpus, taking with them
some food and gingelly (Sesamum) oil, proceed in procession to the house of a Tsākala,
in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or sticks, over which cotton
threads (dhornam) are wound, and the Ganga idol, which is kept in his custody. The food
is presented to him, and some rice poured into his cloth. Receiving these things, he says
that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and demands gingelly oil.
This is given to him, and the Kāpus return with the Tsākala carrying the dhornam and
idol to the marriage house. The Tsākala is asked to tie the dhornam to the pandal
(marriage booth) or roof of the house, and he demands some paddy (unhusked rice)
which is heaped up on the ground. Standing thereon, he ties the dhornam. At a Panta
Kāpu wedding, the Ganga idol, together with a goat and kāvadi (bamboo pole), with
baskets of rice, cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts, is carried in procession to a pond or

temple. The washerman, dressed up as a woman, heads the procession, and keeps on
dancing and singing till the destination is reached. At the conclusion of the ceremonial,
he takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. Among the Panta Reddis of the Tamil
country, the idol is taken in procession by the washerman, who goes to every Reddi
house, and receives a present of money. At a wedding among the Īdigas (Telugu toddy-
drawers), the brother of the bride is fantastically dressed, with margosa (Melia
Azadirachta) leaves in his turban, and carries a bow and arrow. This kodangi (buffoon) is
conducted in procession to the temple by a few married women, and made to walk over
cloths spread on the ground by the village washerman. The cloth worn by a Kāpu girl at
the time of her first menstrual ceremony is the perquisite of the washerwoman.

The tribal deity of the Tsākalas is Madivālayya, in whose honour a feast, called Mailar or
Mailar Pandaga, is held in January immediately after the Pongal festival. Small models
of pots, slabs of stone such as are used for beating the wet clothes on, and other articles
used in their work, are made in rice and flour paste. After they have been worshipped,
fruits, cooked vegetables, etc., are offered, and a sheep or goat is sacrificed. Some of its
blood is mixed with the food, of which a little is sprinkled over the pots, stones, etc.,
used during washing operations. If this ceremonial was not observed, it is believed that
the clothes, when boiling in the water pot, would catch fire, and be ruined. The festival,
which is not observed by the Dēsa and Golkonda Tsākalas, lasts for five or seven days,
and is a time of holiday.

At the first menstrual ceremony, the maternal uncle of the girl has to erect a hut made of
seven different kinds of sticks, of which one must be from a Strychnos Nux-vomica tree.
The details of the marriage ceremony are very similar to those of the Balijas and
Kammas. The distribution of pān-supāri, and the tying of the dhornam to the pandal
must be carried out by an assistant headman called Gatamdar. On the last day, a goat or
sheep is sacrificed to the marriage pots. Liberal potations of toddy are given to those
who attend the wedding.

The Tsākalas have a caste beggar called Mailāri, or Patam, because he carries a brass
plate (patam) with the figure of a deity engraved on it. He is said to be a Lingāyat.

Tsalla or Challa (butter-milk).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Tsanda or Chanda (tax or subscription).—An exogamous sept of Kamma and Mēdara.

Tulabhāram.—In his description66 of the Tulabhāram or Tulapurushadānam ceremony
performed by the Mahārājas of Travancore, Mr. Shungoony Menon explains that the
latter word is a compound of three Sanskrit words, tula (scales), purusha (man), and
dānam (gift, particularly of a religious character). And he gives the following description
of the ceremonial, for the performance of which a Tulamandapam is erected, wherein the

scales are set up, and the weighing and other rites performed. On the eighth day “after
worshipping and making offerings, the Mahārāja proceeds to the Tulamandapam, where,
in the south-east corner, he is sprinkled with punyāham water. Then he goes to the side
room, where the ‘nine grains’ are sown in silver flower pots, where the achārya anoints
him with nine fresh-water kalasas. Thence the Mahārāja retires to the palace, changes
clothes, wears certain jewels specially made for the occasion, and, holding the State
sword in his right hand and the State shield in his left, he proceeds to the pagoda; and,
having presented a bull elephant at the foot of the great golden flagstaff, and silks, gold
coins, jewels and other rich offerings in the interior, he walks round by the
Sevaimandapam, and re-enters the Tulamandapam. He walks thrice round the scales,
prostrates himself before it, bows before the priests and elderly relatives, and obtains
their sanction to perform the Tulapurushadānam. He then mounts the western scale,
holding Yama’s and Surya’s pratimās in his right and left hand respectively. He sits
facing to the east on a circular heavy plank cut out of fresh jack-wood (Artocarpus
integrifolia), and covered with silk. He repeats mantras (prayers) in this position. The
opposite or eastern scale then receives the gold, both coined and in ingots, till it not only
attains equality but touches the ground, and the scale occupied by the Mahārāja rises
high. The Mahārāja then comes down, and, sitting facing to the east, places the gold, the
Tulupurusha pratimā and other pratimās, with flowers, sandal paste, etc., in a basin of
water, and, meditating on Brahma or the Supreme Being, he offers the contents to
Brāhmans generically.” Of the gold placed in the scale, one-fourth is divided among the
priests who conduct the ceremony, and the remaining three-fourths are distributed
among Brāhmans. For use in connection with the ceremony, gold coins, called tulabhāra
kāsu, are specially struck. They bear on one side the Malayālam legend Srī Padmanābha,
and on the other a chank shell.

In connection with the tulabhāram ceremony as performed at the temple of Kāli, the
goddess of cholera and small-pox at Cranganore in the Cochin State, Mr. T. K. Gopal
Panikkar writes as follows.67 “When a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his
relations generally pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to
perform what goes by the name of a thulabhāram ceremony. The process consists in
placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against
gold or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well) deposited in the
other scale-pan. Then this weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. This is to be
performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard.”

In connection with weighing ceremonies, it may be noted that, at Mulki in South Canara,
there is a temple of Venkatēswara, which is maintained by Konkani Brāhmans. A
Konkani Brāhman, who is attached to the temple, becomes inspired almost daily
between 10 and 11 A.M. immediately after pūja (worship), and people consult him.
Some time ago, a rich merchant (a Baniya from Gujarat) consulted the inspired man
(Darsana) as to what steps should be taken to enable his wife to be safely delivered. The

Darsana told him to take a vow that he would present to the god of the temple silver,
sugar-candy, and date fruits, equal in weight to that of his wife. This he did, and his wife
was delivered of a male child. The cost of the ceremonial is said to have been five
thousand rupees.

Tulabīna.—The Tulabīnas are a class of cotton-cleaners, who are scattered over the
Ganjam district, and said to be more numerous in Cuttack. It is suggested that the name
is derived from tula, the beam of a balance, and bīna (or vīna) a stringed musical
instrument. The apparatus used by them in cleaning cotton, which bears a fanciful
resemblance to a vīna, is suspended by a rope so that it is properly balanced, and the gut-
string thereof struck with a dumb-bell shaped implement, to set it vibrating.

Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum, sacred basil).—A sub-division of Velama, and gōtra of
Kōmati. The tulsi plant is planted in Hindu houses and worshipped by women, and the
wood is made into beads for rosaries.

Tulukkar (Turks).—A Tamil name sometimes applied to Muhammadans.

Tuluva.—Tulu, Tuluva, or Tuluvan occurs as the name of a sub-division of the Tamil
Vellālas, and of the Agasas, Billavas, Gaudas, Kumbāras, and other classes in South
Canara. The equivalent Tulumar is recorded as a sub-caste of Māvilan, which speaks
Tulu.

Concerning the Tuluva Vellālas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes68 that these are immigrants from
the Tulu country, a part of the modern district of South Canara. Mr. Nelson is of opinion
that these are the original Vellālas, who were invited to Tondamandalam after its
conquest by the Chola king Adondai Chakravarti.69

Tunnaran (tailor).—An occupational sub-division of Nāyar.

Tupākala.—Tupākala or Tupāki (gun) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of
Balija, Kavarai, and Yānādi.

Turaka.—Recorded as a sept of Kuruba. It is further a Telugu name sometimes applied
to Muhammadans. There is also a thief class, known as Bhattu Turaka. (See Bhatrāzu.)

Turuvalar.—Recorded in the Salem Manual as a caste name, by which some of the
Vēdans call themselves. “The Turuvalar are distinguished as the Kattukudugirajāti, a
name derived from a custom among them which authorizes informal temporary
matrimonial arrangements.”

1 Ind. Ant. IV, 1875.
2 Manners, Customs, and Observances.
3 Malabar Law and Custom, 1905.
4 Tarwad: a marumakkathāyam family, consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one
common female ancestor.

5 The Todas, 1906.
6 Malabar Law and Custom.

7 Madras Census Report, 1891.
8 Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
9 Gazetteer of Malabar.
10 Monograph Eth. Survey, Cochin No. 1, 1905.

11 Ind. Ant., IX, 1880.
12 Ind. Ant., IX. 1880.

13 F. S. Mullaly. Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
14 Monograph, Eth. Survey, Bombay, No. 93, Tigala, 1907.

15 Malabar Law and Custom.
16 Lieutenant-General E. F. Burton. An Indian Olio.

17 Monograph Ethnog. Survey of the Cochin State, No. 10, Izhuvas, 1905.
18 The Tinnevelly Shānars, 1849.

19 Madras Census Report, 1871.

20 A fanam is a small gold coin, worth about four annas, which was formerly current in Southern
India, but is no longer in circulation.

21 Other kinds of necklaces are the mullapu (jasmine flower) mala, avil (beaten rice) mala, so
called from the shape of the links, mani mala or bead necklace, and pavizham (coral) mala. These are
all worn by women.
22 Ordinarily, paddy is partly boiled before it is pounded to remove the husk. Raw rice is obtained
by pounding the paddy, which has not undergone any boiling.
23 There must in all be five or seven females.
24 The taboot is a model of a Muhammadan mausoleum, intended to represent the tomb of Husain,
which is carried in procession during the Moharram festival.

25 Manavalan = bridegroom; Manavati = bride.
26 An Indian Olio.

27 The washerman of the Nambūtiris and Nāyars is called Veluthēdan.
28 Nāyars are addressed as Kammal by Tiyans and artisans.

29 The number twelve, so significant in Malabar.
30 Nasrāni (Nazarene) is a term for Christians on the west coast.

31 Indian Review, Oct. 1906.
32 The Todas. 1906.

33 Ney = ghi or clarified butter.
34 Aboriginal Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills.

35 Madras Diocesan Magazine, November, 1907.
36 See Madras Museum Bull., IV, 1896, pl. XII.

37 Average 73.
38 Op. cit., Appendix IV, 738.

39 R. Bache. Royal Magazine, August 1901.
40 Ind. Ant., III, 1874.

41 Description of a singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the summit of the Neilgherry Hills, 1832.
42 Op. cit.

43 A Phrenologist among the Todas, 1873.
44 J. W. Breeks. Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilgiris, 1873.
45 Catalogue of the Prehistoric Antiquities, Government Museum, Madras, 1901.
46 I have seen this plant growing on the grass in front of the Paikāra bungalow.
47 Op. cit.
48 Ellis. History of Madagascar.
49 Tribes inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills. By a German missionary, 1856.
50 Proc. Cambridge Philosoph. Soc., XII, 1904.
51 “Puzhutkina—Shall I throw earth?” Rivers.
52 Called by Breeks ilata, which, Dr. Rivers suggests, is a Badaga name.
53 Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.
54 Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
55 A. Chatterton. Monograph on Tanning and Working in Leather. Madras, 1904.
56 Cf. Tanti. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal.
57 Madras Mail, 1906.
58 Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.
59 Madras Census Report, 1891.
60 Manual of the Madura district.
61 Gazetteer of the Madura district.
62 Manual of the Madura district.
63 Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.

64 Ibid.
65 Manual of the North Arcot district.

66 History of Travancore, 1878.
67 Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900.

68 Madras Census Report, 1891.
69 Manual of the Madura district.

U
Udāsi.—A few members of this Central India sect of religious mendicants
and devotees have been returned at times of census. It is said to have been
founded three hundred years ago by one Gopāldas.

Udaiya.—Udaiya, meaning lord, is the title of many well-to-do Lingāyats
and of some Jains, and Udaiya or Wodeiyar occurs as the name of a
Lingāyat sub-division of the Badagas of the Nīligiri hills. The Mahārājas of
Mysore belong to the Wodeiyar dynasty, which was restored after the
Muhammadan usurpation of Haidar Āli and Tīpu Sultan. The name of the
present Maharāja is Srī Krishna Rāja Wodeiyar Bahādur.

Udaiyān.—It is noted in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “the four
Tamil castes Nattamān, Malaimān, Sudarmān (or Suruthimān), and Udaiyān
are closely connected. The last is probably a title rather than a caste, and is
the usual agnomen of the Nattamāns, Malaimāns, and Sudarmāns, as also of
the potter caste (Kusavan). Nattamān means a man of the plains, Malaimān
a man of the hills, and Sudarmān one who does good, a hero. Nattampadi is
another form of Nattamān. Tradition traces the descent of the three castes
from a certain Dēva Rāja, a Chēra king, who had three wives, by each of
whom he had a son, and these were the ancestors of the three castes. There
are other stories, but all agree in ascribing the origin of the castes to a single
progenitor of the Chēra dynasty. It seems probable that they are descendants

of the Vēdar soldiers of the Kongu country, who were induced to settle in
the eastern districts of the Chēra kingdom. Additional evidence of the
important position they once held is afforded by the titles Pandariyār,
Pandārāttār (custodians of the treasury), which some of them still use. Some
of them again are locally styled Poligars (Pālayakkāran) by the ordinary
ryots, and the title Kāvalgar is not infrequent.”

In a note on the Udaiyāns, Malaiyamāns, Nattamāns, and Sudarmāns of the
Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. “Though, in
the Census Report, 1901, they are shown as separate castes, in this district
they are endogamous sub-divisions of one and the same caste, namely the
Udaiyāns. The three sub-divisions are unanimous in saying that they are the
descendants of the three Paraiyan foster-daughters of the poetess Auvaiyar,
all of whom became the wives of the king of Tirukkoyilūr in South Arcot, a
certain Daivika, who was warned that only by marrying these women could
he save his family from disaster. The Chōla, Pāndya, and Chēra kings were
present at the wedding, and, on their blessing the bridegroom and his brides,
they were themselves blessed by the poetess, to whom the Chēra kingdom
owes its unfailing rain, the Chōla country its rice fields, and the Pāndyan
realm its cotton. The poorness of the last blessing is due to the fact that the
Pāndya king was slow to offer his good wishes. The three sub-divisions eat
together, and recognise the tie of a common descent, but do not intermarry.
The section called Arisakkāra Nattamān is looked down upon by the rest,
and may not intermarry with any of them. All have well-defined exogamous
sub-divisions, called kānis, derived from places where their different
ancestors are supposed to have lived, e.g., Kolattūr, Kannanūr, Ariyalūr. The
Udaiyāns put on sacred threads at marriages and funerals, and some of them
have recently begun to wear them always. They are generally cultivators,
and, with the exception of the Sudarmāns, who are supposed to have a turn
for crime, are law-abiding citizens. One section of the Sudarmāns, the
Mūppans of Kapistalam in Tanjore, have a bad reputation for criminality. A
curious practice is that, before arranging a marriage, it is customary for the
bride’s party to go to the bridegroom’s house, to dine with him, and test his
health by seeing how much he can eat. They allow a boy, whose suit for the
hand of a girl within certain degrees of relationship is refused by her
parents, to marry the girl, notwithstanding, by tying a tāli (marriage

emblem) round her neck. They also permit the betrothal of infants, the form
observed being to present the child with a new cloth and a mat, and to apply
sacred ashes to its forehead. At their funerals, the mourning party has to
chew some rice and spit it out on the return from the burning-ground, and,
on the sixteenth day, the widow is made to worship a light, and to touch a
salt pot. The Nattamān women do not, as a rule, cover their breasts. The
lobes of their ears are very distended, and they tattoo their chins and cheeks
in the Paraiyan fashion. This is supposed to be in recollection of their
origin. The Malaiyamān women wear their tāli on a golden wire instead of
on a thread.”

“The Udaiyāns,” Mr. Francis writes,1 are a caste, which is specially
numerous in South Arcot. Most of them are cultivators, and in Kallakurchi
many are also money-lenders on a large scale. They adopt numerous
different titles in an indiscriminate way, and four brothers have been known
to call themselves respectively Nāyak, Pillai, Mudali, and Udaiyān. They
have three sub-divisions—Malaiyamān, Nattamān, and Sudarmān—which
all admit that they are descended from one common stock, will usually dine
together, but do not intermarry. Some of the caste, however, are now turning
vegetarians, and these will not only not eat with the others, but will not let
their girls marry them. They do not, nevertheless, object to their sons taking
brides from the meat-eating classes, and thus provide an interesting, if
small, instance of the (on this coast) uncommon practice of hypergamy. In
all general matters the ways of the three sub-divisions are similar.
Sudarmāns are uncommon in this district, and are stated to be chiefly found
in Trichinopoly and Tanjore. The Udaiyāns say that the three groups are the
descendants of a king who once ruled at Tirukkōyilūr, the first of whom
took the hilly part of his father’s country, and so was called Malaiyamān;
the second the level tracts, whence his name Nattamān, and the third was
the scholar of the family, and learned in the holy books (srutas), and so was
called Sudarmān. These Udaiyāns are the caste from which were drawn
some of the kāvalgārs (watchmen) who, in pre-British days, were appointed
to perform police duties, and keep the country clear of thieves; and some of
the descendants of these men, who are known to their neighbours as
poligars, and still have considerable local influence, are even now to be met
with. The connection of the members of the caste with the Vēpūr (criminal)

Paraiyans, which is of course confined to the less reputable sections among
them, seems to have had its origin in the days when they were still head
kāvalgārs, and these Paraiyans were their talaiyāris, entrusted, under their
orders, with police duties in the different villages. It now consists in acting
as receivers of the property these people steal, and in protecting them in
diverse ways—finding and feeing a vakil (law pleader) for their defence,
for instance—when they are in trouble with the police. It is commonly
declared that their relations are sometimes of a closer nature, and that the
wives of Vēppūr Paraiyans who are in enforced retirement are cared for by
the Udaiyāns. To this is popularly attributed the undoubted fact that these
Paraiyans are often much fairer in complexion than other members of that
caste.”

