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Title: Pompeii, Its Life and Art

Author: August Mau

Translator: Francis W. Kelsey

Release date: May 16, 2013 [eBook #42715]

Language: English

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Transcriber's Note:
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original
document have been preserved.
On page 431, 1854 should possibly be 1845.
On page 533, the page number referenced is missing on the
first Chapter XXXV citation.
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typo.
On page 487, \B and \F represent VB and VF ligatures.

POMPEII
ITS LIFE AND ART

PLATE I.—VIEW OF THE FORUM, LOOKING
TOWARD VESUVIUS

POMPEII
ITS LIFE AND ART

BY
AUGUST MAU
GERMAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME

Translated into English
BY FRANCIS W. KELSEY
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM ORIGINAL
DRAWINGS AND PHOTOGRAPHS

NEW EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED

New York
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1902
All rights reserved

Copyright, 1899, 1902,
By FRANCIS W. KELSEY.

First Edition, October, 1899.
New Revised Edition, with additions, November, 1902.

Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing & Co.—Berwick & Smith
Norwood Mass. U.S.A.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

For twenty-five years Professor Mau has devoted himself to the study of
Pompeii, spending his summers among the ruins and his winters in Rome,
working up the new material. He holds a unique place among the scholars
who have given attention to Pompeian antiquities, and his contributions to
the literature of the subject have been numerous in both German and Italian.
The present volume, however, is not a translation of one previously issued,
but a new work first published in English, the liberality of the publishers
having made it possible to secure assistance for the preparation of certain
restorations and other drawings which Professor Mau desired to have made
as illustrating his interpretation of the ruins.
In one respect there is an essential difference between the remains of
Pompeii and those of the large and famous cities of antiquity, as Rome or
Athens, which have associated with them the familiar names of historical
characters. Mars' Hill is clothed with human interest, if for no other reason,
because of its relation to the work of the Apostle Paul; while the Roman
Forum and the Palatine, barren as they seem to-day, teem with life as there
rise before the mind's eye the scenes presented in the pages of classical
writers. But the Campanian city played an unimportant part in
contemporary history; the name of not a single great Pompeian is recorded.
The ruins, deprived of the interest arising from historical associations, must
be interpreted with little help from literary sources, and repeopled with
aggregate rather than individual life.
A few Pompeians, whose features have survived in herms or statues and
whose names are known from the inscriptions, seem near to us,—such are
Caecilius Jucundus and the generous priestess Eumachia; but the characters
most commonly associated with the city are those of fiction. Here, in a

greater degree than in most places, the work of reconstruction involves the
handling of countless bits of evidence, which, when viewed by themselves,
often seem too minute to be of importance; the blending of these into a
complete and faithful picture is a task of infinite painstaking, the difficulty
of which will best be appreciated by one who has worked in this field.
It was at first proposed to place at the end of the book a series of
bibliographical notes on the different chapters, giving references to the
more important treatises and articles dealing with the matters presented. But
on fuller consideration it seemed unnecessary thus to add to the bulk of the
volume; those who are interested in the study of a particular building or
aspect of Pompeian culture will naturally turn to the Pompeianarum
antiquitatum historia, the reports in the Notizie degli Scavi, the reports and
articles by Professor Mau in the Roman Mittheilungen of the German
Archaeological Institute, the Overbeck-Mau Pompeji, the Studies by Mau
and by Nissen, the commemorative volume issued in 1879 under the title
Pompei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio, the catalogues of the paintings
by Helbig and Sogliano, together with Mau's Geschichte der decorativen
Wandmalerei in Pompeji, H. von Rohden's Terracotten von Pompeji, and
the older illustrated works, as well as the beautiful volume, Pompeji vor der
Zerstoerung, published in 1897 by Weichardt.
The titles of more than five hundred books and pamphlets relating to
Pompeii are given in Furchheim's Bibliografia di Pompei (second edition,
Naples, 1891). To this list should be added an elaborate work on the temple
of Isis, Aedis Isidis Pompeiana, which is soon to appear. The copperplates
for the engravings were prepared at the expense of the old Accademia
ercolanese, but only the first section of the work was published; the plates,
fortunately, have been preserved without injury, and the publication has at
last been undertaken by Professor Sogliano.
Professor Mau wishes to make grateful acknowledgment of obligation to
Messrs. C. Bazzani, R. Koldewey, G. Randanini, and G. Tognetti for kind
assistance in making ready for the engraver the drawings presenting
restorations of buildings; to the authorities of the German Archaeological
Institute for freely granting the use of a number of drawings in its
collection; and to the photographer, Giacomo Brogi of Florence, for placing
his collection of photographs at the author's disposal and making special

prints for the use of the engraver. In addition to the photographs obtained
from Brogi, a small number were furnished for the volume by the translator,
and a few were derived from other sources.
The restorations are not fanciful. They were made with the help of careful
measurements and of computations based upon the existing remains;
occasionally also evidence derived from reliefs and wall paintings was
utilized. Uncertain details are generally omitted.
It is due to Professor Mau to say that in preparing his manuscript for
English readers I have, with his permission, made some changes. The order
of presentation has occasionally been altered. In several chapters the
German manuscript has been abridged, while in others, containing points in
regard to which English readers might desire a somewhat fuller statement, I
have made slight additions. The preparation of the English form of the
volume, undertaken for reasons of friendship, has been less a task than a
pleasure.
FRANCIS W. KELSEY.
Ann Arbor, Michigan,
October 25, 1899.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

The author and the translator unite in expressing their deep appreciation of
the kind reception accorded to the first edition of this book.
The second edition has been revised on the spot. Besides minor additions, it
has been enlarged by a chapter on the recently discovered temple of Venus
Pompeiana, and a Bibliographical Appendix; prepared in response to
requests from various quarters. Among the new illustrations in the text are a
restoration of the temple of Vespasian and a reproduction of the bronze
youth found in 1900, besides the Alexandria patera and one of the skeleton
cups from the Boscoreale treasure; in Plate VIII are presented two
additional paintings from the house of the Vettii.
The translator is alone responsible for Chapter LIX, which was prepared for
the first edition at Professor Mau's request, at a time when he was pressed
with other work; for the paragraphs in regard to the treasure of Boscoreale,
and for one-half of the references in the Bibliographical Appendix.
AUGUST MAU
FRANCIS W. KELSEY
Albergo del Sole, Pompei
August 2, 1901

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER PAGE
I. The Situation of Pompeii 1
II. Before 79 8
III. The City Overwhelmed 19
IV. The Unearthing of the City 25
V. A Bird's-eye View 31
VI. Building Materials, Construction, and 35
Architectural Periods

PART I

PUBLIC PLACES AND BUILDINGS
VII. The Forum 45
VIII. General View of the Buildings about the 61
Forum.—The Temple of Jupiter
IX. The Basilica 70
X. The Temple of Apollo 80
XI. The Buildings at the Northwest Corner of 91
the Forum, and the Table of Standard
Measures
XII. The Macellum 94

XIII. The Sanctuary of the City Lares 102
XIV. The Temple of Vespasian 106
XV. The Building of Eumachia 110
XVI. The Comitium 119
XVII. The Municipal Buildings 121
XVIII. The Temple of Venus Pompeiana 124
XIX. The Temple of Fortuna Augusta 130
XX. General View of the Public Buildings near 133
the Stabian Gate.—The Forum Triangulare
and the Doric Temple
XXI. The Large Theatre 141
XXII. The Small Theatre 153
XXIII. The Theatre Colonnade used as Barracks 157
for Gladiators
XXIV. The Palaestra 165
XXV. The Temple of Isis 168
XXVI. The Temple of Zeus Milichius 183
XXVII. The Baths at Pompeii.—The Stabian Baths 186
XXVIII. The Baths near the Forum 202
XXIX. The Central Baths 208
XXX. The Amphitheatre 212
XXXI. Streets, Water System, and Wayside 227
Shrines
XXXII. The Defences of the City 237

PART II

THE HOUSES
XXXIII. The Pompeian House 245
I. Vestibule, Fauces, and Front Door 248
II. The Atrium 250
III. The Tablinum 255

IV. The Alae 258
V. The Rooms about the Atrium. The 259
Andron
VI. Garden, Peristyle, and Rooms 260
about the Peristyle
VII. Sleeping Rooms 261
VIII. Dining Rooms 262
IX. The Kitchen, the Bath, and the 266
Storerooms
X. The Shrine of the Household Gods 268
XI. Second Story Rooms 273
XII. The Shops 276
XIII. Walls, Floors, and Windows 278
XXXIV. The House of the Surgeon 280
XXXV. The House of Sallust 283
XXXVI. The House of the Faun 288
XXXVII. A House near the Porta Marina 298
XXXVIII. The House of the Silver Wedding 301
XXXIX. The House of Epidius Rufus 309
XL. The House of the Tragic Poet 313
XLI. The House of the Vettii 321
XLII. Three Houses of Unusual Plan 341
I. The House of Acceptus and 341
Euhodia
II. A House without a Compluvium 343
III. The House of the Emperor Joseph 344
II
XLIII. Other Noteworthy Houses 348
XLIV. Roman Villas.—The Villa of Diomedes 355
XLV. The Villa Rustica at Boscoreale 361
XLVI. Household Furniture 367

PART III

TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS
XLVII. The Trades at Pompeii.—The Bakers 383
XLVIII. The Fullers and the Tanners 393
XLIX. Inns and Wineshops 400

PART IV

THE TOMBS
L. Pompeian Burial Places.—The Street of 405
Tombs
LI. Burial Places near the Nola, Stabian, and 429
Nocera Gates

PART V

POMPEIAN ART
LII. Architecture 437
LIII. Sculpture 445
LIV. Painting.—Wall Decoration 456
LV. The Paintings 471

PART VI

THE INSCRIPTIONS OF POMPEII
LVI. Importance of the Inscriptions.— 485
Monumental Inscriptions and Public Notices
LVII. The Graffiti 491

LVIII. Inscriptions relating to Business Affairs 499

CONCLUSION
LIX. The Significance of the Pompeian Culture 509
512
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
INDEX 551
KEY TO THE PLAN OF POMPEII 559

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES
PLATE
I. View of the Forum, looking toward Frontispiece
Vesuvius. From a photograph
FACING PAGE
II. Court of the Temple of Apollo. From 88
a photograph
III. The Greek Temple and the Forum 134
Triangulare, seen from the South.
Restoration (Weichardt, Pompeji vor
der Zerstörung, Tafel II)
IV. The Barracks of the Gladiators. 160
From a photograph
V. Stabian Baths: Men's Apodyterium, 188
with the Anteroom leading from the
Palaestra. From a photograph
VI. Interior of the Amphitheatre, looking 216
Northwest. From a photograph
VII. Interior of a House (IX. v. 11), 260
looking from the Middle of the
Atrium into the Peristyle. From a
photograph

VIII. Two Wall Paintings in the House of 328
the Vettii—Apollo after the Slaying
of the Dragon, and Agamemnon in the
Sanctuary of Artemis. From
photographs
IX. A Dining Room in the House of the 338
Vettii. From a photograph
X. The Street of Tombs, looking toward 420
the Herculaneum Gate. From a
photograph
XI. Artemis. Copy of an Archaic Work. 444
From a photograph
XII. Specimen of Wall Decoration. Second 462
or Architectural Style (Mau,
Geschichte der decorativen
Wandmalerei in Pompeji, Tafel V)
XIII. Specimen of Wall Decoration, in the 470
Court of the Stabian Baths. Fourth or
Intricate Style. From a drawing in the
Naples Museum

PLANS
PLAN
I. Outline Plan of preceding Chap. V
Pompeii
II. The Forum, with preceding Chap. VII
Adjoining Buildings
III. The Forum preceding Chap. XX
Triangulare, with
Adjacent Buildings
IV. The Villa Rustica preceding Chap. XLV
near Boscoreale
V. The Street of preceding Chap. L
Tombs

VI. The Excavated following the Index
Portion of Pompeii

ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
FIGURE PAGE
1. Map of Ancient Campania 2
2. Vesuvius as seen from Naples. From a 3
photograph
3. View from Pompeii, looking south. 5
From a photograph (A. M.)
4. Venus Pompeiana. Wall painting. 12
House of Castor and Pollux. After
Monumenti dell' Instituto, Vol. III, pl.
vi. b
5. An amphora from Boscoreale. 15
Collection of Classical Antiquities,
University of Michigan. From a
drawing
6. The Judgment of Solomon. Wall 17
painting. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
7. Cast of a man. Museum at Pompeii. 22
From a photograph
8. An Excavation. Atrium of the house of 28
the Silver Wedding. From a photograph
9. Wall with limestone framework (Ins. 37
VII. iii. 13). From a photograph (F. W.
K.)
10. Façade of Sarno limestone, house of 39
the Surgeon. From a photograph
11. Quasi-reticulate facing, with brick 42
corner, at the entrance of the Small
Theatre. From a photograph

12. Reticulate facing, with corners of 43
brick-shaped stone (I. iii. 29). From a
photograph (F. W. K.)
13. North end of the Forum, with the 49
temple of Jupiter, restored. From an
original drawing[1]
14. Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius, 51
at the south end of the Forum. From a
photograph (A. M.)
15. Part of the new colonnade, near the 53
southwest corner of the Forum. From a
photograph (A. M.)
16. Scene in the Forum—a dealer in 55
utensils, and a shoemaker. Wall
painting. Naples Museum. After Pitture
di Ercolano, Vol. III, pl. 42
17. Scene in the Forum—citizens reading a 56
public notice. Wall painting. Naples
Museum. After Pitture di Ercolano,
Vol. III, pl. 43
18. Plan of the temple of Jupiter 63
19. Ruins of the temple of Jupiter. From a 64
photograph
20. Section of wall decoration in the cella 65
of the temple of Jupiter. After Mazois,
Les Ruines de Pompéi, Vol. III, pl. 36
(Overbeck-Mau, Pompeji, Fig. 46)
21. Bust of Zeus found at Otricoli. Vatican 68
Museum. After Tafel 130 of the Brunn-
Bruckmann Denkmaeler
22. Bust of Jupiter found at Pompeii. 69
Naples Museum. From a photograph
23. Plan of the Basilica 71
24. View of the Basilica, looking toward 73
the tribunal. From a photograph

25. Exterior of the Basilica, restored. From 75
an original drawing
26. Interior of the Basilica, looking toward 76
the tribunal, restored. From an original
drawing
27. Front of the tribunal of the Basilica. 77
Plan and elevation. From an original
drawing
28. Corner of mosaic floor, cella of the 80
temple of Apollo. After Mazois, Vol.
IV, pl. 23 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 50)
29. Plan of the temple of Apollo 81
30. View of the temple of Apollo, looking 83
toward Vesuvius. From a photograph
31. Section of the entablature of the temple 84
of Apollo, showing the original form
and the restoration after the earthquake
of 63. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 21
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 264)
32. Temple of Apollo, restored. From an 86
original drawing
33. Plan of the buildings at the northwest 91
corner of the Forum
34. Table of Standard Measures. After 93
Mazois, Vol. III, pl. 40 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 23)
35. Plan of the Macellum 94
36. View of the Macellum. From a 95
photograph
37. The Macellum, restored. From an 97
original drawing
38. Statue of Octavia, sister of Augustus, 98
found in the chapel of the Macellum.
Naples Museum. From a photograph

39. Statue of Marcellus, son of Octavia, 101
found in the chapel of the Macellum.
Naples Museum. From a photograph
40. Plan of the sanctuary of the City Lares 102
41. Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking 103
toward the rear, restored. From an
original drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth.,
1896, p. 288)
42. North side of the sanctuary of the City 104
Lares, restored. From an original
drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, p.
289)
43. Plan of the temple of Vespasian 106
44. Front of the altar in the court of the 107
temple of Vespasian. From a
photograph
45. View of the temple of Vespasian. From 108
a photograph
46. The temple of Vespasian, restored. 109
From an original drawing.* (Cf. Röm.
Mitth., 1900, p. 133)
47. Plan of the building of Eumachia 110
48. Building of Eumachia—front of the 114
court, restored. From an original
drawing
49. Building of Eumachia—rear of the 116
court, restored. From an original
drawing
50. Fountain of Concordia Augusta. From a 117
photograph (F. W. K.)
51. Plan of the Comitium 119
52. Plan of the Municipal Buildings 121
53. View of the south end of the Forum. 122
From a photograph (A. M.)

54. Plan of the ruins of the temple of Venus 125
Pompeiana*
55. View of the ruins of the temple of 126
Venus Pompeiana. From a photograph
56. Plan of the temple of Venus 128
Pompeiana, restored*
57. Plan of the temple of Fortuna Augusta* 130
58. Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored. 131
From an original drawing
59. Temple of Fortuna Augusta—rear of 132
the cella with the statue of the goddess,
restored. From an original drawing.*
(Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, p. 280)
60. Portico at the entrance of the Forum 135
Triangulare. From a photograph
61. View of the Forum Triangulare, 136
looking toward Vesuvius. From a
photograph
62. Plan of the Doric temple in the Forum 137
Triangulare
63. The Doric temple, restored. From an 138
original drawing
64. Plan of the Large Theatre 143
65. View of the Large Theatre. From a 145
photograph
66. Plan of the Small Theatre 153
67. View of the Small Theatre. From a 154
photograph
68. Section of a seat in the Small Theatre. 155
After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 29
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 101)
69. A terminal Atlas from the Small 156
Theatre. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 29
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 100)

70. Ornament at the ends of the parapet in 156
the Small Theatre—lion's foot. After
Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 29 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 99)
71. Plan of the Theatre Colonnade, 157
showing its relation to the two theatres
72. A gladiator's greave. Naples Museum. 162
From a photograph
73. A gladiator's helmet. Naples Museum. 163
From a photograph
74. Remains of stocks found in the guard- 163
room of the barracks. Naples Museum.
From a photograph
75. Plan of the Palaestra 165
76. View of the Palaestra, with the 166
pedestal, table, and steps. From a
photograph
77. Doryphorus. Statue found in the 167
Palaestra. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
78. Plan of the temple of Isis 170
79. View of the temple of Isis. From a 172
photograph
80. The temple of Isis, restored. From an 173
original drawing
81. Scene from the worship of Isis—the 177
adoration of the holy water. Wall
painting from Herculaneum. Naples
Museum. Drawing, after a photograph
82. Temple of Isis. Part of the façade of the 179
Purgatorium. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl.
11, and Piranesi, Antiquités de Pompéi
Vol. II, pl. 65
83. Decoration of the east side of the 180
Purgatorium—Perseus and Andromeda,

floating Cupids. Stucco reliefs. After
Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 10
84. Plan of the temple of Zeus Milichius 183
85. Capital of a pilaster of the temple, with 184
the face of Zeus Milichius. After
Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 62)
86. Plan of the Stabian Baths 190
87. Stabian Baths—interior of Frigidarium. 191
Drawing, with indebtedness to
Niccolini, Le Case ed i Monumenti di
Pompei, Vol. I, Terme presso la porta
stabiana, pl. 7
88. Bath basin in the women's caldarium— 194
longitudinal and transverse sections,
showing arrangements for heating.
Drawing, with indebtedness to von
Duhn und Jacobi, Der griechische
Tempel in Pompeji, pl. IX
89. Colonnade of the Stabian Baths— 198
capital with section of entablature.
Drawing
90. Southwest corner of the palaestra of the 199
Stabian Baths, showing part of the
colonnade and wall decorated with
stucco reliefs. From a photograph
91. Plan of the Baths near the Forum 202
92. Baths near the Forum—Interior of 204
men's tepidarium. From a photograph
93. Baths near the Forum—Longitudinal 205
section of the men's caldarium.
Drawing, after Gell, Pompeiana, edit.
of 1837, Vol. II, pl. 33, facing p. 91
94. Plan of the Central Baths 209

95. View of the Central Baths, looking 210
from the Palaestra into the tepidarium.
From a photograph (F. W. K.)
96. The Amphitheatre, seen from the west 213
side. From a photograph
97. Preparations for the combat. Wall 214
painting (no longer visible) in the
Amphitheatre. After Mazois, Vol. IV,
pl. 48 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 107)
98. Plan of the Amphitheatre 215
99. Transverse section of the Amphitheatre. 217
After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 46
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 104)
100. Plan of the gallery of the Amphitheatre 218
101. Conflict between the Pompeians and 221
the Nucerians. Wall painting. Naples
Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 3
102. View of Abbondanza Street, looking 227
east. From a photograph
103. Fountain, water tower, and street 231
shrine, corner of Stabian and Nola
streets. From a photograph (F. W. K.)
104. Plan of the reservoir west of the Baths 232
near the Forum
105. Ancient altar in new wall—southeast 234
corner of the Central Baths. From a
photograph (F. W. K.)
106. Plan of a chapel of the Lares 235
Compitales (VIII. iv. 24)
107. Large street altar (VIII. ii. 25). From a 236
photograph (F. W. K.)
108. Plan of a section of the city wall, with a 238
tower and with stairs leading to the top.
After Mazois, Vol. I. pl. 12 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 7)

109. View of the city wall, inside. From a 239
photograph
110. Tower of the city wall, restored. After 241
Mazois, Vol. I, pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 8)
111. Plan of the Stabian Gate 242
112. Plan of the Herculaneum Gate 243
113. View of the Herculaneum Gate, 244
looking down the Street of Tombs.
From a photograph
114. Early Pompeian house, restored. From 246
an original drawing
115. Plan of a Pompeian house 247
116. Plan and section of the vestibule, 249
threshold, and fauces of the house of
Pansa. After Ivanoff, Mon. dell' Inst.,
Vol. VI, pl. 28, 3 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
136)
117. A Tuscan atrium—plan of the roof. 251
After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 3 (Overbeck
Mau, Fig. 139)
118. A Tuscan atrium—section. After 252
Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 3 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 140)
119. Corner of a compluvium with 253
waterspouts and antefixes,
reconstructed. (Reconstruction, Ins.
VII. iv. 16.) After Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
143
120. A Pompeian's strong box, arca. Naples 255
Museum. From photograph
121. Atrium of the house of Cornelius 256
Rufus, looking through the tablinum
and andron into the peristyle. From a
photograph

122. End of a bedroom in the house of the 262
Centaur, decorated in the first style.
From an original drawing
123. Plan of a dining room with three 263
couches
124. Plan of a dining room with an 264
anteroom containing an altar for
libations (VIII. v.-vi. 16)
125. Hearth of the kitchen in the house of 267
the Vettii. From a drawing
126. Niche for the images of the household 269
gods, in a corner of the kitchen in the
house of Apollo. From a photograph (F.
W. K.)
127. Shrine in the house of the Vettii. From 271
a photograph
128. Interior of a house (VII. xv. 8) with a 274
second story dining room opening on
the atrium, restored. From an original
drawing
129. Longitudinal section of the house with 275
a second story dining room (VII. xv. 8)
restored. From an original drawing
130. Plan of a Pompeian shop. After Mazois, 276
Vol. II, pl. 8 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 182)
131. A shop for the sale of edibles, restored. 277
After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 8 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 183)
132. Plan of the house of the Surgeon 280
133. A young woman painting a herm. Wall 282
painting from the house of the Surgeon.
Naples Museum. After Pitture di
Ercolano, Vol. V, pl. 1
134. Plan of the house of Sallust. After 284
Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 35 (Overbeck-Mau,

Fig. 165)
135. Atrium of the house of Sallust, looking 286
through the tablinum and colonnade at
the rear into the garden, restored. From
an original drawing
136. Longitudinal section of the house of 287
Sallust, restored. From an original
drawing
137. Plan of the house of the Faun 288
138. Part of the cornice over the large front 289
door of the house of the Faun. From an
original drawing
139. Façade of the house of the Faun, 290
restored. From an original drawing
140. Border of mosaic with tragic masks, 290
fruits, flowers, and garlands, at the
inner end of the fauces, house of the
Faun. Naples Museum. After Museo
Borb., Vol. IV, pl. 14 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 315)
141. Longitudinal section of the house of the 292
Faun, showing the large atrium, the
first peristyle, and a corner of the
second peristyle, restored. From an
original drawing
142. Detail from the mosaic representing the 294
battle between Alexander and Darius.
From a photograph
143. Transverse section of the house of the 296
Faun, showing the two atriums with
adjoining rooms, restored. From an
original drawing
144. Plan of a house near the Porta Marina 298
(VI. Ins. Occid. 13)

145. Longitudinal section of the house near 299
the Porta Marina, restored. From an
original drawing
146. Plan of the house of the Silver Wedding 302
147. Longitudinal section of the house of the 304
Silver Wedding, restored. From an
original drawing
148. Transverse section of the house of the 307
Silver Wedding, as it was before 63.
From an original drawing
149. Plan of the house of Epidius Rufus 310
150. Façade of the house of Epidius Rufus, 311
restored. From an original drawing
151. Transverse section of the house of 312
Epidius Rufus. From an original
drawing
152. Plan of the house of the Tragic Poet 313
153. View of the house of the Tragic Poet, 314
looking from the middle of the atrium
toward the rear. From a photograph
154. Longitudinal section of the house of the 316
Tragic Poet, restored. From an original
drawing
155. The delivery of Briseis to the 317
messenger of Agamemnon. Wall
painting from the house of the Tragic
Poet. Naples Museum. After Museo
Borb., Vol. II, pl. 58 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 311)
156. The sacrifice of Iphigenia. Wall 319
painting from the house of the Tragic
Poet. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
157. Exterior of the house of the Vettii, 321
restored. From an original drawing.*

(Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, p. 4)
158. Plan of the house of the Vettii* 322
159. Longitudinal section of the house of the 324
Vettii, restored. From an original
drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, pl.
1)
160. Transverse section of the house of 324
Vettii, restored. From an original
drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, pl.
2)
161. Base, capital, and section of entablature 326
from the colonnade of the peristyle in
the house of the Vettii. From a
drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth., 1896, p.
31)
162. View of the peristyle of the house of 327
the Vettii, looking toward the south
end. From a photograph
163. System of wall division in the large 329
room opening on the peristyle of the
house of the Vettii
164. Psyches gathering flowers. Wall 330
painting in the house of the Vettii.
From a photograph
165. Cupids as makers and sellers of oil. 332
Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.
From a photograph
166. Press for olives. From a wall painting 333
found at Herculaneum. Naples
Museum. Drawing after Pitture di
Ercolano, Vol. I, pl. 35
167. Cupids as goldsmiths. Wall painting in 334
the house of the Vettii. From a
photograph

168. Cupids gathering and pressing grapes. 336
Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.
From a drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth.,
1896, p. 81)
169. Cupids as wine dealers. Wall painting 337
in the house of the Vettii. From a
photograph
170. Cupids celebrating the festival of Vesta. 338
Wall painting in the house of the Vettii.
From a drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth.,
1896, p. 80)
171. The punishment of Ixion. Wall painting 340
in the house of the Vettii. From a
photograph
172. Plan of the house of Acceptus and 341
Euhodia (VIII. v.-vi. 39)
173. Longitudinal section of the house of 342
Acceptus and Euhodia, restored. From
an original drawing
174. Plan of a house without a compluvium* 343
(V. v. 2)
175. Transverse section of the house without 344
a compluvium, restored. From an
original drawing.* (Cf. Röm. Mitth.,
1895, p. 148)
176. Plan of the house of the Emperor 345
Joseph II (VIII. ii. 39)
177. Bake room of the house of the Emperor 346
Joseph II, at the time of excavation.
After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 34 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 4)
178. Capital of a pilaster at the entrance of 349
the house of the Sculptured Capitals
(VII. iv. 57). From a photograph
179. Plan of the house of Pansa (VI. vi. 1) 350

180. Section showing a part of the peristyle 351
of the house of the Anchor (VI. x. 7),
restored. From an original drawing
181. Plan of the house of the Citharist (I. iv. 352
5)
182. Orestes and Pylades before Thoas. Wall 353
painting from the house of the
Citharist. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
183. Plan of the villa of Diomedes 356
184. Longitudinal section of the villa of 358
Diomedes, restored. From an original
drawing, in part based on Ivanoff,
Architektonische Studien, Vol. II, pl. 5,
6
185. Hot-water tank and reservoir for 362
supplying the bath in the Villa Rustica
at Boscoreale. Museo de Prisco,
Pompeii. From a drawing.* (Cf. Röm.
Mitth., 1894, p. 353)
186. Olive crusher found in the Villa Rustica 365
at Boscoreale. Museo de Prisco. From a
photograph
187. Silver patera, with a representation of 366
the city of Alexandria. Boscoreale
treasure, Louvre. After H. de
Villefosse. Le trésor de Boscoreale, pl.
1
188. Dining couch with bronze mountings, 367
the wooden frame being restored.
Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 228
189. Round marble table. Naples Museum. 368
After Museo Borb., Vol. IV, pl. 56
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 229)

190. Carved table leg, found in the second 368
peristyle of the house of the Faun.
Naples Museum. After Museo Borb.,
Vol. IX, pl. 43 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
229)
191. Bronze stand with an ornamental rim 369
around the top. Naples Museum. From
a photograph
192. Lamps of the simplest form, with one 370
nozzle. Naples Museum. After
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231
193. Lamps with two nozzles. Naples 370
Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
231
194. Lamps with more than two nozzles. 370
Naples Museum. After Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 231
195. Bronze lamps with ornamental covers 371
attached to a chain. Naples Museum.
After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231
196. Bronze lamps with covers ornamented 371
with figures. Naples Museum. After
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231
197. Three hanging lamps. Naples Museum. 372
After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 231
198. A nursing-bottle, biberon. Naples 372
Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
231
199. Lamp standard of bronze. Naples 373
Museum. After Museo Borb., Vol. IV,
pl. 57 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 234)
200. Lamp holder for a hand lamp. Naples 374
Museum. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
233

201. Lamp holder for hanging lamps. Naples 374
Museum. After Museo Borb., Vol. II,
pl. 13 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233)
202. Lamp holder in the form of a tree 374
trunk. Naples Museum. After
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 233
203. Lamp stand. Naples Museum. From a 374
photograph
204. Bronze utensils. Naples Museum. After 375
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 241, and Museo
Borb.
205. Mixing bowl, of bronze, in part inlaid 376
with silver. Naples Museum. After
Museo Borb., Vol. II, pl. 32 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 248)
206. Water heater for the table, view and 376
section. Naples Museum. After Museo
Borb., Vol. III, pl. 63 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 240)
207. Water heater in the form of a brazier. 377
Naples Museum. After Museo Borb.,
Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
238)
208. Water heater in the form of a brazier, 377
representing a diminutive fortress.
Naples Museum. After Museo Borb.,
Vol. II, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
238)
209. Appliances for the bath. After Museo 377
Borb., Vol. VII, pl. 16 (Overbeck Mau,
Fig. 251)
210. Combs. After Museo Borb., Vol. IX, pl. 377
15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)
211. Hairpins, with two small ivory toilet 378
boxes. After Museo Borb., Vol. IX, pls.

14, 15 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)
212. Glass box for cosmetics. After Museo 378
Borb., Vol. IX, pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 252)
213. Hand mirrors. After Museo Borb., Vol. 378
IX, pl. 14 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 252)
214. Group of toilet articles. After Museo 378
Borb., Vol. IX, pl. 15 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 252)
215. Gold arm band. After Museo Borb., 379
Vol. VII, pl. 46 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
318)
216 a- Silver cups. Naples Museum. After 379
d. Museo Borb., Vol. XI, pl. 45; Vol. XIII,
pl. 49; Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing p. 624
216 e. Detail of cup with centaurs 380
217. Silver cup. Boscoreale treasure, 382
Louvre. After H. de Villefosse, Le
trésor de Boscoreale, pl. 8
218. Ruins of a bakery, with millstones (VII. 386
ii. 22). From a photograph
219. Plan of a bakery (VI. iii. 3) 388
220. A Pompeian mill, without the 389
framework
221. Section of a mill, restored. From an 389
original drawing
222. A mill in operation. Relief in the 390
Vatican Museum. After Ber. der Sächs.
Gesellschaft, 1861, pl. xii. 2
223. Section of a bake oven (VI. iii. 3). 391
After Mazois, Vol. II, pl. 18 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 192)
224. Kneading machine, restored (VI. xiv. 391
35). From an original drawing

225. Scene in a fullery—treading vats. Wall 394
painting. Naples Museum. After Museo
Borb., Vol. IV, pl. 49 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 195)
226. Scene in a fullery—inspection of cloth, 394
carding, bleaching frame. Wall
painting. Naples Museum. After Museo
Borb., Vol. IV, pl. 49 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 194)
227. A fuller's press. Wall painting. Naples 395
Museum. After Museo Borb., Vol. IV,
pl. 50 (Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 196)
228. Plan of a fullery (VI. xiv. 22) 396
229. Plan of the vat room of the tannery (I. 398
v. 2)
230. Mosaic top of the table in the garden of 399
the tannery. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
231. Plan of an inn (VII. xii. 35) 401
232. Plan of the inn of Hermes (I. i. 8) 402
233. Plan of a wineshop (VI. x. 1) 402
234. Scene in a wineshop. Wall painting 403
(VI. x. 1). After Museo Borb., Vol. IV,
pl. A
235. Delivery of wine. Wall painting (VI. x. 403
1). After Museo Borb., Vol. IV, pl. A
236. Sepulchral benches of Veius and 409
Mamia; tombs of Porcius and the
Istacidii. From a photograph (A. M.)
237. The tomb of the Istacidii, restored. 411
From an original drawing
238. View of the Street of Tombs. From a 414
photograph
239. Glass vase, with vintage scene, found 416
in the tomb of the Blue Glass Vase.