The village of Mangalam in the South Arcot district is “chiefly interesting
on account of its being the only village in the district where buffalo
sacrifices on any scale are still regularly made. Buffaloes are dedicated to
the Kāli shrine in Mangalam even by persons in the Salem, Tanjore and
Trichinopoly districts, and the village is commonly known as Māduvetti
Mangalam, or buffalo-sacrificing Mangalam. When a man or any of his
belongings gets seriously sick, he consecrates an animal to this shrine, and,
if the illness ends favourably, it is sent to its fate at the temple on the date of
the annual sacrifice (May-June). When the buffalo is dedicated, a piece of
saffron-coloured cloth, in which is placed some small coin and a cadjan
(palm) leaf containing an announcement of the dedication, is tied to its
horns, and it is allowed to roam wherever it likes through the fields. On the
day of the sacrifice, fourteen of the best of the animals which have been
dedicated and brought to the temple are selected, and seven of them are tied
to an equal number of stone posts in front of the goddess’ shrine. The pūjāri
(priest), who is an Udaiyān by caste, then walks down the line, and beheads
them one after the other. The goddess is next taken round on a car, and, on
her return to the temple, the other seven buffaloes are similarly killed. The
animals which are not selected are sold, and the proceeds paid into the
temple treasury. There are two images in the temple, one of Kāli, and the
other, which is placed at the back of the shrine, of Mangalayāchi. The latter
goddess does not approve of animal sacrifices, and, while the above

ceremonies are proceeding, a blanket is hung in front of her so that she may
not see them.”2

It is noted by Bishop Whitehead that, a few years ago, an untoward event
occurred in connection with a Pidāri festival at a village in the Trichinopoly
district. “The festival had commenced, and the pūjāri had tied the kapu
(cord dyed with turmeric) on his wrist, when a dispute arose between the
trustees of the shrine, which caused the festival to be stopped. The dispute
could not be settled, and the festival was suspended for three years, and,
during all that time, there could be no marriages among the Udaya caste,
while the poor pūjāri, with the kapu on his wrist, had to remain the whole of
the three years in the temple, not daring to go out lest Pidāri in her wrath
should slay him.”

It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “the Nattamāns say
they originally settled in South Arcot, and then spread to Tanjore and
Trichinopoly, and finally to Madura, and this theory is supported by the fact
that they have fifteen exogamous sub-divisions called kānis or fields, which
are all named after villages (e.g., Ariyalūr, Puththūr) in the first three of
these districts. A man has a right to marry the daughter of his father’s sister,
and, if she is given to another man, the father’s sister has to return to her
father or brother the dowry which she received at the time of her marriage,
and this is given to the man who had the claim upon the girl. The same
custom occurs among the Kuravans and the Kallans. The eldest son in each
family has to be named after the god of the village which gives its name to
the kāni or sept to which the family belongs, and the child is usually taken
to that village to be named. Marriage is infant or adult. Widow marriage is
forbidden. Brāhmans are employed for ceremonies, but these are not
received on terms of equality by other Brāhmans. Both cremation and burial
are practised. Vellālas will eat with Nattamāns. The caste title is Udaiyān.”
Another title is Nayinar, which is also used by Pallis and Jains. There is a
proverb “Nattumuththinal Nayinar”, i.e., when the Nattamān ripens, he is a
Nayinar. At the census, 1901, some Nattamāns returned themselves as
Natramiludaiyān, meaning the repository of chaste Tamil; and Ūr-Udaiyān
(lord of a village) was given as their caste name. Nattamān also occurs as a
sub-division of the Pallis.

Under the name Nattamādi, the Nattamāns are described in the Tanjore
Manual as “peasant population. Some are ryotwari land-holders in their
own right and possess large estates. The word is derived from nattam,
village, and is used in three forms, Nattamakkal, Nattamar, and Nattamādi.
A considerable proportion are converts to the Roman Catholic religion, and,
in the neighbourhood of Vallam, there are very few who profess any other
faith.” In the Madura Manual, the Nattambādiyans are further described as
being “usually respectable cultivators. They are said to have emigrated into
the Madura country not more than about eight years ago. They are an
interesting class of Tamils, inasmuch as very many of them have adopted
the Roman Catholic faith under the leadership of the Jesuit missionaries.
They are said to be a fine race physically; finer even than the Vellālans.
They are also called Udaiyans, and tradition says that they came from the
Toreiyur nādu or district in Tanjore, from a village called Udeiyāpāleiyam.
They are chiefly resident in the great zamindāris, and contrast favourably
with the Maravans, being very orderly, frugal, and industrious.”

I am informed that Nattamān women will do cooly work and carry food for
their husbands when at work in the fields, but that Malaimān women will
not do so.

The Sudarmāns are described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
“cultivators chiefly found in the districts of Tanjore and Trichinopoly. They
are imitating the Brāhmans and Vellālas in their social customs, and some
of them have left off eating meat, with the idea of raising themselves in
general estimation; but they nevertheless eat in the houses of Kallans and
Idaiyans. Their title is Mūppan.” Some Sudarmāns, I am told, have become
Agamudaiyans.

Uddāri.—A synonym for the village Taliyāri.

Uddu (Phaseolus Mungo).—An exogamous sept of Kāppiliyan.

Udhdhandra.—A title conferred by Zamindars on some Kurumos.

Uduma.—Uduma or Udumala, meaning the lizard Varanus, has been
recorded as an exogamous sept of Bōya, Kāpu, Tottiyan, and Yānādi.

Ugrāni.—A village servant in South Canara, appointed to watch the store-
rooms (ugrāna), e.g., the village granary, treasury, or bhūta-sthāna. In 1907,
the powers of village policeman were conferred on the Ugrāni, who now
wears a brass badge on his arm, with the words Village Police in the
vernacular engraved on it. It is the duty of the Ugrāni to report the
following to the village magistrate:—

1. The commission of grave crimes, such as theft, house-breaking, robbery,
dacoity, accidental deaths, suicides, etc.

2. The existence of disputes in connection with landed property, likely to
give occasion to any fight or rioting.

3. The arrival of Fakirs, Bairāgis, or other strangers in the village.

4. The arrival or residence in the village of any person whom the villagers
suspect to be a bad character.

5. The commission of mischief in respect of any public property, such as
roads, road avenues, bridges, cattle pounds, Government trees on
unreserved lands, etc.

Ūliyakāran.—A synonym, denoting menial servant, of Parivāram.

Ullādan.—It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that “the
Ullātans and Nāyātis are found in the low country, as well as on the hills. At
a remote period, certain Ullāta families from the plains settled themselves at
Talpurakkōtta near Sabarimala, and even to-day pilgrims to Sabarimala
consider this place as sacred. In the low country, the offerings to the same
deities as the Ullātans worship are offered by the Vālans. Hence the
Ullātans were called by them Kochchuvālans. The place near Sabarimala
where they once dwelt is known as Kochuvālakkuti, or the cottage of the
Kochchuvālan. Most of these Ullātans have left this place for fear of wild
beasts, and are now straying in the woods with no fixed abode. It is said that
they are the descendants from a Nambūtiri woman, who, on being
proclaimed an outcast, said Ullatāna, meaning that (the offence for which
she was ostracised) is true. [According to another derivation, the name is

derived from ull, within, and otunnu, runs, and means one who runs away
into the forest at the sight of a member of any of the higher castes.] They
are good hunters, and experts in the collection of wax and other forest
produce. A curious marriage custom, prevalent among them, is thus related
by Dr. Day. ‘A large round building is made of leaves, and inside this the
bride is ensconced. All the eligible young men of the village then assemble,
and form a ring round this hut. At a short distance sits the girl’s father or the
nearest male relative with tom-tom in his hands, and a few more musical
instruments complete the scene. Presently the music begins. The young
men, each armed with a bamboo, commence dancing round the hut, into
which each of them thrusts his stick. This continues about an hour, when the
owner of whichever bamboo she seizes becomes the fortunate husband of
the concealed bride. A feast then follows.’3 They subsist chiefly on fruits,
wild yams, and other forest products, and eke out a wretched existence.
When armed with guns, they make excellent sportsmen.”

It is noted by the Rev. S. Mateer4 that the Ullādans “subsist chiefly on wild
yams, arrowroot, and other esculents, which they find in the jungle, and for
the grubbing up of which they are generally armed with a long pointed staff.
They also further enjoy the fruits of the chase, and are adepts in the use of
the bow and arrow. The arrow they use has an iron spear-head, and an
Ullādan has been known to cut a wriggling cobra in half at the first shot.
They were claimed as the property of celebrated hill temples, or great
proprietors, who exacted service of them, and sometimes sold their services
to Nairs, Syrians, and others. A few Ullādans in the low country say they or
their fathers were stolen in childhood, and brought down as slaves.”

At Kottayam in Travancore, I came across a party of Ullādans carrying
cross-bows. These were said to be used for catching fish in rivers, lagoons,
and tanks. The arrow is between two and three feet in length, and has an
iron hook at one end. Attached to it is a thin but strong string, one end of
which is tied to the hook, while the other end passes through a small hole in
the wooden part of the arrow, and is fastened to the cross-bar of the bow.
This string is about thirty feet in length, and serves not only to drag the
captured fish out of the water, and land it, but also to prevent the arrow
from being lost. The origin of the cross-bow, which I have not found in the

possession of any other tribe, puzzled me until the word Firingi was
mentioned in connection with it. The use of this word would seem to
indicate that the cross-bow is a survival from the days of the Portuguese on
the west coast, Firingi (a Frank) or Parangi being used by Natives for
European or Portuguese.

For the following note on the Ullādans of the Cochin State, I am indebted to
Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer.5 “Their huts are situated in the forest of the
plains, by the side of paddy (rice) flats, or in cocoanut gardens remote from
those of the members of the higher castes. Only Christian Moplahs are
found in the neighbourhood. Their huts are erected on short bamboo posts,
the roof and four sides of which are covered with plaited cocoanut leaves. A
bamboo framework, of the same leaves, serves the purpose of a door. A few
plaited cocoanut leaves, and a mat of their own weaving, form the only
furniture, and serve as beds for them at night. Their vessels in domestic use
consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and keeping water in, and a few
shallow earthen dishes, from which they drink water, and take their food.
Some large pieces of the bark of the areca palm, containing salt, chillies,
etc., were also seen by me. What little they possess as food and clothing is
placed in small baskets suspended from the framework of the roof by means
of wooden hooks.

“The caste assembly consists of the elderly members of the caste. There is a
headman, who is called Mūppan, and he has an assistant who is known as
Ponamban. The headman has to preside at all marriage and funeral
ceremonies, and to decide all disputes connected with the caste. The caste
assembly meets chiefly to deal with cases of immorality. The guilty parties
are summoned before the assembly. The headman, who presides, inquires
into the matter, and, in the event of the accused parties confessing their
guilt, they are taken before His Highness the Rāja, who is informed of the
circumstances. The male culprit is sometimes beaten or fined. The woman
is given some water or the milk of a green cocoanut, and this is supposed to
set her free from all sin. When a fine is imposed, it is sometimes spent on
the purchase of toddy, which is shared among the castemen present. The
headman gets a few puthans (Cochin coins) for his trouble.

“In religion, the Ullādans are pure animists or demon worshippers. All cases
of sickness, and other calamities, are attributed to the malignant influence
of demons, whom it is necessary to propitiate. They worship Kappiri,
Thikutti, and Chāthan, all of whom are represented by a few stones placed
under a thatched roof called kottil. Offerings of rice flour, sheep, fowls,
toddy, rice, cocoanuts and plantains, are given on Fridays in the month of
Kanni (September-October). One of the castemen acts as Velichapād
(oracle), and speaks as if by inspiration. He also casts out demons from the
bodies of women who are believed to be influenced by them. When he
resumes his former self, he takes half the offerings to himself, allowing the
other half for distribution among the bystanders. They also worship the
spirits of the departed members of their families, who, they think,
sometimes appear to them in dreams, and ask them for whatever they want.
They believe that, in the event of their neglecting to give what is asked,
these spirits will cause serious calamity to their family.

“The Ullādans generally bury their dead in special places called chotala, but
some of them bury the corpse a few yards away from their huts. The young
are buried deep in the ground, while the old ones are buried not so deep.
The dead body is placed on a new piece of cloth spread on a bamboo bier,
which is carried by the relatives to the grave-yard. The castemen of the
neighbourhood, including the relations and friends of the deceased,
accompany the bier to the burial-ground, and return home after bathing. The
members of the family fast for the night. They observe pollution for fifteen
days, and, on the morning of the sixteenth day, the Thalippan (barber priest)
comes and cleans the huts and its surrounding, and sprinkles cow-dung
mixed with water on the members of the family as they return from bathing,
in order that they may be freed from pollution. They entertain their
castemen on that day. It is a custom among the Ullādans, Pulayas, and other
low classes, that, when they are invited to a feast, they bring with them
some rice, curry stuffs, toddy, or a few annas to meet the expenses of the
feast. Very often the above articles are obtained as a gift from the charitably
disposed members of the higher castes. At the end of the year, a similar
feast is given to the castemen. Among the Ullādans, the nephew is the chief
mourner, for he usually succeeds to the property of the dead, and proves his
right of ownership by acting as the chief mourner.

“The Ullādans on the sea-coast make boats, and cut timber. Their brethren
in the interior gather honey, and collect minor forest produce, and sell it to
contractors. During the agricultural season, they engage in every kind of
agricultural work, such as ploughing, sowing, transplanting, reaping, etc.
They also graze the cattle of the farmers. They get a few annas worth of
paddy (unhusked rice) for their labour. For most of the months in the year
they are in a half-starving condition, and resort to eating wild roots, and
animals, which they can get hold of (e.g., rats, tortoises, fish, or crocodiles).
They know where rats are to be found. They thrust a long stick into their
holes, moving it so violently as to kill them there, or forcing them to come
out, when they catch and kill them. Very often in the rural parts, both men
and women are found with long poles ready to be thrust into any holes there
may be by the side of a fence, or where bamboos are growing luxuriantly.
They also catch crocodiles. They place the carcase of a fowl, sheep, or other
animal, on the bank of a canal, or by the side of a tank where crocodiles are
to be found. Into it is thrust a pointed piece of iron, fastened to a long cord.
When a crocodile comes out of the water to eat it, or tries to get away with
it, the piece of iron is fixed firmly into its mouth, upon which the Ullādans,
who are watching, approach and kill it with their clubs and knives. They
catch fish by means of bait, and by poisoning the water. They are also very
skilful in spearing fish swimming near the surface. They are more trackers
of game than hunters, and very often accompany Moplahs, who go out
hunting to provide themselves with meat of all kinds for feasts during their
weddings. The Ullādans are engaged only as beaters. For this service, they
are given meals during the wedding, in addition to three annas worth of
paddy for each beater. They are armed with clubs, and seldom go with dogs,
fearing that they may drive away the game. When any animal is killed in
hunting, the right side of the back of the animal goes to the Government. It
is given to the Forest Officer, who auctions it, and the money obtained is
sent to the tāluk treasury. The left side of the back goes to the member of
the party who shoots the animal. He also gets the face with the tongue. The
headman among the Ullādans also gets a share. The remainder of the
carcase is equally divided among the members who have formed the party.
Should any dispute arise regarding the division of the game, the man who
shoots the animal is entrusted with the settlement of the dispute, and his
decision is final. In cases where the hunting party is organised by the

Moplahs, the Ullādans get wages and meals for their trouble. In places
where elephant pits are dug, hunting is forbidden.

“As regards their social status, the Ullādans, like the Nāyādis, form the
Chandālas of the plains. Their approach to within a radius of sixty-four feet
pollutes Brāhmans, and all higher castes, including the Sūdras (Nāyars).
The Ullādans cannot walk along the public roads, or come to the bazaars.
Nor can they approach the precincts of any town or locality where the
members of higher castes reside. The Pulayas and Parayas profess to be
polluted by them. It is curious to note that the Ullāda women consider it
degrading to go to work like the Pulaya woman. They say that their
husbands have to provide for them.”

Ulli (onions or garlic).—A sub-division of the Tigala market-gardeners. The
equivalent Ullipōyala occurs as an exogamous sept of Golla, and Ulligadda
as a sept of Bōya and Korava.

Ulumban.—It is recorded in the Gazetteer of Malabar that “an endogamous
sub-caste (of Nāyars) of foreign origin are the Ulumbans or cowherds.
According to one tradition, they were originally immigrants from Dvāraka
(Guzerat). Their original occupation still survives in the privileges of
supplying ghee (clarified butter) for the abhishēgam or libation at the great
annual festival at the jungle shrine of Kōttiyur, and of supplying butter-milk
to the Tiruvangād temple at Tellicherry, which are exercised by families of
this caste; and in the general privilege of offering milk in any temple
without previous ablution.”

Uluvala (seeds of horse-gram: Dolichos biflorus).—An exogamous sept of
Bōya and Jōgi.

Ungara.—Ungara and Ungarāla, meaning rings, have been recorded as
exogamous septs of Balija and Kuruba.

Unittiri.—Unittiri, or Unyātiri, meaning, it is said, venerable boy, has been
recorded as a sub-division of Sāmantam. Unnittān appears, in the
Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nāyars, and is said to be
derived from unni, small, tān, a title of dignity.

Unnekankana.—A sub-division of Kurubas, who tie a woollen thread
(unne kankana) round the wrist at times of marriage.

Unni.—For the following note on the Unnis of Travancore, I am indebted
to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. The word Unni, whatever its significance may
have been of old, at present forms the common title of four castes of the
Ambalavāsi group, whose manners and custom differ considerably in their
details. They are known, respectively, as Pushpakans, Brāhmanis,
Tiyattunnis, and Nattu Pattars, their social precedence being in this order.
Pushpakan comes from pushpa, which in Sanskrit means either a flower or
menses. Brāhmanis, more vulgarly known as Pappinis, are so named
because they perform some of the priestly functions of the Brāhmans for the
Sūdra population of Travancore. Tīyattunnis, also known as Taiyampatis in
British Malabar, are so called from the peculiar religious service they
perform in some Hindu temples. Nattu Pattars are also known as Pattar
Unnis and Karappuram Unnis. Unni means a child, and is used as an
honorific term to denote the male children of a Nambūtiri’s household. The
reason why these Ambalavāsi castes came to be so called was that they
were looked upon as more respectable than the Nāyars, by whom the term
must doubtless have been made use of at first. The Pushpakans are said to
be divided into three classes, namely Pushpakans, Nambiassans, and
Puppallis. The first section live only as far south as Evūr in Central
Travancore, and are called Nambiyars in the north. The Nambiyassans live
in Cochin and North Travancore, while the Puppallis are found only
towards the south. There are no sub-divisions among the Brāhmanis and
Karappuramunnis. But the Tīyattunnis are divided into two classes, namely
the Tīyatinambiyans of the north, who are generally employed in the
temples of Sastha, and Tīyattunnis proper, who perform a similar function
in the shrines of Bhadrakāli. Women are also known as Atovarammamar
and Kōvillammamar.

Pushpakans are said to have arisen out of the union of a Brāhman woman in
her menses with her husband. Parasurāma set them apart, and gave them the
occupation of making garlands in the temples of Malabar. Though this
derivation is given in the Kēralamahatmya, it may be more easily believed
that Pushpakan is derived from the occupation of working in flowers.

Puppalli, at any rate, is thus derived, and, as Palli signifies anything sacred,
the caste name arose from the occupation of preparing garlands for deities.
Nambiyassans, called also Nambiyars and Nambis, must have been, as also
the Puppallis and Brāhmanis, one with the Pushpakans. In some places,
Nambiyassans are known to have kept gymnasia and military training
schools. The Brāhmanis must have undergone some degree of degradation
because of the religious songs which they sang during the marriages of the
Nāyars, while those who did not take part therein became, as it were, a
separate sept. Another tradition, accounting for the origin of the caste, is
that, as in primitive ages early marriages prevailed among the Malayāla
Brāhmans, the family of the Nambūtiri who first married his daughter after
puberty was excommunicated, and gave origin to the Pushpakas. This is
untrue, as, in Vēdic times, adult marriage was the rule, and the Nambūtiris
in this respect have been known to follow a more primitive custom than the
Brāhmans of the east coast. The Tīyattunnis are said to be the descendants
of a Bhūta or demon directed by Siva to sing songs in praise of Bhadrakāli,
and appease her anger after the murder of Darika. They must from the first
have formed a distinct section of the Ambalavāsis. The Karappuram Unnis
are supposed to have been elevated to their present status by Cheraman
Perumāl, one of the rulers of ancient Kērala, as, though belonging to the
Sūdra caste, they were obliged on one occasion to perform Brāhmanical
service for him. Perumāl is believed to have permitted them to take the title
of Unni, and call themselves Pattar, by which name East Coast Brāhmans
are known in Malabar. Thus they came to own the three names Nattu Pattar,
Pattar Unni, and Karappuram Unni, Karappuram or Shertallay being the
territory where the sept received the above-mentioned social elevation from
their sovereign. Even now, many of them reside in the tāluks of
Ambalapuzha and Shertallay.

The house of a Pushpaka is variously known as pushpakam, pumatum, or
padodakam, the last signifying a place where the water falls from the feet of
the deity, on account of its close proximity to the temple, where the daily
avocation of the Pushpaka lies. The houses of the Tīyattunnis and Nattu
Pattars are only known by the name of bhavanam. As in the case of the
Brāhmans, the Pushpanis and Brāhmanis cover their bodies with a piece of
cloth, carry an umbrella, and are accompanied by Nāyar servant-maids

when they go out in public. The women have one more fold in their dress
than the Nambūtiris. The neck ornament of women is the cherutāli-kuttam,
and the ear ornament the katila. Bell-metal bangles are worn round the
wrists. Female Tīyattunnis and Nattu Pattars do not wear the last, and are
generally unaccompanied by Nāyar servant-maids when they go out.

Pushpakans are believed to be the most fitting caste for the preparation of
flower garlands to be used in temples. They also assist in the preparation of
the materials for the daily offering. Nambiyassans were instructors in arms
in days of old, and kalari or gymnasia are owned by them even at the
present day. Their punyaha, or purificatory ceremony after pollution, is
performed by Pushpakans. Brāhmani women sing religious songs on the
occasion of marriage among all castes from Kshatriyas to Nāyars. In
Kumaranallūr and other Bhagavati shrines, women are employed to sing
propitiatory songs, while the men make garlands, sweep the floor of the
inner court-yard and plinth, clean the temple vessels, and carry the lamp
when images are taken round in procession. It is only the first of these
temple services that the Pushpakas do, and their women never go out to
sing on marriage occasions. The word Tīyattu or Teyyatu is said to be a
corruption of Daivamattu, or dancing to please the deity. According to one
tradition, they were degraded from Pushpakas for undertaking service in the
temples. In more orthodox times, tīyattu could be performed only in
temples and Brāhman houses, but now Sūdras also share the privilege of
inviting the Tīyattunnis to their homes for this purpose, though the
ceremony cannot be performed in their houses without a previous punyaha.
The rite is extremely popular when epidemic disease prevails. Ganapati and
Bhadrakāli are, as a preliminary measure, worshipped, to the
accompaniment of musical instruments. As this has to be done in the noon,
it is called uchchappattu, or noon-day song. In the evening, an image of
Bhadrakāli is drawn on the ground with powders of five colours, white,
yellow, black, green and red. At night, songs are sung in praise of that deity
by the Tīyattunni and his followers. A member of the troupe then plays the
part of Bhadrakāli in the act of murdering the demon Darika, and, in
conclusion, waves a torch before the inmates of the house, to ward off the
evil eye, which is the most important item in the whole ceremony. The torch

is believed to be given by Siva, who is worshipped before the light is
waved.

The Karappuram Unnis, unlike the other septs of their class, are mostly
agriculturists. The Unnis are all Smartas, but a partiality for Bhadrakāli is
manifested by the Tīyattunnis and Brāhmanis. All social matters among the
Unnis are superintended by Nambūtiri Brāhmans, but, in all that directly
touches the social well-being, their own headmen are the judges. Before
entering a Pushpaka’s house for the observation of any ceremony, the
Nambūtiris insist upon the performance of punyaha. Though the superiority
of Ilayatus is acknowledged, they are never employed by the Pushpakas for
priestly functions. The Ilayatus are believed to have once been the priests of
the Nattu Pattars, though at the present time learned men from their own
sept are employed for this purpose. The punyaha is, however, performed
through the agency of Nambūtiris. The priests of the Nambiyassans,
Tīyattunnis, and Brāhmanis are Ilayatus.

Adult marriage prevails, twelve being the earliest age of a girl when she
ceases to be single. On the evening of the day before the wedding, the bride
has a ceremonial bath, and performs the ceremony of growing a jasmine
shoot, the flowers of which she should cull and present as an offering to the
deity. On the marriage day, the bridegroom’s party arrives in procession at
the house of the bride, who awaits them with her face covered, and holding
a brass mirror and garland of flowers in her hands. Her veil is removed, and
the contracting couple gaze at each other. At the auspicious hour their hands
are joined, and other items of the marriage rites carried out. In connection
with a Pushpaka marriage, ammana āttam or tossing of metal balls,
kaikottikali or the circular dance, and yātrakali are among the amusements
indulged in. Divorce was common among the Pushpakas in bygone days,
but, at the present time, the marriage tie is usually permanent, and it is only
after the first husband’s death that cloths may be received from a Malayāla
Brāhman in token of sambandham (alliance). The Brāhmanis, however,
have not given up the practice of divorce. Nambiyassans, Puppallis, Pattar
Unnis, and Brāhmanis follow the marumakkattāyam system of inheritance
(through the female line), while the Pushpakas and Tīyattunnis are
makkattāyis, and follow the law of inheritance from father to son. The

offspring of a Brāhmani by a Pushpaka woman are regarded as issue in a
makkattāyam family. As is the custom among the Nambūtiris, only the
eldest son marries, the other sons remaining as snātakas, and contracting
alliances with Nāyar women. The Illam Nāyars, however, do not give their
daughters to the Unnis.

The jatakarma, though not strictly proper, is observed in modern days. The
namakarana takes place, along with the annaprasana, in the sixth month
after birth. The chaula is performed in the third year, though, among the
Nattu Pattars, it is a preliminary ceremony before upanayana. The proper
time for the performance of the upanayana is between the eighth and
sixteenth year. Samāvartana takes place on the fourteenth day after
upanayana. Pollution lasts for only ten days among the Tīyattunnis, whereas
the Brāhmanis observe twelve, and the Nattu Pattars thirteen days’
pollution. Ten gayatris (hymns) are allowed to be recited thrice daily.

The Pushpakas are the highest of the thread-wearing sections of the
Ambalavāsis, according to their traditional origin as well as their religious
and social practices. The Pattar Unnis are the lowest, and are only a step
higher than the Kurukkals. Consecrated water and flowers are not given to
them directly by the temple priest, but they may stand on the right side of
the stone steps leading to the inner shrine. This is the rule with all
Ambalavāsi divisions. Other Ambalavāsis do not receive food from the
Unnis. These sections of the Unnis which have Ilayatus for their priests
accept food from them. As the Pushpakas proper employ only Nambūtiris
for purificatory purposes, the latter freely cook food in their houses, as in
those of the Mūttatus.

It is recorded by Mr. Logan6 that the Tīyattunnis or Tīyādis (ti, fire; āttam,
play) are “a class of pseudo-Brāhmans in Malabar, who derive their name
from the ceremony of jumping through fire before temples.” Mr. Subramani
Aiyar writes, in this connection, that “I do not think Mr. Logan is quite right
when he describes the service of the Tīyattunnis as jumping through fire. It
is dancing with lighted wicks in the hands, to exorcise the genius
representing the evil eye, or as a propitiatory service in temples. It answers
to the pallippanna and kolantullal of the Kaniyans. A figure of Bhadrakāli is

drawn on the ground with powders of different colours, and the chief
incidents in the incarnate life of the deity are recited by the Tīyattunnis.
After this, some cocoanuts are broken in two, and lighted wicks are then
placed before the presiding deity if done in a temple as a propitiatory
service, or before any particular individual or individuals, if the object is to
free him or them from the effect of the evil eye.”

Uppalavar (salt workers).—A synonym of Alavan.

Uppara.—For the following note, I am mainly indebted to Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao. Uppiliyan, Uppara, Uppāra or Uppaliga, are different
names for a class of people, who followed the same professional
occupation, the manufacture of salt (uppu), in various parts of Southern
India. The Uppiliyans live in the Tamil country, and speak Tamil; the
Upparas in the Telugu country, and speak Telugu; while the Uppāras inhabit
the Mysore province and the districts bordering thereon, and speak
Canarese. The Upparas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart7 as “a caste of
tank-diggers and earth-workers, corresponding to the Uppiliyans of the
Tamil districts. They resemble greatly the Oddes (Voddas or Wudders) in
appearance, customs, and manner of earning a living. Their traditional
occupation is, as the name implies, manufacturing earth-salt. They profess
to be Saivites and Vaishnavites, but practically worship village deities, e.g.,
Sunkalamma, Timmappa, and Jambulamma.” It is possible that the
Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Uppāras were originally a homogeneous caste,
the members of which, in course of time, migrated to different parts of the
country, and adopted the language of the locality in which they settled. The
causes, which may have led to the breaking up of the caste, are not far to
seek. The original occupation thereof, according to the legendary story of
its origin, was tank, channel, and well digging. Southern India depended in
days gone by, as at the present time, mainly on its agricultural produce, and
people were required, then as now, to secure, conserve, and distribute the
water, which was essential for agricultural prosperity. Inscriptions, such as
those quoted by Mr. V. Venkayya,8 bear testimony to the energy displayed
by former rulers in Southern India in having tanks, wells, and irrigation
channels constructed. Uppiliyans, Upparas or Uppāras, are, at the present
day, found all over the Madras Presidency, from Ganjam in the north to

Tinnevelley in the south. From early times they seem to have, in addition to
the work already indicated, been engaged in bricklaying, house-building,
the construction of forts, and every kind of earth-work.

Writing concerning the Telugu Upparas at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, Buchanan states9 that “their proper occupation is the building of
mud walls, especially those of forts.” A very important occupation of these
people was the manufacture of earth-salt and saltpetre, of which the latter
was an important ingredient in the manufacture of gunpowder. “Throughout
India,” Dr. G. Oppert writes,10 “saltpetre is found, and the Hindus are well
acquainted with all its properties; it is even commonly prescribed as a
medicine. India was famous for the exportation of saltpetre, and is so. The
Dutch, when in India, traded especially in this article.”

The Uppiliyans say that they are descended from a man who was created to
provide salt for the table of their god, but lost the favour of the deity
because his wife bartered the salt for some glass bangles. In his wrath he
put his wife into the oven to kill her, but she escaped through a hole in the
back. As evidence of the truth of the story, they point to the facts that their
women wear no glass bangles, and that their ovens always have a hole in
them. The caste further traces its descent from a mythical individual, named
Sagara, to whom is ascribed the digging of the Bay of Bengal. His story is
narrated in the Vishnu Purāna,11 and is briefly as follows. Sagara was son of
Bāhu, who was overrun by the Haihayas and Tālajanghas, and consequently
retired to the forest, where, near the hermitage of Muni Aurva, one of his
queens conceived. A rival queen poisoned her, so as to prevent her from
being delivered of the child. Meanwhile, Bāhu waxed old, and his pregnant
wife prepared to ascend the funeral pyre with him. But the Muni forbade
her, saying that she was going to be the mother of an universal emperor. She
accordingly desisted from the desperate act, and a splendid boy was born,
and the poison expelled along with him. The Muni, on this account, gave
him the name of Sagara, meaning with poison. As he grew up, the boy came
to know of the troubles of his father, and resolved to recover his kingdom.
He put to death nearly the whole of the Haihayas, and made the others
acknowledge his suzerainty. He had two wives, by one of whom he had a
son named Asamanja, and by the other sixty thousand sons. He

subsequently performed the asvamēdha or sacrifice of a horse, which was
guarded by his sons. The animal was, however, carried off by some one into
a chasm in the earth. Sagara commanded his sons to search for the steed,
and they traced him by the impressions of the hoofs to the chasm, which he
had entered. They proceeded to enlarge it, and dug downwards, each for a
league. Coming to Pātālā, they saw the horse wandering freely about, and at
no great distance from it was Kapila Rishi, sitting in meditation. Exclaiming
“This is the villain who has maliciously interrupted our sacrifice, and stolen
the horse, kill him, kill him,” they ran towards him with uplifted weapons.
The Rishi raised his eyes, and for an instant looked upon them, and they
became reduced to ashes by the sacred flame that darted from him. On
learning of the death of his sons, Sagara sent Amsumat, the son of
Asamanja, to secure the animal. He went by the deep path which his father
and uncles had dug, and, arriving at the place where Kapila was, propitiated
him with an obeisance. The Rishi gave him the horse, to be delivered to his
father, and in conferring the boon which Amsumat prayed for, said that his
grandson would bring down the divine Ganges, whose “waters shall wash
the bones and ashes of thy grandfather’s sons,” and raise them to swarga.
Sagara then completed his sacrifice, and, in affectionate memory of his
sons, called the chasm which they had dug Sagara. This is still the name of
the ocean, and especially of the Bay of Bengal at the mouth of the Ganges,
which, in accordance with the boon of Kapila, was brought down to earth
by Amsumat’s grandson Bhagiratha, from whom it received the name of
Bhāgirathi, which it retains to this day. Such is the story of the origin of the
caste, members of which often call it Sagara kula, or the family of Sagara.
As his sons excavated the ocean, so they dig tanks, channels, wells, etc. In
the Mysore Census Reports, the Upparas are said to be called “Uppara in
the eastern, Uppaliga in the southern, and Mēlu (west) Sakkre in the
western districts. [Some explain that they work in salt, which is more
essential than sugar, and that Mēl Sakkare means superior sugar.] This caste
is divided into the Telugu and Karnataka sub-divisions. The latter make
earth-salt, while the former work as bricklayers and builders. The well-to-
do section of the caste further undertake public works on contract, and some
of them are good architects of ordinary Hindu houses, which do not call for
much scientific precision. There are also agriculturists and labourers among
them.” In the Madras Presidency, at the present day, some members of the

caste are well and tank diggers, house-builders or bricklayers; others are
agricultural labourers, or village servants. A few are earth-work contractors,
or, as at Muthialpet near Conjeeveram, yarn dyers. Some are in the service
of Government as police constables. The women are very hard-working,
and help their husbands at their work. To this fact is said to be due the high
rate at which the bride-price is fixed. The well-kept roads of the city of
Madras are the work of a colony of Upparas, who have settled there. The
following curious custom is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain in a note12 on the
tank-diggers of the Godāvari district. “A disturbance in a little camp of
tank-diggers confirmed a statement which I heard at Masulipatam as to the
manner in which the tank-diggers divide their wages. They had been
repairing the bank of a tank, and been paid for their work, and, in
apportioning the shares of each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one
of the women had not received what she deemed her fair amount. On
enquiry, it turned out that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore
could claim not only her own, but also a share for the expected child. This
had been overlooked, and, when she asserted her right to a double portion,
those who had already received their money objected to part with any,
although they acknowledged that the claim was fair and just.”