Naples Museum. From a photograph
240. Bust stone of Tyche, slave of Julia 418
Augusta. After Mazois, Vol. I, p. 31
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 223), with the
correction in the spelling of the name
TYCHE
241. Relief, symbolic of grief for the dead. 421
After Mazois, Vol. I, pl. 29 (Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 221)
242. Front of the tomb of Calventius 422
Quietus, with bisellium. From a
photograph
243. End of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche, 423
with relief representing a ship entering
port. From a photograph
244. Cinerary urn in a lead case. After 424
Mazois, Vol. I. pl. 22 (Overbeck-Mau,
Fig. 213)
245. Sepulchral enclosure, with triclinium 425
funebre. After Mazois, Vol. I, pl. 20
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 210)
246. Plan of the tombs east of the 431
Amphitheatre*
247. View of two tombs east of the 432
Amphitheatre. From a photograph (F. W.
K.)
248. View of other tombs east of the 434
Amphitheatre. From a photograph (F. W.
K.)
249. Four-faced Ionic capital. Portico of the 439
Forum Triangulare. After Overbeck-
Mau, Fig. 272
250. Capital of pilaster. Casa del duca 439
d'Aumale. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig.
274

251. Altar in the court of the temple of Zeus 440
Milichius. After Mazois, Vol. IV, pl. 6
(Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 63)
252. Capitals of columns, showing 442
variations from typical forms. After
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274
253. Capital of pilaster, modified Corinthian 443
type. After Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274
254. Capitals of pilasters, showing free 443
adaptation of the Corinthian type. After
Overbeck-Mau, Fig. 274
255. Statue of the priestess Eumachia. 446
Naples Museum. From a photograph
256. Portrait herm of Caecilius Jucundus. 447
Naples Museum. From a photograph
257. Double bust, Bacchus and a bacchante. 448
Garden of the house of the Vettii. From
a photograph
258. Dancing Satyr. Bronze statuette found 451
in the house of the Faun. Naples
Museum. From a photograph
259. Listening Dionysus, wrongly identified 452
as Narcissus. Bronze statuette in the
Naples Museum. From a photograph
260. Bronze youth, found in November, 454
1900. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
261. Wall decoration in the atrium of the 460
house of Sallust. First or Incrustation
Style. After Tafel II of Mau's
Geschichte der decorativen
Wandmalerei in Pompeji
262. Distribution of colors in the section of 461
wall represented in Fig. 261

263. Specimen of wall decoration in the 466
house of Spurius Mesor (VII. iii. 29).
Third or Ornate style. After Tafel XII
of Mau's Wandmalerei
264. Detail of wall decoration. Fourth style. 468
Naples Museum. After Pitture di
Ercolano, Vol. IV. pl. 57
265. Specimen of wall decoration. Fourth 469
style. From a copy in the Naples
Museum (showing decoration that has
disappeared)
266. A fruit piece, Xenion. Wall painting. 474
Naples Museum. After Pitture di
Ercolano, Vol. II, pl. 58
267. A landscape. Wall painting. Naples 475
Museum. After Pitture di Ercolano,
Vol. V, p. 149
268. A group of women, one of whom is 476
sounding two-stringed instruments.
Wall painting. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
269. Paquius Proculus and his wife. Wall 477
painting. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
270. The grief of Hecuba. Fragment of a 479
wall painting. House of Caecilius
Jucundus. After Ann. dell' Inst., 1877,
Tafel P
271. Athena's pipes and the fate of Marsyas. 482
Wall painting (V. ii. 10). Naples
Museum. From a drawing.* (Cf. Röm.
Mitth., 1890, p. 267)
272. The fall of Icarus. Wall painting (V. ii. 483
10). From a drawing.* (Cf. Röm.
Mitth., 1890, p. 264)

273. Zeus and Hera on Mt. Ida. Wall 484
painting from the house of the Tragic
Poet. Naples Museum. From a
photograph
274. Tablet with three leaves, opened so as 500
to show the receipt and part of the
memorandum, restored. After
Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing p. 489
275. Tablet restored, with the two leaves 501
containing the receipt tied and sealed.
After Overbeck-Mau, pl. facing p. 489

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I
THE SITUATION OF POMPEII

From Gaeta, where the south end of the Volscian range borders abruptly
upon the sea, to the peninsula of Sorrento, a broad gulf stretched in remote
ages, cutting its way far into the land. Its waves dashed upon the base of the
mountains which now, rising with steep slope, mark the eastern boundary of
the Campanian Plain—Mt. Tifata above Capua, Mt. Taburno back of Nola,
and lying across the southeast corner, the huge mass of Monte Sant' Angelo,
whose sharply defined line of elevation is continued in the heights of
Sorrento.
This gulf was transformed by volcanic agencies into a fertile plain. Here
two fissures in the earth's crust cross each other, each marked by a series of
extinct or active volcanoes. One fissure runs in the direction of the Italian
Peninsula; along it lie Monti Berici near Vicenza, Mt. Amiata below Chiusi,
the lakes of Bolsena and Bracciano filling extinct craters, the Alban
Mountains, and finally Stromboli and Aetna. The other runs from east to
west; its direction is indicated by Mt. Vulture near Venosa, Mt. Epomeo on
the island of Ischia, and the Ponza Islands.
At three places in the old sea basin the subterranean fires burst forth. Near
the north shore rose the great volcano of Rocca Monfina, which added itself
to the Volscian Mountains, and heaping the products of its eruptions upon
Mons Massicus,—once an island,—formed with this the northern boundary
of the plain. Toward the middle the numerous small vents of the Phlegraean
Fields threw up the low heights, to which the north shore of the Bay of

Naples—Posilipo, Baiae, Misenum—is indebted for its incomparable
beauty of landscape. Finally, near the south shore, at the intersection of the
fissures, the massive cone of Vesuvius rose, in complete isolation—the only
volcano on the continent of Europe still remaining active. Its base on the
southwest is washed by the sea, while on the other sides a stretch of level
country separates it from the mountains that hem in the plain. On the side
opposite from the sea, however, Vesuvius comes so near to the mountains
that we may well say that it divides the Campanian plain into two parts, of
which the larger, on the northwest side, is drained by the Volturno; the small
southeast section is the plain of the Sarno.

Fig. 1.—Map of Ancient Campania.
View larger image

The Sarno, like the Umbrian Clitumnus, has no upper course. At the foot of
Mt. Taburno, bounding the plain on the northeast, are five copious springs
that soon unite to form a stream. Since 1843 the river has been drawn off
for purposes of irrigation into three channels, which are graded at different
levels; the distribution of water thus assured makes this part of Campania
one of the most fertile districts in Italy. In antiquity the Sarno must have
been confined to a single channel; according to Strabo it was navigable for
ships.
In Roman times three cities shared in the possession of the Sarno plain.
Furthest inland, facing the pass in the mountains that opens toward the Gulf
of Salerno, lay Nuceria, now Nocera. On the seashore, where the coast road
to Sorrento branches off toward the southwest, was Stabiae, now
Castellammare. North of Stabiae, at the foot of Vesuvius, Pompeii stood, on
an elevation overlooking the Sarno, formed by the end of a stream of lava
that in some past age had flowed from Vesuvius down toward the sea.
Pompeii thus united the advantages of an easily fortified hill town with
those of a maritime city. "It lies," says Strabo, "on the Sarnus, which
accommodates a traffic in both imports and exports; it is the seaport of
Nola, Nuceria, and Acerrae."

Fig. 2.—Vesuvius as seen from Naples.

A glance at the map will show how conveniently situated Pompeii was to
serve as a seaport for Nola and Nuceria; but it seems hardly credible that

the inhabitants of Acerrae, which lay much nearer Naples, should have
preferred for their marine traffic the circuitous route around Vesuvius to the
Sarno. However that may have been, Pompeii was beyond doubt the most
important town in the Sarno plain.
Pompeii formerly lay nearer the sea and nearer the river than at present. In
the course of the centuries alluvial deposits have pushed the shore line
further and further away. It is now about a mile and a quarter from the
nearest point of the city to the sea; in antiquity it was less than a third of a
mile. The line of the ancient coast can still be traced by means of a clearly
marked depression, beyond which the stratification of the volcanic deposits
thrown out in 79 does not reach. The Sarno, too, now flows nearly two
thirds of a mile from Pompeii; in antiquity, according to all indications, it
was not more than half so far away.
In point of climate and outlook, a fairer site for a city could scarcely have
been chosen. The Pompeian, living in clear air, could look down upon the
fogs which in the wet season frequently rose from the river and spread over
the plain. And while in winter Stabiae, lying on the northwest side of Monte
Sant' Angelo, enjoyed the sun for only a few hours, the elevation on which
Pompeii stood, sloping gently toward the east and south, more sharply
toward the west, was bathed in sunlight during the entire day.
Winter at Pompeii is mild and short; spring and autumn are long. The heat
of summer, moreover, is not extreme. In the early morning, it is true, the
heat is at times oppressive. No breath of air stirs; and we look longingly off
upon the expanse of sea where, far away on the horizon, in the direction of
Capri, a dark line of rippling waves becomes visible. Nearer it comes, and
nearer. About ten o'clock it reaches the shore. The leaves begin to rustle,
and in a few moments the sea breeze sweeps over the city, strong, cool, and
invigorating. The wind blows till just before sunset. The early hours of the
evening are still; the pavements and the walls of the houses give out the
heat which they have absorbed during the day. But soon—perhaps by nine
o'clock—the tree tops again begin to murmur, and all night long, from the
mountains of the interior, a gentle, refreshing stream of air flows down
through the gardens, the roomy atriums and colonnades of the houses, the
silent streets, and the buildings about the Forum, with an effect
indescribably soothing.

Fig. 3.—View from Pompeii, looking south.

How shall I undertake to convey to the reader who has not visited Pompeii,
an impression of the beauty of its situation? Words are weak when
confronted with the reality. Sea, mountains, and plain,—strong and pleasing
background,—great masses and brilliant yet harmonious colors, splendid
foreground effects and hazy vistas, undisturbed nature and the handiwork of
man, all are blended into a landscape of the grand style, the like of which I
should not know where else to look for.
If we turn toward the south, we have at our feet the level plain of the Sarno,
in antiquity as now—we may suppose—not checkered with villages but
dotted here and there with groups of farm buildings, surrounded with stately
trees. Beyond the plain rises the lofty barrier of Monte Sant' Angelo, thickly
wooded in places, its summit standing out against the sky in a long,
beautiful profile, which, toward the right, breaks up into bold, rugged
notches; the side of the mountain below is richly diversified with deep

valleys, projecting ridges, and terraces that in the distance seem like steps,
where among vineyards and olive orchards stand two villages fair to look
on, Gragnano and Lettere, so near that individual houses can be clearly
distinguished. Further west the plain before us opens out upon the sea,
while the mountains are continued in the precipitous coast of the peninsula
of Sorrento. Height crowds upon height, with villages wreathed in olive
orchards lying between. Here the hills descend in terraces to the sea,
covered with vegetation to the water's edge; there the covering of soil has
been cast off from the steep slopes, exposing the naked rock, which shines
in the afternoon sun with a reddish hue that wonderfully accords with the
dark shades of the foliage and the brilliant blue of the sea. Further on the
tints become duller, and the sight is blurred; only with effort can we
distinguish Sorrento, resting on cliffs that rise almost perpendicularly from
the line of the shore. Further still the outline of the peninsula sinks into the
sea and gives place to Capri, island of fantastic shape, whose crags rising
sheer from the water stand out sharply in the bright sunlight.
But we look toward the north, and the splendid variety of form and color
vanishes; there stands only the vast, sombre mass of the great destroyer,
Vesuvius, towering above the city and the plain. The sun as it nears the
horizon veils the bare ashen cone with a mantle of deep violet, while the
cloud of smoke that rises from the summit shines with a golden glow. Far
above the base the sides are covered with vineyards, among which small
groups of white houses can here and there be seen. West of us the outline of
the mountain descends in a strong, simple curve to the sea. Just before it
blends with the shore there rise behind it distant heights wrapped in blue
haze, the first of moderate elevation, then others more prominent and
further to the left. They are the heights along the north shore of the Bay of
Naples—Gaurus crowned with the monastery of Camaldoli, famous for its
magnificent view; the cliffs of Baiae, the promontory of Misenum, and the
lofty cone of Epomeo on the island of Ischia. So the eye traverses the whole
expanse of the Bay; Naples itself, hidden from our view, lies between those
distant heights and the base of Vesuvius.
But meanwhile the sun has set behind Misenum; its last rays are lighting up
the cloud of smoke above Vesuvius and the summit of Monte Sant' Angelo.
The brilliancy of coloring has faded; the weary eye finds rest in the soft

afterglow. We also may take leave of these beautiful surroundings, and
inquire into the beginnings of the city which was founded here.

CHAPTER II
BEFORE 79

When Pompeii was founded we do not know. It is more than likely that a
site so well adapted for a city was occupied at an early date. The oldest
building, the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare, is of the style of the
sixth century B.C.; we are safe in assuming that the city was then already in
existence.[2] The founders were Oscans. They belonged to a widely
scattered branch of the Italic stock, whose language, closely related with the
Latin, has been imperfectly recovered from a considerable number of
inscriptions, so imperfectly that in each of the longer inscriptions there still
remain words the meaning of which is obscure or doubtful. From this
language the name of the city came; for pompe in Oscan meant 'five.' The
word does not, however, appear in its simple form; we have only the
adjective derived from it, pompaiians, 'Pompeian.' If we are right in
assuming that the name appeared in Oscan, as it does in Latin, in the plural
form, it was probably applied first to a gens, or clan, and thence to the city;
the Latin equivalent of Pompeii would be Quintii. Pompeii was thus the city
of the clan of the Pompeys, as Tarquinii was the city of the Tarquins, and
Veii the city of the Veian clan. The name Pompeius was common in
Pompeii down to the destruction of the city, and in other Campanian towns,
notably Puteoli, to much later times.
In order to follow the course of events at Pompeii, it will be necessary to
pass briefly in review the main points in the history of Campania. The
Campanian Oscans, sprung from a rude and hardy race, became civilized
from contact with the Greeks, who at an early period had settled in Cumae,
in Dicaearchia, afterward Puteoli, and in Parthenope, later Naples; and the

coast climate had an enervating effect upon them. When toward the end of
the fifth century B.C. the Samnites, kinsmen of the Oscans, left their rugged
mountain homes in the interior and pressed down toward the coast, the
Oscans were unable to cope with them. In 424 B.C. the Samnites stormed
and took Capua, in 420, Cumae; and Pompeii likewise fell into their hands.
But they were no more successful than the Oscans had been in resisting the
influence of Greek culture. How strong this influence was may be seen in
the remains at Pompeii. The architecture of the period was Greek; Greek
divinities were honored, as Apollo and Zeus Milichius; and the standard
measures of the mensa ponderaria were inscribed with Greek names.
In less than a hundred years new strifes arose between the more cultured
Samnites of the plain and their rough and warlike kinsmen in the
mountains. But Rome took a part in the struggle, and in the Samnite Wars
(343-290 B.C.) brought both the men of the mountains and the men of the
plain under her dominion. Although the sovereignty of Rome took the form
of a perpetual alliance, the cities in reality lost their independence. The
complete subjugation and Romanizing of Campania, however, did not come
till the time of the Social War (90-88 B.C.) and the supremacy of Sulla; the
Samnites staked all on the success of the popular party, and lost.
In the narrative of these events Pompeii is not often mentioned. At the time
of the Second Samnite War, in the year 310 B.C., we read that a Roman fleet
under Publius Cornelius landed at the mouth of the Sarno, and that a
pillaging expedition followed the course of the river as far as Nuceria; but
the country folk fell on the marauders as they were returning, and forced
them to give up their booty. We have no definite information regarding the
attitude of the Pompeians after the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.); probably
they joined the side of Hannibal, who, however, was defeated by Marcus
Marcellus near Nola in the following year, and was obliged to leave
Campania to the Romans.
In the Social War, when, in the summer of 90 B.C., the Samnite army
marched into Campania, Pompeii allied itself with the insurgents; as a
consequence, in 89, it was besieged by Sulla, but without success. Two
years later, Sulla went to Asia to conduct the war against Mithridates.
Returning victorious in the spring of 83 B.C., he led his army into Campania,
where he spent the winter of 83-82; his soldiers, grown brutal in the Asiatic

war and accustomed to every kind of license, may have proved unwelcome
guests for the Pompeians.
The sequel came in the year 80, when a colony of Roman veterans was
settled in Pompeii under the leadership of Publius Sulla, a nephew of the
Dictator. Cicero later made a speech in behalf of this Sulla, defending him
against the charge that he had taken part in the conspiracy of Catiline and
had tried to induce the old residents of Pompeii to join in the plot. From this
speech we learn that Sulla's reorganization of the city was accomplished
with so great regard for the interests of the Pompeians, that they ever after
held him in grateful remembrance. We learn, also, that soon after the
founding of the colony disputes arose between the old residents and the
colonists, about the public walks (ambulationes) and matters connected
with the voting; the arrangements for voting had probably been so made as
to throw the decision always into the hands of the colonists. The
controversy was referred to the patrons of the colony, and settled by them.
From this time on, the life of Pompeii seems not to have differed from that
of the other small cities of Italy.
As the harbor of Pompeii was on the Sarno, which flowed at some distance
from the city, there must have been a small settlement at the landing place.
To this probably belonged a group of buildings, partly excavated in 1880-
81, lying just across the Sarno canal (canale del Bottaro), about a third of a
mile from the Stabian Gate. Here were found many skeletons, and with
them a quantity of gold jewellery, which was afterward placed in the
Museum at Naples. The most reasonable explanation of the discovery is,
that the harbor was here, and that these persons, gathering up their
valuables, fled from Pompeii at the time of the eruption either in order to
escape by sea or to take refuge in Stabiae. Flight in either case was cut off.
If ships were in the harbor, they must soon have been filled with the
volcanic deposits; if there was a bridge across the river it was probably
thrown down by the earthquake.
A second suburb sprang up near the sea, in connection with the salt works
(salinae) of the city. Our knowledge of the inhabitants, the Salinenses, is
derived from several inscriptions painted upon walls, in which they
recommend candidates for the municipal offices, and from an inscription
scratched upon the plaster of a column in which a fuller by the name of

Crescens sends them a greeting: Cresce[n]s fullo Saline[n]sibus salute[m].
From another inscription we learn that they had an assembly, conventus,
possibly judicial in its functions; for in connection with a date, it speaks of a
fine of twenty sesterces, which would amount to about 3½ shillings, or 85
cents: VII K. dec. Salinis in conventu multa HS XX, 'Fine of twenty
sesterces; assembly at Salinae, November 25.' Still another inscription
speaks of attending such a meeting on November 19: XIII K. dec. in
conventu veni.
The suburb most frequently mentioned was at first called Pagus Felix
Suburbanus, but after the time of Augustus, Pagus Augustus Felix
Suburbanus. Its location is unknown. As it evidently took the name of Felix
from the Dictator Sulla, who used this epithet as a surname, we may assume
that its origin dates from the establishment of the Roman colony; it may
have been founded to provide a place for those inhabitants of Pompeii who
had been forced to leave their homes in order to make room for the
colonists. The existence of a fourth suburb is inferred from two painted
inscriptions in which candidates for office are recommended by the
Campanienses; this name would naturally be applied to the inhabitants of a
Pagus Campanus, who, perhaps, had originally come from Capua.
Of the government of Pompeii in the earliest times, before the Samnite
conquest, nothing is known. The names of various magistrates in the
Samnite period, however, particularly the period of alliance with Rome
(290-90 B.C.), are learned from inscriptions. Mention is made of a chief
administrative officer (mediss, mediss tovtiks); of quaestors, who, probably,
like the quaestors in Rome, were charged with the financial administration
and let the contracts for public buildings; and of aediles, to whom, no
doubt, was intrusted the care of streets and buildings, together with the
policing of the markets. The Latin names of the last two officials suggest
that their offices were introduced after 290. There was also an assembly
called kombenniom, with which we may compare the Latin conventus; but
whether it was an assembly of the people or a city council cannot now be
determined.
After the establishment of the Roman colony, Pompeii was named Colonia
Cornelia Veneria Pompeianorum, from the gentile name of the Dictator
Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix) and from the goddess to whom he paid

special honor, who now, as Venus Pompeiana,
became the tutelary divinity of the city. This
goddess is represented in wall paintings. In that
from which our illustration is taken (Fig. 4),
she appears in a blue mantle studded with
golden stars, and wears a crown set with green
stones. Her left hand, which holds a sceptre,
rests upon a rudder; in her right is a twig of
olive. A Cupid stands upon a pedestal beside
her, holding up a mirror.
From this time the highest official body, as in
Roman colonies everywhere, was the city
council, composed of decurions. The
administration was placed in the hands of two
pairs of officials, the duumvirs with judiciary
authority, duumviri iuri dicundo, and two
aediles, who were responsible for the care of
Fig. 4.—Venus buildings and streets and the oversight of the
Pompeiana. markets. When the duumvirs and the aediles
From a wall joined in official acts they were known as the
painting. Board of Four, quattuorviri. Down to the time
of the Empire it appears that the aediles were
not designated officially by that name, but by a
title known to us only in an abbreviated form,
duumviri v. a. sacr. p. proc. This probably stands for duumviri viis, aedibus,
sacris publicis procurandis, 'duumvirs in charge of the streets, the temples,
and the public religious festivals.' The title of aedile seems to have been
avoided because it had been in use in the days of autonomy, and the
authorities thought it prudent to suppress everything that would suggest the
former state of independence. Nevertheless, the word retained its place in
ordinary speech, as is shown by its use in the inscriptions painted on walls
recommending candidates for office; thence it finally forced its way back
into the official language. The duumvirs of every fifth year were called
quinquennial duumvirs, duumviri quinquennales, and assumed functions
corresponding with those of the censors at Rome; they gave attention to
matters of finance, and revised the lists of decurions and of citizens.

All these officials were elected annually by popular vote. The candidates
offered themselves beforehand. If none came forward, or there were too
few,—for the city officials not only received no salary, but were under
obligation to make generous contributions for public purposes, as theatrical
representations, games, and buildings,—the magistrate who presided at the
election named candidates for the vacancies; but each candidate so named
had the right to nominate a second for the same vacancy, the second in turn
a third. The voting was by ballot; each voter threw his voting tablet into the
urn of his precinct. No information has come down to us regarding the
precincts (curiae) into which the city must have been divided for electoral
purposes.
The election of a candidate was valid only in case he received the vote of an
absolute majority of the precincts. If the result was indecisive for all or a
part of the offices, the city council chose an extraordinary official who bore
the title of prefect with judiciary authority, praefectus iuri dicundo. This
prefect took the place of the duumvirs, not only when an election was
indecisive, but also when vacancies arose in some other way, or when
peculiar conditions seemed to make it desirable to have an officer of
unusual powers, a kind of dictator; or finally, when the emperor had
received the vote; in the last two cases, the prefect was undoubtedly
appointed by the emperor. Thus, in the years 34 and 40 A.D., the Emperor
Caligula was duumvir of Pompeii; but the duties of the office were
discharged by a prefect. A law passed in Rome toward the end of the
Republic on the motion of a certain Petronius contained provisions
regarding the appointment of prefects; one chosen in accordance with them
was called praefectus ex lege Petronia, 'prefect according to the law of
Petronius.'
There were also in Pompeii priests supported by the city, but only a few of
them are mentioned in the inscriptions. References are found to augurs and
pontifices, to a priest of Mars, and to priests (flamen, sacerdos) of Augustus
while he was still living; Nero had a priest even before he ascended the
throne. Mention is made of priestesses, too, a priestess of Ceres and Venus,
priestesses of Ceres, and others, the divinities of whom are not named.
The suburbs could scarcely have had a separate administration; they
remained within the jurisdiction of the magistrates of the city. In the case of

the Pagus Augustus Felix mention is made of a magister, 'director,' ministri,
'attendants,' and pagani, 'pagus officials'; but apparently these were all
appointed for religious functions only, in connection with the worship of the
emperor. The magister and the pagani, in part at least, were freedmen; the
four ministri, first appointed in 7 B.C., were slaves.
Apart from commerce, an important source of income for the Pompeians
lay in the fertility of the soil. In antiquity, as now, grapes were cultivated
extensively on the ridge projecting from the foot of Vesuvius toward the
south. The evidence afforded by the great number of wine jars, amphorae
(Fig. 5), that have been brought to light would warrant this conclusion; and
lately wine presses also have been discovered near Boscoreale, above
Pompeii. Pliny makes mention of the Pompeian wine, but remarks that
indulgence in it brings a headache that will last till noon of the following
day. The olive too was cultivated, but only to a limited extent; this we infer
from the small capacity of the press and other appliances for making oil
found in the same villa in which the wine presses were discovered. At the
present time the making of oil is not carried on about Pompeii. In the plain
below the city vegetables were raised, as at the present day; the cabbage
and onions of Pompeii were highly prized.
The working up of the products of the fisheries formed an important
industry. The fish sauces which so tickled the palate of ancient epicures,
garum, liquamen, and muria, were produced here of the finest quality. The
making of them seems to have been practically a monopoly in the hands of
a certain Umbricius Scaurus; a great number of earthen jars have been
found with the mark of his ownership (p. 506).

The Pompeians turned to account, also, the
volcanic products of Vesuvius. Pumice stone
was an article of export. From the lava
millstones were made for both grain mills and
oil mills, which were apparently already in
extensive use in the time of Cato the Elder; he
twice mentions the oil mills of Pompeii. In
Pompeii itself the millstones of the oldest
period are of lava from Vesuvius; later it was
found that the lava of Rocca Monfina was
better adapted for the purpose, and millstones
of that material were preferred. Small hand-
mills of the lava from Vesuvius were in use at
Pompeii down to 79; but the larger millstones
of this material found in the bakeries had been
put one side. In shape and finish the mills of Fig. 5.—An
local make were superior to the more carelessly amphora from
worked stones from Rocca Monfina; the Boscoreale.
preference for the latter was due to the fact that
they contained numerous crystals of leucite,
which broke off as the mill wore away, and so
kept the grinding surfaces always rough. Millstones from Rocca Monfina
may be seen at different places in Rome, as in the Museum of the Baths of
Diocletian.
To the sources of revenue which contributed to the prosperity of Pompeii
we may add the presence of wealthy Romans, who, attracted by the
delightful climate, built country seats in the vicinity. Among them was
Cicero, who often speaks of his Pompeian villa (Pompeianum). That the
imperial family also had a villa here is inferred from a curious accident. We
read that Drusus, the young son of the Emperor Claudius, a few days after
his betrothal to the daughter of Sejanus, was choked to death at Pompeii by
a pear which he had thrown up into the air and caught in his mouth. These
country seats, no doubt, lay on the high ground back of Pompeii, toward
Vesuvius; they probably faced the sea. But the identification of a villa
excavated in the last century, and then filled up again, as the villa of Cicero,
is wholly without foundation.

Salve lucrum, 'Welcome, Gain!' Such is the inscription which a Pompeian
placed in the mosaic floor of his house. Lucrum gaudium, 'Gain is pure joy,'
we read on the threshold of another house. A thrifty Pompeian certainly did
not lack opportunity to acquire wealth.
How large a population Pompeii possessed at the time of the destruction of
the city it is impossible to determine. A painstaking examination of all the
houses excavated would afford data for an approximate estimate; but the
results thus far obtained by those who have given attention to the subject
are unsatisfactory. Fiorelli assigned to Pompeii twelve thousand inhabitants,
Nissen twenty thousand. Undoubtedly the second estimate is nearer the
truth than the first; according to all indication the population may very
likely have exceeded twenty thousand.
This population was by no means homogeneous. The original Oscan stock
had not yet lost its identity; inscriptions in the Oscan dialect are found
scratched on the plaster of walls decorated in the style prevalent after the
earthquake of the year 63. From the time when the Roman colony was
founded no doubt additions continued to be made to the population from
various parts of Italy. The Greek element was particularly strong. This is
proved by the number of Greek names in the accounts of Caecilius
Jucundus, for example, and by the Greek inscriptions that have been found
on walls and on amphorae. The Greeks may have come from the
neighboring towns; most of them were probably freedmen. In a seaport we
should expect to find also Greeks from trans-marine cities; and, in fact, an
Alexandrian appears in one of the receipts of Jucundus. There were
Orientals, too, as we shall see when we come to the temple of Isis.
Thus far there has come to hand no trustworthy evidence for the presence of
Christians at Pompeii; but traces of Jewish influence are not lacking. The
words Sodoma, Gomora, are scratched in large letters on the wall of a house
in Region IX (IX. i. 26). They must have been written by a Jew, or possibly
a Christian; they seem like a prophecy of the fate of the city.

Fig. 6.—The Judgment of Solomon. Wall
painting.

Another interesting bit of evidence is a wall painting, which appears to have
as its subject the Judgment of Solomon (Fig. 6). On a tribunal at the right
sits the king with two advisers; the pavilion is well guarded with soldiers. In
front of the tribunal a soldier is about to cut a child in two with a cleaver.
Two women are represented, one of whom stands at the block and is already
taking hold of the half of the child assigned to her, while the other casts
herself on her knees as a suppliant before the judges. It is not certain that
the reference here is to Solomon; such tales pass from one country to
another, and a somewhat similar story is told of the Egyptian king
Bocchoris. The balance of probability is in favor of the view that we have
here the Jewish version of the story, because this is consistent with other
facts that point to the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii.
The names Maria and Martha appear in wall inscriptions. The assertion that
Maria here is not the Hebrew name, but the feminine form of the Roman
name Marius, is far astray. It appears in a list of female slaves who were
working in a weaver's establishment, Vitalis, Florentina, Amaryllis,
Januaria, Heracla, Maria, Lalage, Damalis, Doris. The Marian family was
represented at Pompeii, but the Roman name Maria could not have been
given to a slave. That we have here a Jewish name seems certain since the
discovery of the name Martha.
In inscriptions upon wine jars we find mention of a certain M. Valerius
Abinnerichus, a name which is certainly Jewish or Syrian; but whether
Abinnerich was a dealer, or the owner of the estate on which the wine was
produced, cannot be determined. In this connection it is worth while to note

that vessels have been found with the inscribed labels, gar[um] cast[um] or
cast[imoniale], and mur[ia] cast[a]. As we learn from Pliny (N. H. XXXI.
viii. 95), these fish sauces, prepared for fast days, were used especially by
the Jews.
Some have thought that the word Christianos can be read in an inscription
written with charcoal, and have fancied that they found a reference to the
persecution of the Christians under Nero. But charcoal inscriptions, which
will last for centuries when covered with earth, soon become illegible if
exposed to the air; such an inscription, traced on a wall at the time of the
persecutions under Nero, must have disappeared long before the destruction
of the city. The inscription in question was indistinct when discovered, and
has since entirely faded; the reading is quite uncertain. If it were proved that
the word "Christians" appeared in it, we should be warranted only in the
inference that Christians were known at Pompeii, not that they lived and
worshipped there. According to Tertullian (Apol. 40) there were no
Christians in Campania before 79.

CHAPTER III
THE CITY OVERWHELMED

Previous to the terrible eruption of 79, Vesuvius was considered an extinct
volcano. "Above these places," says Strabo, writing in the time of Augustus,
"lies Vesuvius, the sides of which are well cultivated, even to the summit.
This is level, but quite unproductive. It has a cindery appearance; for the
rock is porous and of a sooty color, the appearance suggesting that the
whole summit may once have been on fire and have contained craters, the
fires of which died out when there was no longer anything left to burn."
Earthquakes, however, were of common occurrence in Campania. An
especially violent shock on the fifth of February, 63 A.D., gave warning of
the reawakening of Vesuvius. Great damage was done throughout the region

lying between Naples and Nuceria, but the shock was most severe at
Pompeii, a large part of the buildings of the city being thrown down. The
prosperous and enterprising inhabitants at once set about rebuilding. When
the final catastrophe came, on the twenty-fourth of August, 79 A.D., most of
the houses were in a good state of repair, and the rebuilding of at least two
temples, those of Apollo and of Isis, had been completed. This renewing of
the city, caused by the earthquake, may be looked upon as a fortunate
circumstance for our studies.
Our chief source of information for the events of August 24-26, 79, is a
couple of letters of the Younger Pliny to Tacitus, who purposed to make use
of them in writing his history. Pliny was staying at Misenum with his uncle,
the Elder Pliny, who was in command of the Roman fleet. In the first letter
he tells of his uncle's fate. On the afternoon of the twenty-fourth, the
admiral Pliny set out with ships to rescue from impending danger the
people at the foot of Vesuvius, particularly in the vicinity of Herculaneum.
He came too late; it was no longer possible to effect a landing. So he
directed his course to Stabiae, where he spent the night; and there on the
following morning he died, suffocated by the fumes that were exhaled from
the earth. The second letter gives an account of the writer's own experiences
at Misenum.
To this testimony little is added by the narrative of Dion Cassius, which was
written a century and a half later and is known to us only in abstract; Dion
dwells at greater length on the powerful impression which the terrible
convulsion of nature left upon those who were living at that time. With the
help of the letters of Pliny, in connection with the facts established by the
excavations, it is possible to picture to ourselves the progress of the
eruption with a fair degree of clearness.
The subterranean fires of Vesuvius pressed upward to find an outlet. The
accumulations of volcanic dust and pumice stone that had been heaped up
on the mountain by former eruptions were again hurled to a great height,
and came down upon the surrounding country. On the west side of Vesuvius
they mingled with torrents of rain, and flowed as a vast stream of mud
down over Herculaneum. On the south side, driven by a northwest wind as
they descended from the upper air, they spread out into a thick cloud, which
covered Pompeii and the plain of the Sarno. Out of this cloud first broken

fragments of pumice stone—the average size not larger than a walnut—
rained down to the depth of eight to ten feet; then followed volcanic dust,
wet as it fell by a downpour of water, to the depth of six or seven feet. With
the storm of dust came successive shocks of earthquake.
Such was, in outline, the course of the eruption. It must have begun early in
the morning of the twenty-fourth, and the stream of mud must have
commenced immediately to move in the direction of Herculaneum; for
shortly after one o'clock on that day the admiral Pliny at Misenum received
letters from the region threatened, saying that the danger was imminent, and
that escape was possible only by sea. Even then the Younger Pliny saw,
high above Vesuvius, the cloud, shaped like an umbrella pine, which was to
rain down destruction on Pompeii. Toward evening, the ships off
Herculaneum ran into the hail of pumice stone, which, during the night,
reached Stabiae and so increased in violence that the admiral Pliny was
obliged to leave his sleeping room from fear that the door would be blocked
up by the falling masses.
Early in the morning of the twenty-fifth there was a severe shock of
earthquake, which was felt as far as Misenum. Then the dust began to fall,
and a cloud of fearful blackness, pierced through and through with flashes
of lightning, settled down over land and sea. At Misenum, even, it became
dark; "not," says Pliny, "as on a cloudy night when there is no moon, but as
in a room which has been completely closed."
How long the fall of dust lasted we can only infer from this, that when it
ceased the sun had not yet set. In Misenum, which the shower of pumice
stone had not reached, everything was covered with a thick layer of dust.
Although the earthquake shocks continued, the inhabitants went back into
their houses. But Pompeii and Stabiae had been covered so deep that only
the roofs of the houses, where these had not fallen in, projected above the
surface; and Herculaneum had wholly disappeared.
All the plain of the Sarno was buried, as were also the slopes of the
mountains on the south. Stabiae, as we have seen, lay at the foot of the
mountains, on the coast. It had been destroyed by Sulla in the Social War;
its inhabitants, forced to scatter, settled in the surrounding country. In the
years 1749-82 numerous buildings were excavated in the vicinity, in part

luxurious country seats, in part plain farm buildings; but the excavations
were afterward filled up again. The covering of Stabiae was like that of
Pompeii, only not so deep.
Herculaneum was covered with the same materials; they were not, however,
deposited in regular strata, but were mixed together, and being drenched
with water, hardened into a kind of tufa which in places reaches a depth of
sixty-five feet. Excavating at Herculaneum is in consequence extremely
difficult; and the difficulty is further increased by the fact that a modern
city, Resina, extends over the greater part of the ancient site. The
excavations thus far attempted have in most cases been conducted by means
of underground passageways. The statement that Herculaneum was
overflowed by a stream of lava, though frequently repeated, is erroneous.

Fig. 7.—Cast of a man.

The woodwork of buildings in Pompeii has in many cases been preserved,
but in a completely charred condition. Frequently where walls were painted
with yellow ochre it has turned red, especially when brought immediately
into contact with the stratum of dust—a change which this color undergoes
when it is exposed to heat. Nevertheless, the inference would be
unwarranted that the products of the eruption fell upon the city red-hot and
caused a general conflagration. The fragments of pumice stone could

scarcely have retained a great degree of heat after having been so long in
the air; it is evident from Pliny's narrative that they were not hot.
With the dust a copious rain must have fallen; for the bodies of those who
perished in the storm of dust left perfect moulds, into a number of which
soft plaster of Paris has been poured, making those casts of human figures
which lend a melancholy interest to the collections in the little Museum at
Pompeii (Fig. 7). The extraordinary freshness of these figures, without any
suggestion of the wasting away after death, is explicable only on the
supposition that the enveloping dust was damp, and so commenced
immediately to harden into a permanent shape. If the dust had been dry and
had packed down and hardened afterwards, we should be able to trace at
least the beginnings of decay.
Neither the pumice stone nor the dust, then, could have set wood on fire.
The woodwork must have become charred gradually from the effect of
moisture, as in the case of coal, and the change in the color of the yellow
ochre must be due to some other cause than the presence of heat. This is all
the more evident from the fact that vestiges of local conflagrations,
confined within narrow limits, can here and there be traced, kindled by the
masses of glowing slag which fell at the same time with the pumice stone,
or by the fires left burning in the houses.
From the number of skeletons discovered in the past few decades, since an
accurate record has been kept, it has been estimated that in Pompeii itself,
about two thousand persons perished. As the city contained a population of
twenty thousand or more, it is evident that the majority of the inhabitants
fled; since the eruption commenced in the morning, while the hail of
pumice stone did not begin till afternoon, those who appreciated the
greatness of the danger had time to escape. It is, however, impossible to say
how many fled when it was already too late, and lost their lives outside the
city. Mention has already been made of some who perished at the harbor;
others who went out earlier to the Sarno may have made good their escape.
Of those who remained in the city part were buried in the houses—so with
twenty persons whose skeletons were found in the cellar of the villa of
Diomedes; others, as the hail of pumice stone ceased, ventured out into the
streets, where they soon succumbed to the shower of dust that immediately
followed. As the bodies wasted away little except the bones was left in the

hollows formed by the dust that hardened around them, and the casts
already referred to, which have been made from time to time since 1863,
give in some cases a remarkably clear and sharp representation of the
victims.
The Emperor Titus sent a commission of senators into Campania to report
in what way help could best be rendered. A plan was formed to rebuild the
cities that had been destroyed, and the property of those who died without
heirs was set aside for this purpose. Nothing came of it, however, so far as
our knowledge goes. Pompeii is indeed mentioned in the Peutinger Table, a
map for travellers made in the third century, but the name was apparently
given to a post station in memory of the former city. Conclusive evidence
against the existence of a new city is the absence of any inscriptions
referring to it.

CHAPTER IV
THE UNEARTHING OF THE CITY

The first excavations at Pompeii were undertaken by the survivors shortly
after the destruction of the city. As the upper parts of the houses that had not
fallen in projected above the surface, it was possible to locate the places
under which objects of value were buried. Men dug down from the surface
at certain points and tunnelled from room to room underneath, breaking
through the intervening walls. This work was facilitated by the stratification
of the volcanic deposit; the loose bits of pumice stone in the lower stratum
were easily removed, while the stratum of dust above was compact enough
to furnish a fairly safe roof for narrow passageways. Only infrequently is a
house discovered that was left undisturbed; from this we understand why
comparatively little household furniture of value has been found. Not only
were rich house furnishings in demand,—the excavators carried away
valuable building materials as well. So eagerly were these sought after that

large buildings, as those about the Forum, were almost completely stripped
of their marble.
In the Middle Ages Pompeii was quite forgotten. Possibly some remains of
the ancient buildings were yet to be seen; at any rate it seems to have been
believed that a city once existed there, for the site was called La Civita.
In the years 1594-1600 Domenico Fontana was bringing water from one of
the springs of the Sarno to Torre Annunziata, and in the course of the work
cut an underground channel through the site of Pompeii and discovered two
inscriptions; but no further investigations were made. The indifference of
Fontana may be explained by the fact that the water channel was not dug
out from above, like a railway cutting, and then covered over, but was
carried as a tunnel through the hill on which the city stood, so that the
workmen came to the ancient surface at only a few points. In the part now
excavated, the original level was disturbed in but one place, near the temple
of Zeus Milichius; here the inscriptions were probably found.
The excavation of the buried Campanian towns began, not at Pompeii, but
at Herculaneum, where in 1709 the workmen of the Austrian general, Count
Elbeuf, sunk a shaft, reaching the ancient level at the rear of the stage of the
theatre. The current statement that Elbeuf discovered the site of
Herculaneum by accident, his workmen being engaged in digging a well, is
erroneous. The location of the city was already known, and Elbeuf was
searching for antiquities. The error probably originated in a
misunderstanding of the Italian word pozzo, which has a double meaning,
"shaft," and "well."
At first little was accomplished, but after 1738 excavations were carried on
by King Charles III in a more systematic manner. The director of these
excavations, Rocco Gioacchino de Alcubierre, in March, 1748, had
occasion to inspect the water channel mentioned above, and learned that at
the place called La Civita—which he thought was Stabiae—objects of
antiquity were often found. He came to the conclusion that this site was
more promising than that of Herculaneum, where the excavations just then
were yielding little of value; the result of his recommendation was that on
the thirtieth of the same month excavations were commenced at Pompeii,
with twelve workmen.

The first digging was done north of Nola Street, near the Casa del Torello;
then the men were set at work on the Street of Tombs, near the
Herculaneum Gate; and a part of the Amphitheatre also was cleared. In
1750 the work was stopped, because the results were thought to be
unimportant.
Attention was again directed to Pompeii in 1754, when workmen engaged
in constructing the highway that runs just south of the city discovered a
number of tombs. About the same time, west of the Amphitheatre, the
extensive establishment of Julia Felix, arranged like a villa, and some
buildings lying north of it, were excavated; but they were all covered up
again, as was also the so-called villa of Cicero, which was uncovered in
1763.
The parts excavated were not left clear until after 1763, when the discovery
of the inscription of Suedius Clemens, on the Street of Tombs, had
established the fact that the site was that of Pompeii. Important discoveries
were made soon after. In the years immediately following 1764 the theatres,
with the adjacent buildings, and the Street of Tombs, together with the villa
of Diomedes, were laid bare. The excavations were conducted slowly and
without system, yet with scientific interest fostered by the Herculaneum
Academy (Accademia ercolanese), which had been founded in 1755.
Under Joseph Bonaparte and Murat, 1806-15, the work received larger
appropriations, and was prosecuted with greater energy, particularly in the
quarter lying between the Herculaneum Gate and the Forum. In the same
period the Forum was approached from the south side also. In 1799, at the
time of the Parthenopean Republic, the French general Championnet had
excavated, south of the Basilica, the two houses which are still called by his
name. From these, in 1813, the excavators made their way into the Basilica,
whence, in November of the same year, they pushed forward into the
Forum. However, the excavation of the Forum itself with the surrounding
buildings, prosecuted less vigorously and with limited means in the period
of the Restoration, was not completed till 1825; by this time the temple of
Fortuna and the Baths north of the Forum had also been uncovered. The
following years, to 1832, brought to light the beautiful houses on the north
side of Nola Street—the houses of Pansa, of the Tragic Poet, and of the

Faun—and those on Mercury Street; later came excavations south of Nola
Street and in various parts of the city.
The disturbances of the period of Revolution caused a cessation of work for
two years, from July 3, 1848, to September 27, 1850. During the next nine
years effort was expended chiefly in clearing Stabian Street and the Stabian
Baths.
The fall of the Bourbon dynasty and the passing over of Naples to the
Kingdom of Italy caused another interruption, which lasted a year, from
December 5, 1859, to December 20, 1860. On the last date the excavations
were resumed under the direction of Giuseppe Fiorelli, a man of marked
individuality, who left a permanent impress upon every part of the work. To
him is due the present admirable system, excellent alike from the technical
and from the administrative point of view. We owe it to him, that better
provision is made now than formerly for the preservation and care of
excavated buildings and objects discovered; the earlier efforts in this
direction naturally left room for improvement, and the painstaking of the
present administration is especially worthy of commendation.

Fig. 8.—An excavation. Atrium of the house of the
Silver Wedding, cleared in the autumn of 1892.

Fiorelli put an end to haphazard digging, to excavating here and there
wherever the site seemed most promising. He first set about clearing the
undisturbed places lying between the excavated portions; and when in this
way the west part of the city had been laid bare, he commenced to work
systematically from the excavated part toward the east. Since 1860 only one
public building has been excavated—the baths at the corner of Stabian and
Nola streets; but many private houses have been uncovered, some of which
are of much interest. Fiorelli remained in charge of the excavations until
1875, when he was called to Rome to become General Director of
Museums and Excavations; he died in 1896, at the age of seventy-two. His
successors, first Michele Ruggiero, then Giulio de Petra, have worked
according to his plans, and in full sympathy with his ideals.

Up to the present time about three-fifths of Pompeii have been excavated.
In 1872 Fiorelli made the calculation that if the excavations should continue
at the rate then followed the whole city would be laid bare in 74 years.
Since that time the work has progressed more slowly, partly in consequence
of the greater care taken for the preservation of the remains. At the present
rate of progress we may believe that the twentieth century will hardly
witness the completion of the excavations.
Articles of furniture and objects of art that can easily be moved, as the
statuettes often found in the gardens, are ordinarily taken to the Museum in
Naples; a few things have been placed in the little Museum at Pompeii.
Now and then small sculptures have been left in a house exactly as they
were found; but the necessity of keeping such houses locked and of
guarding them with especial care prevents the general adoption of this
method of preservation.
In respect to the preservation of paintings the practice has varied at different
periods. Generally, however, the best pictures have been cut from the walls
and transferred to the Museum, while the decorative framework has been
left undisturbed. It is keenly to be regretted that in this way the effect of the
decorative system as a whole has been destroyed, for the picture forms the
centre of a carefully elaborated scheme of decoration which needs to be
viewed as an artistic whole in order to be fully appreciated; and the removal
of a painting can hardly be accomplished without some damage to the parts
of the wall immediately in contact with it. A far better method would be to
leave intact all walls containing paintings or decorative work of interest,
providing such means of protection against the weather as may be
necessary. A good beginning in this respect has been made in the case of the
house of the Vettii, the beautiful and well preserved paintings of which have
been left on the walls and are preserved with the greatest care.
The treatment of a mosaic floor is an altogether different problem. While
the floor as a whole, with its ornamental designs, is left in place, fine
mosaics representing paintings, which are delicate and easily destroyed, are
wisely taken up and placed in the Museum.

NOTES TO PLAN I

The Regions are given as they were laid out by Fiorelli (p. 34),
the boundaries being marked by broken lines. The Insulae are
designated by Arabic numerals.
Stabian Street, between Stabian and Vesuvius gates, separating
Regions VIII, VII, and VI, from I, IX, and V, is often called
Cardo, from analogy with the cardo maximus (the north and
south line) of a Roman camp. Nola Street, leading from the Nola
Gate, with its continuations (Strada della Fortuna, south of
Insulae 10, 12, 13, and 14 of Region VI, and Strada della Terme,
south of VI, 4, 6, 8), was for similar reasons designated as the
Greater Decuman, Decumanus Maior; while the street running
from the Water Gate to the Sarno Gate (Via Marina,
Abbondanza Street, Strada dei Diadumeni) is called the Lesser
Decuman, Decumanus Minor.
The only Regions wholly excavated are VII and VIII; but only a
small portion of Region VI remains covered.
The towers of the city wall are designated by numbers, as they
are supposed to have been at the time of the siege of Sulla, in 89
B.C. (p. 240).

PLAN I.—OUTLINE PLAN OF POMPEII.
View larger image

CHAPTER V
A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW

The outline of Pompeii, with its network of streets, may be traced on the
accompanying plan.
The city took its shape from the end of the old lava stream on which it lay,
which ran southeast from Vesuvius. It formed an irregular oval a little less
than four fifths of a mile (1200 metres) long and a little more than two fifths
of a mile (720 metres) wide in its greatest dimensions. On three sides, west,
south, and east, the wall of the city ran along the edge of the hill; on the

northwest side, between the Herculaneum and Capua gates, it passed
directly across the ridge formed by the lava.
The eight gates are known by the modern names given on our plan. Two of
them, the Herculaneum and Capua gates, lie at the points where the wall
comes to the edge of the lava bed on either side; the streets that led from
them descended to the plain. At the Herculaneum Gate the much travelled
highway from Naples, passing through Herculaneum, entered the city; the
Capua Gate does not seem to have been built to accommodate a large
traffic. Between these two lay the Vesuvius Gate, through which the
Pompeians passed out upon the ridge toward Vesuvius.
From the Herculaneum Gate nearly to the Stabian Gate, on the south side,
ran a bluff, with a sharp descent. Nevertheless, as a gate was needed on the
side nearest the sea, the Water Gate, Porta Marina, was placed here; through
it a steep road led to the Forum, so steep that it could not have been much
used by vehicles; but that may have mattered little to the fishermen bringing
their catches to the market.
The Stabian Gate lay in a depression at the end of the lava bed and afforded
a more convenient means of access to the city; thence a road ran to the
harbor on the Sarno, and to Stabiae. At the left another road apparently
branched off from this in the direction of Nuceria, which could be reached
also from the conveniently located Nocera Gate further east; here also the
slope of the hill was less pronounced. Two gates, finally, gave access to the
city on the somewhat steeper east and northeast sides, the Sarno Gate,
which takes its name, not from the river, but from the modern town of
Sarno, and the Nola Gate; it is at least probable that the road passing
through the latter led to Nola.
A glance at the plan will make it plain that the streets of Pompeii must have
been laid out according to a definite system; an arrangement on the whole
so regular and symmetrical would scarcely be found in a city that had
developed gradually from a small beginning, in which the location of streets
had been the result of accident.
Two wide streets that cross the city very nearly at right angles give the
direction for the other streets running approximately north and south and
east and west, Mercury Street with its continuations, and Nola Street. The

former probably served as a base line in laying out the city; this we infer
from the fact that while it is exceptionally broad, and the Forum lies on it,
there is no gate at either end, and it could have been little used for traffic.
Nola Street has a gate only at the east end; the west end opens into the
Strada Consolare, which follows the line of the city wall and leads to the
Herculaneum Gate at the northwest corner. That the other streets must have
taken their direction from these two is clearly seen in the case of those in
the northwest part of the city; on close examination it will be found that the
arrangement of the rest also is in accordance with the same system, a fact
which would perhaps be still more obvious if the unexcavated eastern
portion of the city were laid bare.
In two instances, however, there is a deviation from this system. One is in
the quarter near the Forum. For reasons which have not been satisfactorily
explained, the Porta Marina was not placed on the prolongation of the street
coming from the Sarno Gate, but further north. In order to reach this gate
the street, as shown on the plan, makes a bend to the north which is
reproduced in the other east and west streets lying south of Nola Street;
west of the Forum, again, the streets converge in order to give access to this
gate.
The other deviation, which affects Stabian Street, can be explained on
grounds of convenience. This street, which runs from the Stabian to the
Vesuvius Gate, abandoned the line of the north and south streets west of it
in order to take advantage of a natural depression in the hill, by following
which an easy grade could be established to the higher parts of the city; that
the blocks along this important thoroughfare might not be too irregular in
shape, the nearest parallel streets on the east were laid out in such a way as
to follow the direction of Stabian Street. The street running south from the
Capua Gate resumes, with slight variation, the north and south line of
Mercury Street.
The public buildings of the city form two extensive groups. One group lies
about the Forum (Plan II); with this we may reckon the Baths in the first
block north, and the temples of Fortuna Augusta and Venus Pompeiana. The
nucleus of the other is formed by the two theatres and the large
quadrangular colonnade which, designed originally to afford protection for
theatre-goers against the rain, was later turned into barracks for the

gladiators (Plan III). There are in addition only four public buildings that
need to be mentioned. Two are bathing establishments, the Stabian Baths,
and those at the corner of Stabian and Nola streets. The third is a small
building near the Herculaneum Gate, consisting of a hall opening on the
street, with a base for a statue near the rear wall; this on insufficient
grounds has been called a custom-house. The fourth, the Amphitheatre, lies
in the southern corner of the city.
As the public buildings were thus located in clearly defined groups, it is not
probable that many yet remain in the portion of the city which has not been
excavated. We may expect to find only bathing establishments, and perhaps
one or two temples. There were priestesses of Ceres and of Venus, but the
sanctuary of Ceres has not been discovered. Mention is made also of a
priest of Mars; but the temple of Mars, according to the precept of Vitruvius
(I. vii. 1) would be outside the city.
A word should be added regarding the modern division of Pompeii into
Regions, or wards, and Insulae. By an Insula is meant—in accordance with
ancient usage—a block of houses surrounded on all sides by streets. The
division into Regions was introduced by Fiorelli, and rests upon a
misconception which has been corrected by more recent excavations.
Fiorelli thought that the Capua Gate and the Nocera Gate were connected
by a street, and that the city was thus divided by four streets (the assumed
street, Stabian Street, Nola Street, and Abbondanza Street with its
continuations) into nine Regions, marked on our plan with the numerals I-
IX.
In each Region every block, or Insula, has its number, and in the Insula a
separate number is given to every door opening on a street. This
arrangement is convenient because each house can be accurately designated
by means of three numbers.
On the plans the Insulae are designated by Arabic numerals, but in the text
small Roman numerals are used for the sake of clearness; thus, Ins. IX. i.
26, means the first Insula of Region IX, No. 26.
The names of several of the more important streets, as of the better known
houses, are given in the text in the English form.

CHAPTER VI
BUILDING MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION, AND ARCHITECTURAL
PERIODS

Six centuries lie between the dates of the earliest and the latest buildings at
Pompeii; and in order to understand any structure rightly we must first of all
ascertain to what period it belongs. It is indeed rarely possible to fix dates
with exactness for the earlier time; but certain periods are so clearly
differentiated from one another, that in most cases there is no room for
doubt to which of them a building is to be assigned. Before undertaking to
characterize these periods, however, it will be necessary briefly to notice
what building materials were used, and how they were turned to account in
construction.
Exclusive of wood, which was more freely used in Pompeii than in
Campanian towns to-day, the principal building materials were Sarno
limestone, two kinds of tufa (gray and yellow), lava, a whitish limestone
often called travertine wrongly, marble, and brick.
The Sarno limestone (pietra di Sarno) is a deposit from the water of the
Sarno, and is found in beds along the course of the river. It contains many
impressions of the leaves and stems of plants, and varies greatly in
compactness; it closely resembles the Roman travertine, except that it has a
more decided yellowish tint.
Gray tufa is a volcanic dust which has been hardened by the presence of
water into rock. It has a fine grain, and is easily worked; it was quarried in
the vicinity of Nocera. The volcanic dust which formed the yellow tufa was
thrown out in an earlier period, when the Sarno plain was still a part of the
sea, and so hardened in salt water; it is more friable than the gray tufa, and
not so durable.
The lava, which came originally from Vesuvius, was quarried at Pompeii.
Three varieties may be distinguished, differing in density according as they
were taken from the lower or the upper strata: solid lava, or basalt, which,
being heavy and extremely hard, was extensively used for pavements and
thresholds; slag, like the scoriae found on the sides of Vesuvius to-day; and

cruma, the foam of the lava stream, which is light and porous, but on
account of its hardness has good resisting qualities.
The whitish limestone has a fine texture, without impressions of leaves, and
is of an even color; it was to some extent employed as a substitute for
marble. It was not quarried at Pompeii, and was not extensively used; the
most important example of its use is in the later colonnade about the Forum.
The white Carrara marble (marmor lunense) was preferred for columns,
pilasters, and architraves; but colored marbles of many varieties, cut into
thin slabs and blocks, were used as a veneering for walls and in the mosaic
floors.
Bricks were used only for the corners of buildings, for doorposts, and in a
few instances, as in the Basilica and the house of the Labyrinth, for
columns; brick walls are not found in Pompeii. The bricks seen in corners
and doorposts (Figs. 11, 95) are simply a facing for rubble work. They are
ordinarily less than an inch thick; they have the shape of a right-angled
triangle, and are so laid that the side representing the hypothenuse—about
six inches long—appears in the surface of the wall. Sometimes fragments of
roof tiles, more or less irregular in shape, were used instead. The bricks of
the earlier time contain sea sand and have a granular surface, with a less
uniform color; the later bricks are smooth and even in appearance.
The flat oblong roof tiles (tegulae), measuring ordinarily 24 by 19 or 20
inches, had flanges at the sides; over the joints where the flanges came
together, joint tiles in the form of a half-cylinder (imbrices) were laid, like
those in use at the present day (Figs. 114, 117).
The styles of masonry are characteristic and interesting. We may distinguish
them as masonry with limestone framework, rubble work, reticulate work,
quasi-reticulate work, ashlar work, and, in the case of columns and
entablatures, massive construction.
The masonry with limestone framework dates from the earliest period. The
walls were built without mortar, clay being used instead. Since this served
only as a filling, without strength as a binding material, it was necessary to
arrange the stones themselves in such a way that the wall would stand firm.
This result was accomplished by using large, oblong blocks, not only for
corners and doorposts, but also for a framework in the body of the wall; as

shown in our illustration, alternate vertical and horizontal blocks were built
up into pillars which would hold in place the courses of smaller stones that
filled the intervening spaces. The material of the larger, hewn blocks, as
well as of the smaller fragments, was Sarno limestone, with occasional
pieces of cruma or slag.

Fig. 9.—Wall with limestone framework.

The rubble work, opus incertum, consists of fragments irregular in shape, of
the size of the fist and larger, laid in mortar. The material used in the earlier
times was ordinarily lava; later, Sarno limestone. Corners and doorposts at
first were built of hewn blocks; afterwards bricks and blocks of stone cut in
the form of bricks were used for this purpose, and in the latest period
frequently brick and stone combined, opus mixtum or opus compositum—a
course of stone alternating with every two or three courses of brick. An
example of the opus mixtum is seen in the entrances of the Herculaneum
Gate (Fig. 113). Rubble work is the prevailing masonry at Pompeii; in
comparison the other kinds described may be considered exceptional.
The reticulate work, opus reticulatum, formed the outer surface of a wall,
the inner part of which was built up with rubble. It was composed of small
four-sided pyramidal blocks, of which only the base, cut square and smooth,
showed on the surface; the tapering part served as a key to bind the block

into the wall. These blocks, which measured from three to four inches
square at the base, were laid on their corners, so that the edges ran
diagonally to the horizontal and vertical lines of the wall; the pattern thus
formed had the appearance of a net, hence the name. The material was in
most cases gray, occasionally yellow, tufa. The corners and doorposts were
at first made of the same kind of stone cut in the shape of bricks; later of
bricks. This style of masonry was in vogue at Rome, and apparently also at
Pompeii, in the time of Augustus (Fig. 12; see also the pedestal in the
foreground of Plate I).
The quasi-reticulate work belongs to the early years of the Roman colony.
In appearance it lies between rubble and reticulate work, differing from the
latter in that the small blocks are less carefully finished and are laid with
less regularity. The material is generally lava, but tufa and limestone are
also found. The corners and doorposts are of brick, or of brick-shaped
blocks of tufa or limestone (Fig. 11).
Ashlar work, of carefully hewn oblong blocks laid in courses, is found in
the older portions of the city wall (Fig. 109) and in the walls of the Greek
temple in the Forum Triangulare; it was used otherwise only for the fronts
of houses (Fig. 10). The material in the earliest times was Sarno limestone,
later gray tufa. With the coming of the Roman colony ashlar work went out
of use, even for the corners of houses and doorposts.
In the construction of columns and many architraves large blocks were
used. Previous to the time of the Roman colony these were of gray tufa, or,
in rare instances, of limestone; a coating of white stucco was laid on the
surface. From the advent of the colony to the time of the Early Empire, the
whitish limestone was used; after that, Carrara marble.
Bearing in mind the styles of construction just described, we may now turn
to the architectural history of Pompeii, which, as we shall see, falls
naturally into six periods.
The first period is that to which the Doric temple in the Forum Triangulare
and the city walls belong. From the style of the temple, we may safely
conclude that it was built in the sixth century B.C.; the evidence is too scanty
to enable us definitely to fix the date of the walls. The building materials
used were the Sarno limestone and gray tufa.

The second period may be designated as the Period of the Limestone
Atriums, so characterized from the peculiar construction of a number of
houses found in different parts of the city. On the side facing the street these
houses have walls of ashlar work of Sarno limestone (Fig. 10), but the inner
walls are of limestone framework (Fig. 9).
Almost no ornamental forms
belonging to this period have come
down to us; so far only a single
column has been found, built into the
wall of a house. It is of the Doric style,
and once formed part of a portico that
ran along the west side of the small
open space at the northwest corner of
Stabian and Nola streets; it is thus the
sole remnant of a public building. In
the only complete house that has
survived from this period, the house of
the Surgeon, there was a portico in
front of the garden, but the roof was
supported by square pillars, not by
columns. There is no trace of wall
painting.
Characteristic as the construction of
the limestone atriums is, it is difficult
to determine to what age they belong.
The beginning of the period cannot be Fig. 10.—Façade of
determined even approximately. The Sarno limestone,
end, however, is fixed by the earlier house of the Surgeon.
limit of the next period, the Second
Punic War. We may, therefore, assign
the houses with the limestone atriums
to a period just preceding this war; reckoning in round numbers, they were
built before 200 B.C.
In the third, or Tufa Period, came the climax of the development of
Pompeian architecture prior to the Roman domination. The favorite

building material was the gray tufa.
With the exception of the Greek temple mentioned above, all the public
buildings of Pompeii that do not belong to the time of the Roman colony
have a homogeneous character; a list of them would include the colonnade
about the Forum, the Basilica, the temples of Apollo and of Jupiter, the
Large Theatre with the colonnades of the Forum Triangulare and the
Barracks of the Gladiators, the Stabian Baths, the Palaestra, and the outer
part of the Porta Marina with the inner parts of the other gates. Closely
associated with these public edifices is a large number of private houses; as
a specially characteristic example, we may mention the house of the Faun.
All these buildings are similar in style and construction; they evidently date
from a period of great building activity. It must also have been a period of
peace and prosperity; for the whole city, from the artistic and monumental
point of view, underwent a transformation. Certain Oscan inscriptions, an
early Latin monumental inscription, and a few words, dating from 78 B.C.,
scratched upon the plaster of the Basilica, oblige us to place the Tufa Period
before the time of the Roman colony; yet not long before, for the next
oldest buildings date from the first years of the colony. The time of peace
that furnished the background for the period can only have been that
between the Second Punic War and the Social War, about 200 to 90 B.C.; the
Tufa Period was approximately the second century before Christ.
In marked contrast with the Period of the Limestone Atriums, the Tufa
Period has a pronounced artistic character. It is preëminently a period of
monumental construction. Buildings and public places are adorned with
colonnades of the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. The simple and
beautiful forms of the Greek architecture are used, sparingly indeed, but
without petty detail and with evident fear of excessive ornamentation.
Columns and architraves are white, with only slight suggestion of the
earlier Greek polychrome decoration. A variety of color, however, is laid on
the walls, and with this period the history of Pompeian wall decoration
begins.
The Tufa Period coincides throughout with the time of the first style of
decoration. This, known as the Incrustation Style, aimed to imitate in stucco
the appearance of a wall veneered with colored marbles. Wall paintings are

wholly lacking, but pictures, often of rare beauty, are found in the mosaics
of the floors. In this period, we may truly say that Pompeian architecture
was at its best. With it the pure Greek tradition dies out; all the buildings of
later times bear the Roman stamp.
The buildings of the Tufa Period are easily recognized by the
unobtrusiveness of the materials used in their construction. The rubble work
is mostly of lava; but gray tufa was used exclusively, not only for ashlar
work in façades, but also for columns and entablatures. The surface of the
tufa was coated with a layer of fine white stucco, which gave it the
appearance of marble. The use of marble for building purposes, however, is
foreign to this period; and it speaks well for the culture of the Oscan
Pompeians that they had pleasure in beauty of form above richness of
material.
The fourth period covers the earlier decades of the Roman colony, from 80
B.C. to near the end of the Republic. According to inscriptions which are still
extant, soon after the year 80 a wealthy colonist, Gaius Quinctius Valgus,
when duumvir with Marcus Porcius as colleague, built the Small Theatre,
and afterwards, when quinquennial duumvir with the same colleague, the
Amphitheatre also. Both structures have the quasi-reticulate facing (Fig.
11); and several other buildings in which the same style of masonry is
found without doubt belong to the same period—the Baths near the Forum,
the temple of Zeus Milichius, a building just inside the Porta Marina, and
apparently the hall at the southeast corner of the Forum, which we shall
identify as the Comitium; with these should be included also the original
temple of Isis, which was destroyed by the earthquake of 63 A.D. Few
houses dating from this period have been discovered; the provision made by
the preceding period in this respect had been so generous that new houses
were not needed.
From the aesthetic point of view the fourth period falls far below that just
preceding; the exhaustion of resources and the decline of taste due to the
long and terrible war are unmistakable. Theatre, Amphitheatre, and Baths
were alike built for immediate use, with crude and scanty ornamentation;
and where richer ornament was applied, as in the case of the temple of Isis,
it could not for a moment be compared with that of the Tufa Period in
beauty and finish.

The wall decoration of the fourth period
is of the second Pompeian style, which
came into vogue just after the founding of
the colony, and which we shall call the
Architectural Style; for in part, as the first
style, it imitated a veneering of marble,
not however with the help of slabs or
panels modelled in stucco, but by the use
of color only, laid on walls finished to a
plane surface; in part it made use of
architectural designs which were painted
either correctly or with at least some
regard for proper proportions.

Fig. 11.—Quasi- The fifth period extends from the last
reticulate facing, decades of the Republic to the earthquake
with brick corner, at of the year 63 A.D. In the entire period,
the entrance of the covering more than a century, we are
Small Theatre. unable to distinguish a series of buildings
which may be classed together in style
and construction as constituting a
homogeneous, representative group. Here
and there we can point out a piece of masonry which, from its similarity to
that of the fourth period, may be assigned to the end of the Republic; again,
walls with reticulate facing of tufa and corners of brick-shaped blocks of
the same stone belong to the time of Augustus (Fig. 12), while reticulate
work with corners of brick (Fig. 95) is of later date; but there is a total lack
of those distinguishing characteristics which would serve to set off by
themselves all the buildings belonging to a particular time. Consequently in
the case of each structure it is necessary to take into account all the
circumstances, and then to form an independent judgment regarding its
style and date.

Fig. 12.—Reticulate facing, with corners of brick-
shaped stone. The filled arch is probably to bear
the weight of the wall over a sewer.

The difficulty is further enhanced by the fact that three styles of wall
decoration fall within the limits of the same period. The Architectural Style,
already mentioned, remained in vogue to the time of Augustus; it then gave
place to the third or Ornate Style, which is characterized by a freer use of
ornament and the introduction of designs and scenes suggestive of an
Egyptian origin. The fourth or Intricate Style came in about the year 50 A.D.,
and represents, with its involved and fantastic designs, the last stage in the
development of Pompeian wall decoration. In the fifth period marble began
to be employed as a building material; the earliest dated example of its use
is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, erected about 3 B.C.
The sixteen years between the earthquake of 63 A.D. and the destruction of
the city form the sixth period in the architectural history of Pompeii. The
buildings belonging to it can be easily recognized, not only from their
similarity in style and ornament, but also from certain external
characteristics, as newness of appearance, unfinished condition, and the

joining of new to broken walls. The only important building wholly new is
the large bathing establishment, the Central Baths, at the corner of Stabian
and Nola streets. For the rest, effort seems to have been directed toward
restoring the ruined buildings as nearly as possible to their original
condition. The wall decoration throughout is of the Intricate Style.
The measurements of buildings in the Roman Period conform to the scale
of the Roman foot, while the dimensions of structures antedating the
Roman colony in most cases reduce to the scale of the Oscan or old Italic
foot. The Roman foot (296 mm.) may be roughly reckoned at 0.97 of the
English foot (304.8 mm.); the Oscan foot (275 mm.) is considerably shorter.
As the Roman standard is of Greek origin, we may perhaps find a structure
conforming to it that was designed by a Greek architect before the Roman
Period.