By the Madras Salt Act, 1889, it is enacted that any person who—

(a) removes any salt without or in excess of the permits necessary by this
Act; or

(b) except for agricultural or building purposes, excavates, collects or
possesses salt-earth in any local area where it is contraband salt; or

(c) manufactures contraband salt in any other way than by excavating or
collecting salt-earth; or

(d) purchases, obtains, possesses, sells or weighs contraband salt other than
salt-earth, knowing or having reason to believe it to be contraband; or

(e) refines saltpetre without such license as is prescribed by the Act; or

(f) attempts to commit, or within the meaning of the Indian Penal Code
abets the commission of any of the above acts,

shall on conviction be punishable for every such offence with imprisonment
for a term not exceeding six months, or with fine not exceeding five
hundred rupees, or with both.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that “at the time when the
Company came into possession of the district, the salt consumed in it was
of two kinds, namely, the earth-salt manufactured from saline soils by men
of the Uppara caste, and the marine salt made on the west coast. The latter
was imported by the Lambādis and Korachas, who brought it up the ghāts
by means of large droves of pack-bullocks. The earth-salt was made in what
were known as modas, which were peculiar to the Ceded Districts, and
were especially common in Bellary. A heap of earth was piled up, and on
the top of it were hollowed out one or more circular basins, some five feet
in diameter and two feet deep. From the bottom of these basins, channels
lined with chunam (lime) ran down to one or more reservoirs similarly
lined. Salt-earth was collected in the places where it effloresced naturally in
the dry months, and taken to the moda on pack-buffaloes. It was thrown
into the basins, and then a quantity of water was poured upon it. The brine
so obtained flowed through the channels at the bottom of the basins into the
reservoirs. From these it was baled with chatties (pots) into a set of masonry
evaporating pans, carefully levelled and plastered with chunam, where it
was left to be converted into salt by solar evaporation. Each lot of salt-earth,
which was thus lixiviated, was taken from the basins and thrown outside
them, and this process constantly repeated gradually raised the level of the
moda and the basins, which were perpetually being re-made on the top of it.
Some of the modas gradually grew to be as much as twenty feet in height.
When they became too high for the buffaloes to carry the salt-earth up to
their summits with comfort, they were abandoned, and others started
elsewhere. The earth-salt made in this manner was neither so good nor so
strong as marine salt, but it was much used by the poorer classes and for
cattle, and thus interfered with the profits of the Government salt monopoly,
which was established in 1805. As early as 1806, therefore, it was proposed
to prohibit its manufacture. The chief arguments against any such step were

that it would inflict hardship upon the Upparas who made the salt, and upon
the poorer classes who consumed it, and, for the next three quarters of a
century, a wearisome correspondence dragged on regarding the course
which it would be proper to pursue. In 1873, Mr. G. Thornhill, Member of
the Board of Revenue, visited the Ceded Districts, to see how matters stood.
He reported that it was not possible to check the competition of the earth-
salt with the Government marine salt by imposing an excise duty, as the
modas were numerous and scattered. For similar reasons, and also because
all the Upparas were very poor, a license-tax was out of the question. At the
same time he calculated that the loss to Government due to the system was
from eight to ten lakhs annually, and, seeing that Government salt was
obtainable in Bellary as cheaply as in other inland districts, he
recommended that the industry should be gradually suppressed.
Government agreed, and ordered that the opening of new modas should be
prohibited, and that those in existence should be licensed, with reference to
their productive capacity, at rates to increase by annual increments until
1879, when the full duty leviable on sea-salt should be imposed on their
entire produce. These measures, though they checked the manufacture,
failed to entirely protect the revenue, and, in 1876, the Madras Salt
Commission and Board of Revenue concurred in recommending that the
manufacture of earth-salt should be at once and entirely suppressed. The
Government of India agreed, and in 1880 orders were given that the modas
should all be destroyed, reasonable compensation being paid to their
owners. The manufacture of earth-salt in the district is now entirely a thing
of the past, though in many places the remains of the old modas may still be
seen. Some of the Upparas, however, still go annually to the Nizam’s
Dominions in the dry season, and make earth-salt by the old methods for
sale there. Apparently they agree with the Nizam’s Government to pay a
certain fee, one-fourth of which is paid in advance, for the privilege. If the
season is sufficiently dry, they make a small profit, but if, on the other hand,
it is wet, manufacture is impossible, and they lose the amount of the fee,
and their labour as well.” A good deal of saltpetre is still made by members
of the caste in various parts of the Madras Presidency by lixiviating the
alkaline efflorescence of the earth. For this purpose, licenses are obtained
annually from the Salt Department. Crude saltpetre is sold for manure on
coffee estates, and also used in the manufacture of fireworks.

Speaking different languages, and living in different parts of the country,
the Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Uppāras do not intermarry, though, where
they are found close together, they interdine.

The caste recognises the authority of its headmen, who are called
Periyathanakāran, Ejamān, etc., and are assisted in some places, for
example Madras, by a Jātibidda (son of the caste), who does the duties of
caste peon or messenger, summoning members to a caste council-meeting,
and so on. The usual punishments inflicted by a caste council are
excommunication, fine, and the giving of a caste dinner. I am informed that,
among the Canarese Uppāras, a woman found guilty of adultery is punished
as follows. A lock of her hair is cut off, and she is bathed in cold water, and
made to drink a little cow-dung water. She is then taken to the temple,
where the pūjāri (priest) sprinkles holy water over her head. A fine is paid
by her family. A man, who is proved guilty of a similar offence, has one
side of his moustache and one of his eyebrows shaved off, and the hair of
his head is removed in three parallel lines. Seven small booths are
constructed of straw, and set on fire. Through this the man has to pass. He is
then plunged into a tank, and, after bathing therein, he is sprinkled with
holy water. I am told that a woman has also to go through the fire ordeal.

Girls are married either before or after puberty, but usually after. Among the
Uppiliyans and Upparas, it is customary for a man to claim his paternal
aunt’s daughter in marriage. The ceremonies in connection with marriage
vary in accordance with the locality. Amongst the Uppiliyans of Madura,
the tāli (marriage badge) is usually tied to the bride’s neck by a special
woman, resident in her village, called Sīrkāri. In some places it is tied, as
among some other Tamil castes, by the bridegroom’s sister. Among the
Telugu and Canarese sections, it is tied by the bridegroom himself. By the
Uppāras of South Canara, the dhāre marriage rite is performed, in which the
father of the bride pours water from a vessel over the united hands of the
contracting couple. I am told that, among some Canarese Uppāras, the
bridegroom’s head is shaved, and, after bathing, he puts on a double brass
wire corresponding to the sacred thread of the Brāhmans, which he wears
for five days. Among the Telugu Upparas there are two sub-divisions,
which are called, according to the amount of the bride-price, Yēdu (seven)

Mādala and Padahāru (sixteen) Mādala, a māda being equal to two rupees.
Some say that māda refers to the modas (heaps of earth) used in former
times. At a marriage among some Uppiliyans, it is customary for the bride
and bridegroom to sit inside a wall made of piled up water pots, with the
ends of their cloths tied together, while some of the women present pour
water from the pots over their heads. The remarriage of widows is
permitted, and I gather that, among the Uppāras, a widow may only marry a
widower, and vice versâ.

In a note on the Uppiliyans of the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R.
Hemingway states that “some of the marriage ceremonies are peculiar. They
allow an unborn boy to be betrothed to his unborn cousin. The bride has to
be asked in marriage a number of times, before consent is given, lest it be
thought that she is yielding too easily. The marriage is performed at her
house, lest it should be thought that her parents are forcing her on the
bridegroom. The caste does not use the marriage pole or pāligai pots.
Instead of the usual turmeric threads, the wrists of the contracting couple
are tied together with wool. A curious custom among the Tamil section is
that, at the beginning of the ceremonies, both on the first and second day,
three matrons wash their faces in turmeric water, and the bride and
bridegroom are bathed with the water used by them. They also have unusual
observances connected with a girl’s attainment of maturity. A husband may
not look into his bride’s eyes until this occurs. When she has at length
attained maturity, the husband comes to his bride’s house with a sheep and
some vegetables, and kills the former. His brother-in-law then marks his
forehead with the sheep’s blood. The husband eats some plantain and milk,
and spits it out at his bride, who is made to stand behind a screen. If the girl
has attained maturity before her marriage, the Tamil section of the caste
make her walk over seven wooden hoops on the wedding day. The husband
has to give his formal consent to the ceremony, and a washerman has to be
present. The Telugus perform this rite on the last day of the girl’s first
menstrual period, and her maternal uncle has to be present. The Uppiliyans
allow the remarriage of widows and divorced women. A man may not shave
until he marries a virgin, and, if he does not do so, he has to remain
unshaved all his life.”

The dead are, as a rule, buried. Among the Uppiliyans, who occupy a higher
social position than the Canarese and Telugu sections, death pollution is
observed for seven days. Among the Uppāras, the period of pollution is
sixteen days.

Concerning the death ceremonies, Mr. Hemingway writes as follows.
“Widows of the Tamil section never remove their tāli, but leave it till it
drops off of itself. When a man dies, his widow is made to pretend he is still
alive, and bathes him with oil, and puts garlands on him. If a man is to be
buried, the chief mourner pretends to dig the grave. The karumāntaram, or
final death ceremony, of the Tamil section consists merely in taking some
milk to an erukka (Calotropis gigantea) shrub on the sixteenth evening, just
before the jackals begin to howl. They pour it over the shrub with the help
of a barber, saying ‘Go to Swarga (the abode of Indra), and make your way
to Kailāsam (heaven).’”

Some members of the caste are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites. In some
places, the former are branded by their gurus, who are Vaishnava Brāhmans.
They also worship various village deities, which vary according to the place
of residence. In the Census Report, 1891, the worship of Sunkalamma,
Jambulamma, and Timmappa is noted.

It is stated by Mr. Hemingway that “the Uppiliyans have a caste god, named
Karuvandarāya Bommadēva. He has no temple, but all the Uppiliyans in a
village join in offering him an annual sacrifice in Tai (January-February),
before the earth is scraped for the first time in the season for making
saltpetre. They use āvaram (Cassia auriculata) flowers and river sand in
this worship. They also have three special caste goddesses, called Tīppanjāl,
who are supposed to be women who committed sati. They have also
Brāhman gurus, who visit them every year, and bless their salt pits.”

Concerning the caste organisation of the Uppiliyans, Mr. Hemingway writes
that “when a complaint of a caste offence is made, notice is sent to the
Pattakkāran (headman), and to the whole Uppiliyan community in the
neighbourhood, notifying the accusation and the provisional expulsion of
the accused. A second notice summons the community to a panchāyat

(council), which is presided over by at least two or three Pattakkārans, the
caste god being represented by some āvaram flowers, a pot of water, and
margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. If acquitted, the accused is made to
touch the water pot in token of his innocence. If he is convicted, both he
and the complainant are fined, the latter for the purification of his house, if
it has been polluted by the offence. The purification is performed by a man
of the Marudūr Nādu called Rettai Vilakkukāran (man of two lights), who
eats a meal in the polluted house, with his hands held behind his back.”

It was recently noted that the Uppāras are, as a rule, uneducated, and their
ignorance of the three R’s often leads to bitter disputes among themselves
and with their employers in disbursing their wages. Some years ago, one of
the Madras Missions opened a school for the benefit of this backward caste.
In 1906, the Hindu Educational Mission of Madras started a night and day
school, Upparapālaiyam Ārya Pāthasāla, in the Upparapālaiyam quarter of
Madras.

There is a Telugu proverb to the effect that one is ruined both ways, like an
Uppāra who has turned Sanyāsi (ascetic), in reference to the fact that he
neither follows his ancestral occupation, nor is tolerated in his new calling.
The usual caste title is Chetti.

Uppāra occurs as a synonym of Kūsa Holeya.

Uppu (salt).—A sub-division of Balijas and Koravas, who trade in salt,
which they carry about the country in panniers on donkeys or bullocks. It is
also an occupational sub-division of Kōmati. The equivalent Uppa is an
exogamous sept of Kēlasi. Uppukōttei occurs as a division of Maravan,
Upputholuvāru (salt-carriers) as an exogamous sept of Oddē, and Uppiri
(salt-earth) as a sept of Kuruba.

Urāli.—In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Urālis are described as “a
caste of agricultural labourers found chiefly in the districts of Madura and
Trichinopoly. The word Urāli means a ruler of a village. Like the
Ambalakkārans, they trace their descent from one Mutturāja, and the only
sub-division returned by any number is Mutrācha. They also assert that they

were formerly employed as soldiers. In the Wynād there is a section of
Kurumbas called Urāli Kurumbas, and it is not improbable that these Urālis
of the Tamil country are an offshoot of the great Kurumba race.” The Urālis
are further summed up in the same report, as “agricultural labourers in
Coimbatore, Trichinopoly, and Madura. There seems to be some connection
between the Urālis and the Ambalakkārans or Muttiriyans. Muttiriyan is a
sub-division of both Urāli and Ambalakkāran, and both of these are found
in the same districts. Perhaps the Urālis are an offshoot of the Tamil
Valaiyans, which by change of occupation has transformed itself into a
distinct caste (see Ambalakkāran). The caste is split up into a number of
sub-divisions, called after the name of the tract or nādu in Trichinopoly
which each inhabits. To get back into the caste, an excommunicated man
has to kill a sheep or goat before the elders, and mark his forehead with the
blood. He then gives a feast to the assembly, and puts part of the food on
the roof of his house. If the crows eat this, he is received back into the caste.
[Brāhmans always put out portions of the srāddha offerings in the same
way, and judge whether they are acceptable or not by noting if the crows eat
them or not.] Marriage is infant or adult. A man detected in an intrigue with
an unmarried woman is fined, and has to marry her, and at the wedding his
waist string is tied round her neck instead of a tāli. The well-to-do people of
the caste employ Brāhmans as priests, but others content themselves with
their own elders. Widows and divorced women may marry again. The dead
are either burned or buried. The richer members of the caste perform
srāddha (memorial service for the dead). They drink alcohol, and eat fowls,
mutton, pork, fish, rats, etc. In social position they come below the
Idaiyans, Tottiyans, and Kallans. Their title is Kavandan.”

For the following note on the Urālis of the Trichinopoly district, I am
indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. “They say that they were originally
Kshatriyas living in ‘Alipuram near Oudh,’ and left that place in search of
adventure, or in consequence of disputes at home, leaving their wives
behind them, and finally settled in the south, where they married serving
women (pulukkachis). They say that they belong to the Mutturāja Kuttam, a
phrase they cannot explain, and protest that the Ambalakkārans, who make
a similar claim, have no ground for so doing. They seem to eat with no
other caste on equal terms, but will, of course, accept separate meals from

Vellālans. They are split into seven nādus, which are in effect endogamous
sub-divisions. These are called after villages in the country inhabited by the
caste, namely, Vadasēri, Pillūru, Sēngudi, Kadavangudi or Virāli, Talakka,
Paluvinji or Magali, and Marungi. The members of the first three of these
nādus are called Vadasēri Urālis, and those of the other four Nāttu-sīmai
Urālis, Kunduva-nāttu-tokkādus, or Nandutindis. All of them will mess
together. They say that the nādus were originally intended to facilitate the
decision of caste disputes, and they are still the unit of self-government.
Each nādu has a headman, who exercises supreme control over the villages
included within it. The Urālis also have a number of exogamous septs
called karais by the Vadasēris and kāniyacchis by the Nāttu-sīmais, which
are called after the names of places. They are generally cultivators, but are
said sometimes to be given to crime. They wear the sacred thread on
occasions of marriages and funerals. The women can be recognised by their
dress, the kusavam being spread out behind, and a characteristic pencil-
shaped ornament (kuchu) being suspended from the neck. Some of their
marriage and funeral customs are peculiar. Among the Nāttu-sīmais, the
betrothal is ratified by the maternal uncle of each of the pair solemnly
measuring out three measures of paddy (rice) in the presence of the other
party at their house. At their funerals, the bier is not brought into the village,
but left outside, and the corpse is carried to it. Among the Vadasēris, while
preparations are being made for the removal of the body, a Paraiyan woman
performs a dance. Among the Nāttu-sīmais this is done on the Ettu day. On
the second day after the funeral, the relatives of the deceased dip their toes
in a mortar full of cow-dung water placed in front of his house, and put
sacred ashes on the head. The karumāntaram, or final death ceremony, is
only performed by the rich. It can take place at any time after the third day.
The Ettu ceremony is similarly performed at any time after the third day,
and is attended with a curious ritual. Both sections of the caste erect a
booth, in which three plantain trees are planted, and the chief mourner and
his cousins stand there all day to receive the condolences of their friends.
From this point the practice of the two sections differs in small points of
detail. Among the Vadasēris, the friends come one by one, and are asked by
the chief mourner, “Will you embrace, or will you strike your forehead?” In
reply, the friend either closes the open hand of the chief mourner with his
own as a form of embrace, or flings himself on the ground in the booth, and

weeps. Each visitor then goes to a meeting of the nādu which is being held
outside the village, and a Paraiyan and three Urālis inform the headman
who have visited the booth and who have not, and ask if it may be removed.
Permission being given, the plantains are cut down, and the woman-folk
wail round a chembu (vessel) placed there. All then proceed to the nādu
meeting, where a turban is put on a Paraiyan, a dancing-girl and a
Pandāram, and the Paraiyan (called Nāttu Sāmban) beats his drum, and
pronounces a blessing on the nādu. Finally all repair to the house of the
deceased, where the headman puts three handfuls of kambu (millet) into the
cloth of his wife or some other member of the family, and throws a mortar
on the ground. Punishments for caste offences take some curious forms. A
margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaf is put on the house of anyone who is
excommunicated. If a man seduces a girl of the caste, an enquiry is held,
and the pair are married. The waist-string of the man is tied round the neck
of the woman, and a Tottiyan is called in to take away the pollution which
they and their relatives have incurred. They are taken to a tank (pond),
where 108 holes have been made by the Tottiyan, and are made to bathe in
every hole, sprinkling the water over their heads. A sheep is then killed by a
Tottiyan and a Chakkiliyan, its head is buried, and the couple and their
relatives are made to walk over the spot. The blood of the animal is then
smeared on their foreheads, and they all have to bathe again. They are next
given cow’s urine to drink, and then once more bathe. After that they are
given milk, and are made to prostrate themselves before the panchāyat
(council). Finally they have to give a feast to the panchāyat, at which a part
of the food is offered to the crows, and the purification is not complete till
the birds have partaken thereof. The Urālis are fond of shikār (hunting). On
the Sivarātri night, sacrifices are offered to their family gods, and, on the
following day, all the men of the village go out hunting. They have a head
shikāri (huntsman), called Kāvēttaikāran, who receives every animal which
is killed, cuts off its head, and breaks its legs. The head is given to the man
who killed the animal, and the rest is shared among the castemen.”