KEY TO PLAN II

A. The Forum.
1. Pedestal of the statue of Augustus.
2. Pedestal of the statue of Claudius.
3. Pedestal of the statue of Agrippina.
4. Pedestal of the statue of Nero.
5. Pedestal of the statue of Caligula.
6. Pedestals of equestrian statues.
7. Pedestals of standing figures.
8. Pedestal for three equestrian statues.
9. Speaker's platform (p. 48).
10. Table of standard measures (p. 92).
11. Room of the supervisor of measures.
B. The Basilica.

a. Entrance court.
1. Corridor.
2. Main room.
3. Tribunal.
4-4. Rooms at the ends of the tribunal.
C. The Temple of Apollo.
1. Colonnade.
2. Podium.
3. Cella.
4. Altar.
5. Sundial.
6. Sacristan's room.
7-7. Rooms made from earlier colonnade.
D. D'. Market Buildings.
E. Latrina.
F. F. City Treasury.
G. Commemorative Arch.
H. Temple of Jupiter.
I. Arch of Tiberius.
K. The Provision Market—Macellum.
1. Portico.
2. Colonnade.
3-3. Market stalls.
4. Market for meat and fish.
5. Chapel of the imperial family.
6. Banquet room.
7. Round structure with water basin—Tholus.
8. Pen.
L. Sanctuary of the City Lares.
1. Main room, unroofed, with an altar in the centre.

2. Apse, with shrine.
3. Recesses with pedestals.
4. Niche opening on the Forum.
M. Temple of Vespasian.
1. Colonnade.
2. Altar.
3. Cella.
4. Portico.
N. The Building of Eumachia.
See plan on p. 110.
O. The Voting Place—Comitium.
1. Recess opening on the main room.
2. Recess opening on the Forum.
P-R. Municipal Buildings.
P. Office of the duumvirs.
Q. Hall of the city council.
R. Office of the aediles.
S. Fountain.

PLAN II.—THE FORUM
WITH THE ADJOINING
BUILDINGS.
View larger image

PART I
PUBLIC PLACES AND BUILDINGS

CHAPTER VII
THE FORUM

The Forum is usually approached from the west side by the short, steep
street leading from the Porta Marina. Entering, we find ourselves near the
lower end of an oblong open space (Plate I), at the upper end of which,
toward Vesuvius, stands a high platform of masonry with the ruins of a
temple—the temple of Jupiter; the remains of a colonnade are seen on each
of the other three sides. Including the colonnade the Forum measures
approximately 497 feet in length by 156 in breadth; without it the
dimensions are 467 and 126 feet. The north side, at the left of the temple, is
enclosed by a wall in which there are two openings, one at the end of the
colonnade, the other between this and the temple; at the right the wall
bounding the open space has been replaced by a stately commemorative
arch, while the end of the colonnade is closed by a wall with a passageway.
Another arch, of much simpler construction, stands at the left of the temple,
in line with the façade; it cuts off the area between the temple and the
colonnade from the rest of the Forum. A third arch once stood in a
corresponding position at the right.
The colonnade is nowhere intersected by a street passable for vehicles.
Even the entrances on the north side form no exception. At the left you
descend to the area by several steps, at the right by one only; yet here the
exclusion of carts and wagons was made doubly sure by placing three
upright stones in the passageway. Only pedestrians could enter the Forum,

and they, too, could easily be shut out by means of gates in the entrances;
the places where the gates swung can still be seen in the pavement, and one
of them is shown in a painting (Fig. 16). No private houses opened on this
area; it was wholly given up to the public life of the city and was
surrounded by temples, markets, and buildings devoted to the civic
administration.
The colonnade was not uniform in character upon all the three sides. As will
be seen from our plan (Plan II), on the south side, and on the adjoining
portion of the east side as far as Abbondanza Street, it was constructed with
two rows of columns and had a double depth. On the east side, north of this
street, the porticos in front of four successive buildings (K, L, M, N) took
its place. For the greater part of its extent the colonnade was built in two
stories, the lower of the Doric, the upper of the Ionic order. The upper
gallery was made accessible by three stairways, at the southeast and
southwest corners of the Forum and at the middle of the west side; on the
east side it did not extend beyond Abbondanza Street.
The portico in front of the first of the four buildings referred to, that of
Eumachia, contained a double series of columns, one above the other,
corresponding in style and dimensions with those of the colonnade; but
there was no upper floor running back from the intervening entablature. The
arrangement in front of the fourth building, the Macellum, was similar; as
the remains of the porticos in front of the two intervening buildings have
wholly disappeared, it is impossible to determine their character.
The area of the Forum was paved with rectangular flags of whitish
limestone. In front of the colonnade, the pavement of which was about
twenty inches above that of the open space, a broad step or ledge projected,
covering a gutter for rain water; the water found its way into the gutter
through semicircular openings in the outer edge of the step.
Of the many statues that once adorned the Forum not one has been found.
As may be seen from the pedestals still in place, they were of three kinds,
and varied greatly in size.
First, statues of citizens who had rendered distinguished services were
placed in front of the colonnade on the ledge over the gutter. Four pedestals
that once supported statues of this sort may be seen on the west side.

Then equestrian statues of life size were set up in front of the ledge, these
also in honor of dignitaries of the city (Fig. 17). On one of the pedestals the
veneering of colored marble is still preserved, with an inscription showing
that the person represented was Quintus Sallustius, "Duumvir, Quinquennial
Duumvir, Patron of the Colony."
Finally, on the south side, the life size equestrian statues, which seem at the
outset to have been arranged symmetrically, were almost all removed in
order to make room for four much larger statues, the pedestals of which still
remain (Fig. 53, p. 122). These must have represented emperors, or
members of the imperial families. The pedestal in the middle, which is in
the form of an arch almost square at the base, is much the oldest. Upon it
was probably placed a colossal statue of Augustus. It is incredible that
during the long and successful reign of the first emperor no statue in his
honor should have been erected in Pompeii; and this is the most suitable
place. The other three pedestals are similar in construction, and clearly
belong together. The one at the right (2 on the plan) supported a colossal
equestrian statue; that at the left (3) a colossal standing figure; on the third,
further forward (4), was a smaller equestrian statue. Here stood, then,
emperor, empress, and crown prince—Claudius, Agrippina, Nero.
A fifth pedestal, for an equestrian statue of the same size as that of Nero, is
seen further to the north, in front of the temple of Jupiter (5). While
unquestionably later than the time of Augustus, it must on the other hand be
older than the pedestals of members of the Claudian family; for aside from
himself, no one belonging to Nero's time can be taken into consideration,
and after his death the Forum lay in ruins in consequence of the earthquake
of the year 63. Who stood here, however, can scarcely be even conjectured.
Not necessarily an emperor; the younger Drusus, for instance, Tiberius's
son, or Germanicus might have been thus honored if they had in any way
come into relation with the Pompeians. But if an emperor, it must have been
Caligula; another place was provided for the statue of Tiberius.
In the south side of the arch at the northeast corner of the Forum are two
niches. It is highly probable that statues of the two oldest sons of
Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, were placed in them; a fragment of an
inscription referring to the former was found near by. These became
presumptive heirs to the throne after the death of Tiberius's son Drusus, in

23 A.D.; but both afterwards fell victims to the morbid suspicions of the
emperor and the plots of Sejanus, Nero in 29 A.D., Drusus four years later.
On the top of the arch an equestrian statue of Tiberius probably stood. That
such a statue was placed here seems clear from analogy. North of this arch
was another, almost in line with it, at the end of Mercury Street where it
opens into Nola Street; and here the excavators found fragments of a bronze
equestrian statue which were put together and set up in the Naples Museum.
Whether this statue represented Caligula or Nero has been a matter of
dispute, but the former is really excluded from consideration by the short,
heavy figure, which is better suited to Nero. There is no decided
resemblance to Nero either; but it is quite possible that, although as crown
prince he had been honored with a statue in the Forum, the Pompeians
thought it best to erect for him as emperor a more imposing monument.
Before leaving the area we may raise the question whether it contained a
speakers' platform, like the Rostra in the Roman Forum. If we have
reference to a special structure, probably not; no trace of a separate tribunal
has been discovered. The orator who wished to address the people,
however, could mount the broad platform in front of the temple of Jupiter,
on which once an altar stood; before him the audience could gather in the
open, on the only side of the Forum free from the colonnade. This place
well suited the convenience of both speaker and hearers. It is possible that
we should also identify as a tribune the platform in a recess at the southeast
corner (p. 120).
On even a cursory inspection the Forum is seen to lack unity in the details
of its plan and in its architecture; the fact soon becomes apparent that it
reached its final form only as the result of a long period of development. It
will be worth while briefly to trace this development, and to note at least the
more important changes which followed one another in the course of the
centuries.
In the earliest times the Forum was merely an open square bounded by four
streets.

Fig. 13.—North end of the Forum, with the
Temple of Jupiter, restored.

The proof that this was the original form is in part based upon the
orientation of the temple of Apollo. The sides of this temple have the same
direction as the north and south streets in the northern part of the city, and
must have been laid out parallel with a street that once ran between it and
the Forum. The temple is, therefore, older than the colonnade of the Forum,
which shows a marked deviation from the line of its axis; the divergence, as
may be seen on our plan, was in part concealed by making a difference in
the thickness of the pillars between the court of the temple and the Forum.
It is obvious that the colonnade on the west side takes the place of an older
street; the south side was probably defined by the prolongation of
Abbondanza Street toward the southwest.
Near the southeast corner an inscription was found: V[ibius] Popidius
Ep[idii] f[ilius] q[uaestor] porticus faciendas coeravit, 'Vibius Popidius,
the son of Epidius, when quaestor caused this colonnade to be erected.' No
clew to the date is given, but it must have been before the coming of the
Roman colony, for after that time there was no office of quaestor in
Pompeii. It must also have been before the Social War; in those years of
tumult an extensive colonnade would not have been built, and when the
national spirit was so vehemently asserting itself, we should expect to find

inscriptions upon public works in the Oscan language, certainly not in
Latin. But the use of Latin may very well date from the latter part of the
period of alliance with Rome; we may then with much probability assign
the inscription to the second half of the second century B.C.
Remains of the colonnade of Popidius are still to be seen on the south side,
and on the adjoining part of the east side, extending just across Abbondanza
Street; traces of it are found also on the west side, where it was afterward
replaced by a new structure. On the east side north of Abbondanza Street no
traces remain; the appearance of this part of the Forum was entirely
changed when the four buildings (K, L, M, N) with their porticos were
erected, but we can hardly doubt that the original colonnade extended here
also. Our illustration (Fig. 14) shows the arrangement of the Doric columns
in the lower story; of the Ionic columns above only scanty fragments have
been recovered. The appearance of the whole may be suggested by our
restoration (Fig. 13).
In style and construction this colonnade belongs to the Tufa Period (p. 40).
While the forms are not those of the classical period, they nevertheless
manifest Greek feeling. The low ratio in the proportions of the Doric
columns, of which the height is equal to five diameters, well accords with
their use as a support for an upper gallery; elsewhere in pre-Roman Pompeii
more slender proportions are preferred, even for the Doric style. The shaft is
well shaped, with a moderate swelling (entasis). Only the upper part is
fluted; as the sharp edges of the flutings near the bottom might easily be
marred, the divisions of the surface on the lower third of the shaft were left
flat.
The architrave is relatively low, the result of an interesting peculiarity in the
method of construction. Blocks of tufa long enough to span the
intercolumniations were too weak to sustain the weight of the rest of the
entablature. To meet this difficulty a line of thick planks was placed in old
Italic fashion above the capitals of the columns, and on these were laid
short tufa blocks. Thus in our illustration (Fig. 14), while the upper of the
two bands of the architrave is seen to be of stone, the lower shows the
modern timber supplied in the place of the ancient. That the planks were in
reality no thicker than has been assumed in the reconstruction is proved
beyond question by the later colonnade on the west side, which, although

entirely of stone, corresponds throughout in its proportions with the older
one; the architrave is equally narrow, and is likewise divided into two parts.

Fig. 14.—Remnant of the colonnade of Popidius,
at the south end of the Forum.

This explanation is curiously confirmed by an architectural painting on the
garden wall of one of the finest houses of the Tufa Period, the house of the
Faun. Here we find pilasters and entablature, except the architrave, painted
white; but the architrave is painted in two bands, of which the lower is
yellow, as if to represent wood. Nothing would have been easier than to
leave the architrave, moulded in stucco, of one color as if it were all of one
material; but special effort was made apparently to indicate the appearance
of a lower division of timber. From this we may infer that in actual
construction no pains was taken to conceal the lack of uniformity in
structural materials by laying a coat of white or colored stucco over wood
and stone alike; on the contrary, the difference was not only recognized in
the decoration, but even accentuated, as the timber, whether retaining its
original color or painted with a suitable tint, presented a marked contrast
with the stone the surface of which was covered with white stucco. If the
strip of timber in the architrave had been perceptibly thicker than that of

stone above it, the effect would not have been good; as the earlier Greek
polychrome decoration was now no longer in vogue, the stripe of color
above the capitals made a pleasing variation from the prevailing whiteness
of the structure.
The Basilica at the southwest corner and the temple of Jupiter both conform
to the same variation from the direction of the early north and south street
that we have noticed in the case of the colonnade of Popidius; they belong,
therefore, to the same remodelling of the Forum. It is quite possible that the
erection of the temple, by limiting the area of the Forum on the north side,
caused its extension toward the south beyond the earlier boundary.
Originally the temple was isolated, the north end of the Forum on either
side being left open; later, but still in the time of the Republic, a high
boundary wall with passageways was built on both sides of it. Later still the
two arches were erected in a line with its façade; afterwards, in the time of
Tiberius, the wall at the right of the temple was replaced by the
commemorative arch (I), and the smaller arch near the façade at the right
was removed in order that there might be an unimpeded view of the great
arch from the area.
The colonnade of Popidius may have stood for more than a century; the
necessity of making thoroughgoing repairs no doubt became urgent. In the
meantime, however, the taste of the Pompeians had undergone a change,
and instead of repairing the old colonnade they began to replace it by a new
one, a part of which is shown in Fig. 15. Better material, the whitish
limestone, was used, and the construction was more substantial; the blocks
of the entablature were fitted together so as to form a flat arch. Though the
new colonnade followed closely the proportions of the old, effective details,
such as the fluting of the columns, and the triglyphs with the guttae
underneath, were omitted. The refined sense of form characteristic of the
earlier time was no longer manifest; all is coarse and inartistic, the swelling
on the shafts of the columns, for example, being carried too high.

Fig. 15.—Part of the new colonnade, near the
southwest corner of the Forum.

The new colonnade had a second story of the Ionic order, of the columns of
which (though not of the entablature) considerable fragments have been
found. The stylobate on which the columns rested was renewed in
limestone, and about the same time the Forum was paved and the ledge
over the gutter was laid with flags of the same material.
This second remodelling of the Forum commenced in the early years of the
Empire, the pavement having been laid before the pedestal of the
monument to Augustus was built. It was never carried to completion. On
the west side the new colonnade was almost finished when the earthquake
of the year 63 threw it nearly all down. At the time of the eruption only the
columns at the south end of this side, which had safely passed through the
earthquake, were still standing with their entablature; they are shown in Fig.
15. The area was then strewn with blocks, which the stonecutters were
engaged in making ready for the rebuilding.
The Forum of Pompeii, as of other ancient cities, was first of all a market
place. Early in the morning the country folk gathered here with the products

of the farm; here all day long tradespeople of every sort exhibited their
wares. In later times the pressure of business led to the erection of separate
buildings around the Forum to relieve the congestion; such were the
Macellum, used as a provision market; the Eumachia building, erected to
accommodate the clothing trade; the Basilica and the market house west of
the temple of Jupiter, devoted to other branches of trade. Yet in a literal
sense the Forum always remained the business centre of the city.
It served, too, as the favorite promenade and lounging place, where men
met to discuss matters of mutual interest, or to indulge in gossip. Here idlers
loitered and plied busier men with questions regarding public affairs,
makers and dealers came together to talk over and settle points of
difference, and young people pursued their romantic adventures. He can
best form an idea of this bustling, ceaseless, varied activity who knows
what the piazza means in the life of a modern Italian city, and stops to
consider how much has been taken from the life of the piazza by the cafés
and similar places of resort; modern squares, moreover, are usually not
provided, as were the ancient, with inviting colonnades, affording
protection against both sun and rain.
The life of the Forum seemed so interesting to one of the citizens of
Pompeii that he devoted to the portrayal of it a series of paintings on the
walls of a room. The pictures are light and sketchy, but they give a vivid
representation of ancient life in a small city. First, in front of the equestrian
statues near the colonnade we see dealers of every kind and description.
There sits a seller of copper vessels and iron utensils (Fig. 16), so lost in
thought that a friend is calling his attention to a possible purchaser who is
just coming up. Next come two shoemakers, one waiting on women,
another on men; then two cloth dealers. Further on a man is selling portions
of warm food from a kettle; then we see a woman with fruit and vegetables,
and a man selling bread. Another dealer in utensils is engaged in eager
bargaining, while his son, squatting on the ground, mends a pot.

Fig. 16.—Scene in the Forum.
In the foreground, at the left, dealer in utensils; at
the right, shoemaker waiting on four ladies. Wall
painting.

The scenes now change. A man sitting with a writing tablet and stylus
listens closely to the words of another who stands near by; he reminds us of
the scribes who, under the portico of the theatre of San Carlo, at Naples,
write letters for those that have been denied the privilege of an education.
Then come men wearing tunics, engaged in some transaction, in the course
of which they seem to pass judgment on the contents of bottles which they
hold in their hands; their business perhaps involves the testing of wine.
Beyond these, some men are taking a walk; a woman is giving alms to a
beggar; and two children play hide and seek around a column. The
following scene is not easy to understand, but apparently has reference to
some legal process; a woman leads a little girl with a small tablet before her
breast into the presence of two seated men who wear the toga.
In the next scene (Fig. 17) four men are reading a notice posted on a long
board, which is fastened to the pedestals of three equestrian statues. The
sketchy character of the painting is especially obvious in the representations
of the horses, which are nevertheless lifelike. It is also interesting to note
that the heads of the men in these scenes are uncovered; in stormy weather

pointed hoods (shown in a
tavern scene, Fig. 234) were
sometimes worn. The festoons
suggest a trimming of the
colonnade for some festal
occasion.
The last scene is from school
life. A pupil is to receive a
flogging. He is mounted on
the back of one of his
schoolmates, while another
holds him by the legs; a slave
is about to lay on the lash, and
the teacher stands near by
with an air of composure. It
would not be safe to infer
from this, however, that there
was a school in the Forum;
the columns in this scene are
different from those in the
Fig. 17.—Scene in the others and are further apart.
Forum. Possibly a part of the small
Citizens reading a public portico north of the court of
notice. Wall painting. the temple of Apollo was at
one time let to a schoolmaster.
The most important religious
festivals were celebrated in
the Forum. Here naturally festal honors were paid to the highest of the gods
—the whole area enclosed by the colonnade was the court of his temple; but
we learn from an inscription, mentioned below, that celebrations were held
here in honor of Apollo also, whose temple adjoined the Forum, and was at
first even more closely connected with it than in later times.
Vitruvius informs us that in Greek towns the market place, agora, was laid
out in the form of a square (a statement which is not confirmed by modern
excavations), but that in the cities of Italy, on account of the gladiatorial

combats, the Forum should have an oblong shape, the breadth being two
thirds of the length. The purpose in giving a lengthened form to the Forum,
as also to the Amphitheatre, was no doubt to secure, at the middle of the
sides, a greater number of good seats, from which a spectacle could be
witnessed. In the Pompeian Forum, as may be seen from the dimensions
given at the beginning of this chapter, the breadth is less than one third of
the length. However, there can be little doubt that gladiatorial exhibitions
were frequently held there before the building of the Amphitheatre, which
dates from the earlier years of the Roman colony. After this time the Forum
was still used for games and contests of a less dangerous character. The
epitaph of a certain A. Clodius Flaccus, which is now lost, but was copied
by a scholar in the seventeenth century, tells us at length how in his first,
and again in his second, duumvirate (he was duumvir for the third time in 3
B.C.), in connection with the festival of Apollo, he not only gave gladiatorial
exhibitions in the Amphitheatre, but also provided bullfights and other
spectacles, as well as musical entertainments and pantomimes, in the
Forum.
Speaking of the Forum as a place for gladiatorial combats, Vitruvius adds
that the spaces between the columns should be wide,—that the view of
spectators might be as little as possible impeded,—and that the upper story
of the colonnade should be arranged with reference to the collection of an
admission fee. The latter suggestion is of special interest. As we know from
other sources, at public games certain places were reserved for the officials
and for the friends of him who gave the spectacle; others were free to the
public, while for still others an admission fee was charged. If the exhibition
was held in a market place, with lower and upper colonnades, the former
would be open to the people; the latter in part reserved, in part accessible on
payment of the price of admission.
It would be interesting to know whether on such occasions at Pompeii the
gates of the Forum itself were shut, so that admission even to the free space
could be regulated; perhaps they were in earlier times when, as at Rome,
slaves were forbidden to witness the games. However, Cicero speaks of this
time-honored regulation as in his day already a thing of the past; and so in
Roman Pompeii the gates of the Forum may have remained open even on
the days of the games. Their most important use was probably in connection
with the voting.

The Forum had a part also in spectacles which were not presented there. We
are safe in assuming that, at least in the earlier times, whenever a
gladiatorial combat was given in the Amphitheatre, or a play in the Theatre,
the city officials, including especially the official providing the
entertainment, formed in procession with their retinue and proceeded in
festal attire to the place of amusement. These processions could scarcely
have formed anywhere else than in the Forum, and thence they must have
started out.
The fact that the Forum was not accessible for vehicles suggests a
significant point of difference between the festal processions of the colony
and those of the capital. In the latter, vehicles had a prominent place. Thus
at Rome the official who gave the games in the Circus entered the edifice
with his retinue in chariots in the imposing circus parade, pompa circensis,
and a similar usage prevailed in the case of other processions; priests, too,
and priestesses were on many occasions allowed to ride. But even in Rome
carriages were always considered a matter of luxury; and the municipal
regulations promulgated by Caesar prohibited the use of vehicles, except
those required for religious and civic processions, on the streets of the city
from sunrise till the tenth hour, that is, till four o'clock in the afternoon.
In Pompeii, and without doubt also in other cities of Italy and the provinces,
the closing of the Forum to vehicles made it necessary that religious and
other processions should proceed on foot. We have no evidence of any
exception to this rule. We ought perhaps to recognize in it one of those
devices by means of which Rome maintained a position of dignified
superiority over the provincial towns; to her processions was allowed an
element of display which to theirs was denied. It was not permitted to name
the two chief executive officers of a municipality consuls, though their
functions, within limits, corresponded with those of the consuls at Rome;
nor could the city council be called a senate, though the Roman writers did
not hesitate to apply this term to corresponding bodies in states and cities
outside of Rome's jurisdiction. For like reasons, it would seem that on
public occasions officials and priests of a provincial town were not
permitted, as were those in Rome, to ride. Was this humiliating restriction
laid upon the Pompeians when the Roman colony came, or previously when
the city was in name the ally of Rome, but in reality already subject? The
evidence is almost conclusive for the latter alternative; for the colonnade of

Popidius, which as we have seen was erected in the period of autonomy, left
no entrance for vehicles, though in other ways it added greatly to the
attractiveness and convenience of the Forum as a place for civic and
religious celebrations.
No record of events has survived to help us form a picture of the Forum as
the seat of deliberative and judicial functions, the centre of the city's
political life; yet stirring scenes present themselves to the imagination as we
recall the critical periods in the history of the city.
In the Forum, about 400 B.C., the valiant Samnite mountaineers, having
taken the city by storm, assembled and established their civic organization;
here, in later times, without doubt amid conflicts similar to those at Rome,
the polity was put to the test and underwent transformation. Fierce enough
the strifes may have been during the Samnite wars, and again in the time of
Hannibal,—after the battle of Cannae,—when the aristocrats who favored
Rome contended with the national party for the mastery. Here, on the
platform in front of the temple of Jupiter, the leaders of the national party
stood in 90 B.C., and with flaming words roused the people to revolt, to join
the movement which, starting in Asculum, had spread like wildfire over
Southern Italy.
Then ten years of bloody war,—siege, campaigns, surrender,—and again
the scene changes. Roman soldiers stand thick in serried ranks upon the
area. They are the veterans of Sulla. An officer bearing a civil commission,
the nephew of the Dictator, appears before them. Standing in front of the
temple of Jupiter, he makes a proclamation regarding the founding and
administration of the colony. The citizens crowd back timidly into the
colonnade. Many of the best of the Pompeians have fallen in battle; of the
rest, a part at least will be dispossessed of house and home to make room
for the intruders, whose arrogance they will be compelled submissively to
endure.
This is the last tragic act in the Pompeian Forum. After this time, there will
be disputes regarding the rights of the old residents and the colonists, public
questions of many kinds will call for settlement; the elections will come
each year, and the ardent southern temperament may assert itself in violent
scenes. Yet all these disturbances will be only as the ripples on the surface;

the depths will remain undisturbed. The life of Pompeii has become an
integral part of the life of the Roman world.

CHAPTER VIII
GENERAL VIEW OF THE BUILDINGS ABOUT THE FORUM—THE
TEMPLE OF JUPITER

The Forum was to the ancient city what the atrium was to the early Italic
house; it was used for every purpose for which a special place was not
provided elsewhere. And as sleeping rooms, dining rooms, and storerooms
were grouped about the atrium and opened into it, so around the Forum lay
the edifices which served the requirements of the public life,—the most
important temples, the municipal buildings, and market houses or
exchanges for different branches of business.
Three temples adjoined the Forum at Pompeii. In addition, there was a
sanctuary of the City Lares; and the temples of Venus Pompeiana and
Fortuna Augusta were but a short distance away. These religious edifices
are representative of the different periods in the history of the city.
In very early times the Oscans of Pompeii received from the Greeks who
had settled on the coast the cult of Apollo, and built for the Hellenic god a
large, fine temple (C, in Plan II) adjoining the Forum on the west side.
Several centuries later, the divinities of the Capitol—Jupiter, Juno, and
Minerva—were enthroned in the temple that on the north side towered
above the area (H).
On the east or right side followed, in Roman times, the edifices erected for
the worship of the emperors. The oldest is the unroofed building, with a
broad, open front, dedicated to the Lares of the City and to the Genius of
Augustus (L). Further north, in the first block at the right beyond the

Forum, is the temple of Fortuna Augusta, the goddess who guarded the
fortunes of Augustus, erected in 3 B.C. A chapel for the worship of Claudius
and his family was placed in the Macellum (K, 5); this seems to have
sufficed also for the worship of Nero. After Nero's death and after the brief
Civil War, a temple (M) was built close to the shrine of the Lares in honor
of Vespasian, the restorer of peace, the new Augustus. This was the last
temple erected in Pompeii; it was not entirely finished at the time of the
eruption.
Three buildings at the south end of the Forum were used for city offices (P-
R). They were much alike, each containing a single large hall. They were
seemingly built in the early years of the Empire, and repaired after the
earthquake of the year 63. There is also a structure at the southeast corner,
south of Abbondanza Street, which we may identify as the voting place, the
Comitium (O). At the northwest corner was apparently the city treasury,
built in the latest years of Pompeii, perhaps on the site of an earlier structure
of the same kind (F).
At a comparatively early period the area was found to be too small for the
increasing volume of business; and the demand for roofed space made itself
felt. In the second century B.C. the large and splendid Basilica (B), serving
the double purpose of a court and an exchange, was built at the southwest
corner.
Diagonally opposite, near the temple of Jupiter, a provision market, the
Macellum (K), was constructed; this also at an early date. It was entirely
rebuilt in the time of the Empire, perhaps in the reign of Claudius. Previous
to this rebuilding, the priestess Eumachia had erected an exchange for the
fullers on the same side of the Forum, further south (N).
On the west side, from pre-Roman times, stood a small colonnade in two
stories, with its rear against the rear of the colonnade on the north side of
the court of the temple of Apollo; only the first story, of the Doric order, has
been preserved. Probably this structure and the small open space in front
were at first used as a market; later, in the imperial period, shops (D') were
built upon the open space, and the colonnade was made over into closed
rooms, the purpose of which, except in the case of one, is unknown (6, 7,
7). In the last years of the city, a large market building (D) was erected

between this small place and the Forum. It was connected both with the city
treasury and with a latrina.

The temple of Jupiter dominates the Forum, and more
than any other structure gives it character. As we have
seen, its orientation accords with that of the colonnade
of Popidius. It probably dates from the pre-Roman
period, the columns being of tufa covered with white
stucco. The earthquake of the year 63 left the temple
in ruins, and at the time of the eruption the work of
rebuilding had not yet commenced. In the meantime, it Fig. 18.—
was used as a workshop for stonecutters. The journal
Plan of the
of the excavations reports the finding here of the torso temple of
of a colossal statue out of which a smaller statue was
Jupiter.
being carved. A place for the worship of the divinities View larger
of the temple must temporarily have been provided
image
elsewhere.
The temple stands on a podium 10 Roman feet high,
1. Speaker's
and including the steps, 125 Roman feet long (Fig.
platform.
18). Very nearly a half of the whole length is given to
2. Portico.
the cella; of the other half, a little more than two thirds
3. Cella.
is occupied by the portico, leaving about a third (20
Roman feet) for the steps. The pediment was sustained
by six Corinthian columns about 28 feet high. This
arrangement—a deep portico in front of the cella—is Etruscan, though the
canon of Vitruvius, that in Etruscan temples the depth of the portico should
equal that of the cella, is violated. The high podium also, with steps in front,
is characteristic of Etruscan, or at least of early Italic religious architecture.
On the other hand, the architectural forms of the superstructure are Greek,
and these in turn have had their influence upon the plan; the
intercolumniations are not wide, as in the Tuscan style with its wooden
architrave, but narrower, as in the Greek orders. Vitruvius speaks of temples
such as this, in which Greek and Etruscan elements are united, at the end of
his directions for the building of temples; they are a development of Roman
architecture.

The arrangement of the steps is peculiar. Above is a series of long steps
reaching nearly across the front (Fig. 19); below are two narrow flights near
the sides, and between them is the projecting front of the podium, used as a
tribune, which has already been mentioned (p. 48).

Fig. 19.—Ruins of the temple of Jupiter.

That an altar stood at the middle of this platform is proved by a relief with a
representation of the north side of the Forum, found on the base of a chapel
of the Lares in the house of the wealthy Pompeian, L. Caecilius Jucundus.
At the left we see the arch near the façade and a strip of wall connecting it
with the temple; next a corner of the platform with an equestrian statue;
then a flight of steps, and the front of the platform with an altar at the
middle; finally the other flight of steps and another equestrian statue in a
position corresponding with that of the first. The columns shown in the
relief do not agree in number or style with those of the façade of the temple,
but such inaccuracies are common in ancient representations of buildings,
and there can be no doubt that the temple of Jupiter is represented; the relief
has, in fact, been used in making our restoration of the arch at the left (Fig.
13).
Both the portico and the cella no doubt had a coffered ceiling. Just in front
of the doorway, which was fifteen Roman feet wide, are the large stones
with holes for the pivots on which the massive double doors swung
(indicated in Fig. 18); the doors here were not placed in the doorway, but in

front of it, and were besides somewhat larger, so that the effect was
rendered more imposing when they were shut.
The ornamentation of the cella was especially rich. A row of Ionic columns,
about fifteen feet high, stood in front of each of the longer sides; the
entablature above them probably served as a base for a similar row of
Corinthian columns, the entablature of which in turn supported the ceiling.
On the intermediate entablature, between the columns of the upper series,
statues and votive offerings were doubtless placed. The floor about the sides
was covered with white mosaic, of which scanty remains have been found;
the marble pavement of the centre (inside of the dotted line, Fig. 18) has
wholly disappeared.
A section of the wall decoration, in the second
Pompeian style, is shown in Fig. 20. We notice
here the characteristic elements—imitation of
marble veneering, with large red central panels
and a cornice above. The base with its simple
dividing lines upon a black ground was painted
over in the third style; originally it must have
been more suggestive of real construction, with
a narrow painted border along the upper edge.
Against the rear wall of the cella stands a large
pedestal, three times as long as it is broad. It was
originally divided by four pilasters—two at the
corners and two on the front between them—
into three parts. Later the pilasters and the
entablature over them were removed, and the
whole was covered with marble veneering.
Inside were three small rooms, entered by
separate doors from the cella. The pedestal was
thus built for three images; three divinities were
worshipped here, and in the little chambers Fig. 20.—
underneath were perhaps kept the trappings with Section of the
which on festal occasions the images were wall decoration
decked. in the cella of

A head of Jupiter, of which we shall speak later, the temple of
was found in the cella, as was also an inscription Jupiter.
of the year 37 A.D., containing a dedication to
Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the ruling deity of the
Capitol at Rome. It is thus proved beyond
question that the Capitoline Jupiter was worshipped here; and it will not be
difficult to ascertain what other divinities shared with him the honors of the
temple.
As the Roman colonies strove in all things to be Rome in miniature, each
thought it necessary to have a Capitolium—a temple for the worship of the
gods of the Roman Capitol, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; and this naturally
became the most important temple in the city. That the worship of the three
divinities was established at Pompeii is evident from the discovery of three
images representing them, in the little temple conjecturally assigned to Zeus
Milichius. These are poor images of terra cotta, and the temple itself was
altogether unworthy to be a place of worship for the great gods that shaped
the destinies of Rome. We are warranted in the conclusion that the temple
of Zeus Milichius was used temporarily for the worship of the three
divinities of the large temple till the latter could be rebuilt; and that Juno
and Minerva stood on the great pedestal beside the king of the gods.
It seems strange that the Pompeians should have erected a temple to the
gods of the Capitol in the pre-Roman period. It must be remembered,
however, that the worship of the three divinities was by no means limited to
Rome and her colonies. The Etruscans, as Servius informs us in his
commentary on Virgil, thought that a city was not properly founded unless
it contained sanctuaries of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. Vitruvius, also, in his
directions for laying out a city, makes the general statement that the most
prominent site should be set aside for the temples of the same divinities. If
we consider further that the opposition of the Italians to Rome found
expression only in the Social War, and that previously they had looked upon
the attainment of Roman citizenship as the highest object of ambition, the
gradual adoption of Roman customs at Pompeii and the erection of a temple
to the Capitoline divinities are seen to be less remarkable. The building of
such a temple was a natural expression of political aspirations; it was in
complete harmony with the use of Latin in the inscription of Popidius (p.
50).

There is, however, another possibility that may be stated. The remodelling
of the Forum was certainly commenced in the pre-Roman period; but it is
not impossible that the work was interrupted by the breaking out of the
Social War and that the colonists completed it, dedicating the temple to the
gods of the Capitol. The use of several brick-shaped blocks of stone,—such
blocks are not found in other buildings of the pre-Roman time,—the lack of
any trace of the wall decoration of the first style, the form of the egg-and-
dart moulding on the capitals of the Ionic columns in the cella, and the
correspondence of certain dimensions with the Roman scale of
measurements may be alleged in favor of this hypothesis. The evidence at
present does not warrant a positive decision against it.
The fact that we have here a Capitolium may explain the special
prominence of the altar in front, which might just as well have been placed
in the area of the Forum at the foot of the steps. In Rome the Capitol lay
upon a summit of a hill; perhaps the aim in this case was to place not only
the temple but also the altar upon an elevation so that here, as there, the
priest should go up to offer sacrifice.
The podium of the temple contains vaulted rooms which can be entered
from the Forum through a narrow door on the east side. Their use is
unknown. We are reminded of the temple of Saturn in the Forum at Rome,
the podium of which served as a treasury, aerarium. The vaults, favissae,
may have been used as a place of safe keeping for treasure, or for furniture
of the temple, or for discarded votive offerings.
The beautiful head of Jupiter found in the cella deserves more than a
passing mention. In order to appreciate its character we may view it in
contrast with the Otricoli Zeus, with which it is closely related. In both
heads we feel the lack of that majestic simplicity, that ineffable and godlike
calm, which rested on the features of the Zeus of Phidias. Here man has
much more obviously made God in his own image; the face shows less of
the ideal, with more of human energy and passion.
It is not for us to decide whether the Otricoli mask is from the school of
Praxiteles, or shows more of the influence of Lysippus; it is sufficient here
to notice that the type was developed in the second half of the fourth
century B.C., the century after Phidias. The similarity between these two

examples of the type is apparent
at first glance. The shape of the
two heads is, in general, the
same, and there is the same
profusion of hair and beard,
symbolic of power; but the
differences in detail are striking.
In the Otricoli Zeus the peculiar
shape of the forehead—
prominent in the middle up to
the roots of the hair and
retreating at the sides—seems to
suggest, not so much the power
of a world-encompassing and
lofty intellect, as absorption in
great, unfathomable thoughts. In
the lines of the massive face
irresistible force of will is
revealed, and the capability of
fierce passion lurks beneath the
projecting lower part of the
Fig. 21.—Bust of Zeus forehead and uneven eyebrows,
from Otricoli, now in the threatening like a thundercloud.
Vatican Museum. After But for the moment all is deep
Tafel 130 of the Brunn- repose, and the lids seem partly
Bruckmann Denkmaeler. closed over eyes that look
downwards, as if not concerned
with seeing. The sculptor has
conceived of Zeus as the occult
power of nature, alike the origin and law of all things, or as the
personification of the heavens veiled by impenetrable mists.
Great force of will is seen also in the face of the Pompeian god; but it is will
dominated by alert and all-embracing mind. The forehead expands in a
broad arch; the eyes, wide open, look out with full vision under sharply cut
brows. Here we have no secret brooding; a powerful yet clearly defined and
comprehensible personality is stamped upon features carved in bold, free

lines. And this personality is not
lost in mystical self-
contemplation; the god is
following with closest attention
the course of events in some far
distant place, affairs that in the
next moment may require his
intervention; excitement and
expectancy are seen in the raised
upper lip. The ideal of this artist
was the wise and powerful king,
whose watchful and all-
protecting eye sees to the
furthest limits of his kingdom.
Surely this variation of the
Otricoli type must have been
conceived in a monarchical
period, the period when the
Greek world was ruled by the
successors of Alexander.
The Pompeian god is more a Fig. 22.—Bust of Jupiter
sovereign; the Zeus of Otricoli is found at Pompeii.
more poetic, more divine. Naples Museum.

CHAPTER IX
THE BASILICA

The Basilica, at the southwest corner of the Forum, was the most
magnificent and architecturally the most interesting building at Pompeii. Its
construction and decoration point to the pre-Roman time; and there is also
an inscription scratched on the stucco of the wall, dating from almost the

beginning of the Roman colony: C. Pumidius Dipilus heic fuit a. d. v. nonas
Octobreis M. Lepid. Q. Catul. cos.,—'C. Pumidius Dipilus was here on the
fifth day before the nones of October in the consulship of Marcus Lepidus
and Quintus Catulus,' that is October 3, 78 B.C.
The purpose of the building is clearly indicated not only by its plan and the
details of its arrangement but also by the word Bassilica scratched a number
of times by idlers on the stucco of the outer wall at the right of the south
entrance. This sure identification lends to the edifice a special significance;
it is without doubt the oldest example that we have of an important
architectural type whose origin is lost in obscurity, but of which the
derivative forms may still be recognized in the architecture of to-day. What
the temple developed by the Greeks was to pagan antiquity, that the basilica
became to the Christian Church—a type dominating a system of religious
architecture. Pagan worship was individual,—a narrow chamber sufficed
for the image of the god and the requirements of religious service; but
Christian worship was social, and its functions demanded a larger room, in
which a congregation could be assembled. The religious architecture of the
Church therefore broke with the religious architecture of pagan antiquity,
and turned for its model to the basilica.
Our knowledge of the history of the basilica begins with the erection of the
Basilica Porcia in Rome by Cato the Elder, in 184 B.C.; other basilicas
followed, and in Caesar's day a number stood about the Forum. Regarding
its development prior to the time of Cato only conjectures can be offered.
The name basilica (basilike stoa, 'the royal hall') points to a Greek origin;
we should naturally look for the prototype of the Roman as well as the
Pompeian structure in the capitals of the Alexandrian period and in the
Greek colonies of Italy. But no ruin, no reference in literature comes to our
aid. The supposition that the King's Hall (basileios stoa) in Athens, the
official residence of the King Archon, was the prototype of all basilicas, has
little to support it; our information in regard to the form of this building is
quite inadequate, and the name alone warrants no positive conclusion. It is
more probable that both the name and the architectural type came from the
'royal hall' of one of the successors of Alexander.
A basilica was a spacious hall which served as an extension of a market
place, and was itself in a certain sense a covered market. It was not limited

to a specific purpose; in general, whatever took place on the market square
might take place in the basilica, the roof of which afforded protection
against the weather. It was chiefly devoted, however, to business
transactions and to the administration of justice. The form is known partly
from the remains of the basilicas in Rome—Basilica Julia, Basilica Ulpia,
the Basilica of Constantine—and in Africa, but more fully from the treatise
of Vitruvius and the description of a basilica which he himself erected at
Fano.
According to these sources the plan of a
typical basilica is essentially that of the
building before us (Fig. 23). An oblong
space is divided by columns into a broad
central hall and a corridor which runs
around the four sides. The height of the
columns, in the typical basilica, is equal to
Fig. 23.—Plan of the
the width of the corridor, which is covered
Basilica.
by a flat roof; the inner edge of this roof is
View larger image
carried by the entablature above the
columns. The main room is higher than
the corridor. Above the entablature is a a. Entrance court.
low wall on which there is a second row 1. Corridor.
of columns; these carry the main roof and 2. Main room.
form a clerestory, the light being admitted 3. Tribunal.
through the intercolumniations. 4. Rooms at the ends of
The main hall and the corridor were the tribunal.
devoted to trade; the dealers perhaps
occupied the former, while in the latter the
throng of purchasers and idlers moved freely about. The place set aside for
the administration of justice, the tribunal, was ordinarily an apse projecting
from the rear end. In our Basilica, however,—and in some others as well,—
it was a small oblong elevated room back of the central hall, toward which
it opened in its whole length.
This ideal plan would answer very well for that of the early Christian
basilicas, excepting in one respect; instead of a corridor on all four sides
they have only aisles parallel with the nave, an arrangement which had

already been adopted in some basilicas designed for markets. The Christian
basilicas would give us a still truer idea of the arrangement and lighting of
the pagan prototype if in most cases a part of the numerous windows had
not been walled up, thus producing a dimness in keeping with a religious
but not a secular edifice.
In pagan structures the ideal plan was by no means strictly followed.
Vitruvius himself at Fano, and the architects of other basilicas the remains
of which have been discovered, did not hesitate to depart from it. So the
Basilica at Pompeii, as we shall see, presents a modification of the general
plan in an important particular, the admission of light; and this deviation
was carried out with finer artistic feeling than was displayed by Vitruvius in
his building.
Our Basilica is undoubtedly of later date than the Basilica Porcia, but the
Pompeians, who at the time when it was built were pupils of the Greeks in
matters of art, found their model not in Rome but in a Greek city, perhaps
Naples.
Five entrances, separated by tufa pillars, lead from the colonnade of the
Forum into the east end of the basilica. First comes a narrow entrance court
(a), extending across the entire building and open to the sky. On the walls,
as also on the outside of the building, are remains of a simple stucco
decoration; below, a yellow base with a projecting red border along the
upper edge; above, a plain white surface. At the left outside the entrance
court is a cistern for rain water collected from the roof; the stairway close
by (shown on the plan) had nothing to do with the Basilica, but was
connected with the upper gallery of the colonnade about the Forum.

Fig. 24.—View of the Basilica, looking toward the
tribunal.

Mounting four steps of basalt we pass from the narrow court into the
building. The five entrances here are separated by four columns. Those next
to the two sides on the right and on the left were closed by a wall in which
was a wide doorway; the three at the middle were left as open
intercolumniations. The enclosed space before us measures 180⅓ English
feet (200 Oscan feet) in length, 78¾ feet in breadth. Twenty-eight massive
brick columns, 4 Oscan feet in diameter, separate the great central hall from
the broad corridor running about it; only the lower part of the columns, built
of small bricks evidently made specially for this purpose, is preserved (Fig.
24). Attached half-columns, with a diameter a little more than three fourths
that of the others, project from the walls; the wall decoration, which
imitates in stucco a veneering of colored marbles, is of the first style (p. 41).
The columns of the entrance and those at the rear have the same diameter as
the half-columns; part of the Ionic capitals belonging to them have been
found, but the capitals of the large columns have wholly disappeared.
There are only scanty remains of the floor, which consisted of bits of brick
and tile mixed with fine mortar and pounded down (opus Signinum); it
extended in a single level over the whole enclosed space, and from this

level our estimates of height are reckoned. On three sides of the main hall
near the base of the columns under the floor is a square water channel,
indicated on our plan; eight rectangular basins lie along its course, but the
purpose of it is not clear. The tribunal projects from the rear wall, its floor
being six Oscan feet above that of the rest of the building.
The large columns about the main hall, with a diameter of more than 3½
feet, must have been at least 32 or 33 feet high; the attached half-columns
with the columns at the entrance and at the rear, including the Ionic capitals,
were probably not more than 20 feet high. But assuming that the roof of the
corridor was flat, the walls must have been as high as the entablature of the
large columns, and so must have extended above the entablature of the half-
columns; considerable portions of this upper division of the walls remain.
Along the walls on the ground are to be seen a number of capitals,
fragments of shafts and bases belonging to a series of smaller columns with
a diameter of 1.74 feet, all found in the course of the excavations. They are
of tufa, coated with white stucco; they can belong only here, and by the
study of their forms—columns, half-columns, and peculiarly shaped three-
quarter-columns—the upper division of the walls can be restored with some
degree of certainty. Not to go into technical details, in the upper part of the
side walls a section of wall containing a window alternated with a short
series of columns in which the columns, for the sake of greater solidity,
were set twice as close as the half-columns in the lower division of the wall,
the intercolumniations being left entirely open (Fig. 25); over the entrances
at the front the wall was continuous but was divided into sections by half-
columns corresponding with the columns below, a window being placed
between every two half-columns in order to conceal the difference in width
between the sections of wall at the front and those at the sides. The
arrangement was similar at the rear, on either side of the tribunal, as may be
seen from the section (Fig. 27).

Fig. 25.—Exterior of the Basilica, restored.

With this restoration of the outer walls completed we are able to form a
clear idea of the appearance of the main hall. Whether or not the rafters
could be seen from below is uncertain, but the probability is that, as
assumed in our restoration (Fig. 26), they were hidden by a coffered ceiling.
The simple and beautiful interior abounded in fine spatial effects. The
corridor and main room were almost as high as the main room was wide,
that is between 35 and 40 feet. The light streaming in through the openings
in the upper portion of the walls was evenly distributed throughout the hall;
we may assume that when the sun became too hot on the south side it could
be shut out by curtains.
In our Basilica, then, we notice a wide divergence from the ideal or normal
plan. Instead of a clerestory above the main hall a proportionally greater
height is given to the corridor. The normal height of a basilica corridor is
represented by the lower division of the walls with the attached half-
columns and their entablature; this, however, is here treated simply as a
lower member, and upon it, rather than upon the entablature of the columns
about the main hall, was placed an upper division of wall admitting light
and air through intercolumniations and windows.

Fig. 26.—Interior of the Basilica, looking toward
the tribunal, restored.

The tribunal at the rear is the most prominent and architecturally the most
effective portion of the building. The base is treated in a bold, simple
manner; upon it, at the front, stands a row of columns the lower portions of
which show traces of latticework. The decoration of the walls, like that of
the rest of the interior, imitates a veneering of colored marbles. The shape
and comparatively narrow dimensions of the elevated room indicate that we
have here a tribunal in the strict sense, a raised platform for the judge and
his assistants; in the basilicas provided with apses the latter were large
enough to make room both for the judicial body and for the litigants. Here
the litigants stood on the floor in front of the tribunal, and when court was
in session the general public must have been excluded from this part of the
corridor. The arrangement in this respect was far from convenient, but
seemingly convenience was sacrificed to aesthetic considerations; the
builders wished to treat the projecting front of the tribunal as an ornament
to the building.

Under the tribunal
was a vaulted
chamber half
below the level of
the ground; two
round holes,
indicated on the
plan, opened into
it from above. It
could hardly have
been designed as
Fig. 27.—Front of the tribunal—
a place for the
plan and elevation.
confinement of
prisoners; escape
would have been
easy by means of
two windows in the rear, especially when help was rendered from the
outside. More likely it was used, in connection with the business of the
court, as a storeroom, in which writing materials and the like, or even
documents, might be kept; they could easily have been passed up through
the holes when needed. The second story of the tribunal was not as
completely open to the main hall as the first. Its front, the remains of which
have for the most part been recovered, was divided off by half-columns
corresponding in number and arrangement with the columns of the first
story, but each half-column was flanked by narrow pilasters, while a parapet
of moderate height occupied the intervening spaces. It was built apparently
with a view to architectural effect rather than practical use (Fig. 27).
At the right and the left of the tribunal are places for stairways. Each of
these contains a landing on the same level with the floor of the tribunal,
from which it was cut off by a door; the steps connecting with these
landings, being of wood, have disappeared. In both stair rooms, however,
flights of stone steps lead down to the vaulted chamber below, so that this
could not have been accessible if there were wooden steps on both sides
connecting the tribunal with the floor of the Basilica. Probably on one side
the wooden steps led from the tribunal down to the floor, but on the other
ascended from the corresponding landing to the second story, thus leaving

the stairway to the lower room unobstructed on that side. At some later time
the door at the left between the tribunal and the landing was walled up,
perhaps because the gallery was no longer used; if still in use it could to all
appearances have been reached only by a ladder.
The two open rooms at the rear on either side of the tribunal agree in their
decoration with the entrance court except that the base with its border is
higher, and the white surface above is moulded in stucco so as to give the
appearance of slabs of white marble. They were no higher than the first
division of the wall; the windows seen in Fig. 27 above the broad entrances
opened into the outer air. Perhaps they were used as waiting rooms for
litigants.
Opposite the north entrance between two columns stood a curb like those
over the mouths of cisterns; only the foundation stone with a circular
opening is preserved. The remains of a lead pipe, which brought the water
to it, show that it must have been connected with an aqueduct. At the further
end of the main hall was an equestrian statue of which no trace has been
found.
The arrangement of the roof is a problem of much difficulty. Without
wearying the reader by presenting various possibilities, it will be sufficient
for our purposes to suggest the explanation which, on the whole, has the
most in its favor. As assumed in our restoration, the roof of the main hall
was carried by the entablature of the twenty-eight large columns. Thus in
general the arrangement corresponded fairly well with that of other
basilicas except that, owing to the lack of a clerestory, the roof of the main
hall was not much if any higher than that of the corridor. From the flat roof
of the corridor, at least on the south side, the rain water flowed into the
cistern near the front part of the building.
The five entrances opening from the Forum into the narrow court could be
closed by latticed doors. Similar doors hung also on the wooden jambs of
the north and south entrances. With such doors a complete safeguarding
could not have been contemplated. Tradespeople using the Basilica must
either have removed their wares at the close of business hours or have made
the stalls sufficiently secure for protection. We can hardly doubt that
ordinarily a night watchman was on duty about the building.

CHAPTER X
THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO

In some respects the study of the large temple on the west side of the Forum
is especially satisfactory. The building had been completely restored after
the earthquake of 63, and was in good order at the time of its destruction.
Though ancient excavators removed many objects of value, including the
statue of the divinity of the temple, much was left undisturbed, as the
interesting series of statues in the court; in addition, a number of
inscriptions have been recovered. On the whole, more complete information
is at hand regarding this sanctuary than in reference to any other in
Pompeii.
The
identifi
cation
of this
as the
temple
of
Apollo
is
certain.
The
Fig. 28.—Corner of mosaic floor, cella of accomp
the temple of Apollo. anying
illustrat
ion
shows a
corner of the floor laid over the greater part of the cella (3 on the plan); the
parts along the inner walls were of white mosaic. This floor was composed
of small, lozenge-shaped pieces of green and white marble and slate; of the
two narrow stripes between the lozenge pattern and the bright mosaic fret
along the border one is of slate, the other of red marble. In the slate stripe
was an inscription. The letters were outlined by means of small holes filled
with metal, every seven holes forming a vertical line, every four a

horizontal. The inscription, which was in Oscan, stated that the quaestor
O[ppius] Camp[anius], by order of the council and with money belonging
to Apollo, had caused something to be made;[3] what this was cannot be
determined, as the important word is missing, but apparently it was the
floor. In the cella, moreover, stands a block of tufa, having the shape of half
an egg; this is the Omphalos, the familiar symbol of Apollo. In the court on
the first pilaster at the right as you enter a tripod is painted, too large for
mere decoration, and explicable only as a symbol of the god. Lastly, in the
design of the stucco ornamentation with which the entablature of the
peristyle was adorned after the earthquake, the principal figures are griffins.
The griffin was sacred to Apollo, and though it was often used as a purely
decorative theme, in this case a reference to the divinity of the temple is
unmistakable (Fig. 31).
As previously stated (p. 49), the
deviation of the axis of this
building from that of the Forum
is undoubtedly due to the fact
that it followed the direction of a
street which bordered it on the
east side before the colonnade of
Popidius was built; this is
therefore an evidence of the
antiquity of the temple. The style
of architecture, however, is in no
essential particular different
from that of the colonnade and
of other buildings of the Tufa
Fig. 29.—Plan of the
Period, and gives no indication
temple of Apollo.
of great age. The most probable
View larger image
explanation is that the temple
was rebuilt in the Tufa Period on
the site of an earlier structure, 1. Colonnade.
the orientation of which was 2. Podium.
preserved. The difference in 3. Cella.
direction is concealed by the 4. Altar.
increasing thickness, from south 5. Sundial.

to north, of the pillars between 6. Sacristan's room.
the Forum and the court of the
temple. The spaces between the
pillars were originally left open. Later, at what time it is impossible to
determine, they were all walled up except the three opposite the side of the
temple; since the temple was excavated these also have been closed. In
comparison with the entrances from the Forum, at first ten in number, the
one on the south side, opening on the street leading from the Porta Marina,
must have been considered unimportant. Otherwise pains would have been
taken to give to the colonnade on that side an even number of columns, so
that the door of the temple should face an intercolumniation; as it is the
number is uneven and the entrance to the court had to be put a little to one
side that it might not open upon a column.
The court is of oblong shape. The continuous colonnade about the sides, the
peristyle, was originally in two stories. At the rear of the peristyle on the
north side stood the small colonnade of the Doric order already mentioned
(p. 62); one of the rooms into which in later times this was divided (6) was
connected with the court of the temple, and was probably occupied by the
sacristan (aedituus).
The temple stood upon a high podium, in front of which is a broad flight of
steps. The small cella was evidently intended for but one statue. The
columns at the sides of the deep portico, which in other respects follows the
Etruscan plan (p. 63), are continued in a colonnade which is carried
completely around the cella.
In Plate II and Fig. 30 we give a view of the ruins as they are to-day; in Fig.
32 a view of the temple as it appeared before the earthquake of 63. The
height and diameter of the Corinthian columns seen in the restoration can
be calculated with approximate correctness; of the entablature and parts
above nothing has been found except a large waterspout of terra cotta in the
form of a lion's head.
The colonnade about the court was built of tufa, and coated with white
stucco. It presents an odd mixture of styles, of which other examples also
are found at Pompeii; a Doric entablature with triglyphs was placed upon
Ionic columns having the four-sided capital known as Roman Ionic. Here,

as in the earlier colonnade about the Forum, the stone blocks of the
entablature were set upon beams; and in the blocks now in place we may
see the sockets made to receive the ends of the joists of the second story
floor. Evidently with the purpose of supporting this second story, which was
probably of the Corinthian order, the Ionic columns below were made
relatively short. No remains of an upper gallery, however, have been found;
and it is quite possible that when the colonnade was restored, after the
earthquake, the second story was omitted. The upper floor could be reached
from the second story of the small colonnade north of the court, which was
accessible by means of a stairway leading from the Forum.

Fig. 30.—View of the temple of Apollo, looking
toward Vesuvius. At the left of the steps, the
column on which was the sundial; in front of the
steps, the altar.

When the restoration of the temple and its colonnade was undertaken, the
feeling for the pure and simple forms of the Greek architecture was no
longer present; the prevailing taste demanded gay and fantastic designs,
with the use of brilliant colors. The Pompeians improved the opportunity

afforded by the rebuilding to make the temple and its colonnade conform to
the taste of the times.
First the projecting portions of the Ionic and Corinthian capitals were cut
off; then shaft and capital alike were covered with a thick layer of stucco.
New capitals were moulded in the stucco, of a shape in general resembling
the Corinthian, and were painted in red, blue, and yellow; the lower part of
the shaft, unfluted, was also painted yellow. The entablature, at least in the
case of the colonnade, was in like manner covered with stucco and
ornamented with reliefs in the same colors. All this gaudy stucco has now
fallen off; and our illustration (Fig. 31) is taken from Mazois, who made the
drawing soon after the court was excavated. The later capitals and stucco
ornamentation of the temple itself had wholly disappeared before the
excavations were made.

Fig. 31.—Section of the entablature of the temple
of Apollo, showing the original form and the
restoration after the earthquake.

The wall decoration of both the temple and the colonnade was originally in
the first style; a remnant of it may still be seen in the cella. After 63 it was
modernized. The walls of the temple both within and without were done
over in stucco, so as to resemble ashlar work of white marble; apparently it

was the intention to give the appearance of real marble. The walls of the
colonnade were painted in the latest Pompeian style, in bright colors, on a
white ground. The decorative designs, to judge from the remains and from
sketches, were not of special interest. There was a series of pictures
representing scenes from the Trojan War,—the quarrel between Achilles and
Agamemnon, the embassy of the Greeks to Achilles, the battle between
Achilles and Hector (the subject of this, however, is doubtful), the dragging
of Hector's body about the walls of Troy, Priam making entreaty for the
body of Hector, and the rape of the Palladium,—but they have long since
perished and are known only from unsatisfactory drawings.
Long before this modernizing of the temple the west side of the court had
undergone a complete transformation. The peculiar bend in the street at the
northwest corner (shown in Plan II), the diagonal line with which the small
colonnade north of the court ends, and the narrow, quite inaccessible space
between the west wall of the court and the houses lying near it, cannot
easily be explained as a part of an original plan, but must rather be the
result of later changes. The north and south street which now ends abruptly
at the northwest corner must originally have been continued through the
west colonnade, the ends of which were left open; this colonnade was then
a public thoroughfare, on which the windows of houses opened, and
perhaps also doors.
We learn from an inscription that about the year 10 B.C. the city purchased
from the residents whose property adjoined the colonnade, for the sum of
3000 sesterces (about $155), the right to build a wall in front of their
windows; this explains how the narrow space between the wall on the north
side of the court and the houses came to be cut off. The inscription reads:
M. Holconius Rufus d[uum] v[ir] i[uri] d[icundo] tert[ium], C. Egnatius
Postumus d. v. i. d. iter[um] ex d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ius luminum
opstruendorum 𐆘 ∞ ∞ ∞ redemerunt, parietemque privatum Col[oniae]
Ven[eriae] Cor[neliae] usque ad tegulas faciundum coerarunt,—'Marcus
Holconius Rufus, duumvir with judiciary authority for the third time, and
Gaius Egnatius Postumus, duumvir with judiciary authority for the second
time, in accordance with a decree of the city council purchased for 3000
sesterces the right to shut off light (from adjoining buildings) and caused to

be constructed a wall belonging to the colony of Pompeii to the height of
the tiles,' that is, as high as the roofs of the houses.
The wall referred to was no doubt that on the west side of the court of the
temple; when it was built the ends of the colonnade on that side must have
been closed, so that this ceased to be a thoroughfare. Marcus Holconius was
duumvir for the fourth time in the year 3-2 B.C.; as an interval of at least five
years must intervene between two duumvirates, his third duumvirate must
have been not far from 10 B.C.
The pedestal in the cella, on which the statue of Apollo stood, still remains,
but no trace of the statue itself has been found.

Fig. 32.—Temple of Apollo, restored.

Near the foot of the steps in front is a large altar of travertine, having the
same inscription on both sides: M. Porcius M. f., L. Sextilius L. f., Cn.
Cornelius Cn. f., A. Cornelius A. f. IIII vir[i] d[e] d[ecurionum] s[ententia]
f[aciundum] locar[unt],—'Marcus Porcius the son of Marcus, Lucius
Sextilius the son of Lucius, Gnaeus Cornelius the son of Gnaeus, and Aulus
Cornelius the son of Aulus, the Board of Four, in accordance with the vote
of the city council let the contract (for building this altar).' The names of the
four officials who erected the altar, the two duumvirs and two aediles (for
the title see p. 12), appear without surnames; this points to a relatively early
time, at the latest the age of Augustus.

At the left of the steps is an Ionic column with the inscription: L. Sepunius
L. f. Sandilianus, M. Herennius A. f. Epidianus duovir[i] i[uri] d[icundo]
d[e] s[ua] p[ecunia] f[aciundum] c[urarunt],—'Lucius Sepunius
Sandilianus the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus the son of
Aulus, duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused (this) to be erected at their
own expense.' Old sketches, made soon after the court was excavated,
represent the column with a sundial on the top. The probability that a
sundial belonging to the column was actually found is increased by the fact
that these same men placed one on the circular bench in the Forum
Triangulare. Here, in front of the temple of the Sun-god, such a dial would
certainly have been in place. At the right of the steps are some blocks of
lava containing holes, in which, undoubtedly, the supports of a votive
offering were once set, but the holes give no clew to the size or character of
the offering.
Other divinities besides Apollo were honored in this sanctuary, which in the
earlier time was evidently the most important in the city; statues and altars
for their worship were placed in the court. The pedestals of the statues still
remain where they were originally placed, on the step in front of the
stylobate of the colonnade; the statues themselves, with one exception, have
been taken to Naples. There were in all six of them, grouped in three related
pairs. In front of the third column at the left of the entrance, stood Venus, at
the right was a hermaphrodite—both marble figures of about one half life
size. They belong to the pre-Roman period and were originally of good
workmanship, but even in antiquity they had been repeatedly restored and
worked over. As a work of art, the hermaphrodite is the more important.
An altar stands before the statue of Venus. In pre-Roman times this may
have been the only shrine in the city at which worship was offered to
Herentas; for by that name the goddess of love was known in the native
speech. Venus as goddess of the Roman colony (Fig. 4), was represented in
an altogether different guise, and had a special place of worship elsewhere
(see pp. 124-129).
Though the statues of Venus and of the hermaphrodite here form a pair,
both artistically and in respect to arrangement, the latter belongs not to the
cycle of Venus but to that of Bacchus; and in order to make this the more
evident, the ears of a satyr were given to the figure. We may, perhaps, infer

that the god of wine also was worshipped in this sanctuary. In the sacristan's
room (6 on the plan) we find a painting in which Bacchus is represented as
leaning upon Silenus who is playing the lyre, meanwhile allowing the
panther to drink out of his cup. This seems strange enough in a temple of
Apollo; still it cannot be considered conclusive evidence that Bacchus
actually received worship here. Without doubt the Wine-god was honored in
Pompeii, the region about which was rich in vines. He appears countless
times in wall paintings, but no shrine dedicated to him has yet been found.
On the right side of the court, in front of the third column, was a statue of
Apollo; on the left directly opposite stood Artemis, both life size figures in
bronze. An altar stood before the statue of Artemis; the altar of Apollo was
before the temple. Both statues were armed with the bow, and it is evident
that they were not designed to stand facing each other, but side by side, or
one behind the other; both may originally have belonged to a Niobe group.
As works of art, they are not of high merit. We recognize a certain elegance
and nicety of finish, but these qualities cannot compensate for superficiality
in the treatment of the figure, want of expression in the faces, and lack of
energy in the movement. We have no other evidence of the worship of
Artemis in Pompeii.
Further on, in front of the fifth column on either side, was a marble herm.
That on the right is still in place and is seen in Plate II. It is of fine
workmanship, and clearly belongs to the pre-Roman period; it represents
Hermes, or Mercury. The god appears as a youth standing with his mantle
drawn over the back of his head; the face, with a placid, serious, mild
expression, is inclined a little forward. In this form Mercury was honored as
the presiding divinity of the palaestra, the god of gymnastic exercises; we
shall find him in the same guise later in the court of the Stabian Baths (p.
200). How this type of Hermes came to be chosen for the place of honor in
athletic courts is by no means clear; it was certainly designed originally to
represent him as a god of death, the Psychopompus, conductor of souls to
the Underworld. The worship of Mercury here as a god of gymnastic
exercises would not be in harmony with the surroundings; we should rather
believe that the Pompeians, having placed him in such close relation with
Apollo, god of the death-dealing shaft, and the earth goddess, Maia,
associated more serious ideas with his image.

PLATE II.—COURT OF THE TEMPLE OF
APOLLO

The herm on the opposite side of the court probably represented Maia. No
trace of it has been found; the female herm in the Naples Museum formerly
assigned to this place is now known to have been brought from Rome. In
Greek mythology, the mother of Hermes was Maia, the daughter of Atlas;
and this relationship, by a common confusion, was transferred to the Italian
Maia, who was originally goddess of the spring, and gave her name to the
month of May. The assignment of the herm opposite Mercury to Maia is
based upon a number of inscriptions which establish the existence of a cult
of Mercury and Maia in Pompeii. From the same source we learn that with
the worship of these two that of Augustus was intimately associated; there
are few better illustrations of the development of emperor worship in the
Early Empire.
These inscriptions were found in different places, none of them in their
original location. They are dedications once attached to votive offerings, of

which one was set up each year by a college of priests, consisting of slaves
and freedmen, under the general direction of the city authorities. The
official title of this college at first, certainly to 14 B.C., was Ministri
Mercurii Maiae, 'Servants of Mercury and Maia'; the word minister
indicates a low order of priesthood. The worship of the emperor was then
added, and the priests were called 'Servants of Augustus, Mercury, and
Maia.' Still later, at least as early as 2 B.C., the names of the two divinities
were dropped, and the priests were designated simply as 'Servants of
Augustus.'
The extant inscriptions of this series come down to the year 40 A.D. As an
example, we give that of 2 B.C., in which the ministri Augusti first appear:
N. Veius Phylax, N. Popidius Moschus, T. Mescinius Amphio, Primus
Arrunti M. s., min. Aug., ex d. d. iussu M. Holconii Rufi IV, A. Clodi Flacci
III d. v. i. d., P. Caeseti Postumi, N. Tintiri Rufi d. v. v. a. s. p. p. Imp.
Caesare XIII, M. Plautio Silvano cos,—'Numerius Veius Phylax, Numerius
Popidius Moschus, Titus Mescinius Amphio and Primus the slave of
Marcus Arruntius, Servants of Augustus (set this up), in accordance with a
decree of the city council, on the order of Marcus Holconius Rufus,
duumvir with judiciary authority for the fourth time, Aulus Clodius Flaccus,
duumvir for the third time, and of Publius Caesetius Postumus and
Numerius Tintirius Rufus, duumvirs in charge of the streets, buildings, and
public religious festivals (the official title of the aediles, p. 13) in the
thirteenth consulship of the Emperor Caesar (Augustus), the other consul
being Marcus Plautius Silvanus.'
It is not difficult to understand how the worship of Augustus came to have a
place in this sanctuary. The divinities here honored stood in close relation to
him. Apollo was his tutelary divinity, to whom he thought that he owed the
victory at Actium, and in whose honor he built the magnificent temple on
the Palatine. Venus, moreover, was revered as the ancestress of the Julian
family; and finally Mercury was said to be incarnate in Augustus himself.
This last conception found expression in one of the finest of the odes of
Horace, written in 28 B.C. Fearful portents, the poet says, are threatening
Rome; Jupiter with flaming right hand has even struck his own temple on
the Capitoline. To what god shall we turn for help—to Apollo, to Venus, or

to Mars? or rather to thee, winged god, Maia's son, that even now doest
walk the earth in the form of a youth, the avenger of Caesar:—
Sive mutata iuvenem figura
Ales in terris imitaris almae
Filius Maiae, patiens vocari
Caesaris ultor.