Of the Urālis who inhabit the hill country of Travancore, the following
account is given in the Travancore Census report, 1901. “The Urālis are a
class of hill tribes resident in the Cardamom Hills. They are chiefly found in
the tracts known as Kunnanāt, Velampan, Kurakkanāt, Mannukāt, Kalanāt,

and Periyūr. The headman of the Urālis in each of these areas is called a
Kānikkāran. Tradition tells us that they were the dependents of the kings of
Madura, and that their duty was to hold umbrellas in times of State
processions. In ancient times, many of the parts now included in the
Todupuzha tāluk belonged to the kingdom of Madura. Once, when the king
came to Nēriyamangalam, the ancestors of these Urālis are said to have
accompanied him, and to have been left there to rule (āli) that locally (ūr).
The males dress like the low-country people, with cloths about four cubits
long extending from the hip to the knee. Another cloth, about one or two
cubits in length, is put over the back, one end of which passes under their
right arm and the other over the shoulder, both meeting in front over the
chest, where they are tied together in a peculiar knot by folding the
extremities, thus forming a bag wherein to contain their wayside
necessaries. Females wear two pieces of cloth, nine and two and a half
cubits in length respectively, and folded in the middle. The larger is the
lower garment, and the smaller upper garment is worn with two ends tied
around the neck. Males wear brass finger and toe-rings, sometimes of silver.
Some adorn their necks with wreaths of beads, from fifteen to thirty in
number. Females wear ear-ornaments known as kātumani, which are rings
of metal wire, four or five in number. Males generally allow their hair to
grow, the face alone being now and then shaven. The Urālis eat rice for six
months of the year, and subsist on roots, fruits, and other forest produce
during the remaining half. A large portion of the paddy (rice) that the Urālis
gather by cultivation goes to the low country in exchange for clothing and
salt. The flesh of most animals is eaten, but the elephant and buffalo are
held in such great respect that no Urāli ever ventures to hurt them. Even the
approach of the buffalo is religiously avoided. They begin to fell forest trees
in Dhanu (December-January), and seeds are sown by the end of Mētam
(April-May). They have only a katti, which is a kind of chopping knife, for
purposes of ploughing. After cultivation they change their abodes. They put
up huts in the vicinity of the cultivated areas, and use bamboo and reeds as
materials. After leaving the old, and before putting up the new hut, they live
for several days in caves or under trees. They are very good watchmen, and
take great care in putting up fences, weeding, and protecting cultivation
from wild animals. They make excellent mats of reed. They are clever
huntsmen, and are passionately attached to their hunting dogs. They hoard

their grains in wicker baskets called virivallam. They possess copper and
brass vessels, mortar, chopping knives, sickles, spades, flint and steel. A
man after marriage lives with his wife, apart from his parents. Pollution of a
very aggravated kind is observed during the menstrual and puerperal
periods. On these occasions a separate mātam (hut), called the pāttu-pandal,
is put up at a distance from the dwelling hut. Here the woman stays for
three days. After bathing on the fourth day, she shifts to another mātam still
nearer, and stays there for one or two days. On the seventh day she rejoins
the family. In cases of confinement, twelve days are spent in the remotest
hut, and five days in the nearer one. But for another period of twenty days
the woman is not permitted to touch any one in the house, or even the
roofing of the hut. During these days food is prepared by others, and given
to her. The water in which those who are confined, and those who are in
their menses bathe, is considered to be defiled beyond remedy. Hence, for
bathing purposes some secluded and out-of-the-way pool, called
pāttuvellam, is selected. Urālis coming to the low country hesitate to drink
water, on the score that it might be thus polluted. When the woman delivers
herself of her first child, her husband observes three days’ pollution, but
none for subsequent confinements. On all such occasions, the maternal
relations of the woman have to observe five days’ pollution. On the
eighteenth day after birth, the eldest member of the family names the child,
and bores the ear. The head of the child is shaved as soon as it is able to
walk, and a tuft of hair is left in front. The corpses of the Urālis are not
burnt, but buried at a sufficient distance from the house. A new cloth is put
into the grave by each relative. After filling in the grave, they erect a shed
over it, within which the chopping knife of the deceased, a quantity of
boiled rice, and some chewing materials (betel and nuts) are placed. After
the lapse of seven years, an offering of food and drink is made to the
departed soul. Death pollution lasts for sixteen days. The Urālis address
their father as appan, and maternal uncle as achchan. Marumakkathāyam is
the prevailing form of inheritance (in the female line). Marriage is settled
by the parents. There is no tāli symbol to indicate the wedded state. After
the marriage is settled, the girl is merely sent to the pandal or hut of the
husband. The Urālis intermarry with the Ullādans, and in rare cases with
Muduvans. Remarriage is permitted. An Urāli, wishing to get married into a
particular family, has to wed into the family a girl belonging to his own.

The Urālis have a fine ear for music, and sing many songs in the night
before going to bed. Like the Kānis (Kānikars), they resort to enchantments
called cheppuka and chāttuka for the cure of diseases. Their would-be
sorcerers have to leave the community, and wander alone in the forest for a
number of months. They are said to then get into a trance, when their
forefathers appear before them as maidens, and teach them the mystic arts.
The Urālis bear their loads only on the back, and never on the head. They
never go to distant places without their chopping knife. They are good
forest guides.” The Urālis are stated by the Rev. S. Mateer13 to practice
polyandry like the Todas.

Urāli is further a synonym of the Tandans of Travancore, in reference, it is
said, to their having been guardians of villages (ur) in former times. It is
also the title of the headman of the Kuravas of Travancore and a synonym
of the Kōlāyans of Malabar.

Urāli.—The Urālis, who form the subject of the present note, dwell at an
altitude of 1,800 feet in the jungles of Dimbhum in the Coimbatore district,
where a forest bungalow, situated on a breezy ridge overlooking the plains,
formed a convenient centre from which to study both Urālis and the more
primitive Shōlagas.

The Urālis are familiar with the Badagas, who have a settlement not many
miles distant; the Todas, who occasionally migrate across the adjacent
Nīlgiri frontier in search of grazing land for their buffaloes; and the
Kurumbas and Irulas, who inhabit the lower slopes of the Nīlgiris, which
run down to Coimbatore. With the civilised world they are acquainted, as
they carry loads to the plains, and run down to market at the town of
Sathyamangalam, which is only seventeen miles distant from Dimbhum.
Like the Nīlgiri Badagas, they are clad in turban, and long flowing body-
cloth, white (when new), or striped with red and blue. The hair is worn long
and unkempt, or shaved á la Hindu with kudimi in mimicry of the more
civilised classes. A man was introduced to us as an expert mimic of the note
of the paroquet, peacock, jungle-fowl and other forest birds; and a small
party improvised, in front of the bungalow, a bird trap cleverly constructed
out of stones, an iron plate from the camp kitchen, bamboo, and rope made

on the spot from the bark of Ficus Tsiela. The making of fire with flint and
steel is fast disappearing in favour of safety matches.

The Urālis say that they are men of seven kulams (i.e., having seven posts
to the marriage booth), and are children of Billayya, while they describe the
Shōlagas as men of five kulams and children of Karayya. They call
themselves Urālis or Irulas, and, when questioned, say that, as Billayya and
Karayya are brothers, they may also be called Shōlagas. But there is no
intermarriage between Urālis and Shōlagas, though members of the two
tribes sometimes interdine. According to another legend, the Urālis and
Shōlagas are both descended from Karayan, and the Sivachāris (Lingāyats)
from Billaya or Mādhēswaram (see Shōlaga). They speak a patois of mixed
Tamil and Canarese, and have a number of exogamous septs, the meaning
of the names of which is not clear. They indulge in a large repertoire of
nicknames, for the most part of a personal nature, such as donkey-legged,
big-navelled, pot-bellied, hare-lipped, hairy like a bear or the tail of a
mungoose, toothless, lying, brought up on butter-milk. One man was named
Kothē Kallan (kotha, a stone), because he was born on a rock near Kotagiri.

Urāli.

The majority of the tribe earn a modest livelihood by collecting minor
forest produce, such as myrabolams, wax and honey, and poles for use as
primitive breaks for country carts during the ascent of the ghāt road. These

poles are tied to the carts by ropes, and trail behind on the ground, so that,
when the cart stops, the backward course of the wheels is arrested. Some till
the soil, and cultivate various kinds of food-grains. Others are sheep and
cattle owners. A few families possess land, which is given free of rent by
the Forest Department, on condition that they work for the department
whenever their services are required. As a class they are not inclined to do
hard work, and they appear to get into the clutches of money-lending
Chettis. Their staple food is rāgi (Eleusine Coracana). But they eat also
sheep, fowls, goat, deer, pigeons and doves, black monkeys, wild boar,
hare, hedgehogs, paroquets, quails and partridges, jungle-fowl, woodcock,
woodpeckers, and other denizens of the jungle. A man who was asked
whether they eat beef, cats, toads, bears, or white monkeys, expectorated
violently at the mention of each, and the suggestion of the first three
produced the most explosive oral demonstration.

Tribal disputes are referred to a headman, called Yejamana, who must
belong to the exogamous sept called Sambē, and whose appointment is an
hereditary one. To assist him, three others, belonging to the Kalkatti,
Kolkara and Kurinanga septs, whose hereditary titles are Pattagara, Gouda
and Kolkara, are appointed. The Kolkara has to invite people to the
panchāyat (tribal council), collect the fines inflicted, and be present on the
occasion of marriages. A woman who, after marriage, refuses to live with
her husband, is punished thus. She is tied to a tree, and the Kolkaran
empties the contents of a hornet or wasp’s nest at her feet. After a few
minutes the woman is questioned, and, if she agrees to live with her
husband, she must, in token of assent, lick a mark made on his back by the
Kolkara with fowl’s excrement, saying “You are my husband. In future I
shall not quarrel with you, and will obey you.” Even after this ordeal has
been gone through, a woman may, on payment of a fine, leave her husband
in favour of another man of the tribe.

When a girl reaches puberty, she is anointed, decorated with jewelry, and
made to occupy a separate hut for seven days, during which time two young
girls keep her company. On the eighth day, all three bathe in a pond or
stream, and return in their wet clothes to the girl’s home, where they sit on a
pestle placed in front of the door. A plantain leaf is then placed in front of

them, on which cooked rice and curry are spread. A child, aged about eight
or nine months, is set in the girl’s lap, and she feeds the infant with a small
quantity of rice, of which she herself swallows a few mouthfuls. Those
assembled then sit down to a meal, at the conclusion of which they wash
their hands in a dish, and the girl throws the water away. The feast
concluded, the spot is sprinkled with cowdung water, and cleaned up by the
girl.

Marriage is either infant or adult, but, as a rule, the latter. The match-
making is carried out by the boy’s parents, who, with his other relations,
pay two visits, one with and one without the boy, to the parents of the girl.
At the first visit a present of rāgi, and at the second of plantains, rice, and
millet pudding is made. The party must be received with due respect, which
is shown by taking hold of the walking-sticks of the guests on arrival, and
receiving them on a mat spread inside the house. The customary form of
salute is touching the feet with both hands, and raising them, with palms
opposed, to the forehead. Before taking their seats, the guests salute a vessel
of water, which is placed on the mat, surrounded by betel leaves and nuts. A
flower is placed on the top of the stone or figure which represents the tribal
goddess, and, after pūja (worship) has been done to it, it is addressed in the
words “Oh, Swāmi! drop the flower to the right if the marriage is going to
be propitious, and to the left if otherwise.” Should the flower remain on the
image, without falling either way, it is greeted as a very happy omen. On
the occasion of the betrothal ceremony, if the bridegroom’s party, on their
way to the bride’s village, have to cross a stream, running or dry, the
bridegroom is not allowed to walk across it, but must be carried over on the
back of his maternal uncle. As they approach the bride’s home, they are met
by the Kolkara and two other men, to whom the Kolkara, after receiving the
walking-sticks of the guests, hands them over. Failure to do so would be an
act of discourtesy, and regarded as an insult to be wiped out by a heavy fine.
When the procession arrives at the house, entrance into the marriage booth
is prevented by a stick held across it by people of the bride’s village. A
mock struggle takes place, during which turmeric water is thrown by both
sides, and an entrance into the house is finally effected. After a meal has
been partaken of, the bridal party proceed to the village of the bridegroom,
where the bride and bridegroom are lodged in separate houses. In front of

the bridegroom’s house a booth, supported by twelve posts arranged in four
rows, has been erected. The two pillars nearest the entrance to the house are
called murthi kamba. Into the holes made for the reception of these, after a
cocoanut has been broken, ghī (clarified butter), milk, and a few copper
coins are placed. The bridal pair, after an oil bath, are led to the booth,
decorated with jewels and wearing new cloths, and made to sit on a plank.
A cocoanut is broken, and they salute a vessel placed on a plate. The bridal
party then adjourn to a pond or stream, and do pūja to their god. On the
return thence the bridal couple must be accompanied by their maternal
uncles, who should keep on dancing, while cocoanuts are broken in front of
them till the house is reached. The contracting parties then again sit on the
plank with their little fingers linked, while the bride money (theravu) is paid
to the father-in-law, and the milk money (pāl kuli) to the mother-in-law. The
tāli (a golden disc) is then tied on to the bride’s neck by some female
relation of the bridegroom, and the bride and bridegroom, after saluting
those assembled, enter the house, where the young wife is at once told to
cook some rice, of which she and her husband partake from the same leaf
plate.

There exists, among the Urālis, a kind of informal union called kuduvali. A
man and woman will, by mutual agreement, elope into the jungle, and live
there together, till they are discovered and brought back by their relations. A
panchāyat (council) is held, and they are recognised as man and wife if the
bride money and fine inflicted are paid. Failure to pay up would render
them liable to excommunication. To celebrate the event, a feast must be
given by the man; and, if he should die without having fed the community,
any children born to him are considered as illegitimate. In such a case, the
widow or her near relatives are asked to give food to at least a few before
the corpse is removed, so as to legitimatise the children.

The Urālis bury their dead, and the death ceremonies are, to a certain
extent, copied from those of the Badagas. As soon as a member of the tribe
dies, the corpse is anointed, washed, and dressed in new clothes and turban.
On the face three silver coins are stuck, viz.:—a rupee on the forehead, and
a quarter rupee outside each eye. When all have assembled for the funeral,
the corpse is brought out and placed under a car (tēru) of six storeys, made

of bamboo and sticks, covered with coloured cloths and flags, and having at
the top a kalasa (brass vessel) and umbrella. To the accompaniment of a
band a dance takes place around the car, and the procession then moves on
to the burial-ground, where a cow buffalo is brought near the car, and a
little milk drawn and poured three times into the mouth of the corpse. A
cow and one or two calves are taken round the car, and the calves presented
to the sister of the deceased. The car is then broken up, after the decorations
have been stripped off. The corpse is buried either on the spot, or taken
away to distant Nīrgundi, and buried there. On the eighth day after the
funeral or return from Nīrgundi, the eldest son of the deceased has his head
shaved, and, together with his brother’s wife, fasts. If the funeral has been
at Nīrgundi, the son, accompanied by his relations, proceeds thither after
tying some cooked rice in a cloth. On arrival, he offers this to all the
memorial stones in the burial-ground (goppamane), and erects a stone,
which he has brought with him, in memory of the deceased. He then anoints
all the stones with ghī, which is contained in a green bamboo measure. He
collects the rice, which has been offered, and one of the party, becoming
inspired, gives vent to oracular declarations as to the season’s prospects, the
future of the bereaved family, etc. The collected rice is regarded as sacred,
and is partaken of by all. Each sept has its own goppamane, which is a
rectangular space with mud walls on three sides. In cases in which the
corpse has been buried close to the village, the grave is marked by a file of
stones. Two or three years afterwards, the body is exhumed, and the bones
are collected, and placed in front of the house of the deceased. All the
relations weep, and the son conveys the bones to Nīrgundi, where he buries
them. On the eighth day he revisits the spot, and erects a stone with the
ceremonial already described.

The Urālis worship a variety of minor deities, and sacrifice sheep and goats
to Pālrayan. They observe two annual festivals, viz.:—(a) Thai nombu,
when the whole house is cleaned, and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) twigs
and spikes of Achyranthes aspera are tied together, and placed in front of
the house over the roof, or stuck into the roof overhanging the entrance. A
sumptuous repast is partaken of. This ceremonial takes place in the month
Thai (December-January). (b) In the month Vyāsi (March-April) a large
trough is placed close to a well, and filled with a mixture of salt and water.

The cattle, decorated with leaves and flowers, are brought, one by one, to
the trough, and made to drink the salt water.

Uril Parisha.—A class of Mūssad.