It is interesting to note that evidence of the worship of Augustus as Mercury
has come to light also in Egypt. In an inscription from Denderah we find
Helmîs Kaisar, 'beloved of Ptah and of Isis'; Helmîs Kaisar is apparently
'Hermes Caesar,' and in Egyptian inscriptions Augustus is elsewhere
referred to as 'the beloved of Ptah and of Isis.'

CHAPTER XI
THE BUILDINGS AT THE NORTHWEST CORNER OF THE FORUM,
AND THE TABLE OF STANDARD MEASURES

The large building at the northwest corner of the Forum (Fig. 33, 1, 2, 3)
was erected after the earthquake of the year 63. We do not know whether at
the time of the eruption it had yet been roofed; the inside at least was in an
unfinished state.
This building is divided into three parts, one of which, that furthest north, at
the corner, contains both lower and upper rooms. Below, at the level of the
Forum, are two dark vaulted chambers, one at the rear of the other. The
front chamber is dimly lighted by a slit in the ceiling and was entered from
the Forum by a narrow door; there are traces of a strong iron grating in the
doorway. It has been supposed, not without probability, that these were the
vaults of the city treasury, the aerarium; if they had been built for prison
cells, they would naturally have had separate entrances.

Above these chambers are two rooms which
open not on the Forum, but on the street that
runs past them on the north (1, 1). They
resemble shops and would be classed as such
without further question but for the fact that
the level of the floor is nearly five feet above
the sidewalk, so that they could have been
reached only by means of steps. If the
identification of the chambers below as the
vaults of the city treasury is correct, these
rooms must have been occupied by the
treasury officials, who could here transact
business with the public without admitting
the latter to their offices. Fig. 33.—Plan of
the buildings at
The middle room (2) was a public closet, the northwest
with a small anteroom. As the doors to and corner of the
from the anteroom were not placed opposite Forum.
each other, the interior was not visible from View larger image
the street. The room was not entirely
finished; nevertheless, we can see the water
channel running along three sides, and above 1. City treasury.
it the stones on which the woodwork was to 2. Latrina.
be placed; the inlet pipe was in position, as 3, 4. Market
well as the outlet for carrying the water off buildings.
into a sewer at the rear.
The last of the three parts of the building (3) is by far the largest. It was a
high and spacious hall, with numerous entrances from the Forum. It was
divided into two rooms by two short sections of wall projecting from the
sides, and was evidently a market house, perhaps for vegetables and farm
products.
The rooms formed by enclosing the small colonnade at the rear of the court
of Apollo have already been mentioned (p. 62). At the left of the stairway
leading to the second story (shown in Plan II) is a small room which opens
in its entire breadth upon the Forum (11). Close by is a recess (10), also

open toward the Forum, in the side of the first of the thick pillars which
separate the Forum from the court of the temple.
In this recess stood the table of standard measures, mensa ponderaria (Fig.
34), which is now in the Naples Museum, unfortunately not entire; a part of
it has disappeared. The part remaining consists of a large slab of limestone
(a little over 8 feet long and 1.8, or 2 Oscan feet, wide), in which are nine
bowl-shaped cavities with holes at the bottom through which the contents
could be drawn off; this slab rested on two stone supports, and similar
supports above it carried another slab, which is now lost, with three
cavities. The table thus contained twelve standards of capacity for liquid
and dry measure, but only ten are shown in the illustration, as two are too
far back.
It is evident that the table has come down from the pre-Roman period. The
names of the measures were originally written in Oscan, beside the five
largest cavities, and though the letters were later erased, they are still in part
legible. Only one word, however, can be made out with certainty, beside the
next to the smallest cavity; that is Kuiniks, plainly the same as the Greek
Choinix. We naturally infer that in the pre-Roman time the Pompeians used
Greek measures.
In the time of
Augustus,
about 20 B.C.,
the cavities
were
enlarged and
made to
conform to
the Roman
standard, but
the new
names were
not put
beside them.
The
inscription

on the front Fig. 34.—Table of standard measures,
of the larger mensa ponderaria.
slab has View larger image
reference to
these
changes:
'Aulus Clodius Flaccus, the son of Aulus, and Numerius Arcaeus Arellianus
Caledus, the son of Numerius, duumvirs with judiciary authority, in
accordance with a decree of the city council, caused the measures to be
made equal' to the Roman measures.
A similar adjustment of measures to the Roman standard is indicated by the
use of the phrase metra exaequare on a table found at Minturnae. The
adoption of a uniform standard was made a subject of imperial regulation
by Augustus, who, by this means, sought to promote the unification of the
Empire. Similar tables of measures have been found in various parts of the
Roman world, as at Selinunto in Sicily, in the Greek islands, and at Bregenz
on the Lake of Constance.
It is probable that an official charged with the oversight of the measures had
his office in the small room next to the stairway (11).

CHAPTER XII
THE MACELLUM

The large building at the northeast corner of the Forum was a provision
market, of the sort called Macellum. The name Pantheon, once applied to it,
is now abandoned, and there is no longer the slightest doubt regarding its
purpose, which is indicated by its general plan, the remains found in the
course of the excavations, and the paintings upon the walls.

Such markets, where provisions, especially of the finer and more expensive
kinds, were sold and in which a cook also might be secured, without doubt
existed in the Greek cities after the time of Alexander; from the Greeks, as
in the case of the basilica, the Romans took both the name and the
architectural type.
The first macellum in Rome
was built in 179 B.C. in
connection with the
enlargement of a fish market. In
later times, as we learn from
inscriptions, others were
constructed in Rome and in
various cities of Italy and the
provinces.
Fig. 35.—Plan of the A macellum built by Nero is
Macellum. shown on one of the coins of
View larger image this emperor. It agrees in
essential points with our
building, having stalls or shops
1. Portico. of more than one story in
2. Colonnade. height, and at the middle of the
3, 3, 3. Rows of market stalls. court a structure with a dome-
4. Market room for meat and fish. like roof. The central structure,
5. Chapel. the tholus, is mentioned by
6. Banquet room. Varro as an essential part of a
7. Tholus. macellum, but its use is known
8. Pen. to us only from the remains
found at Pompeii.
The plan of our building is simple. A court in the shape of a rectangle,
slightly longer than it is broad, is surrounded by a deep colonnade on the
four sides. In the middle twelve bases, arranged so as to form a dodecagon,
supported an equal number of columns on which a roof rested; underneath
was a rectangular basin in the pavement, from which a covered drain led
toward the southeast corner. Under this roof the fish that had been sold were
scaled, the scales being thrown into the basin, where they were found in

great quantity. Behind the colonnade on the south side, and opening into it,
was a row of market stalls or small shops (3 on the plan). Above these were
upper rooms, in front of which was a wooden gallery, but there was no
stairway, and apparently the shopkeeper who wished to use his second story
had to provide himself with a ladder.

Fig. 36.—View of the Macellum.
In the foreground, part of the stylobate. In the
middle ground, remains of the tholus. In the
background, at the middle, walls and pedestal of
the imperial chapel; at the right, market room; at
the left, banquet room.

There were shops also on the north side, but they opened upon the street
bounding the Macellum on the north; a southern exposure for the shop
fronts seems to have been avoided on account of the damage that the heat in
summer might cause to the stock. In the shops on this street—whether in
those belonging to the building or those on the opposite side is not stated—
the excavators found charred figs, chestnuts, plums, grapes, fruit in glass

vessels, lentils, grain, loaves of bread, and cakes. A few shops behind the
portico in front faced toward the Forum.
A large market room (4) opened on the colonnade at the southeast corner,
the entrance being divided by two columns. Along three sides runs a
counter for meat and fish, the surface of which slopes toward the middle of
the room. That fish were sold on the left side is plain from the special
arrangement made to carry off the water; the floor behind the counter here
was raised and sloped toward the rear, where a gutter connecting with it,
and passing across the room, led under the counter on the south side into the
street.
In the little room or pen at the northeast corner of the colonnade (8) remains
of skeletons of sheep were found. Such animals, then, were sold here alive;
instead of buying the flesh of slaughtered animals, many purchasers no
doubt preferred to obtain a victim which could be sacrificed as an offering
to the household gods before it was used for food.
The paintings on the walls of the colonnade are among the best examples of
the latest Pompeian style. Above the base are large black panels with a
broad red border; between them, in the vertical spaces separating the border
of one panel from that of the next, are light and fantastic architectural
designs in yellow on a white ground, the parts designed to appear furthest
from the eye being in green and red. In this way a rich development of
architectural forms is united, in a consistent and effective decorative
scheme, with large panels suitable for paintings.
Along the edges of the black panels run conventional plant designs; in the
middle are paintings symmetrically arranged in a series in which a pair of
floating figures alternates with a mythological scene enclosed in a painted
frame. Among the mythological pictures are Ulysses before Penelope, who
does not recognize him, Io guarded by Argus, and Medea plotting the
murder of her children. The whole arrangement is in excellent taste, while
the execution is careful and delicate.
The treatment of the upper part of the wall is especially worthy of note.
Generally in walls of the fourth style the portion above the large panels is
filled with airy architectural designs upon a white or at least a bright
ground. In this instance the fantastic architectural forms in the spaces

between the black panels are continued upwards to the ceiling, and in the
midst of each group a standing figure is painted on a blue ground—a girl
with utensils for sacrifice, a satyr playing the flute; but the spaces above the
panels are completely filled with representations of the things exposed for
sale. Unfortunately only a few of these pictures remain. One contains birds,
some alive, some killed and dressed; in another, different kinds of fish are
seen; and a third presents a variety of vessels in which wine and other
liquids could be kept. This departure from the usual style of decoration,
strikingly suggestive, can be explained only as having a direct reference to
the purpose of the building.

Fig. 37.—The Macellum, restored.

In two small pictures in the black panels of the north entrance Cupids took
the place of men. The Pompeians were very fond of the representation of
Cupids as engaged in human occupations; it gave opportunity for the poetic
treatment of everyday life, which was thus carried over into fairyland. So in
one picture sprightly, winged little figures are celebrating the festival of
Vesta, the tutelary divinity of millers and bakers, who on this day, just as
appears in the painting, wreathed with garlands their mills and much
belabored asses that once a year were thus admitted to a share in the festal

celebrations of their masters; the reference to trade in bread and flour is
obvious.
In the other picture the Cupids are plaiting and selling wreaths; in view of
the extensive use of garlands at banquets and on gala days the inference is
warranted that they, too, were sold in this market. In the market room for
meat and fish there is another interesting picture representing the local
divinities of Pompeii—personifications of the Sarno, of the coast, and of the
country round about, suggesting that here the products of the sea, the river,
and the land might be obtained.
Besides the rooms thus far considered,
which served a practical end, we find in
the Macellum two other rooms which
gave to the building a religious character
and placed it under the special protection
of the imperial house. One, at the middle
of the east end (5), is a chapel
consecrated to the worship of the
emperors. The floor is raised above that
of the rest of the building, and the
entrance is reached by five steps leading
up from the rear of the colonnade. On a
pedestal against the rear wall, and in four
niches at the sides, were statues, of
which only the two in the niches at the
right have been found; these represent
Octavia, the sister of Augustus (Fig. 38),
and Marcellus (Fig. 39), the hope of
Fig. 38.—Statue of Augustus and of Rome, whose untimely
Octavia, sister of death was lamented by Virgil in those
Augustus, found in touching verses in the sixth book of the
the chapel of the Aeneid. An arm with a globe was also
Macellum. She is found, doubtless belonging to the statue
represented in an of an emperor that stood on the pedestal
attitude of worship, at the rear. The chapel contains no altar;
with a libation sacrifice was probably offered on a
saucer in her right portable bronze coal pan in the form of a

hand, and a box of tripod. Several beautiful examples of
incense in her left. these movable altars have been found,
and there are numerous representations
of them in reliefs and in wall paintings.
The Macellum in its present form was at the time of the eruption by no
means an ancient building. While finished and no doubt in use at the time of
the earthquake of 63, it had been built not many years before, in the reign of
Claudius or of Nero, in the place of an older structure which dated from the
pre-Roman period. The earlier Macellum, of which scanty but indubitable
traces remain, could not have contained a chapel for the worship of the
emperors; this was probably introduced into the plan of the structure at the
time of the rebuilding. The most reasonable supposition is that the chapel
was built in honor of Claudius, and that his statue with the globe as a
symbol of world sovereignty stood on the pedestal at the rear, while in the
niches at the left were his wife Agrippina and adopted son Nero.
We can hardly doubt that Claudius was worshipped in Pompeii during his
lifetime; it is known from inscriptions that even before the death of
Claudius Nero was honored with the services of a special priest. That
Octavia and Marcellus, another mother with a son who was heir to the
throne, should be placed opposite Agrippina and Nero, was quite natural.
Claudius, who through his mother Antonia was the grandson of Octavia,
had great pride in this relationship, through which alone he was connected
with the family of Augustus; and from Octavia, Agrippina and Nero also
were descended, the former as a daughter of Germanicus, Claudius's
brother, and the latter through his father Gnaeus Domitius, who was a son
of the older daughter of Octavia, also called Antonia. This thought was
suggested by the grouping of Octavia and Marcellus with Agrippina and
Nero: Octavia's descendants are now on the throne, as Augustus intended
that they should be; and Nero is the pride and hope of the emperor and the
Roman people, as once Marcellus was.
The room at the left of the imperial chapel, with a wide entrance divided by
two columns (6), was also consecrated to the worship of the emperors. It
contains a low altar (shown on the plan) of peculiar shape. A slab of black
stone rests on two marble steps; it has a raised rim about the edge with a
hole in one corner. Evidently this is an altar for drink offerings; in this room

sacrificial meals were partaken of, at which the long estrade at the right,
like a counter, nearly three feet high, was perhaps used as a serving table.
Such meals had an important place among the functions of the Roman
colleges of priests, and some priesthood connected with the worship of the
emperors apparently had its place of meeting here; but whether this was the
college of the Seviri Augustales, composed of freedmen, or a more
aristocratic priesthood modelled after the Sodales Augustales at Rome,
cannot be determined. The purpose of the niche in the corner, with the
platform in front of it approached by steps, is unknown.
In this room, also, there were two pictures containing Cupids. In one they
were represented as drinking wine and playing the lyre; in the other, as
engaged in acts of worship—both appropriate decorative subjects for a
room intended for sacrificial banquets.
The Macellum was entered from three sides. At the front, facing the Forum,
was a portico consisting of two orders of white marble columns, one above
the other, supporting a roof. Fragments of the Ionic or Corinthian columns
belonging to the lower order, and of the well proportioned intermediate
entablature, have been preserved. Statues stood at the foot of the columns,
as also at the ends of the party walls between the shops at the rear of the
portico, and beside the two columns of the little vestibule at the entrance;
between the two doors was a small shrine, and here, too, was a statue.
The difference in direction between the front of the Macellum and the side
of the Forum is concealed by increasing the depth of the shops from south
to north, so that the depth of the portico remained the same. The room at the
extreme right, being so shallow that it could not be used as a shop, was
made into a shrine; the image or images set up in it must have been very
small. What divinities were worshipped here, unless the Street Lares,
cannot be conjectured.
There is another entrance on the north side, and a third near the southeast
corner. In the latter are steps, and at the left as you come in is a small niche
under which two serpents were painted. This humble shrine was probably
dedicated to the presiding divinity of the building, the Genius Macelli.
The colonnade of the Macellum was thrown down by the earthquake of 63.
At the time of the eruption the stylobate on which the columns rested, and

the gutter in front of it, had been
renewed; but only the columns on
the north side and a part of those on
the west side had been set up again.
Both the columns and the
entablature have entirely
disappeared, in consequence of
excavations made in ancient times.

Fig. 39.—Statue of
Marcellus, son of
Octavia, found in the
chapel of the Macellum.

CHAPTER XIII
THE SANCTUARY OF THE CITY LARES

In earlier times a street opened into the Forum south of the Macellum.
Later, apparently in the time of Augustus, it was closed, and the end,
together with adjoining space at the south, was occupied by a building
which measures approximately sixty by seventy Roman feet.

In richness of material and architectural detail this was among the finest
edifices at Pompeii. Its walls and floors were completely covered with
marble. Now we see only rough masonry, stripped of its veneering, but
enough vestiges remain to enable us to reconstruct the whole; in Figs. 41
and 42 both rear and side views of the interior are given.
Opening into the main room at the rear is a
large apse (Fig. 40, 2), which gives to the
building a peculiar character. In the inner part
of the apse is a broad foundation about six
feet high, on which stood a shrine (aedicula),
containing a pedestal for three statues of not
more than life size; the foundation projects in
front of the pedestal, forming a table for
Fig. 40.—Plan of offerings. A base of the same height as the
the sanctuary of foundation of the shrine runs along the walls
the City Lares. of the apse; it supported two columns and
View larger image two attached half-columns on the right, and
the same number on the left.
1. Main room, On either side of the main room is a recess,
unroofed, with an ala, containing a pedestal for a statue of
altar in the centre. more than life size. The two entrances were
2. Apse, with shrine. flanked by pilasters nearly two Roman feet
3. Recesses—alae. square, while each entrance was divided into
4. Niche facing the three parts by two columns. There were three
Forum. niches about six feet above the floor in each
of the side walls of the main room, and two
more at the rear; all were originally flanked
by small pilasters which rested on a projecting base. The remains of an altar
may still be seen in the middle of the room.
The height of both side and rear walls can be approximately computed from
the existing remains, the basis of computation for the side walls being the
thickness of the pilasters at the entrance. The rear part of the building was
certainly not less than 45 feet high, exclusive of the gable, while the sides
could not have been more than 30 or at most 35. This difference in height,
taken with other indications, obliges us to conclude that the central room

was treated as a paved court open to the sky; only the apse and the wings
were roofed.

Fig. 41.—Sanctuary of the City Lares, looking
toward the rear, restored.

It is evident that we have here a place of worship, yet not, properly
speaking, a temple. The shrine in the apse, with its broad pedestal for
several relatively small images, presents a striking analogy to the shrines of
the Lares found in so many private houses. Cities, as well as households,
had their guardian spirits. The worship of these tutelary divinities was
reorganized by Augustus, who ordered that, just as the Genius of the master
of the house was worshipped at the family shrine, so his Genius should
receive honor together with the Lares of the different cities; thus in each
city the emperor was to be looked upon as a father, the head of the common
household. As the house had its shrine for the Lares, so also had the city;
that in Rome was near the spot on which the arch of Titus was afterwards
erected.

Fig. 42.—North side of the sanctuary of the City
Lares, restored.

Undoubtedly we should recognize in this edifice the sanctuary of the Lares
of the city, Lararium publicum. On the pedestal of the shrine in the apse the
Genius of Augustus probably stood, represented by a statue of the emperor
himself, with his toga drawn over the back of his head, offering a libation;
on his right and on his left were the two Lares, like those represented in
paintings (p. 271) and in the little bronze images so often found in house
shrines.
In connection with the Lares the members of a family honored other gods,
Penates, to whose special protection the head of the household had
committed himself and his interests. As we shall see later, in house shrines
diminutive bronze figures representing Hercules, Mercury, Fortuna, and
other divinities are often found together with those of the Lares. It is quite
possible that other gods were likewise associated with the Lares of the city;
and perhaps here in the two chapels at the sides of the main room images of
Ceres and of Bacchus were placed. Regarding the statues that stood in the
eight niches it is better to refrain from conjecture. On the outside of the

building, under the portico of the Macellum, was a small platform (4), the
raised floor of which was reached by steps.
At the edge of the Forum in front of the building are eight square blocks of
basalt, which still have traces of the iron clamps by which marble veneering
was fastened on. These supported the columns of a portico which was
joined with the porticos of the Macellum and the temple of Vespasian and
took the place of the Forum colonnade. As the main room of the building
was open to the sky, the portico also must have been without a roof; there is
no trace of any support for the ends of the rafters at the rear. The columns in
front, probably of two orders one above the other, were merely for
ornament. Possibly awnings were at times stretched over the area of the
portico as a protection against sun and rain.

CHAPTER XIV
THE TEMPLE OF VESPASIAN

South of the sanctuary of the City Lares is another religious edifice of an
entirely different character. Passing from the Forum across the open space
once occupied by the portico—of which no remains have been found—we
enter a wide doorway and find ourselves in a four-sided court somewhat
irregular in shape (Fig. 43). The front part is occupied by a colonnade (1).
At the rear a small temple (3) stands upon a high
podium which projects in front of the cella and
reached by two flights of steps. The pedestal for
the image of the divinity is built against the rear
wall.

Fig. 43.—Plan In the middle of the court is an altar faced with
of the temple of marble and adorned on all four sides with reliefs
Vespasian. of moderately good workmanship. The

View larger sacrificial scene shown in the accompanying
image illustration (Fig. 44) is on the front side, facing
the entrance to the court. A priest with a toga
drawn over his head in the manner prescribed
1. Colonnade. for those offering sacrifice, pours a libation from
2. Altar. a shallow bowl, patera, upon an altar having the
3. Temple. form of a tripod. With him at the left are two
4. Portico, lictors with their bundles of rods, a fluteplayer,
forming part of two boys, camilli, carrying the utensils for the
the colonnade of sacrifice, and an attendant; at the right a bull
the Forum. intended for sacrifice is being brought to the
altar by the slayer, victimarius, and an assistant.
In the background is a tetrastyle temple,
doubtless the temple before us; the scene represents the dedicatory
exercises. The middle intercolumniation of the portico, as indicated by the
relief and shown in the plan, is wider than the other two.
On the sides of the altar some of the utensils and ceremonial objects used in
sacrificing are represented: at the left the napkin (mantele), the augural staff
(lituus), and the box in which the incense was kept (acerra); at the right the
libation bowl (patera), a ladle (simpulum), and a pitcher.

Fig. 44.—Front of the altar in the court of the
temple of Vespasian.

The reliefs on the back of the altar, which consist simply of a wreath of oak
leaves with a conventional laurel on either side, are of special significance
and give a clew to the purpose of the edifice. On the thirteenth of January,
27 B.C., the Senate voted that a civic crown—that is, one made of oak
leaves, of the kind awarded to a soldier who had saved the life of a Roman
citizen—should be placed above the door of the house in which Augustus
lived, and that the doorposts should be wreathed with laurel. From that time
the civic crown and the laurel were recognized as attributes denoting
imperial rank. This temple, therefore, was built in honor of an emperor.
From the inscriptions of the Arval Brethren, we learn that in the case of a
living emperor a bull was the suitable victim, but that an ox was sacrificed
to an emperor who had been deified after death. As the victim on our altar is
a bull, the temple must have been dedicated to an emperor during his

lifetime. With these facts in mind it will not be difficult to ascertain to
whose worship the building was consecrated.

Fig. 45.—View of the temple of Vespasian.

The coins of Augustus have both the civic crown and the laurel, but those of
his immediate successors have only the former. In the year 74 the laurel
again appears with the crown on the coins of Vespasian and Titus, and we
may suppose that the distinction formerly conferred on Augustus was about
this time revived in honor of Vespasian. It was indeed quite natural that men
should think of Vespasian and Augustus together. Both restored peace and
order after disastrous civil wars; both adopted severe repressive measures
against luxury and immorality, and both adorned Rome with great public
buildings. The temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline, which Augustus had
repaired and made more magnificent, Vespasian rebuilt from the foundation
after it was burned in 69.
The Senate, which had suffered so seriously at the hands of Nero, had
reason to be deeply grateful to Vespasian, who treated it with marked
respect, in this also following the example of Augustus. If the annals of the
reigns of the Flavian emperors were not so meagre, we should very likely

find a decree of the Senate honoring Vespasian with the civic crown and the
laurel. Such a decree might well have suggested the founding of a temple,
and the placing of these symbols of peace and victory upon its altar.
The temple itself was built, together with the court, after the earthquake of
63, and at the time of the eruption the work was not entirely completed. The
walls of the cella and of the entrance from the Forum had received their
veneering of marble and were in a finished state; but those of the court,
divided off into a series of deep panels above which small pediments
alternated with arches (Fig. 45), had received only a rough coat of stucco
and were still awaiting completion. The temple must have been built in the
time of Vespasian, who reigned from 68 to 79 A.D.; and as this emperor
possessed too great simplicity of character to allow men to worship him as a
god while he was still alive, it was probably dedicated to his Genius.
The rooms at the rear of
the temple (shown on the
plan) were entered by a
door at the right. They
may have served as a
habitation for the
sacristan, or as a place of
storage for the sacrificial
utensils. The north room
was also connected with
rooms belonging to the
sanctuary of the Lares, the
purpose of which is
unknown.

Fig. 46.—The temple of
Vespasian, restored.

CHAPTER XV
THE BUILDING OF EUMACHIA

Fig. 47.—Plan of the building of Eumachia.
View larger image

1. Portico, forming part of the colonnade of the Forum.
2, 3. Small niches for statues.
4, 4. Apsidal niches.
5, 5. Large niches, accessible by means of steps.
6. Entrance.
7. Passage room to stairway.
8. Porter's room.
9, 9. Colonnade.
10. Pedestal of the statue of Concordia Augusta.
11, 11. Light courts.
12, 12. Corridor.
13. Broad niche with the statue of Eumachia.
14. Passage leading from Abbondanza Street, with a door opening
into the corridor.
15. Stone with ring.

17, 17. Rectangular elevations.
18, 18. Remains of masonry.
The plan of the large building on the east side of the Forum, between the
temple of Vespasian and Abbondanza Street, is simple and regular. In front
is a deep portico (1), facing the Forum. The interior consists of a large
oblong court with three apses at the rear and a colonnade about the four
sides (9); on three sides there is a corridor behind the colonnade, with
numerous windows opening upon it (12). The corridor could be entered by
three doors, two at the front end of the court, connecting with the
colonnade, and a third at the rear, entered from the end of a passage leading
up from Abbondanza Street (14), the grade of which at this point is
considerably below the pavement of the building (Fig. 50).
An inscription appears in large letters on the entablature of the portico, and
again on a marble tablet over the side entrance in Abbondanza Street:
Eumachia L. f., sacerd[os] publ[ica], nomine suo et M. Numistri Frontonis
fili chalcidicum, cryptam, porticus Concordiae Augustae Pietati sua
pequnia fecit eademque dedicavit,—'Eumachia, daughter of Lucius
Eumachius, a city priestess, in her own name and that of her son, Marcus
Numistrius Fronto, built at her own expense the portico, the corridor
(cryptam, covered passage), and the colonnade, dedicating them to
Concordia Augusta and Pietas.'
The word pietas, in such connections, has no English equivalent, and is
difficult to translate. It sums up in a single concept the qualities of filial
affection, conscientious devotion, and obedience to duty which in the
Roman view characterized the proper conduct of children toward their
parents and grandparents. Here mother and son united in dedicating the
building to personifications, or deifications, of the perfect harmony and the
regard for elders that prevailed in the imperial family.
The reference of the dedication can only be to the relation between the
Emperor Tiberius and his mother Livia; it cannot apply to Nero and
Agrippina, for the reason that the walls of the building were decorated in
the third Pompeian style, which in Nero's time was no longer in vogue. In
22 A.D., when Livia was very ill, the Senate voted to erect an altar to Pietas
Augusta. In the following year Drusus, the son of Tiberius, gave expression

to his regard for his grandmother by placing her likeness upon his coins,
with the word Pietas.
On the coins of colonies also—of Saragossa and another the name of which
is not known—the Pietas Augusta appears, apparently about the same time.
Not long afterwards the harmonious relations between Tiberius and his
mother gave place to mutual suspicion and hostility; the dedication
therefore points to the earlier part of the reign of Tiberius, and in this period
the building was no doubt erected. The statue of Concordia Augusta, a
female figure with a gilded cornucopia, was found in the building; the head,
which has not been preserved, probably bore the features of Livia. By this
dedication the building of Eumachia, as the Macellum later, was placed
under the protection of the imperial house.
While the parts are enumerated in the dedicatory inscription, neither the
name of the building as a whole, nor the purpose, is mentioned. A hint of
the latter, however, is found in another inscription. A broad niche (13) opens
into the corridor at the rear, directly behind the largest apse. Here stood a
marble statue of a beautiful woman (Fig. 255), now replaced by a cast; the
original is in Naples. Upon the pedestal we read: Eumachiae L. f.,
sacerd[oti] publ[icae], fullones,—'Dedicated to Eumachia, daughter of
Lucius Eumachius, a city priestess, by the fullers.'
This building, in which the fullers had set up, in a specially prominent
place, a statue of the person who had erected it, must in some way have
served the purposes of their trade. Clearly enough it was not a fullery; on
the other hand, it was well adapted for a clothier's exchange, a bazaar for
the sale of cloth and articles of clothing. Tables and other furniture for the
convenience of dealers could be placed in the colonnade and the corridor; in
the corridor, especially, goods exposed for sale in front of the open
windows could be conveniently inspected by prospective buyers,—not only
by those in the corridor itself, but also by those looking in from the
colonnade. The small doors between the corridor and the colonnade could
be securely closed, and the entrance from Abbondanza Street could be
easily guarded; there was only a narrow door at the end of the passage
opening into the corridor, and at the street entrance was a porter's room
connected by doors both with the passage and with the street. This evidence
of unusual precaution suggests that possibly the side entrance, from its

close connection with the corridor, was intended especially for the
conveyance of goods to and from the building, in order that the front
entrance might be left for the exclusive use of purchasers and dealers.
On the assumption that the building was a cloth market, it is clear that the
colonnade would naturally be open at all times, the corridor only during
business hours; after business hours the corridor would be closed for the
protection of the goods left there over night. The windows may have been
closed with shutters as in the Oriental bazaars. Other peculiarities of
arrangement also are cleared up by this explanation, but we cannot present
them in detail. It is not possible, however, to make out what the purpose
was of certain remains of masonry found on the south side of the court (18)
which have now disappeared, or of two rectangular elevations at the rear
(17), or, finally, of a large stone in the middle of the court in which a
movable iron ring is fastened (15). Our information is so scanty that we are
unable to determine in all particulars what the requirements of a fuller's
exchange might have been.
At the time of the eruption men were still engaged in rebuilding the parts of
the edifice that had suffered in the earthquake of 63. The front wall at the
rear of the portico was finished and had received its veneering of marble; as
shown by the existing remains, it conformed to the plan of the earlier
structure. The columns and entablature of the portico had not yet been set in
place; considerable portions of them were found in the area of the Forum.
The wall at the rear of the court, with the three apses, had been rebuilt, and
the workmen had begun to add the marble covering. The other walls had
remained standing at the time of the earthquake; but the colonnade had been
thrown down and was now in process of erection. The remains of the
colonnade were removed in ancient times, probably soon after the
destruction of the city; yet from the parts that remain, both of the old
building and of the restorations, we can determine the architectural
character with certainty. We give two reconstructions of the interior, one
showing the front (Fig. 48), the other the rear (Fig. 49).
The colonnade and the portico were characterized by the same peculiarity
of construction: they were in two stories, one above the other, but there was
no upper floor corresponding with the intermediate entablature. In the case
of the portico this is certain from the treatment of the wall at the rear, the

ornamentation of which is carried without interruption high above the level
of the entablature. If the appearance of this building alone had been taken
into account, it would have been simpler and more effective to place at the
front of the portico a single order of large columns the height of which
should correspond with that of the façade; but as the colonnade about the
Forum was in two stories, the front of the portico was made to conform to
it. The columns below were of the Doric, those above of the Ionic, order.
The material—whitish limestone—was the same as that used in the new
colonnade of the Forum. Nevertheless, by the skilful handling of details a
certain individuality was given to the columns; while in general appearance
they harmonized with those about the Forum, the portico as a whole stood
out by itself as something distinct and characteristic.
The columns of the portico were left unfluted, as were those of the new
Forum colonnade, and were of the same height; but their proportions were
more slender, their ornamental forms were slightly different, and they were
set closer together. The pains and skill manifested in harmonizing the
particular with the general architectural effect reflect much credit upon the
Pompeian board of public works. Under the portico at the foot of each
column was a statue, facing the front of the building; the pedestals, which
still remain, assist in determining the places of the columns, of which only
one was found in position. The spaces between the columns could be closed
by latticed gates, as may be seen from traces of them remaining in the
marble pavement at the south end of the portico; the pavement elsewhere
has disappeared.
The
wall
at
the
rear
of
the
porti
co,
facin
g the
Foru

Fig. 48.—The building of Eumachia: front of m,
the court, restored. was
richl
y
orna
mented. The broad entrance in the middle (6) was bridged at the top by a
lintel. At the ends are two large niches more than four feet above the
pavement (5), both reached by flights of steps. Between each of these and
the doorway is a large apsidal arched niche (4) extending down to the
pavement. Lastly in the projecting portions of the wall are four smaller
niches for statues. The whole façade was overlaid with various kinds of
colored marbles.
None of the statues have been found, but the inscriptions belonging to the
two that stood in the small niches at the left are extant and of special
interest; the names of the persons represented, Aeneas and Romulus, are
given, together with a short enumeration of their heroic deeds. These statues
were evidently copies; the originals formed a part of a famous series in
Rome.
Augustus set up in his Forum the statues of renowned Roman generals with
inscriptions setting forth their services to the State; in this way, he said, the
people might obtain a standard of comparison for himself and his
successors. At the beginning of the series were Aeneas, the kings of Alba
Longa, and Romulus. Not one of these statues has been preserved, but some
of the inscriptions have been found in Rome, while others are known from
copies discovered in Arezzo, where without doubt, as at Pompeii, they were
set up with copies of the statues—a forcible illustration of the striving of the
smaller cities to be like Rome. Two other statues, perhaps representing
Julius Caesar and Augustus, stood in the niches at the right corresponding
with those of Aeneas and Romulus; it is not probable that the rest of the
series in Rome was duplicated here, because the remaining pedestals in the
portico were all designed for figures of larger size.
The colonnade about the court was of marble. The front part, as one entered
from the portico, was higher than that on the sides and rear (Fig. 48); it
must have presented a fine architectural effect. The two series of Corinthian
columns, one above the other, reached the height of 30 feet; the wall behind

was diversified with niches and completely covered with marble. At the
right and at the left one could pass down the sides under the colonnade, or
through small doors into the corridor. The walls between the colonnade and
the corridor, pierced with large windows, were decorated below with a dado
of colored marbles and above with painting upon stucco, in the third style.
The two smaller apsidal niches at the rear were no higher than the
colonnade, but the central apse projected above and terminated in a marble
pediment (Fig. 49), fragments of which are still to be seen in the building. It
was entered through three arched doorways, above which apparently there
were windows. The image of Concordia Augusta, with the features of Livia,
probably stood on the pedestal at the rear of the apse, while the statues of
Tiberius and Drusus may have adorned the niches at the sides.
We
can
rea
dily
see
wh
y
the
col
onn
ade
Fig. 49.—Rear of the court of the building of was
Eumachia, restored. ma
de
so
hig
h, and in two stories, when a lower structure would have afforded better
protection against sun and rain. Had it been limited to the usual height the
corridor behind it would have been too dark; and if instead of a double
series of small columns, one above the other, there had been a single series
of large columns of the usual proportions, the thickness of the latter would
have shut out much light and have made the colonnade seem less roomy.
The arrangement adopted had the further advantage that it harmonized the

aspect of the colonnade with that of the portico, the character of which, as
we have seen, was determined by that of the colonnade about the Forum.
The small rooms of irregular shape at the sides of the apse (11) were light
courts, left open to the sky in order to furnish light to the corridor at the
rear, which was shut off from the colonnade.
The corridor was about fourteen feet in height; its walls still have remains
of decoration in the third style.
At the right of the broad niche (13), in which the statue of Eumachia was
found, a door opened into the passage leading from Abbondanza Street; in
the corresponding position at the left, where there was no entrance, a door
was painted upon the wall. This is a folding door in three parts, of a kind
quite common at Pompeii; the middle part is hung by means of hinges, like
those on doors of the present day, fastened to one of the leaves at the sides,
while these are represented as swinging on pivots at the top and the bottom.
A stairway at the southeast corner of the corridor, over the entrance from
Abbondanza Street, led to an upper room. A similar stairway was placed in
the last of the little rooms between the court and the portico, at the left of
the front entrance. The upper rooms, difficult to reach, could hardly have
been intended for salesrooms. They must have been low, probably no higher
than the difference between the height of the colonnade and that of the
corridor. They were most likely used as temporary storerooms for the goods
of the dealers.

Fig. 50.—Fountain of Concordia Augusta.
In the background, steps in the side entrance of
the Eumachia building.
In front of the entrance from Abbondanza Street, is a fountain of the
ordinary Pompeian form; as the material is limestone it is probably of later
date than the other fountains, which are generally of basalt. As may be seen
in our illustration (Fig. 50), the inlet pipe was carried by a broad standard
projecting above the edge of the basin, on the front of which a bust of a
female figure with a cornucopia is carved in relief. The right side of the face
has been worn away by eager drinkers pressing their mouths against the
mouth of the figure, whence the jet issued; it reminds one of the attenuated
right foot of the famous bronze St. Peter in Rome. Hands also have worn
deep, polished hollows in the stone on either side of the standard. The
figure represents Concordia Augusta, but the name Abundantia, given to it
when first discovered, still lingers in the Italian name for the street, which
might more appropriately have been called Strada della Concordia.

CHAPTER XVI
THE COMITIUM

The last building on the east side of the Forum, south of Abbondanza Street,
had undergone a complete transformation a short time before the
destruction of the city. Before the rebuilding, a row of pillars separated the
interior of the structure from the Forum and from the street. At the edge of
the sidewalk along the latter are square holes opposite the pillars (shown on
the plan, Fig. 51), evidently designed for the insertion of posts, so that a
temporary barrier of some sort could be set up. The end of the space within
the barrier where this came to the Forum, and of the rest of the street as
well, could be shut off by latticed gates.

If the barrier were set up, and
the latticed gate at the Forum
end left open, the building
and the space within the
barrier would be shut off
from Abbondanza Street, but
closely connected with the
Forum by the numerous
entrances. After the
rebuilding only two entrances Fig. 51.—Plan of the
from the Forum were left, Comitium.
and one from Abbondanza View larger image
Street.
It is altogether unlikely that 1. Recess opening on the main room.
so large a building, of 2. Recess opening on the Forum.
irregular shape and with
pillars on two sides, was
provided with a roof; we have here an open space rather, serving as an
extension of the Forum. The walls were covered with marble and adorned
with niches, in which, without doubt, statues were placed. On the south side
is a large recess the floor of which, reached by a flight of steps, forms a
kind of platform or tribune about four feet above the pavement of the
enclosure (1). A small door at the right leads into a narrow room containing
a similar platform opening on the colonnade of the Forum (2), and to all
appearances once accessible from it by steps; afterwards both the steps and
the tribune were walled up.
The purpose of these tribunes, and of the building as a whole, is far from
clear. An analogy, however, suggests itself. On one side of the Roman
Forum near the upper end was a small rectangular open space called the
Comitium, used in early times as a voting place. Between the Forum and
the Comitium was originally a speaker's platform, the Rostra, so placed that
orators by turning toward one side could address an audience in the
Comitium and facing about could harangue the Forum. Though the later
changes have obscured the original form of our building, yet it is plain that
at one time there must have been two connected tribunes, one facing the
Forum, the other the enclosed open space; we may at least hazard the

conjecture that the colonists of Sulla, taking the arrangements of the capital
as their pattern in all things, designed this place as their Comitium.
The enclosure was too small to admit of its use for voting according to the
ancient fashion, but general elections in the Comitium had long been a thing
of the past; only the unimportant curiate elections were held there, at which
each curia was represented by a lictor, and at other times the place was used
for judicial proceedings. So our building was probably used, if not for
elections, for formalities preliminary to the elections and for business
connected with the courts.

CHAPTER XVII
THE MUNICIPAL BUILDINGS

At the south end of the Forum were three buildings similar in plan and
closely connected. In front they presented a common façade, the narrow
spaces between them being entered by low doors. The building at the right
(Fig. 52, 3) was at the corner of the Forum, while the space separating the
other two lay on a line dividing the Forum into two equal parts; east of the
last building is the Strada delle Scuole.
The three buildings were
erected after the earthquake
of 63, on the site of older
buildings of the same
character. In the walls of
that furthest east (1),
considerable remains of the
earlier walls are embodied; Fig. 52.—Plan of the
in that near the corner the Municipal Buildings.
original pavement is View larger image
preserved, and in the middle

building there are traces of 1. Office of the duumvirs.
the original pavement. 2. Hall of the city council.
Previous to this rebuilding 3. Office of the aediles.
the inner series of columns
belonging to the colonnade
about the Forum had in part been removed and a barrier set up, by which
the space in front of the middle building and that at the left could be shut off
(indicated on the plan by broken lines). At the time of the eruption only the
building at the left (1) was entirely finished. The others still lacked their
decoration on both inner and outer walls.
These three spacious halls must have served the purposes of the city
administration. The two at the right and the left are alike in having at the
end opposite the entrance an apse large enough to accommodate one or
more magistrates with their attendants; they were the official quarters of the
aediles and the duumvirs, while the middle hall was the council chamber,
curia, where the decurions met.
The middle room was obviously intended to be the most richly ornamented
of the three, and was further distinguished from the others by the elevation
of its floor, which was more than two feet above the pavement of the
colonnade. In front of the entrance is a platform reached at either end by an
approach hardly wide enough for two persons, thus suited for a select rather
than a large attendance.

Fig. 53.—View of the south end of the Forum.
In the background, the ruins of the municipal
buildings; in front of these, the remains of the
colonnade. In the middle ground the pedestals of
the statues of the imperial family.
Along the sides within runs a ledge a little more than five feet above the
floor, on which rested a double series of columns, one above the other,
serving both as ornament and as a support for a ceiling like that of the
temple of Jupiter. If we picture to ourselves the columns in place, the walls
covered with marble, and a rich coffered ceiling above, we are led to form a
favorable idea of the recuperative powers of the city which set about the
construction of such costly and splendid buildings so soon after the terrible
earthquake.
The recess at the rear was designed for a large shrine patterned after the
small shrines of the Lares and Penates in private houses. The Penates of the
city were above all the emperor and his family. If this shrine had been
finished, figures representing Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian would
probably have been placed in it, facing the three Capitoline divinities in the
temple of Jupiter at the other end of the Forum.
The office of the aediles, situated at the corner of the colonnade and close to
the Basilica, and with no barrier to prevent ready access, was particularly
convenient for magistrates who, among other duties, were charged with the
maintenance of order and the enforcement of regulations in the markets.
One or perhaps both aediles sat in the apse; while the rear and middle parts
of the room were reserved for those who had business with them. The front
part, lower than the rest by two steps (shown on the plan), may have served
as a waiting room. At the rear of the apse and in the walls at the sides were
niches for the statues of members of the imperial family and of those who
had rendered important services to the city.
As the duumvirs not only sat as judges but also had in their hands the
financial administration of the city, we can see why the hall set aside for
their use was the first to be rebuilt after the earthquake. The magistrates, of
course, sat in the apse, along the wall of which was a ledge for statues. The
strong front doors were fastened with iron bolts, and there was also a

latticed gate on the step in front of the threshold; probably the archives of
the duumviral office were kept within. The small side door at the right made
it possible to enter and leave the building after business hours or at other
times when the large doors were closed.

CHAPTER XVIII
THE TEMPLE OF VENUS POMPEIANA

For some years it had been known that a temple once stood in the
rectangular block south of the strada della Marina; and in 1898 workmen
excavating here began to uncover the massive foundations. When the
volcanic deposits had been removed it was seen that the court of the temple,
with the surrounding colonnade, occupied the whole area between the
Basilica and the west wall of the long room now used as a Museum. On the
podium (Fig. 55) was found a part of a statuette of Venus, of the familiar
type which represents the goddess as preparing to enter the bath; it was
probably a votive offering set up by some worshipper. In the subterranean
passageway entered near the southeast corner (, IV) the excavators found
another votive offering, a bronze steering paddle of the kind shown in
paintings as an attribute of Venus Pompeiana; an example may be seen in
Fig. 4 (p. 12). From these indications, as well as from the size of the temple
and its location, near the Forum and on an elevation commanding a wide
view of the sea, we are safe in assigning the sanctuary to Venus Pompeiana,
the patron divinity of Roman Pompeii.
Prior to the founding of the Roman colony the site of the temple had been
occupied by houses, built in several stories on the edge of the hill, which
here slopes sharply toward the southwest; remains of the houses, which
must have resembled those farther east (an example is the house of the
Emperor Joseph II, p. 344), have been brought to light in the course of the
excavations. In less than a century and a half the temple was twice built,
twice destroyed; a third building was in progress at the time of the eruption.

Fig. 54.—Plan of the temple of Venus Pompeiana.
View larger image

I, II. Remains of podium of first and second temples.
III. Altar.
IV. Entrance to underground passage.
V, VI. Pedestals.
A-B, C-D-E. Foundations of walls of court of first temple.
F-G-G', G"-H-I. Foundation of stylobate of colonnade of first
temple, with gutter.
A'-B'. Foundation of rear wall of rooms opening on colonnade of
first temple.
a-b-c-d. Walls of court of second temple.
e-f-g-h, e'-f', g'-h'. Foundations of colonnade of second temple—
two rows of columns on each side, a single row at the rear.
K. Main entrance of court of second temple.

L. Smaller entrance of court of second temple.
x, y, z. Old foundation walls having nothing to do with the temple.
A-B-C-C'-B'. Enlargement of podium for third temple.

The first temple was erected in the early years of the Roman colony. An
area approximately 185 Roman feet square was prepared for it by levelling
off and filling up, terrace walls being built to hold in place the earth and
rubbish used for filling. The foundations of the walls about the court (A-B,
C-D-E) can still be traced except on the south side, where, perhaps in
consequence of the earthquake at the time of the eruption, every vestige has
disappeared, and at the southwest corner, where excavations for building
materials in modern times have been carried below the Roman level, a part
of the foundation of the temple itself having been removed. These walls
conformed to the direction of the walls of the Basilica, the corners, as those
of the Basilica, showing a noticeable divergence from a right angle.

Fig. 55.—Ruins of the temple of Venus
Pompeiana, viewed from the southeast.

At the right, foundation of the front row of
columns of the latest (unfinished) colonnade; then
foundation of stylobate of earlier colonnade, with
gutter. In foreground, entrance to subterranean
passage. On the podium of the temple at the
farther end is seen the pedestal of the statue of the
divinity. The wall at the rear of the court is on the
south side of the strada della Marina.
The front of the earlier colonnade is outlined by the gutter (F-G-G', G"-H-
I), constructed of blocks of tufa, which show signs of long use, and the
foundation of the stylobate behind the gutter, which is plainly seen (Fig.
55); in places (as indicated in the plan), the layer of mortar spread over this
foundation shows the impressions made by the blocks of the stylobate
which rested on it. At the middle of the north side (G'-G") both the gutter
and the wall under the stylobate were removed when the foundations of the
third temple were extended in that direction. Along the gutter were basins
for water used in cleaning the floor of the court, which was made of fine
concrete. The entrance to the court was at the northeast corner.
On the east side of the court were six rooms, the rear of which was formed
by the wall A'B'. Two of these opened on the colonnade in their whole
breadth, and four with narrow doors, the thresholds of which, of whitish
limestone, are still in place. Their purpose cannot be determined. The cross
walls shown in the plan on the west side (x, y, z) belonged to an earlier
building, and have nothing to do with the temple.
In front of the temple are remains of a large altar of whitish limestone (III).
On the east side of the court is the base of an equestrian statue (V), of the
same material, which was afterwards veneered with marble; near it is a
pedestal of a standing figure (VI), of masonry covered with stucco, and
behind this is the small base of a fountain figure. Near the southeast corner
is the entrance (IV) to a subterranean passageway which runs toward the
south; it probably led to rooms of earlier houses which were preserved,
when the area was filled up, for the use of the attendants of the temple.
The temple itself, as the other edifices, religious and secular, of the first
years of the Roman colony, must have been built of common materials and

coated with stucco. Of the existing remains only the inner part of the
podium (I, II on the Plan) can be assigned to it; a series of small blocks of
tufa at the rear end is perhaps a remnant of the cornice which was carried
around the upper edge of the podium.
To the Pompeians of the Empire the modest structure of Republican days
seemed unworthy of the tutelary divinity of their city. On the same podium
they built a temple of marble. Of this are preserved the foundations of the
door posts of the cella (Fig. 56 a) and the core of the pedestal (D) on which
stood the statue of the divinity, besides some bits of the cella floor, which
consisted of a border of white mosaic (b), a broad strip of pavement of
small flags of colored marble (c), and an ornamental centre (a) now entirely
destroyed. The only remains of the superstructure that can be identified are
in a storeroom north of the temple of Apollo. They consist of fragments of
large marble columns, nearly thirty-two inches in diameter, and of an
entablature of corresponding dimensions.
After the completion of
the temple the
Pompeians set about
rebuilding the colonnade,
on a scale of equal
magnificence. First of all
they enlarged the court
by removing the old
walls to the foundations,
Fig. 56.—Plan of the second and constructed new
temple, restored. outside walls (a-b-c-d),
View larger image the corners of which
form right angles. The
wall on the north side, of
A. Steps. reticulate work, can be
B. Portico. distinguished in Fig. 55.
C. Cella. That on the east side is
D. Pedestal of the statue of the divinity. also well preserved, but
a. Door of cella. of that on the south side
b. Floor border of white mosaic. no trace remains. The
c. Pavement of colored marbles. deep foundation of the

d. Ornamental centre. wall on the west side
forms the farther wall of
the present Museum, the
roof of which very nearly represents the level of the floor of the ancient
court. The colonnade was to be single on the north, double on the east and
west sides. The principal entrance was at the northeast corner (K), with a
smaller entrance (L) at the end of the narrow street south of the Basilica.
How far the work had progressed before the earthquake of the year 63 it is
not easy to determine. The new gutter along the front of the colonnade had
not yet been laid, but the foundations of the rows of columns (e-f-g-h, e'f',
g'h') were for the most part ready. From the Corinthian capital and
fragments of shafts and entablature lying about the court it is clear that
these members were fitted and in place when they were thrown down. Part
of the colonnade was therefore finished. It was in two stories, probably
without an intervening floor, like the porticoes in front of the Macellum and
the building of Eumachia. Not less than three hundred marble columns must
have been required to complete the work; undoubtedly the wall back of the
colonnade was divided off by pilasters below and half columns above, the
intervening spaces being filled with marble. In point of size, the temple
with its court formed the largest sanctuary, in richness of materials the most
splendid edifice of the entire city.
The great earthquake felled to the ground alike the finished temple and the
unfinished colonnade. But the Pompeians, in their time of trouble least of
all disposed, we may assume, to forsake their patron goddess, soon
commenced the work of rebuilding. Postponing the renewal and completion
of the colonnade as of secondary importance, they cleared away the débris
of the temple, and on the podium where the cella had stood constructed a
temporary place of worship, a small wooden building strengthened at the
bottom by a low wall around the outside. Then they proceeded to enlarge
the podium; the third temple was to be even more imposing than its
predecessor. The old steps were removed from the front. The existing
podium was cut back five Roman feet on each side, and four inches at the
rear, to form the core of the new podium; on all sides of this a massive
foundation wall was commenced, five and a half Roman feet thick, made of
large blocks of basalt carefully worked and fitted. A similar wall was
carried through the old podium (B—B'), to serve as the foundation for the

front wall of the cella. The relative size of the component parts of the new
temple is thus clearly indicated. The cella was to extend over the space B—C
—C'—B', the portico over that marked A—B—B'; how far the steps were to
project in front is uncertain.
At the time of the eruption five courses of basalt had been laid, reaching a
height of more than four feet, the space between the core of the old podium
and the outer wall being filled with concrete as the work progressed. On the
north side of the court are still to be seen a number of blocks of basalt not
yet trimmed and fitted, just as they were abandoned by the workmen when
the work was stopped forever.

CHAPTER XIX
THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNA AUGUSTA

Passing out from the Forum under the arch at the northeast corner, we enter
the broadest street in Pompeii. On the right a colonnade over the sidewalk
runs along the front of the first block, at the further corner of which, where
Forum Street opens into Nola Street, stands the small temple of Fortuna
Augusta. The front of the temple is in a line with the colonnade, which
seems to have been designed as a continuation of the colonnade about the
Forum; the builders apparently wished to have it appear that the temple was
located on an extension of the Forum rather than on a street. The colonnade
is certainly not older than the earlier years of the Empire, and the temple
dates from the time of Augustus.
The divinity of the temple and the name of its builder are both known to us
from an inscription on the architrave of the shrine at the rear of the cella: M.
Tullius M. f., d. v. i. d. ter., quinq[uennalis], augur, tr[ibunus] mil[itum] a
pop[ulo], aedem Fortunae August[ae] solo et peq[unia] sua,—'Marcus
Tullius the son of Marcus, duumvir with judiciary authority for the third
time, quinquennial duumvir, augur, and military tribune by the choice of the

people, (erected this)
temple to Fortuna
Augusta on his own
ground and at his
own expense.'
Such inscriptions
were ordinarily
placed on the
Fig. 57.—Plan of the temple of entablature of the
Fortuna Augusta. portico. The portico
View larger image of this temple,
however, had been
thrown down by the
A. Altar. earthquake of 63, and
B. Portico. had not yet been
C. Cella. rebuilt. The cella may
D. Shrine for the statue of the divinity. have been damaged
1-4. Niches for statues. also, but in order that
the worship might not
be interrupted the
shrine was restored; the inscription was temporarily placed over it.

Fig. 58.—Temple of Fortuna Augusta, restored.

The remains of the walls, columns, and entablature make it possible to
reconstruct the edifice with certainty (Fig. 58). The plan (Fig. 57) in several
respects closely resembles that of the temple of Jupiter, from which the
architect copied the projecting platform in front of the podium, with its altar
and double series of steps. The eight columns sustaining the portico had
Corinthian capitals. The walls of the cella were veneered with marble. In
the shrine at the rear stood, without doubt, the image of Fortuna as guardian
of the fortunes of Augustus and protectress of the imperial family (Fig. 59).
There were also in the walls of the cella four niches for statues, of which
two have been found. The face of one, a female figure, had been sawed off
in order to replace it with another, which has not come to light; the features
of the other statue were said in the reports of the excavations to resemble
those of Cicero, but the resemblance is purely fanciful, suggested by the
name Marcus Tullius in the dedicatory inscription. Both statues were of
persons connected with the priesthood, not of members of the imperial
family. Probably statues of the latter were set up elsewhere, so that the cella
was left free for less important personages.

Fig. 59.—Rear of the cella in the temple of
Fortuna Augusta, with the statue of the goddess,
restored.

The worship of Fortuna Augusta was in charge of a college of priests,
consisting of four slaves and freedmen, who were called Ministri Fortunae
Augustae,—'Servants of Fortuna Augusta.' Our information in regard to
them is derived from five inscriptions, of which two were found in the
temple, the others in different places; but none of them where they
originally belonged. These all relate to the small statues, signa, of which
one was set up by the college every year. One inscription, of the year 3 B.C.,
speaks of the 'first servants (ministri primi) of Fortuna Augusta.' The
priesthood was therefore established in that year, and the temple was
probably built only a short time before.

In donating the land for the temple Tullius retained the ownership of a
narrow strip of irregular shape at the right. Here a rough block of basalt was
set up with the inscription: M. Tulli M. f. area privata,—'Private property
belonging to Marcus Tullius, son of Marcus.'

KEY TO PLAN III

A. Portico at the Entrance of the Forum Triangulare.
B. Forum Triangulare.
1, 1. Colonnade.
2. Promenade.
3. Doric temple.
4. Semicircular bench, with sundial.
5. Sepulchral enclosure.
6. Altars.
7. Well house.
8. Pedestal of the statue of Marcellus.
C. Open-air Gymnasium—Palaestra.
1. Colonnade.
2. Pedestal with steps behind it.
3, 3. Dressing rooms.
D. Tank for Saffron Water.
E. Large Theatre.
1. Dressing room.
2. Stage.
3. Orchestra.
4. Ima cavea.
5. Media cavea.

6. Summa cavea, over a corridor.
7, 7. Tribunals.
F. Small Theatre.
1. Dressing room.
2. Stage.
3, 3. Tribunalia.
G. Theatre Colonnade, used as Barracks for Gladiators.
1. Passage leading from Stabian Street.
2. Entrance.
3. Doorkeeper's room.
4. Passage to the Large Theatre, walled up.
5. Stairway leading down from the Forum Triangulare.
6. Athletes' waiting room—Exedra.
7. Room with remains of weapons and cloth.
8. Guard room.
9. Stairs leading to overseer's rooms.
10. Kitchen.
11. Mess room.
H. Temple of Zeus Milichius.
1. Colonnade.
2. Altar.
3. Cella.
4. Sacristan's room.
I. Temple of Isis.
1. Colonnade.
2. Cella.
3. Shrine of Harpocrates.
4. Purgatorium.
5. Hall of initiation.

6. Hall of the Mysteries.
7. Priest's residence.
K. City Wall.
L. Foundations of Steps.

PLAN III.—THE FORUM TRIANGULARE
WITH ADJACENT BUILDINGS.
View larger image

CHAPTER XX
GENERAL VIEW OF THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS NEAR THE
STABIAN GATE—THE FORUM TRIANGULARE AND THE DORIC
TEMPLE

The end of the old lava stream on which Pompeii lay runs off into two
points; in the depression between them, as we have seen, was the Stabian
Gate. On the edge of the spur at the left a temple of the Doric style was
built in very early times. The descent here, toward the southwest, is so sharp
and the height so great that it was not necessary to add a wall at the top as a
means of defence.
The sides of the temple followed in general the direction of the edge of the
cliff. Raised upon a high foundation, it not only dominated the plain below
but was visible also from the greater part of the city; glistening in the sun, it
became a landmark for mariners far out at sea, who from a distance could
offer greetings to the gods there enshrined.
In the second century B.C. the northwest corner of the depression back of the
Stabian Gate was selected as the site for a large theatre (E on Plan III);
previously, we may suppose, temporary wooden structures had answered
the purpose. This location was chosen, in accordance with the Greek
custom, because the places for the greater part of the seats for the spectators
could be easily cut in the natural slope, which here had the shape of half a
shallow saucer; a superstructure was necessary only for the upper rows of
seats. The architect, if not a Greek, was certainly of Greek training.
South of the theatre an extensive colonnade (G) was erected. It was
intended as a shelter for theatre-goers, but was afterwards turned into
barracks for gladiators.
With a similar purpose, a colonnade of the Doric order was built along two
sides of the triangular level space about the Greek temple (1). In front of the
north end, where the two arms of the colonnade meet, a high portico of the
Ionic order was erected (A) facing the street, thus forming a monumental
entrance to the Theatre. The southwest side of the area was left

unobstructed, and the place, by reason of its shape, is called the Forum
Triangulare, 'Three-cornered Forum.'
In connection with the building of the Theatre land had been expropriated
and cleared as far north as the first east and west street. Here, near the
entrance of the Forum Triangulare, a Palaestra for gymnastic exercises (C)
was built, with funds left for public purposes by a benevolent citizen. Later,
probably not before the time of the Roman colony, a temple of Isis (I) was
erected, adjoining the Theatre on the northeast.
Early in the Roman Period, not long after 80 B.C., a small roofed theatre (F)
was constructed east of the stage of the Large Theatre and of the area at the
rear.
Stabian Street north and south of the Small Theatre was lined with private
houses. At the northeast corner of the block was a temple of Zeus Milichius
(H), seemingly of early date, but entirely rebuilt about the time that the
Small Theatre was erected.

Part of the columns and entablature belonging to the beautiful portico at the
entrance of the Forum Triangulare have been set up again and are seen in
our illustration (Fig. 60). The brackets projecting from the rear wall were
probably designed for statuettes or vases. When the wall was rebuilt, after
the earthquake of 63, a change was made in at least one particular. The
small doorway at the middle, now at right angles with the wall, formerly
passed obliquely through it, opening toward the end of the promenade
which was laid out in front of the colonnade at the left. This promenade (2
on Plan III) was separated from the area of the Forum by a low wall; on
sunny winter days it must have been the most frequented walk in the city.

PLATE III.—THE GREEK TEMPLE AND THE
FORUM TRIANGULARE, SEEN FROM THE
SOUTH. RESTORATION BY WEICHARDT

Besides the small doorway, which was closed by a latticed gate hung from a
wooden jamb, there was at the left a massive double door with strong bolts,
inside of which was still a second door. It seems odd that one entrance
should be so securely closed, while the fastenings of the other were so light.
Ordinarily, the large doors must have been kept shut, while the small

entrance was left open for everyday use; but when there was to be a play in
the Theatre, and the magistrate who gave the entertainment proceeded from
the Forum with a retinue in festal attire, then the great doors were swung
back in honor of the occasion, and the opening of them formed part of an
impressive ceremony.

Fig. 60.—Portico at the entrance of the Forum
Triangulare.

The colonnade within contained ninety-five Doric columns. It was only one
story in height, and the columns for this reason are more slender than those
of the same order in the Forum. The entablature varies from the Doric type
only in respect to the architrave, which consists of two bands. The
continuation of the colonnade along the southwest side was prevented by
the nearness of the temple to the edge of the cliff. Here the magnificent
view over the plain to the mountains and across the Bay was unimpeded;
for the enjoyment of it, two duumvirs in the early years of the Empire built
near the west corner of the temple a semicircular stone seat, schola (4 on
Plan III), like those found in connection with tombs. On the back they
placed a sundial with the inscription: L. Sepunius L. f. Sandilianus, M.

Herennius A. f. Epidianus duo vir[i] i. d. scol[am] et horol[ogium] d. s. p. f.
c. (for de sua pecunia faciundum curarunt),—'Lucius Sepunius Sandilianus
the son of Lucius, and Marcus Herennius Epidianus the son of Aulus,
duumvirs with judiciary authority, caused the seat and the sundial to be
made at their own expense.' The same duumvirs, as we have seen, set up a
sundial in the court of the temple of Apollo.

Fig. 61.—View of the Forum Triangulare, looking
toward Vesuvius.
At the left, remains of the Doric temple and of the
altars and well house in front of it; at the right,
exterior of the large theatre.

At the foot of the middle column at the north end of the colonnade is a
broad basin of Carrara marble resting on a finely proportioned, fluted
standard; a jet of water fell into it from the end of a pipe which passed
through the column above. A little further forward is a pedestal (8) veneered
with marble on which is the inscription: M. Claudio C. f. Marcello patrono,
—'To Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the son of Gaius, patron.' Here stood a
statue of Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, a portrait statue of whom we
have already found in the imperial chapel of the Macellum. The reason why

he was honored with more than one statue is clear from the inscription
before us: he was patron of the colony.
The surface of the Forum Triangulare was considerably higher than the top
of the city wall (K) south of the barracks of the Gladiators. It seems likely
that a flight of steps led down to the wall between the barracks and the long
colonnade, as seen in Weichardt's restoration (Plate III). This explanation
accounts for the existence of certain remains of walls (L on the plan), the
purpose of which is otherwise obscure.

Of the ancient Doric temple but little remains: only the foundation, which
was high for a Greek temple, with a flight of steps in front; two stumps of
columns and traces of a third; four capitals, and portions of the right wall of
the cella. The plan of the cella, however, has been traced by means of
excavations.
The
foundati
on,
unlike
the
podiums
of the
Fig. 62.—Plan of the Doric temple in the
other
Forum Triangulare.
temples
View larger image
at
Pompeii,
was 1. Colonnade.
built up 2. Outer chamber of cella.
in a 3. Inner chamber of cella.
series of 4. Semicircular bench, with sundial.
broad, 5. Sepulchral enclosure.
high 6. Altars.
steps. 7. Well house.
The
number
of the columns, eleven on the sides and seven in front, as in the temple of

Zeus at Agrigentum, has been calculated from the distances between the
stumps. Of those in front two were opposite the corners of the cella, where
the edges of the flight of steps come to the stylobate (Fig. 62). Only a
narrow space was needed between the walls of the cella and the
surrounding columns, but in order to make the outward appearance more
imposing the columns were set as far out as they would have been if a
second series had been placed within, between them and the cella;
according to the classification of Vitruvius the temple was a pseudodipteral.
On account of the interval thus afforded between the entrance of the cella
and the columns in front (a little over sixteen feet), it was thought proper to
leave the number of columns uneven, so that one stood over against the
middle of the doorway.
The temple was of mixed construction, part stone and part wood. The
entablature must have been of stone, otherwise the intercolumniations
would not have been so narrow. The space between the entablature and the
cella, however, could only have been bridged by means of timbers. The
stone used was the gray tufa, but the capitals were of the more durable
Sarno limestone. The surface was coated with stucco, which in part at least
was painted in bright colors. The projecting edge of the eaves trough, also
covered with stucco, was painted red, yellow, and black, and ornamented
with waterspouts in the shape of lions' heads alternating with rosettes.

Fig. 63.—The Doric temple, restored.

The proportions of the columns (lower diameter 6.07 feet, upper diameter
3.12 feet) with their flaring capitals, and the narrow intercolumniations

(Fig. 63), point to an early period; the archaic character of the capitals will
be more fully appreciated if they are compared with those of the colonnade
of the Forum Triangulare. In respect to age this temple ranks with the oldest
of those at Selinunto; it must have been built in the sixth century B.C.
The cella, as our plan shows, was divided into two chambers. In the inner
chamber (3) a large rectangular flag is embedded in the floor at one side so
that a second (indicated on the plan by dotted lines) must have been near it;
the supports of a stone table in front of the image of the divinity perhaps
rested on them. On the long pedestal at the right of the cella stood a deer of
terra cotta, above life size, of which some fragments have been found.
Directly in front of the temple, at the foot of the steps, we find a monument
of an altogether unusual character. The respect with which it was regarded
is evidenced by its location in the place ordinarily occupied by the principal
altar. It consists of a small enclosure of peculiar shape, fenced in by an
outer wall and a low inner wall. To judge from its form, it must have been a
place of burial; we shall find a tomb later the plan of which is quite similar
(Plan V, right side, 2), and it is said that human bones were found here.
These walls are not earlier than the imperial period, but they must have
taken the place of an older structure; for the altars were evidently put over
near the east corner of the temple (6 on the plan), because the place which
they would naturally have had was already occupied. For a time—how long
it would be idle to conjecture—this was beyond doubt the most important
temple of the city; the placing of the tomb in the most sacred spot in front
of it suggests that the founder or founders of the city may have been buried
here, and afterwards revered as heroes.
Instead of a single altar in front of the temple there are three, all made of
blocks of tufa, two of them resting on a single foundation; the third is built
on the ground without a foundation, and is of later date. One altar is larger
than the other two, and its surface is divided into three parts.
Not far from the altars are the remains of a small round structure (7 on the
plan, shown in Fig. 61) about twelve feet in diameter. The roof, supported
by eight Doric columns, was over the mouth of a well, which had been
driven down through the old lava bed till living water was found for
cleaning the temple and for religious rites. According to the Oscan

inscription on the architrave the well house was built by N. Trebius, chief
administrative officer (meddix tuticus) of the city.
It is impossible to determine what divinities were worshipped here. The
placing of two altars together, one being divided into three parts, and the
addition of a third, seem to imply that three divinities received worship in
common, and that besides these two other gods were honored in this
sanctuary. The terra cotta deer furnishes a clew, but is not decisive
evidence; deer were sacred to several divinities, among others to Apollo and
Artemis. A marble torso of about half life size, found on the declivity south
of the temple, has been identified with some degree of probability as
belonging to a statue of Apollo. Perhaps originally Apollo and Artemis were
honored here, and with them Leto; but in an Oscan inscription discovered in
1897 the temple seems to be designated as belonging to Minerva (p. 240),
who was perhaps also worshipped with them.
At the time of the eruption the temple was in ruins. It may have been in this
condition only since the earthquake of 63, or for a longer time. That the
worship might not be abandoned a poor shrine was built among the ruins,
smaller than the old cella and a little further to the right; a drum of a
column, set up on the flag in the floor of the cella, served as a pedestal for
the image of the divinity.