Urū.—Ur, Urū, meaning village, is the name of a division of Bēdar, Bōya,
Golla, Korava, Kuruba, Mādiga, and Oddē. The Bēdars and Bōyas are
divided into two main divisions, Urū or those who dwell in villages, and
Myāsa (grass-land or forest people) who live away from villages. In like
manner, the Urū Oddes are those who have abandoned a nomad life, and
settled in villages. Among some of the Tamil cultivating classes, the
headman is known as the Ur Goundan.

Ur-Udaiyān (lord of a village).—A synonym of Nattamān.

Urukathi (a kind of knife).—An exogamous sept of Toreva.

Urukkāran, a class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive
islands. (See Māppilla.)

Urumikkāran.—The Urumikkārans, or those who play on the drum
(urumi), are said14 to be “Tottiyans in Madura, and Parayans elsewhere.”
The Kāppiliyans say that they migrated with the Urumikkārans from the
banks of the Tungabadra river, because the Tottiyans tried to ravish their
women. At a Kāppiliyan wedding, a Urumikkāran must be present at the
distribution of betel on the second day, and at the final death ceremonies a
Urumikkāran must also be present.

Usira (usirika, Phyllanthus Emblica).—A sept of Kōmati.

Utla.—Utla or Utlavādu has been recorded as an occupational sub-caste of
Yerukala, and an exogamous sept of Bōya and Padma Sālē. The name is
derived from utlam, a hanging receptacle for pots, made of palmyra fibre,
which some Yerukalas make and sell.15

Uttarēni (Achyranthes aspera).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Uyyāla (a swing).—An exogamous sept of Māla, Mutrācha, and Yerukala.
During the marriage ceremonies of Brāhmans and some non-Brāhman
castes, the bride and bridegroom are seated in a swing within the marriage
booth, and songs called uyyāla patalu (swing songs) are sung by women to
the accompaniment of music.

1 Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.
2 Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.

3 Cf. Nāyādi.
4 Native Life in Travancore, 1883.

5 Monograph, Eth. Survey, Cochin, No. 9, 1906.
6 Manual of the Malabar district.

7 Manual of the North Arcot district.
8 Archæolog. Survey of India. Annual Report, 1902–1903.

9 Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar. Ed., 1807.
10 On the Weapons, Army Organization, and Political Maxims of the Ancient Hindus, with special
reference to gunpowder and fire-arms, Madras, 1880.

11 Vide F. Hall’s edition of H. H. Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, 1864. III. 289–303.
12 Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.

13 Native Life in Travancore.
14 Madras Census Report, 1901.

15 Madras Census Report, 1901.

V

Vāda.—On the coast of Ganjam and Vizagapatam, the sea fishermen are either Vādas or
Jālāris, both of which are Telugu castes. The fishing operations are carried on by the
men, and the fish are sold by the women in markets and villages. Various Oriya castes,
e.g., Kevuto, Kondra, Tiyoro, etc., are employed as fishermen, but only in fresh-water.
The Vādas seem to be a section of the Palles, with whom they will interdine and
intermarry. They call themselves Vāda Balijas, though they have no claim to be regarded
as Balijas. Sometimes they are called Kalāsis by Oriya people.

Socially the Vādas occupy a low position. Their language is a corrupt and vulgar form of
Telugu. The men wear a conical palm leaf cap, such as is worn by the Pattanavan
fishermen in the Tamil country. In the presence of a superior, they remove their loin-
cloth and place it round their neck and shoulders as a mark of respect. Among many
other castes, this would, on the contrary, be regarded as an act of impertinence.

Vāda gods.

Like other Telugu castes, the Vādas have exogamous intipērus, some of which seem to
be peculiar to them, e.g., Mailapilli, Ganupilli, Sodupilli, Davulupilli. Other intipērus are
such as are common to many Telugu castes. The caste headmen are entitled Kularāju and
Pilla, and the appointments are apparently held by members of particular septs. At
Chatrapūr, for example, they belong to the Mailapilli and Vanka septs. There is also a
caste servant styled Samayanōdu. The headmen seem to have more power among the
Vādas than among other Telugu castes, and all kinds of caste matters are referred to them
for disposal. They receive a fee for every marriage, and arrange various details in
connection with the wedding ceremonial. This is based on the Telugu type, with a few

variations. When a young man’s relations proceed to the house of the girl whom it is
proposed that he should marry, the elders of her family offer water in a brass vessel to
their guests, if they approve of the match. During the marriage rites, the bride and
bridegroom sit within a pandal (booth), and the men of the bridegroom’s party exhibit to
those assembled betel leaf, areca nuts, oil, turmeric paste, etc., in which no foreign
matter, such as fragments of paper, rags, etc., must be found. If they are discovered, a
fine is inflicted.

There is exhibited in the Madras Museum a collection of clay figures, such as are
worshipped by fishermen on the Ganjam coast, concerning which Mr. H. D’A. C. Reilly
writes to me as follows. “I am sending you specimens of the chief gods worshipped by
the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampūr got them made by the potter and carpenter,
who usually make such figures for the Gopalpūr fishermen. I have found fishermen’s
shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some
consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside
down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of brick and chunam (lime). All that
I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these
shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and
when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures
of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods
and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose
from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures,
which I have sent, were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter
at Uppulapathi, both villages near Gopalpūr. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was
inspecting them at the Gopalpūr travellers’ bungalow, sixty or seventy fisher people
came and worshipped them, and at first objected to their gods being taken away. He
pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their
devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras.” The collection
of clay figures includes the following:—

Bengali Bābu wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures
large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing. It has
been observed that “this affinity between the Ganjam fishermen and the Bengali Bābu,
resulting in the apotheosis of the latter, is certainly a striking manifestation of the
catholicity of hero-worship, and it would be interesting to have the origin of this
particular form of it, to know how long, and for what reasons the conception of
protection has appealed to the followers of the piscatory industry. It was Sir George
Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, who compelled his Bengali officials,
much against their inclination, to cultivate the art of equitation.”

Vāda pot shrines.

Sāmalamma wears a red skirt and green coat, and protects the fishermen from fever.

Rājamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant.
She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches
when they go out fishing.

Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects
fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.

Bhāgirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps
fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other
intestinal disorders.

Nūkalamma wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community
against small-pox.

Orusandi Ammavaru prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.

Bhāgadēvi rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.

Veyyi Kannula Ammavaru, or goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced
with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general
welfare of the fisher folk.

The chief sea goddess of the Vādas seems to be Orusandiamma, whose image must be
made out of the wood of the nīm (Melia Azadirachta) tree. She is supposed to have four
arms. Many of the pot temples set up on the sea-shore are her shrines. On no account
should she be provoked, lest the fishing boat should be upset. She is regarded as
constantly roaming over the sea in a boat at night. Associated with her is a male deity,
named Ramasondi, who is her brother. His vāhanam (vehicle) is an elephant. Orusandi is
worshipped separately by each family. At the time of worship, flowers, two cloths, a
fowl, a goat, and a bottle of toddy or arrack, are carried in procession to the sea-shore.
Before the procession starts, people collect in front of the house of the person who is
doing the pūja (worship), and tie him and the goat to a long post set up in front thereof.
A toy boat is placed before the post, and Ramasondi is invoked by a person called
Mannāru, who becomes inspired by the entrance of the deity into him. A fowl is
sacrificed, and, with the boat on his head, the Mannāru proceeds towards the shore.
Orusandi is then invoked, but does not come so easily as Ramasondi. Repeated
invocations are necessary before some one becomes inspired. The goat, post, and a pot
shrine for the goddess are taken to the shore. A small platform is erected there, on which
the shrine, smeared with chunam (lime), is placed, and in it the image is deposited.
Worship is then performed, and the goat sacrificed if it crawls along on all fours and
shivers. If it does not do so, another goat is substituted for it. As every family sets up its
own pot shrine, the number of these is considerable, and they extend over several
furlongs.

The sea goddess Marulupōlamma is housed in a small shed made of date palm leaves. A
goddess who is very much feared, and worshipped at the burial-ground, is Būlokamma.
Her worship is carried out at noon or midnight. She is represented by a pot, of which the
neck is removed. In the sides of the pot four holes are made, into each of which a twig is
inserted. The ends of the twigs are tied together with thread, so that they represent a

miniature pandal (booth). The pot is carried by a Mannāru, dressed up like a woman in
black and white cloths, together with another pot representing Enuga Sakthi. The former
is carried in the bend of the left elbow, and the latter on the head. The pots are
accompanied in procession to the burial-ground, and on the way thither some one
becomes inspired, and narrates the following legend:—“I am Būlokasakthi. Ages ago I
was in an egg, of which the upper half became the sky and the lower half the earth, and
was released. The moon was the mark on my forehead, and the sun was my mirror.
Seven gadhis (a measure of time) after my birth, a west wind arose. By that time I had
grown into an adult woman, and so I embraced the wind, which impregnated me, and,
after nine gadhis, Brahma was born. He grew into a young man, and I asked him to
embrace me, but he refused, and, as a curse, I caused him to become a stone. Vishnu
underwent the same fate, but Siva promised to satisfy me, if I gave him my third eye,
shoulder-bag, and cane. This I did, and lost my power. Then all the water disappeared,
and I was covered with mud. Siva again caused water to appear, and of it I took three
handfuls, and threw them over my body. The third handful consumed me, and reduced
me to ashes. From these were created Sarasvati, Parvati, and Būlokamma. I am that
Būlokamma. I asked a favour of Siva. He made me remain within this earth, and,
drawing three lines, said that I should not come out, and should receive offerings of
fowls and goats.” At this stage, a chicken is given to the Mannāru, who bites, and kills it.
At the burial-ground worship is performed, and a goat sacrificed. The goddess being
confined within the earth, no shrine is erected to her, and she is not represented by an
image. A small pandal is erected, and the pot placed near it.

The goddess Kalimukkamma is represented by a paper or wooden mask painted black,
with protruding tongue. With her is associated her brother Bāithari. She is believed to be
one of the sisters created by Brahma from his face at the request of Iswara, the others
being Polamma, Maridipoli, Kothapoli, Jungapoli, Nukapoli, Runjamma, and
Kundamma. The shrine of Kalimukkamma is a low hut made of straw. At the time of
worship to her, a Mannāru, dressed up as a woman, puts on the mask, and thus represents
her. A stone slab, containing a figure of Kalimukkamma, is carried by a woman. She is
the only goddess who may be represented by a stone. To her pigs are offered.

Peddamma or Polamma is represented by a wooden effigy. Along with her, Maridiamma
is also worshipped. The offerings to Peddamma consist of a goat or sheep, and a pot of
milk. A pig is sacrificed to Maridiamma. When the people proceed in procession to the
place of worship, a toy cart is tied to the person representing Maridiamma, and some one
must carry a toy boat. At a distance from the house, the cart is detached, and a pig is
killed by an abdominal incision.

Samalamma is a mild goddess, with vegetarian propensities, to whom animal food must
not be offered. She is associated with the aforesaid Bengali Bābu riding on a horse. Her
image may only be carried by young girls, and grown-up women may not touch it.

Of the Sakthis worshipped by the Vādas, the chief is Koralu Sakthi. The man who
performs the worship is tied to a country cart, to which a central stake, and a stake at
each corner are attached. Dressed up in female attire, he drags the cart, with which he
makes three rounds. A chicken is then impaled on each of the corner stakes, and a pig on
the central stake.

Vāda shrines.

In former times, the images of the deities were made in clay, but it has been found by
experience that wooden images are more durable, and do not require to be replaced so
often. Along with the images of gods and goddesses, the Vādas place figures
representing deceased relatives, after the peddadinam (final death ceremony).

The Mannārus are very important individuals, for not only do they perform worship, but
are consulted on many points. If a man does not secure good catches of fish, he goes to
the Mannāru, to ascertain the cause of his bad luck. The Mannāru holds in his hand a
string, to which a stone is tied, and invokes various gods and goddesses by name. Every
time a name is mentioned, the stone either swings to and fro like a pendulum, or
performs a circular movement. If the former occurs, it is a sign that the deity whose

name has been pronounced is the cause of the misfortune, and must be propitiated in a
suitable manner.

Vadakkupurattu.—A synonym, meaning belonging to the north side of the temple, of
Mārāns in Travancore.

Vadra.—Vadra, Vadrangi, or Vadla is a name of a sub-division of Telugu Kamsalas, the
professional calling of which is carpentering. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Tanjore, that
“wood-carving of a very fair quality is done at several places in the Tanjore district by a
class of workmen called car carpenters, from the fact that their skill is generally
exercised in carving images on temple cars. They are found at Tanjore, Mannargudi,
Tiruvādaturai and Tiruvadi, and perhaps elsewhere. The workmen at the last-named
place are Vaddis. The Vaddis of the Godavari district are also found to do wood-carving,
sometimes with great skill.”

Vadugan.—At the census, 1891, 180,884 individuals were returned as Vadugan, which
is described as meaning “a native of the northern or Telugu country, but in ordinary
usage it refers to the Balijas.” I find, however, that 56,380 Vadugars have returned their
sub-division as Kammavar or Kammas, and that the term has been used to denote many
Telugu castes. At the census, 1901, the number of people returning themselves as
Vadugan dropped to 95,924, and the name is defined by the Census Superintendent as a
“linguistic term meaning a Telugu man, wrongly returned as a caste name by Kammas,
Kāpus and Balijas in the Tamil districts.” In the Salem Manual, Vaduga is noted as
including all who speak Telugu in the Tamil districts, e.g., Oddē, Bestha, etc.

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “of the same social standing as the
Kammālans are the Vadugans (northerners), a makkattāyam caste of foreigners found in
Palghat and the adjoining part of Waluvanad. They are divided into two exogamous
classes, one of which is regarded as inferior to the other, and performs purificatory
ceremonies for the caste. They cut their hair close all over the head, and have no
kudumis (hair knot).”

It is noted by Mr. L. Moore1 that “Xavier, writing in 1542 to 1544, makes frequent
references to men whom he calls Badages, who are said to have been collectors of royal
taxes, and to have grievously oppressed Xavier’s converts among the fishermen of
Travancore.”2 Dr. Caldwell, alluding to Xavier’s letters, says3 that these Badages were
no doubt Vadages or men from the North, and is of opinion that a Jesuit writer of the
time who called them Nayars was mistaken, and that they were really Nayakans from
Madura. I believe, however, that the Jesuit rightly called them Nayars, for I find that
Father Organtino, writing in 1568, speaks of these Badages as people from Narasinga, a
kingdom north of Madura, lying close to Bishnaghur. Bishnaghur is, of course,
Vijayanagar, and the kingdom of Narasinga was the name frequently given by the

Portuguese to Vijayanagar. There is a considerable amount of evidence to show that the
Nayars of Malabar are closely connected by origin with the Nayakans of Vijayanagar.”
(See Nāyar.)

Vadugāyan (Telugu shepherd).—A Tamil synonym for Golla.

Vagiri or Vāgirivāla.—See Kuruvikkāran.

Vāgiti (doorway or court-yard).—An exogamous sept of Jōgi.

Vaguniyan.—See Vayani.

Vaidyan.—Vaidyon or Baidya, meaning physician or medicine-man, occurs as a title of
Kshaurakas, Billavas, and Pulluvans, and, at times of census, has been returned as an
occupational sub-division of Paraiyans.

Village physicians are known as Vaidyans, and may belong to any caste, high or low.
The Vaidyan diagnoses all diseases by feeling the pulse, and, after doing this for a
sufficiently long time, remarks that there is an excess of vātham, pitham, ushnam, and so
on. His stock phrases are vātham, pitham, ushnam, slēshmam, kārakam, mēgham or
mēham, saithyam, etc. Orthodox men and women do not allow the Vaidyan to feel the
pulse by direct contact of the fingers, and a silk cloth is placed on the patient’s wrist. The
pulse of males is felt with the right hand, and that of females with the left. Some
Vaidyans crack the finger and wrist-joints before they proceed to feel the pulse. Some
are general practitioners, and others specialists in the treatment of fever, piles, jaundice,
syphilis, rheumatism, and other diseases. The specialists are generally hereditary
practitioners. In the treatment of cases, the Vaidyan prescribes powders and pills, and a
decoction or infusion (kashayam) of various drugs which can easily be obtained at the
village drug-shop, or with the help of the village herbalist. Among these are ginger,
pepper, Abies Webbiana, Acorus calamus, nīm (Melia Azadirachta), or Andrographis
paniculata sticks, Alpinia Galanga, etc. If the medicine has to be taken for a long time,
the drugs are compounded together in the form of a lēhyam, e.g., bilvadi, kūshpanda,
and purnadi lēhyam. Some Vaidyans prepare powders (basmam), such as swarna (gold)
basmam, pavala (coral powder) basmam, or sānkha (chank shell powder) basmam.
Special pills (māthre), prepared at considerable cost, are sometimes kept by Vaidyans,
and passed on from generation to generation as heirlooms. Such pills are usually
intended for well-known specific diseases. These pills are used in very minute quantities,
and consequently last for a long time. A drop of honey or butter is placed on a slab of
sandstone, on which the pill is rubbed. The honey or butter is then administered to the
patient. A standing rule of the Vaidyan is to keep his patient on a very low diet, such as
rice gruel without salt. His usual saying is “Langanam paramoushadam,” i.e., fasting is

an excellent medicine. A well-known treatment in cases of jaundice is the drinking of
curds, in which twigs of Phyllanthus Niruri have been well mashed.

In a very interesting note4 on couching of the lens as practiced by native practitioners,
Major R. H. Elliot, I.M.S., writes as follows. “The ignorance and stupidity of the ryot
(villager) is so great that he will not very infrequently try one eye in an English hospital,
and one in a Vaithyan’s hands. It is a very common thing for a native patient to deny ever
having visited a native doctor, when he first comes to hospital. After the other eye has
been successfully operated on, he will sometimes own up to the fact.... Here in the south,
there appear to be two classes of operators, the resident men who live for long periods in
one bazaar, and the travellers who move continuously from place to place. Both are
Mahomedans. The former appear to get somewhat better results than the latter, and are
spoken of as ‘men of experience.’ The latter seem never to stop long in one place. They
collect a number of victims, operate on them, and then move on before their sins can
find them out. Both kinds of operators seem to be innocent of any attempt at securing
asepsis or antisepsis; they use a dirty needle or a sharp wooden skewer; no anæsthetic is
employed; a bandage is kept on for ten days, and counter-irritation is freely resorted to,
to combat iritis, etc. Many of the victims are ashamed to come to a European hospital
after the failure of their hopes. It has been said that, if the Vaithyan did not get good
results, he would be dropped, and the practice would die out. This remark can only have
come from one who knew nothing of the Indian character, or the crass ignorance of the
lower classes of the people. It is hard for those who have not lived and worked among
them to realise how easily the ryot falls a dupe to impudent self-advertisement. He is a
simple kindly person, whose implicit trust in confident self-assertion will bring him to
grief for many another generation. The vision of these poor unfortunate people sitting
down in a dusty bazaar to let an ignorant charlatan thrust a dirty needle into their blind
eyes has evoked the indignation of the English surgeon from the time of our first
occupation of the country. Side by side with a well-equipped English hospital, which
turns out its ninety odd per cent. of useful vision, there sits in the neighbouring bazaar
even to-day the charlatan, whose fee is fixed at anything from 3d. to 8 shillings, plus, in
every case, a fowl or other animal. The latter is ostensibly for sacrificial purposes, but I
understand ends uniformly in the Vaithyan’s curry-pot. Weirdest, perhaps, of all the
Vaithyan’s methods is the use of the saffron-coloured rag, with which pus is wiped away
from the patient’s inflamed eye. On this colour, the pus, etc., cannot be seen, and
therefore all is well. It is the fabled ostrich again, only this time in real life, with vital
interests at stake.”

It is noted5 in connection with the various classes of Nambūtiri Brāhmans that “the
Vaidyans or physicians, known as Mūssads, are to study the medical science, and to
practice the same. As the profession of a doctor necessitates the performance of surgical
operations entailing the shedding of blood, the Mūssads are considered as slightly
degraded.”

Further information concerning native medicine-men will be found in the articles on
Kusavans and Mandulas.

Vaikhānasa.—Followers of the Rishi Vaikhānasa. They are Archaka Brāhman priests in
the Telugu country.

Vairavan Kōvil.—An exogamous section or kōvil (temple) of Nāttukōttai Chetti.

Vairāvi.—The equivalent of Bairāgi or Vairāgi. Recorded, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as “a sub-caste of Pandāram. They are found only in the Tinnevelly district, where
they are measurers of grain, and pūjāris in village temples.” In the Madura district,
Vairāvis are members of the Mēlakkāran caste, who officiate as servants at the temples
of the Nāttukōttai Chettis.

Vaisya.—Vaisya is the third of the traditional castes of Manu. “It is,” Mr. Francis
writes,6 “doubtful whether there are any true Dravidian Vaisyas, but some of the
Dravidian trading castes (with the title Chetti), notably the Kōmatis, are treated as
Vaisyas by the Brāhmans, though the latter do not admit their right to perform the
religious ceremonies which are restricted by the Vēdas to the twice-born, and require
them to follow only the Purānic rites. The Mūttāns (trading caste in Malabar) formerly
claimed to be Nāyars, but recently they have gone further, and some of them have
returned themselves as Vaisyas, and added the Vaisya title of Gupta to their names. They
do not, however, wear the sacred thread or perform any Vēdic rites, and Nāyars consider
themselves polluted by their touch.” Some Vellālas and Nāttukōttai Chettis describe
themselves as being Bhū (earth) Vaisyas, and some Gollas claim to be regarded as
Gō(cow) Vaisyas.6 Some Gānigas and Nagartas call themselves Dharmasivāchar
Vaisyas,7 and, like the Canarese Gānigas (oil-pressers), the Tamil oil-pressers (Vāniyan)
claim to rank as Vaisyas. Vaisya Brāhman is noted8 as being a curious hybrid name, by
which the Konkani Vānis (traders) style themselves. A small colony of “Baniyans,” who
call themselves Jain Vaisyas, is said9 to have settled in Native Cochin. Vaisya is recorded
as the caste of various title-holders, whose title is Chetti or Chettiyar, in the Madras
Quarterly Civil List.

Vajjira (diamond).—An exogamous sept of Toreya.

Vakkaliga.—See Okkiliyan.

Vālagadava.—An occupational name for various classes in South Canara, e.g.,
Sappaligas, Mogilis, and Patramelas, who are engaged as musicians.

Valai (net).—The name, said to indicate those who hunt with nets, of a section of
Paraiyans. The Ambalakkārans, who are also called Valaiyans, claim that, when Siva’s

ring was swallowed by a fish in the Ganges, one of their ancestors invented the first net
made in the world.

Valaiyal.—A sub-division of Kavarai, i.e., the Tamil equivalent of Gāzula (glass bangle)
Balija.

Valaiyan.—The Valaiyans are described, in the Manual of Madura district (1868), as “a
low and debased class. Their name is supposed to be derived from valai, a net, and to
have been given to them from their being constantly employed in netting game in the
jungles. Many of them still live by the net; some catch fish; some smelt iron. Many are
engaged in cultivation, as bearers of burdens, and in ordinary cooly work. The tradition
that a Valaiya woman was the mother of the Vallambans seems to show that the
Valaiyans must be one of the most ancient castes in the country.” In the Tanjore Manual
they are described as “inhabitants of the country inland who live by snaring birds, and
fishing in fresh waters. They engage also in agricultural labour and cooly work, such as
carrying loads, husking paddy (rice), and cutting and selling fire-wood. They are a poor
and degraded class.” The Valaiyans are expert at making cunningly devised traps for
catching rats and jungle fowl. They have “a comical fairy-tale of the origin of the war,
which still goes on between them and the rat tribe. It relates how the chiefs of the rats
met in conclave, and devised the various means for arranging and harassing the enemy,
which they still practice with such effect.”10 The Valaiyans say that they were once the
friends of Siva, but were degraded for the sin of eating rats and frogs.

Valayan hunting festival.

In the Census Report, 1901, the Valaiyans are described as “a shikāri (hunting) caste in
Madura and Tanjore. In the latter the names Ambalakāran, Sērvaikāran, Vēdan, Siviyān,
and Kuruvikkāran are indiscriminately applied to the caste.” There is some connection
between Ambalakārans, Muttiriyans, Mutrāchas, Urālis, Vēdans, Valaiyans, and
Vēttuvans, but in what it exactly consists remains to be ascertained. It seems likely that
all of them are descended from one common parent stock. Ambalakārans claim to be
descended from Kannappa Nāyanar, one of the sixty-three Saivite saints, who was a
Vēdan or hunter by caste. In Tanjore the Valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar
origin, and in that district Ambalakāran and Muttiriyan seem to be synonymous with
Valaiyan. Moreover, the statistics of the distribution of the Valaiyans show that they are
numerous in the districts where Ambalakārans are few, and vice versâ, which looks as
though certain sections had taken to calling themselves Ambalakārans. The upper
sections of the Ambalakārans style themselves Pillai, which is a title properly belonging
to Vellālas, but the others are usually called Mūppan in Tanjore, and Ambalakāran,
Muttiriyan, and Sērvaikāran in Trichinopoly. The usual title of the Valaiyans, so far as I
can gather, is Mūppan, but some style themselves Sērvai and Ambalakāran.”

The Madura Valaiyans are said11 to be “less brāhmanised than those in Tanjore, the latter
employing Brāhmans as priests, forbidding the marriage of widows, occasionally

burning their dead, and being particular what they eat. But they still cling to the worship
of all the usual village gods and goddesses.” In some places, it is said,12 the Valaiyans
will eat almost anything, including rats, cats, frogs and squirrels.

Like the Pallans and Paraiyans, the Valaiyans, in some places, live in streets of their
own, or in settlements outside the villages. At times of census, they have returned a large
number of sub-divisions, of which the following may be cited as examples:—

Monathinni. Those who eat the vermin of the soil.
Pāsikatti (pāsi, glass bead).
Saragu, withered leaves.
Vanniyan. Synonym of the Palli caste.
Vellāmputtu, white-ant hill.

In some places the Saruku or Saragu Valaiyans have exogamous kīlais or septs, which,
as among the Maravans and Kallans, run in the female line. Brothers and sisters belong
to the same kīlai as that of their mother and maternal uncle, and not of their father.

It is stated, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that “the Valaiyans are grouped into
four endogamous sub-divisions, namely, Vahni, Valattu, Karadi, and Kangu. The last of
these is again divided into Pāsikatti, those who use a bead necklet instead of a tāli (as a
marriage badge), and Kāraikatti, those whose women wear horsehair necklaces like the
Kallans. The caste title is Mūppan. Caste matters are settled by a headman called the
Kambliyan (blanket man), who lives at Aruppukōttai, and comes round in state to any
village which requires his services, seated on a horse, and accompanied by servants who
hold an umbrella over his head and fan him. He holds his court seated on a blanket. The
fines imposed go in equal shares to the aramanai (literally palace, i.e., to the headman
himself), and to the oramanai, that is, the caste people.

It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway that “the Valaiyans of the Trichinopoly district say
that they have eight endogamous sub-divisions, namely, Sarahu (or Saragu), Ettarai
Kōppu, Tānambanādu or Valuvādi, Nadunāttu or Asal, Kurumba, Vanniya, Ambunādu,
and Punal. Some of these are similar to those of the Kallans and Ambalakārans.”

In the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, it is recorded that the Valaiyans are said to
possess “endogamous sub-divisions called Vēdan, Sulundukkāran and Ambalakkāran.
The members of the first are said to be hunters, those of the second torch-bearers, and
those of the last cultivators. They are a low caste, are refused admittance into the
temples, and pollute a Vellālan by touch. Their occupations are chiefly cultivation of a
low order, cooly work, and hunting. They are also said to be addicted to crime, being
employed by Kallans as their tools.”

Adult marriage is the rule, and the consent of the maternal uncle is necessary.
Remarriage of widows is freely permitted. At the marriage ceremony, the bridegroom’s
sister takes up the tāli (marriage badge), and, after showing it to those assembled, ties it
tightly round the neck of the bride. To tie it loosely so that the tāli string touches the
collar-bone would be considered a breach of custom, and the woman who tied it would
be fined. The tāli-tying ceremony always takes place at night, and the bridegroom’s
sister performs it, as, if it was tied by the bridegroom, it could not be removed on his
death, and replaced if his widow wished to marry again. Marriages generally take place
from January to May, and consummation should not be effected till the end of the month
Ādi, lest the first child should be born in the month of Chithre, which would be very
inauspicious. There are two Tamil proverbs to the effect that “the girl should remain in
her mother’s house during Ādi,” and “if a child is born in Chithre, it is ruinous to the
house of the mother-in-law.”

In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is stated that “at weddings, the bridegroom’s
sister ties the tāli, and then hurries the bride off to her brother’s house, where he is
waiting. When a girl attains maturity, she is made to live for a fortnight in a temporary
hut, which she afterwards burns down. While she is there, the little girls of the caste
meet outside it, and sing a song illustrative of the charms of womanhood, and its power
of alleviating the unhappy lot of the bachelor. Two of the verses say:—

What of the hair of a man?
It is twisted, and matted, and a burden.
What of the tresses of a woman?
They are as flowers in a garland, and a glory.

What of the life of a man?
It is that of the dog at the palace gate.
What of the days of a woman?
They are like the gently waving leaves in a festoon.

“Divorce is readily permitted on the usual payments, and divorcées and widows may
remarry. A married woman who goes astray is brought before the Kambliyan, who
delivers a homily, and then orders the man’s waist-string to be tied round her neck. This
legitimatises any children they may have.” The Valaiyans of Pattukkōttai in the Tanjore
district say that intimacy between a man and woman before marriage is tolerated, and
that the children of such a union are regarded as members of the caste, and permitted to
intermarry with others, provided the parents pay a nominal penalty imposed by the caste
council.

In connection with the Valaiyans of the Trichinopoly district, Mr. Hemingway writes that
“they recognise three forms of marriage, the most usual of which consists in the
bridegroom’s party going to the girl’s house with three marakkāls of rice and a cock on
an auspicious day, and in both parties having a feast there. Sometimes the young man’s
sister goes to the girl’s house, ties a tāli round her neck, and takes her away. The ordinary
form of marriage, called big marriage, is sometimes used with variations, but the
Valaiyans do not like it, and say that the two other forms result in more prolific unions.
They tolerate unchastity before marriage, and allow parties to marry even after several
children have been born, the marriage legitimatising them. They permit remarriage of
widows and divorced women. Women convicted of immorality are garlanded with
erukku (Calotropis gigantea) flowers, and made to carry a basket of mud round the
village. Men who too frequently offend in this respect are made to sit with their toes tied
to the neck by a creeper. When a woman is divorced, her male children go to the
husband, and she is allowed to keep the girls.”

The tribal gods of the Valaiyans are Singa Pidāri (Aiyanar) and Padinettāmpadi
Karuppan. Once a year, on the day after the new-moon in the month Māsi (February to
March), the Valaiyans assemble to worship the deity. Early in the morning they proceed
to the Aiyanar temple, and, after doing homage to the god, go off to the forest to hunt
hares and other small game. On their return they are met by the Valaiyan matrons
carrying coloured water or rice (ālām), garlands of flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts.
The ālām is waved over the men, some of whom become inspired and are garlanded.
While they are under inspiration, the mothers appeal to them to name their babies. The
products of the chase are taken to the house of the headman and distributed. At a festival,
at which Mr. K. Rangachari was present, at about ten o’clock in the morning all the
Valaiya men, women, and children, dressed up in holiday attire, swarmed out of their
huts, and proceeded to a neighbouring grove. The men and boys each carried a throwing
stick, or a digging stick tipped with iron. On arrival at the grove, they stood in a row,
facing east, and, throwing down their sticks, saluted them, and prostrated themselves
before them. Then all took up their sticks, and some played on reed pipes. Some of the
women brought garlands of flowers, and placed them round the necks of four men, who
for a time stood holding in their hands their sticks, of which the ends were stuck in the
ground. After a time they began to shiver, move quickly about, and kick those around
them. Under the influence of their inspiration, they exhibited remarkable physical
strength, and five or six men could not hold them. Calling various people by name, they
expressed a hope that they would respect the gods, worship them, and offer to them
pongal (boiled rice) and animal sacrifices. The women brought their babies to them to be
named. In some places, the naming of infants is performed at the Aiyanar temple by any
one who is under the influence of inspiration. Failing such a one, several flowers, each
with a name attached to it, are thrown in front of the idol. A boy, or the pūjāri (priest)
picks up one of the flowers, and the infant receives the name which is connected with it.

The Valaiyans are devoted to devil worship, and, at Orattanādu in the Tanjore district,
every Valaiyan backyard is said to contain an odiyan (Odina Wodier) tree, in which the
devil is supposed to live.13 It is noted by Mr. W. Francis14 that “certain of the Valaiyans
who live at Ammayanāyakkanūr are the hereditary pūjāris to the gods of the Sirumalai
hills. Some of these deities are uncommon, and one of them, Pāppārayan, is said to be
the spirit of a Brāhman astrologer whose monsoon forecast was falsified by events, and
who, filled with a shame rare in unsuccessful weather prophets, threw himself off a high
point on the range.”

According to Mr. Hemingway, the Valaiyans have a special caste god, named Muttāl
Rāvuttan, who is the spirit of a dead Muhammadan, about whom nothing seems to be
known.

The dead are as a rule buried with rites similar to those of the Kallans and
Agamudaiyans. The final death ceremonies (karmāndhiram) are performed on the
sixteenth day. On the night of the previous day, a vessel filled with water is placed on the
spot where the deceased breathed his last, and two cocoanuts, with the pores (’eyes’)
open, are deposited near it. On the following morning, all proceed to a grove or tank
(pond). The eldest son, or other celebrant, after shaving and bathing, marks out a square
space on the ground, and, placing a few dry twigs of Ficus religiosa and Ficus
bengalensis therein, sets fire to them. Presents of rice and other food-stuffs are given to
beggars and others. The ceremony closes with the son and sapindas, who have to
observe pollution, placing new cloths on their heads. Mr. Francis records that, at the
funeral ceremonies, “the relations go three times round a basket of grain placed under a
pandal (booth), beating their breasts and singing:—

For us the kanji (rice gruel): kailāsam (the abode of Siva) for thee;
Rice for us; for thee Svargalōkam,

and then wind turbans round the head of the deceased’s heir, in recognition of his new
position as chief of the family. When a woman loses her husband, she goes three times
round the village mandai (common), with a pot of water on her shoulder. After each of
the first two journeys, the barber makes a hole in the pot, and at the end of the third he
hurls down the vessel, and cries out an adjuration to the departed spirit to leave the
widow and children in peace.” It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that
“one of the funeral ceremonies is peculiar, though it is paralleled by practices among the
Paraiyans and Karaiyāns. When the heir departs to the burning-ground on the second
day, a mortar is placed near the outer door of his house, and a lamp is lit inside. On his
return, he has to upset the mortar, and worship the light.”

Vālan.—For the following note on the Vālan and Katal Arayan fishing castes of the
Cochin State, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar.

The name Vālan is derived from vala, meaning fish in a tank. Some consider the word to
be another form of Valayan, which signifies a person who throws a net for fishing.
According to the tradition and current belief of these people, they were brought to Kērala
by Parasurāma for plying boats and conveying passengers across the rivers and
backwaters on the west coast. Another tradition is that the Vālans were Arayans, and
they became a separate caste only after one of the Perumāls had selected some of their
families for boat service, and conferred on them special privileges. They even now pride
themselves that their caste is one of remote antiquity, and that Vedavyasa, the author of
the Purānas, and Guha, who rendered the boat service to the divine Rāma, Sita, and
Lakshmana, across the Ganges in the course of their exile to the forest, were among the
caste-men.

There are no sub-divisions in the caste, but the members thereof are said to belong to
four exogamous illams (houses of Nambūtiris), namely, Alayakad, Ennalu, Vaisyagiriam,
and Vazhapally, which correspond to the gōtras of the Brāhmans, or to four clans, the
members of each of which are perhaps descended from a common ancestor. According
to a tradition current among them, they were once attached to the four Nambūtiri illams
above mentioned for service of some kind, and were even the descendants of the
members of the illams, but were doomed to the present state of degradation on account
of some misconduct. Evidently, the story is looked up to to elevate themselves in social
status. I am inclined to believe that they must have been the Atiyars (slaves) of the four
aforesaid Brāhman families, owing a kind of allegiance (nambikooru) like the
Kanakkans to the Chittur Manakkal Nambūtripād in Perumanam of the Trichur tāluk.
Even now, these Brāhman families are held in great respect by the Vālans, who, when
afflicted with family calamities, visit the respective illams with presents of a few packets
of betel leaves and a few annas, to receive the blessings of their Brāhman masters,
which, according to their belief, may tend to avert them.

The low sandy tract of land on each side of the backwater is the abode of these
fishermen. In some places, more especially south of Cranganore, their houses are dotted
along the banks of the backwater, often nearly hidden by cocoanut trees, while at
intervals the white picturesque fronts of numerous Roman Catholic and Romo-Syrian
churches are perceived. These houses are in fact mere flimsy huts, a few of which,
occupied by the members of several families, may be seen huddled together in the same
compound abounding in a growth of cocoanut trees, with hardly enough space to dry
their fish and nets. In the majority of cases, the compounds belong to jenmis (landlords),
who lease them out either rent-free or on nominal rent, and who often are so kind as to
allow them some cocoanuts for their consumption, and leaves sufficient to thatch their
houses. About ten per cent. of their houses are built of wood and stones, while a large
majority of them are made of mud or bamboo framework, and hardly spacious enough to
accommodate the members of the family during the summer months. Cooking is done
outside the house, and very few take rest inside after hard work, for their compounds are

shady and breezy, and they may be seen basking in the sun after midnight toil, or drying
the nets or fish. Their utensils are few, consisting of earthen vessels and enamel dishes,
and their furniture of a few wooden planks and coarse mats to serve as beds.

The girls of the Vālans are married both before and after puberty, but the tāli-kettu
kalyānam (tāli-tying marriage) is indispensable before they come of age, as otherwise
they and their parents are put out of caste. Both for the tāli-tying ceremony and for the
real marriage, the bride and bridegroom must be of different illams or gōtras. In regard
to the former, as soon as an auspicious day is fixed, the girl’s party visit the Aravan with
a present of six annas and eight pies, and a few packets of betel leaves, when he gives
his permission, and issues an order to the Ponamban, his subordinate of the kadavu
(village), to see that the ceremony is properly conducted. The Ponamban, the bridegroom
and his party, go to the house of the bride. At the appointed hour, the Ponambans and the
castemen of the two kadavus assemble after depositing six annas and eight pies in
recognition of the presence of the Aravan, and the tāli is handed over by the priest to the
bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride amidst the joyous shouts of the
multitude assembled. The ceremony always takes place at night, and the festivities
generally last for two days. It must be understood that the tāli tier is not necessarily the
husband of the girl, but is merely the pseudo-bridegroom or pseudo-husband, who is sent
away with two pieces of cloth and a few annas at the termination of the ceremony.
Should he, however, wish to have the girl as his wife, he should, at his own expense,
provide her with a tāli, a wedding dress, and a few rupees as the price of the bride.
Generally it is the maternal uncle of the girl who provides her with the first two at the
time of the ceremony.

The actual marriage is more ceremonial in its nature. The maternal uncle, or the father of
a young Vālan who wishes to marry, first visits the girl, and, if he approves of the match
for his nephew or son, the astrologer is consulted so as to ensure that the horoscopes
agree. If astrology does not stand in the way, they forthwith proceed to the girl’s house,
where they are well entertained. The bride’s parents and relatives return the visit at the
bridegroom’s house, where they are likewise treated to a feast. The two parties then
decide on a day for the formal declaration of the proposed union. On that day, a Vālan
from the bridegroom’s village, seven to nine elders, and the Ponamban under whom the
bride is, meet, and, in the presence of those assembled, a Vālan from each party deposits
on a plank four annas and a few betel leaves in token of enangu māttam or exchange of
co-castemen from each party for the due fulfilment of the contract thus publicly entered
into. Then they fix the date of the marriage, and retire from the bride’s house. On the
appointed day, the bridegroom’s party proceed to the bride’s house with two pieces of
cloth, a rupee or a rupee and a half, rice, packets of betel leaves, etc. The bride is already
dressed and adorned in her best, and one piece of cloth, rice and money, are paid to her
mother as the price of the bride. After a feast, the bridal party go to the bridegroom’s
house, which is entered at an auspicious hour. They are received at the gate with a lamp

and a vessel of water, a small quantity of which is sprinkled on the married couple. They
are welcomed by the seniors of the house and seated together, when sweets are given,
and the bride is formally declared to be a member of the bridegroom’s family. The
ceremony closes with a feast, the expenses in connection with which are the same on
both sides.

A man may marry more than one wife, but no woman may enter into conjugal relations
with more than one man. A widow may, with the consent of her parents, enter into
wedlock with any member of her caste except her brothers-in-law, in which case her
children by her first husband will be looked after by the members of his family. Divorce
is effected by either party making an application to the Aravan, who has to be presented
with from twelve annas to six rupees and a half according to the means of the applicant.
The Aravan, in token of dissolution, issues a letter to the members of the particular
village to which the applicant belongs, and, on the declaration of the same, he or she has
to pay to his or her village castemen four annas.

When a Vālan girl comes of age, she is lodged in a room of the house, and is under
pollution for four days. She is bathed on the fourth day, and the castemen and women of
the neighbourhood, with the relatives and friends, are treated to a sumptuous dinner.
There is a curious custom called theralikka, i.e., causing the girl to attain maturity, which
consists in placing her in seclusion in a separate room, and proclaiming that she has
come of age. Under such circumstances, the caste-women of the neighbourhood, with
the washerwoman, assemble at the house of the girl, when the latter pours a small
quantity of gingelly (Sesamum) oil on her head, and rubs her body with turmeric powder,
after which she is proclaimed as having attained puberty. She is bathed, and lodged in a
separate room as before, and the four days’ pollution is observed. This custom, which
exists also among other castes, is now being abandoned by a large majority of the
community.

In respect of inheritance, the Vālans follow a system, which partakes of the character of
succession from father to son, and from maternal uncle to nephew. The self-acquired
property is generally divided equally between brothers and sons, while the ancestral
property, if any, goes to the brothers. The great majority of the Vālans are mere day-
labourers, and the property usually consists of a few tools, implements, or other
equipments of their calling.

The Vālans, like other castes, have their tribal organisation, and their headman (Aravan
or Aravar) is appointed by thītturam or writ issued by His Highness the Rāja. The
Aravan appoints other social heads, called Ponamban, one, two, or three of whom are
stationed at each dēsam (village) or kadavu. Before the development of the Government
authority and the establishment of administrative departments, the Aravans wielded great
influence and authority, as they still do to a limited extent, not only in matters social, but

also in civil and criminal disputes between members of the community. For all social
functions, matrimonial, funeral, etc., their permission has to be obtained and paid for.
The members of the community have to visit their headman, with presents of betel
leaves, money, and sometimes rice and paddy (unhusked rice). The headman generally
directs the proper conduct of all ceremonies by writs issued to the Ponambans under
him. The Ponambans also are entitled to small perquisites on ceremonial occasions. The
appointment of Aravan, though not virtually hereditary, passes at his death to the next
qualified senior member of his family, who may be his brother, son, or nephew, but this
rule has been violated by the appointment of a person from a different family. The
Aravan has the honour of receiving from His Highness the Rāja a present of two cloths
at the Ōnam festival, six annas and eight pies on the Athachamayam day, and a similar
sum for the Vishu. At his death, the ruler of the State sends a piece of silk cloth, a piece
of sandal-wood, and about ten rupees, for defraying the expenses of the funeral
ceremonies.

The Vālans profess Hinduism, and Siva, Vishnu, and the heroes of the Hindu Purānas are
all worshipped. Like other castes, they entertain special reverence for Bhagavathi, who is
propitiated with offerings of rice-flour, toddy, green cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and
fowls, on Tuesdays and Fridays. A grand festival, called Kumbhom Bharani (cock
festival), is held in the middle of March, when Nāyars and low caste men offer up cocks
to Bhagavathi, beseeching immunity from diseases during the ensuing year. In fact,
people from all parts of Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, attend the festival, and the
whole country near the line of march rings with shouts of “Nada, nada” (walk or march)
of the pilgrims to Cranganore, the holy residence of the goddess. In their passage up to
the shrine, the cry of “Nada, nada” is varied by unmeasured abuse of the goddess. The
abusive language, it is believed, is acceptable to her, and, on arrival at the shrine, they
desecrate it in every conceivable manner, in the belief that this too is acceptable. They
throw stones and filth, howling volleys of abuse at the shrine. The chief of the Arayan
caste, Koolimuttah Arayan, has the privilege of being the first to be present on the
occasion. The image in the temple is said to have been recently introduced. There is a
door in the temple which is apparently of stone, fixed in a half-opened position. A
tradition, believed by Hindus and Christians, is attached to this, which asserts that St.
Thomas and Bhagavathi held a discussion at Palliport about the respective merits of the
Christian and Hindu religions. The argument became heated, and Bhagavathi,
considering it best to cease further discussion, decamped, and, jumping across the
Cranganore river, made straight for the temple. St. Thomas, not to be outdone, rapidly
gave chase, and, just as the deity got inside the door, the saint reached its outside, and,
setting his foot between it and the door-post, prevented its closure. There they both stood
until the door turned to stone, one not allowing its being opened, and the other its being
shut.

Another important festival, which is held at Cranganore, is the Makara Vilakku, which
falls on the first of Makaram (about the 15th January), during the night of which there is
a good deal of illumination both in and round the temple. A procession of ten or twelve
elephants, all fully decorated, goes round it several times, accompanied by drums and
instrumental music.

Chourimala Iyappan or Sāstha, a sylvan deity, whose abode is Chourimala in
Travancore, is a favourite deity of the Vālans. In addition, they worship the demi-gods or
demons Kallachan Muri and Kochu Mallan, who are ever disposed to do them harm, and
who are therefore propitiated with offerings of fowls. They have a patron, who is also
worshipped at Cranganore. The spirits of their ancestors are also held in great veneration
by these people, and are propitiated with offerings on the new moon and Sankranthi days
of Karkadakam, Thulam, and Makaram.

The most important festivals observed by the Vālans in common with other castes are
Mandalam Vilakku, Sivarāthri, Vishu, Ōnam, and Desara.

Mandalam Vilakku takes place during the last seven days of Mandalam (November to
December). During this festival the Vālans enjoy themselves with music and drum-
beating during the day. At night, some of them, developing hysterical fits, profess to be
oracles, with demons such as Gandharva, Yakshi, or Bhagavathi, dwelling in their bodies
in their incorporeal forms. Consultations are held as to future events, and their advice is
thankfully received and acted upon. Sacrifices of sheep, fowls, green cocoanuts, and
plantain fruits are offered to the demons believed to be residing within, and are
afterwards liberally distributed among the castemen and others present.

The Sivarāthri festival comes on the last day of Magha. The whole day and night are
devoted to the worship of Siva, and the Vālans, like other castes, go to Alvai, bathe in
the river, and keep awake during the night, reading the Siva Purāna and reciting his
names. Early on the following morning, they bathe, and make offerings of rice balls to
the spirits of the ancestors before returning home.

The Vālans have no temples of their own, but, on all important occasions, worship the
deities of the temples of the higher castes, standing at a long distance from the outer
walls of the sacred edifice. On important religious occasions, Embrans are invited to
perform the Kalasam ceremony, for which they are liberally rewarded. A kalasam is a
pot, which is filled with water. Mango leaves and dharba grass are placed in it. Vēdic
hymns are repeated, with one end of the grass in the water, and the other in the hand.
Water thus sanctified is used for bathing the image. From a comparison of the religion of
the Vālans with that of allied castes, it may be safely said that they were animists, but
have rapidly imbibed the higher forms of worship. They are becoming more and more
literate, and this helps the study of the religious works. There are some among them,

who compose Vanchipāttu (songs sung while rowing) with plots from their Purānic
studies.

The Vālans either burn or bury their dead. The chief mourner is either the son or nephew
of the dead person, and he performs the death ceremonies as directed by the priest
(Chithayan), who attends wearing a new cloth, turban, and the sacred thread. The
ceremonies commence on the second, fifth, or seventh day, when the chief mourner,
bathing early in the morning, offers pinda bali (offerings of rice balls) to the spirit of the
deceased. This is continued till the thirteenth day, when the nearest relatives get shaved.
On the fifteenth day, the castemen of the locality, the friends and relatives, are treated to
a grand dinner, and, on the sixteenth day, another offering (mana pindam) is made to the
spirit of the departed, and thrown into the backwater close by. Every day during the
ceremonies, a vessel full of rice is given to the priest, who also receives ten rupees for
his services. If the death ceremonies are not properly performed, the ghost of the
deceased is believed to haunt the house. An astrologer is then consulted, and his advice
is invariably followed. What is called Samhara Hōmam (sacred fire) is kept up, and an
image of the dead man in silver or gold is purified by the recitation of holy mantrams.
Another purificatory ceremony is performed, after which the image is handed over to a
priest at the temple, with a rupee or two. This done, the death ceremonies are performed.

The ears of Vālan girls are, as among some other castes, pierced when they are a year
old, or even less, and a small quill, a piece of cotton thread, or a bit of wood, is inserted
into the hole. The wound is gradually healed by the application of cocoanut oil. A piece
of lead is then inserted in the hole, which is gradually enlarged by means of a piece of
plantain, cocoanut, or palmyra leaf rolled up.

The Vālans are expert rowers, and possess the special privilege of rowing from
Thripunathura the boat of His Highness the Rāja for his installation at the Cochin palace,
when the Aravan, with sword in hand, has to stand in front of him in the boat. Further, on
the occasion of any journey of the Rāja along the backwaters on occasions of State
functions, such as a visit of the Governor of Madras, or other dignitary, the headman
leads the way as an escort in a snake-boat rowed with paddles, and has to supply the
requisite number of men for rowing the boats of the high official and his retinue.

The Katal Arayans, or sea Arayans, who are also called Katakkoti, are lower in status
than the Vālans, and, like them, live along the coast. They were of great service to the
Portuguese and the Dutch in their palmy days, acting as boatmen in transhipping their
commodities and supplying them with fish. The Katal Arayans were, in former times,
owing to their social degradation, precluded from travelling along the public roads. This
disability was, during the days of the Portuguese supremacy, taken advantage of by the
Roman Catholic missionaries, who turned their attention to the conversion of these poor
fishermen, a large number of whom were thus elevated in the social scale. The Katal

Arayans are sea fishermen. On the death of a prince of Malabar, all fishing is
temporarily prohibited, and only renewed after three days, when the spirit of the
departed is supposed to have had time enough to choose its abode without molestation.

Among their own community, the Katal Arayans distinguish themselves by four distinct
appellations, viz., Sankhan, Bharatan, Amukkuvan, and Mukkuvan. Of these,
Amukkuvans do priestly functions. The castemen belong to four septs or illams, namely,
Kattotillam, Karotillam, Chempotillam, and Ponnotillam.

Katal Arayan girls are married both before and after puberty. The tāli-tying ceremony,
which is compulsory in the case of Vālan girls before they come of age, is put off, and
takes place along with the real marriage. The preliminary negotiations and settlements
thereof are substantially the same as those prevailing among the Vālans. The auspicious
hour for marriage is between three and eight in the morning, and, on the previous
evening, the bridegroom and his party arrive at the house of the bride, where they are
welcomed and treated to a grand feast, after which the guests, along with the bride and
bridegroom seated somewhat apart, in a pandal tastefully decorated and brightly
illuminated, are entertained with songs of the Vēlan (washerman) and his wife alluding
to the marriage of Sīta or Parvathi, in the belief that they will bring about a happy
conjugal union. These are continued till sunrise, when the priest hands over the marriage
badge to the bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride. The songs are again
continued for an hour or two, after which poli begins. The guests who have assembled
contribute a rupee, eight annas, or four annas, according to their means, which go
towards the remuneration of the priest, songsters, and drummers. The guests are again
sumptuously entertained at twelve o’clock, after which the bridegroom and his party
return with the bride to his house. At the time of departure, or nearly an hour before it,
the bridegroom ties a few rupees or a sovereign to a corner of the bride’s body-cloth,
probably to induce her to accompany him. Just then, the bride-price, which is 101
puthans, or Rs. 5–12–4, is paid to her parents. The bridal party is entertained at the
bridegroom’s house, where, at an auspicious hour, the newly married couple are seated
together, and served with a few pieces of plantain fruits and some milk, when the bride is
formally declared to be a member of her husband’s family. If a girl attains maturity after
her marriage, she is secluded for a period of eleven days. She bathes on the first, fourth,
seventh, and eleventh days, and, on the last day the caste people are entertained with a
grand feast, the expenses connected with which are met by the husband. The Katal
Arayans rarely have more than one wife. A widow may, a year after the death of her
husband, enter into conjugal relations with any member of the caste, except her brother-
in-law. Succession is in the male line.

The Katal Arayans have headmen (Aravans), whose duties are the same as those of the
headmen of the Vālans. When the senior male or female member of the ruling family
dies, the Aravan has the special privilege of being the first successor to the masnad with