CHAPTER XXI
THE LARGE THEATRE

Performances upon the stage were first given in Rome in the year 364 B.C.; a
pestilence was raging, and the Romans thought to appease the gods by a
new kind of celebration in their honor. The performers were brought from
Etruria, and the exercises were limited to dancing, with an accompaniment
on the flute. There was as yet no Latin drama. The first regular play was
presented more than a century later, in 240 B.C., and the playwright was not

a Roman but a Greek from Tarentum, Livius Andronicus, who translated
both tragedies and comedies from his native tongue. The next dramatist was
a Campanian, Gnaeus Naevius. The building of a theatre was not yet
thought of; a temporary wooden platform was erected for the actors, and the
spectators spread themselves out on the green slope of a hillside facing it.
When the censor Cassius Longinus in 154 B.C. commenced the erection of a
theatre on the Palatine hill near the temple of Cybele, at whose festivals
plays were given, the ex-consul Scipio Nasica rose in the Senate and in a
speech full of feeling warned the Romans not to countenance this foreign
amusement, on the ground that it would sap the foundations of the national
character. His words produced so deep an impression that the Senate not
only voted to pull down the part of the building already erected, and to
refuse permission for the erection of similar buildings in the future, but
even prohibited altogether the renting of seats at theatrical representations;
Romans who wished to see a play must remain standing during a
performance, or sit on the ground. Naturally so stringent measures could not
long remain in force. Nine years later Mummius, the destroyer of Corinth,
presented dramas in connection with his triumph, and put up wooden seats
for the spectators. The first stone theatre in Rome was built by Pompey, the
rival of Caesar, in 55 B.C. In Pompeii, on the contrary, a permanent theatre
had been erected at least a hundred years earlier.
The Oscan culture was so completely merged in that of Rome that our
knowledge of it as an independent development is extremely slight; and no
information has come down to us regarding the history of the native drama.
From literary sources we know only of a crude form of popular comedy in
which, as in the Italian Commedia dell' arte, there were stock characters
distinguished by their masks,—Maccus a buffoon, Bucco a voracious,
talkative lout, Pappus an old man who is always cheated, and Dossennus a
knave. The scene of these exhibitions was always Atella, the Gotham of
Campania, whence they were called Atellan farces.
The Theatre at Pompeii, however, is a proof that as early as the second
century B.C., in at least one Campanian city, dramatic representations of a
high order were given. Here, perhaps, as at Athens, they were associated
with the worship of Dionysus; for the satyrs were companions of the Wine-
god, and the head of a satyr, carved in tufa, still projects from the keystone

of the arch at the outer end of one of the vaulted passages leading to the
orchestra. Greek verse, and native verse modelled after the Greek, must
have gained a hearing at Pompeii, and the works of Oscan poets—not a line
of which has come down to us—must have stirred the hearts of the people
long before Livius Andronicus, and Naevius, who brought inspiration from
his Campanian home, produced their dramas at Rome.
In describing the Theatre it will be best to take up in order the three main
divisions common to Greek and Roman buildings of this class: the cavea,
the large outer part shaped somewhat like half a funnel, containing seats for
spectators; the orchestra, the small semicircular portion enclosed by the
cavea, with an entrance, parodos, on either side; and the stage, facing the
orchestra and the cavea. The accompanying illustrations give a plan (Fig.
64), and a view of the ruins in their present condition (Fig. 65); the exterior
as seen from the south is shown in Fig. 61.
The cavea afforded seats for about five thousand persons. The greater part
of it, from the orchestra to the vaulted corridor under the summa cavea (Fig.
64, 6), lies on the slope of the hill; the floor of the corridor is on a level with
the Forum Triangulare.
The seats are arranged in three semicircular sections. The lowest, ima cavea
(4), next to the orchestra, contains four broad ledges on which, as well as in
the orchestra itself, the members of the city council, the decurions, could
place their chairs, the 'seats of double width.'

The middle section, media cavea (5), was
much deeper, extending from the ima
cavea to the vaulted corridor. It contained
twenty rows of marble seats arranged like
steps, of which only a small portion is
preserved. On a part of one of these,
individual places, a little less than 16
inches wide, are marked off by vertical
lines in front, and numbered; they
probably belonged to some corporation
which found it necessary, in order to avoid
confusion, to assign places to its members
by number. In Rome the fourteen rows Fig. 64.—Plan of
nearest the bottom were reserved for the the Large Theatre.
knights. Whether a similar arrangement View larger image
prevailed in the municipalities and the
colonies is not known, but if so the
number reserved here must have been 1. Dressing room.
smaller. 2. Stage.
3. Orchestra.
The upper section, summa cavea (6),
4. Ima cavea.
supported by the vault over the corridor,
5. Media cavea.
was too narrow to have contained more
6. Summa cavea.
than four rows of seats.
7. Tribunalia.
The ima cavea was entered from the 8. Tank for saffron
orchestra. The media cavea could be water.
entered on the lower side from the passage
(diazoma, praecinctio) between it and the
ima cavea, which at the ends was connected by short flights of steps with
the parodoi leading outside; on the upper side six doors opened into the
media cavea from the corridor, from which flights of steps descended
dividing the seats into five wedgelike blocks, cunei, with a small oblong
block in addition on either side near the end of the stage.
The corridor was accessible by four doors, one from the Forum Triangulare,
another from the open space between this and the rounded exterior of the

Theatre, a third at the end of an alley east of the temple of Isis, and a fourth
opening from a steep passage leading up from Stabian Street. The summa
cavea, which for convenience we may call the gallery, was entered by
several doors (the exact number is uncertain) from a narrow vaulted passage
along the outside. This passage, however, did not extend the whole length
of the gallery, but stopped where the outer wall of the Theatre joined that of
the Forum Triangulare. Here a stairway led to it; there was a second
stairway at the rear of the Palaestra, and a third leading from the alley east
of the temple of Isis; the three are shown on Plan III. At the edge of the
Forum Triangulare, a narrow stairway, built in the thick wall, led directly to
the gallery (Fig. 64).
The outer wall back of the gallery rose to a considerable height above the
last row of seats. On the inside near the top were projecting blocks of basalt
(seen in Fig. 65), containing round holes in which strong wooden masts
were set; from these the great awning, velum, was stretched over the cavea
and orchestra to the roof of the stage, protecting the spectators from the sun.
This sort of covering for the theatre was a Campanian invention, and here,
where the cavea opened toward the south, was especially necessary. In the
Coliseum, and the well preserved theatre at Orange, the arrangements for
fastening the masts are on the outside of the wall. The upper part of the wall
of our Theatre has been rebuilt in modern times, and it has been doubted
whether the blocks of basalt and the pieces of cornice above with
corresponding incisions are ancient; the latter surely are not modern, and
their slightly wedged shape shows that from the beginning they must have
been on the inside of the wall.
Near the front of the orchestra at the right and the left were small
rectangular platforms; one is shown in Fig. 65. They were supported by the
vaults over the entrances (7, 7), and were reached by small stairways near
the ends of the stage. They were called tribunals, and here, as in Rome,
were no doubt reserved for the seats of those to whom special honor was
paid. One was set aside for the use of the magistrate who gave the play; in
Rome the vestal virgins, in accordance with a decree of Augustus, occupied
the other, and in Pompeii their place was very likely taken by the city
priestesses.

Fig. 65.—View of the Large Theatre.

The shape of the orchestra is that of a semicircle enlarged in the direction of
tangents at right angles with the diameter; a complete circle could be
inscribed in the space. It was probably never used for a chorus, but was
occupied by the seats of prominent spectators, particularly the city officials
and their friends. It was entered by means of the vaulted passages under the
tribunals.
The steps leading from the orchestra upon the stage (Fig. 65) can be
explained only on the supposition that even in the Roman period, to which
the steps in their present form belong, actors who took the part of persons
arriving from distant places came upon the stage through the orchestra. In
the niches in front of the stage, as we learn from a wall painting, sat those
charged with the maintenance of order in the Theatre, two perhaps in the
rectangular niches, or one in the semicircular niche in the middle.
The stage is long and narrow, measuring 120 by 24 Oscan feet; the floor is a
little more than three feet above the level of the orchestra. The rear wall, as

in ancient theatres generally, was built to represent the front of a palace,
entered by three doors, and adorned with columns and niches for statues. In
each of the short sections of wall at the ends of the stage is a broad
doorway, extending across almost the entire space. The long narrow room
behind the stage, used as a dressing room (postscaenium), was entered by a
door at the rear, which was reached by an inclined approach. No trace of the
roof of the stage remains, but from the better preserved theatres at Orange,
in the south of France, and at Aspendus, in Asia Minor, we infer that it
sloped back toward the rear wall. The floor was of wood.
The room underneath the stage was divided into several parts. Between the
front wall and that just back of it (seen in Fig. 65) was the place for the
curtain, which, as in Roman theatres, was let down at the beginning of the
play, and raised at the end. The space between the parallel walls must have
been covered, leaving only a narrow slit for the curtain; otherwise it would
not have been easy to go upon the stage from the steps in the orchestra.
Underneath the place for the curtain is a low passage, in the vaulted roof of
which are two rows of holes, a little more than a foot square, cut in blocks
of basalt, and evidently designed to hold upright timbers. This passage has
in recent years been entirely cleared. In the floor, directly under the
openings in the vaulted roof and corresponding with them, were square
holes. In those nearer the front of the stage were remains of timbers and of
square pieces of iron fitted to the ends of these, a larger and a smaller piece
for each hole. It seems likely that, as Mazois suggested, hollow upright
beams were set in the holes, and in them smaller hollow beams were placed,
in which were still smaller poles or iron rods; by the sliding of these up and
down, the long horizontal pole on which the curtain was hung could be
raised or lowered. The use of the inner row of holes has not been
satisfactorily explained.
The room under the right of the stage is so low, about three feet, that it
could not have been available for any purpose, but that at the left is higher,
and was used for theatrical machinery, the scanty remains of which arouse
our curiosity without satisfying it. In the floor are set two oblong blocks of
limestone, about four feet in length. Each has in its upper surface a round
hole, between two and three inches deep, with an iron socket, in which
there are still remains of an iron cap once fitted to the lower end of a

vertical wooden shaft that turned in it; the upper end of the shaft—assuming
that the blocks are in their original position—must have revolved in a
socket fixed in one of the joists of the stage floor. There is besides on the
upper surface of each block a rectangular depression, and on either side a
shallow incision; the purpose is altogether obscure. A third stone, similar to
these two, is set in the north wall of the same room, and opposite it was
fitted another; here, then, a horizontal shaft turned; there was a similar pair
of stones at the left end of the place for the curtain. These arrangements
suggest the crane-like machine by which floating figures were brought upon
the stage, as Medea in the play of Euripides riding in a chariot drawn by
dragons, and the familiar deus ex machina; such machinery, according to
Pollux (Onomast. IV. 128), was placed on the left side of the stage.
When plays were presented, the front of the palace at the back of the stage
was concealed by painted scenery. As several pieces might be produced one
after the other, it was necessary to arrange for the shifting of scenes. This
was accomplished by drawing one set of decorations off to the sides, thus
bringing the next set into view (scaena ductilis); the ends were changed by
turning the periactoi, huge three-sided prisms, each side of which was
suited to a different scene (scaena versilis). In spite of the clumsiness of the
arrangements, as contrasted with those of the best modern theatres, the
mounting of plays was artistic and impressive, and compares favorably with
that of Shakespeare's time.
The only allusions to matters connected with theatrical representations at
Pompeii are in inscriptions relating to actors, as Sorex (p. 176). A number
of graffiti scratched on walls in various parts of the city mention an Actius
Anicetus, whose name is given in full in an inscription found at Puteoli, C.
Ummidius Actius Anicetus. He seems to have been a very popular actor of
pantomime, at the head of a troupe. One of the inscriptions reads: Acti,
a[mor] populi, cito redi,—'Actius, darling of the people, come back
quickly!'
The theatre in antiquity was by no means reserved for scenic
representations alone. It was a convenient place for bringing the people
together, and was used for public gatherings of the most varied character. In
the theatre at Tarentum the memorable assembly met which heaped insults
upon the Roman ambassadors and precipitated war with Rome. At

Pergamos King Mithridates was to be crowned in the theatre by a
descending Victory, but by some mishap the wreath fell to the floor, an
omen of evil. When the Ephesians, stirred up by Demetrius the silversmith,
wished to take measures against Paul and his companions, "They rushed
with one accord into the theatre." On such occasions we may suppose that
the front of the palace at the rear of the stage served as a background
without other decoration. This use of the theatre for general purposes was a
Greek rather than a Roman custom, but the theatre itself in Italy was an
importation from Greece; and we may suppose that the theatre at Pompeii
was on more than one occasion the scene of notable demonstrations.
Our Theatre, as is evident from the character of the construction, in its
original form belonged to the Tufa Period, but was rebuilt in Roman times.
Some particulars in regard to the rebuilding are given in an inscription: M.
M. Holconii Rufus et Celer cryptam, tribunalia, theatrum,—'Marcus
Holconius Rufus and Marcus Holconius Celer (built) the crypt, the
tribunals, and the part designed for spectators,' that is, the vaulted corridor
under the gallery, the platforms over the entrances to the orchestra, and the
cavea.
The two Holconii lived in the time of Augustus. The elder, Rufus, was
duumvir for the fourth term in 3-2 B.C. The work on the Theatre was
probably done about that time; for soon afterwards, before his fifth
duumvirate, a statue in his honor was erected in the Theatre, as we learn
from an inscription. Later, in 13-14 A.D., the younger Holconius also, when
he had been chosen quinquennial duumvir, was honored with a statue. The
masonry of the corridor and of the exterior arches supporting it, as well as
of the tribunals, well agrees with that in vogue in the Augustan Age; we find
brick-shaped blocks of tufa and reticulate work. The marble seats in the
cavea may be assigned to the same period; in the original structure the
benches must have been of tufa. About the same time the present wall at the
back of the stage was built, in the place of an older and much simpler
façade, but not by the Holconii; if this also had been rebuilt by them, it
would have been mentioned in the inscription.
Possibly the tribunals were an addition due to the Holconii. The corridor
under the gallery, however, must have been built in the place of an earlier
corridor, for the piers on the outside rest on foundations similar in character

to the oldest parts of the building. As these piers served no other purpose
than to sustain the passage opening into the section of seats above the
corridor, this must have formed a part of the original plan.
The statues of both the Holconii probably stood in niches in the wall at the
back of the stage. Holconius Rufus was further honored with a monument
of some sort in the cavea. The lowest seat of the media cavea had at the
middle, directly opposite the stage, a double width for a distance of about
five feet, gained by removing a portion of the next seat above. Here was an
inscription in bronze letters: M. Holconio M. f. Rufo, II. v. i. d. quinquiens,
iter[um] quinq[uennali], trib[uno] mil[itum] a p[opulo], flamini Aug[usti],
patr[ono] colo[niae], d[ecurionum] d[ecreto],—'[Dedicated] in accordance
with a decree of the city council to Marcus Holconius Rufus the son of
Marcus, five times duumvir with judiciary authority, twice quinquennial
duumvir, military tribune by the choice of the people, priest of Augustus,
and patron of the colony.' The object placed here was of bronze, and was
made secure by fastenings set in twelve holes; what it was is altogether
uncertain. The ancients had the custom of conferring lasting honor upon a
deserving man after death by placing in the theatre a seat inscribed with his
name. We should be glad to believe that a 'seat of double width,' bisellium,
the use of which was allowed to members of the city council, was placed
here, but the arrangement of the twelve holes is difficult to reconcile with
this explanation.
The architect employed by the Holconii, a freedman, was not honored with
a statue, but his name was transmitted to posterity in an inscription placed
in the outer wall near the east entrance to the orchestra: M. Artorius M.
l[ibertus] Primus, architectus,—'Marcus Artorius Primus, freedman of
Marcus, architect.'
The plan of the Theatre could not have been taken from a Roman model; it
conforms, as we should have expected, to the Greek type. In the Roman
theatre the orchestra was in the form of a semicircle, of which the diameter
was represented by the stage. In Greek theatres, on the contrary, the stage
according to Vitruvius was laid out on one side of a square inscribed in the
circle of the orchestra; the orchestra, as shown by existing remains, in most
cases was either a complete circle or was so extended by tangents at the
sides that a circle could be inscribed in it. The latter is the case in our

Theatre, of which the orchestra has essentially the same form as that of the
theatre of Dionysus at Athens.
The stage falls under the limit of height,—five feet,—allowed by Vitruvius
for the stage of the Roman theatre, not to mention the height of ten to
twelve feet specified for that of the Greek type. The reason assigned for the
moderate elevation of the Roman stage is that the orchestra was occupied
by the seats of senators, whose view would be obstructed if more than a
moderate elevation should be given to the front of the stage. The orchestra
of our Theatre was apparently from the beginning intended for the use of
spectators, not for a chorus.
The conclusions reached by Dr. William Doerpfeld in regard to the stage of
the Greek theatre, if borne out by the facts, would necessitate a complete
abandonment of previous views on the subject. His theory, in brief, is, that
not only the chorus but also the actors went through their parts not on the
stage but in the orchestra, which had the form of a circle, and that what we
are accustomed to consider the front wall of the stage was rather the rear
wall of the platform in the orchestra on which the actors and chorus stood,
this wall being laid out on a tangent of the circle and having a height of
twelve feet, as we may understand from Vitruvius and from the remains of
the theatre at Epidaurus.
The main reasons advanced in support of this theory are that the platform
currently regarded as the stage, which according to Vitruvius and the
existing remains was hardly more than ten feet wide, must have been too
narrow to allow free movement on the part of the actors, and that the height
above the orchestra was too great to admit of the close relation between the
actors and the chorus, of which there is abundant evidence in the extant
dramas. According to Dr. Doerpfeld, the stage came into existence in Italy
first, and in the Roman period, when there was no longer any chorus; a
platform five feet high was built for the actors, extending to the middle of
the orchestra, so that this now took the form of a semicircle and could be
used for the seats of spectators.
To undertake the examination of Dr. Doerpfeld's theory in detail would not
be pertinent here; yet we cannot bring our description of the Theatre at
Pompeii to a close without inquiring whether this structure, which is

perhaps a century older than the oldest Roman theatre, shows any trace of
the arrangement which the theory assumes. Unfortunately, the evidence is
not conclusive for either a negative or an affirmative answer. Just as this
second edition goes to press a joint investigation of the whole matter has
been undertaken by the author and Dr. Doerpfeld, whose work is being
facilitated by excavations. It is yet too early to anticipate the conclusions to
which the evidence thus gained will lead; we may hazard a tentative
statement in regard to only one or two points.
It now appears probable that the present stage was not constructed at the
same time with the other parts of the Theatre, but that it is a later addition.
There is no trace of an earlier stage, and there is nothing to indicate that this
was built against the part of the structure designed for the spectators. We
might assume that this earlier stage was placed at a slight distance from the
other parts of the building, and that the entrances of the orchestra, the
parodoi, lay between, were it not for the fact that the outer doorways of the
present parodoi—notably that on the west side with the head of a satyr on
the keystone—unquestionably belong to the original structure; and we
should not be warranted in assuming two entrances to the orchestra on each
side. At the same time it is evident that the construction of the tribunalia
must have involved a rebuilding of this part of the Theatre, and it is possible
that originally passages led from the outer doors of the present parodoi, not
to the orchestra, but to the ranges of seats. In that case, assuming that the
stage was slightly removed from the rest of the structure, we may freely
grant that the acting may have gone on in front of it rather than upon it, and
that this may have been a Greek theatre according to Dr. Doerpfeld's view.
But we are here dealing only with possibilities; it is to be hoped that further
investigation will bring to light data for a final solution of the problem.
In the open space between the Theatre, the Forum Triangulare, and the
Palaestra there is a deep reservoir for water (D), square on the outside and
round within. It was evidently used for the sprinklings, sparsiones, with
saffron-colored water, by which on summer days the heat of the Theatre
was mollified. That such sprinklings were in vogue in Pompeii is known
from announcements of gladiatorial combats, painted on walls, in which
they are advertised together with an awning as part of the attraction,—
sparsiones, vela erunt.

CHAPTER XXII
THE SMALL THEATRE

The names of the builders of the Small Theatre are known from an
inscription which is found in duplicate in different parts of the building: C.
Quinctius C. f. Valg[us], M. Porcius M. f. duovir[i] dec[urionum] decr[eto]
theatrum tectum fac[iundum] locar[unt] eidemq[ue] prob[arunt],—'Gaius
Quinctius Valgus the son of Gaius and Marcus Porcius the son of Marcus,
duumvirs, in accordance with a decree of the city council let the contract for
building the covered theatre, and approved the work.' Later the same
officials, when, after the customary interval, they had been elected
quinquennial duumvirs, built the Amphitheatre 'at their own expense' (p.
212).
When two magistrates set up an inscription in
duplicate, ordinarily the name of one appears
first in one copy, while that of the second is put
first in the other. In all four inscriptions,
however, two at the Small Theatre and two at
the Amphitheatre, Valgus has the first place. The
reason in the case of the Amphitheatre is not far
to seek: Valgus was the man of means, who
furnished the money for the building, but Fig. 66.—Plan
allowed his colleague and friend to share in the of the Small
honor. We may also believe that, while the Theatre.
Small Theatre was erected 'in accordance with a View larger
decree of the city council,' and hence image
presumably at public expense, a part of the
funds was contributed by Valgus, who on this
account received honor above his less opulent 1. Dressing room.
colleague. 2. Stage.
3, 3. Tribunals.
The son-in-law of this Valgus, Publius Servilius
Rullus, has been undeservedly immortalized by
a speech of Cicero in opposition to a bill
brought forward by him in regard to the division of the public lands. From
the same oration we learn that Valgus, a man without scruples, had taken

advantage of the reign of terror instituted by Sulla to acquire vast wealth,
particularly in the way of landed property. Among his estates was one in the
country of the Hirpini, near the city of Aeclanum (south of Beneventum),
which made him its patron and for which, as shown by an inscription, he
repaired the walls destroyed in the Civil War. He was undoubtedly one of
the leading men in the colony founded by Sulla at Pompeii, and very likely
sought by large public benefactions to cast his former life into oblivion. The
Small Theatre must have been built in the early years of the Roman colony,
not long after 80 B.C.

Fig. 67.—View of the Small Theatre.

A covered auditorium in the immediate vicinity of a large unroofed theatre
was not uncommon. About the time of the destruction of Pompeii the poet
Statius, praising the magnificence of his native city Naples, speaks of 'twin
theatres in a single structure, one open and one roofed,'—geminam molem
nudi tectique theatri. Our only clew to the special use of such a building,

however, is derived from the one erected at Athens by Herodes Atticus, in
the reign of Hadrian. This was called an Odeum, that is, according to the
derivation of the word, a room for singing; musical entertainments were
held there, especially, we may assume, those musical contests which had so
important a place in ancient festivals. The purpose of the roof was doubtless
to add to the acoustic effect.
The plan of the Large Theatre has been discussed at so great length that a
few words will suffice in relation to that of the smaller structure (Fig. 66).
That it might be possible to cover the enclosed space with a roof, the upper
rows of seats were reduced in length, and the whole building—cavea,
orchestra, and stage—was brought into an oblong shape; only the orchestra
and the lower rows of seats in the cavea form a complete semicircle. The
pyramidal roof was supported by a wall on all four sides; in the upper part
of the wall, between the roof and the highest row of seats, there were
probably windows.
The seating capacity of the building was about fifteen hundred. The lowest
section of the cavea, as in the Large Theatre, consisted of four low, broad
ledges on which the chairs of the decurions could be placed. Above these is
a parapet, behind which is a passage accessible at either end by semicircular
steps. The broad range of seats above was divided into five wedge-shaped
blocks by flights of steps; only two of these, however, extended as far as the
passage running along the upper side, which could be reached from the
alley at the rear of the building by means of stairways connecting with
outside doors.
The seats were of masonry capped with slabs of
tufa about seven inches thick. They had depressions
in the side and in the top, as may be seen in the
accompanying section (Fig. 68). They were thus
made somewhat more comfortable, the person in
front being less subject to disturbance from the feet
of one sitting on the next seat behind; a saving of Fig. 68.—
room was also effected—an important Section of a
consideration in the construction of a small seat in the
auditorium. Small
Theatre.

The tribunals (3, 3) differed from those in the Large View larger
Theatre in that they were shut off entirely from the image
seats of the cavea by a sharply inclined wall, and
were entered only from the stage, by means of
narrow stairways; in this way the exclusive
character of the seats was made still more prominent. Besides the platform
itself, measuring only about 11 by 9 feet, three seats above each tribunal
were set off with it by the same division wall and were available for the
occupants.
The sloping wall between the tribunal and the cavea
on each side ends with a kneeling Atlas (Fig. 69);
large vases probably stood on the two brackets
supported by these figures. The end of the parapet on
either side is embellished with a lion's foot of tufa
(Fig. 70). These rather coarse sculptures illustrate the
character of the art that was brought to Pompeii by
the Roman colony. The workmanship is by no means
fine, yet the muscles of the figures are well rendered,
Fig. 69.—An and the effect is pleasing.
Atlas.
The pavement of the orchestra (seen in Fig. 67)
consists of small flags of colored marble. An
inscription in bronze letters informs us that it was
laid by the duumvir Marcus Oculatius Verus pro ludis, that is instead of the
games which he would otherwise have been expected to provide.
At the ends of the stage, as in the case of the Large Theatre, there were two
broad entrances. The wall at the rear, which was veneered with marble, had
the customary three doors, and in addition two small doors, one near each
end. The long dressing room behind the stage had likewise two broad
entrances at the ends, besides four at the rear. Apparently the two narrow
doors near the ends of the wall at the rear of the stage, and the two doors
corresponding with them at the back of the dressing room, were for the use
of those who had seats on the tribunals; they could thus enter and leave
their places even when the large side doors of both stage and dressing room
had been shut—as undoubtedly happened immediately after the procession
(pompa) had passed across the stage.

Fig. 70.
—
Ornam
ent at
the
ends of
the
parapet
.

CHAPTER XXIII
THE THEATRE COLONNADE, USED AS BARRACKS FOR
GLADIATORS

'Behind the stage,' says Vitruvius (V. ix.), speaking of the arrangements of
the theatre, 'colonnades should be built, that shelter may be afforded to
spectators in case of rain and a place provided for making preparations for
the stage.'
This maxim of ancient architects was applied at Pompeii in a generous way;
in connection with the theatres there was an extensive system of
colonnades. To understand their use it will be necessary first to view them
as they were in the earlier time, and then to take account of later changes.
In the Oscan Period, and afterwards to the end of the Republic, when a
performance in the Large Theatre was interrupted by a shower, the
spectators in the upper seats could take refuge under the colonnade of the
Forum Triangulare; those below found shelter under the rectangular

colonnade at the rear,
which was obviously
built for the purpose, and
may be called, by way of
distinction, the Theatre
Colonnade (Fig. 71). It
contained seventy-four
Doric columns, and
enclosed a large open
area. The main entrance
(2) was near the
northeast corner. The
entrance hall on the side
of the colonnade was
supported by three Ionic
columns. It was
connected at the north
end with a short
colonnade on the east Fig. 71.—Plan of the Theatre
side of the area back of Colonnade, showing its relation
the stage of the Theatre; to the two theatres.
this led to the large door View larger image
at the east end of the
stage and the 1. Passage leading from Stabian Street.
corresponding parodos of 2. Entrance.
the orchestra; the wall at 3. Doorkeeper's room.
4 on our plan is a later 4. Passage to Large Theatre, walled up.
addition. The Theatre 5. Stairway from the Forum
Colonnade must have Triangulare.
been used also as a 6. Exedra—athletes' waiting room.
promenade on days when 7. Room with remains of costumes.
there was no 8. Guard room.
performance; it was 9. Stairway to overseer's rooms.
connected by a broad 10. Kitchen?
passage (1) with Stabian 11. Mess room.
Street.

This colonnade seems too far away to have served as a place for making
preparations for the stage; another was erected for that purpose. At the
northwest corner a broad stairway leads down from the Forum Triangulare
(5; cf. Fig. 65); from the foot a small and inconvenient flight of steps leads
into the area at the rear of the stage. In a line with the stairway is a series of
small rooms opening toward the south. These do not belong to the original
structure. In their place there was once a colonnade, which faced the north
and connected the large stairway with the short colonnade, the remains of
which are still to be seen on the east side of the area; the back of it was at
the same time the back of the north division of the Theatre Colonnade.
There was thus a covered passage extending from the foot of the stairway
along two sides of the area to the east entrance of the stage and of the
orchestra, which would answer very well to the second part of Vitruvius's
dictum; but it had also another important use.
The portico of the Forum Triangulare, as we have seen, was at the same
time the monumental entrance of the Theatre, and the large doorway at the
left was used only for the ceremonious admission of the city officials, who
with their retinue formed a procession in the Forum and wended their way
hither in festal attire in order to open the performance—a formality that
may be compared with the parade with which the Roman games were
opened at Rome.
The route of such a procession, after entering the Forum Triangulare, is now
clear. It passed along under the colonnade adjoining the Theatre, beyond the
entrances to the upper portion of the cavea; turned and descended the broad
stairway (5), proceeded under the colonnade along the south and east sides
of the area behind the stage, and finally came upon the stage through the
wide doorway at the east end. It was indeed possible to pass beyond the
stage entrance and proceed through the parodos directly to the seats of the
orchestra and the lowest section of the cavea; but it is more in accordance
with the fondness of the ancients for display to suppose that the procession
moved across the stage, receiving as it passed the plaudits of the great
audience, and emerged from the entrance opposite that by which it came in,
disbanding in the court, whence the members could go to their respective
seats. We need not here raise the question whether the procession passed
upon the stage behind the triangular side screens (periactoi), or whether
these were set in place only after it had already passed.

When the colonnade on the south side of the court had been replaced by
rooms, and the Theatre Colonnade itself had been transformed into
barracks, this route of the processions was blocked. They could still pass
down the street in front of the temple of Isis, turn into Stabian Street, and
reach the stage through the passage at the rear of the Small Theatre; but it
does not seem probable that they followed this course, for the reason that
there are three large stepping stones in the street before one comes to the
entrance of the passage; these would have proved a serious obstruction, and
would undoubtedly have been removed had the processions gone this way.
We may rather believe that before the usual route was closed the
processions themselves had been given up. They were still in vogue,
however, when the Small Theatre was built; otherwise the purpose of the
wide entrances at the ends of the stage and of the room back of it is not
clear. Moreover the sidewalk in front of the Small Theatre, on Stabian
Street, is of an altogether unusual width, and was apparently covered by a
portico. We infer that the procession to this theatre entered at the west end
of the stage, and passed out at the east end; since it could not disperse on
the street, it would turn where the sidewalk was broadest, go back through
the room at the rear of the stage into the court, and there disband.
The discontinuance of the processions must then be assigned to the period
between the building of the Small Theatre and the changing over of the
Theatre Colonnade into barracks, which, to judge from the masonry and the
remains of the decoration, did not take place before the time of Nero. The
processions were abandoned either in the troubled period of the Civil Wars,
or in the early years of the Empire; if in the latter period, their
discontinuance may have been due to legislation connected with the
reorganization of the Empire under Augustus, or to the overshadowing of
them by more imposing ceremonies introduced in connection with the
religious festivals.
Our information in regard to the later use of the Theatre Colonnade is
indeed meagre; not a single inscription bearing upon it has been found. Yet
when we take into account the changes that were made in it, and the objects
found there, the supposition that it was turned into barracks for gladiators in
the time of the Early Empire, and so used till the destruction of the city, is
seen to harmonize with almost all the facts.

First, rooms were built on all sides behind the colonnade; on the north side
they took the place of the south arm of the colonnade in the area back of the
stage. They were in two series, one above the other; the upper rooms were
entered from a low wooden gallery accessible by three stairways. They
could not have been intended for shops; they were too small, measuring on
the average hardly more than twelve feet square, and the doors were too
narrow. There were no doors opening from one room into the other. Both
lower and upper rooms, we may conclude, were used for men's quarters.

PLATE IV.—THE BARRACKS OF THE
GLADIATORS, LOOKING SOUTH

In the middle of the south side a large room was left, with the front open
toward the area, an exedra (6). On the east side was a still larger room the
front of which is divided off by pillars; other rooms open from it, and
among them is one (10) with several hearths, evidently intended for a mess
kitchen, if the hearths are ancient; they may be modern. Over these rooms
was a second story, reached by a broad stairway (9).
The immediate connection of the colonnade with the area behind the stage
was now cut off by a wall (4); there was left only a small door in the corner,
which could be readily fastened. The entrance from the passage leading to
Stabian Street (2) was provided with doors and placed under the control of a
guard, for whom a special room was built at one side (3). There was a third
entrance, narrow and easily closed, at the northwest corner, where a flight
of steps connected the foot of the broad stairway (5) with the landing of the
stairs leading to the wooden gallery.
Thus a complete transformation was effected. The promenade for theatre-
goers had become barracks, with a great number of cell-like rooms, a mess
kitchen, and narrow, guarded entrances. Soldiers, however, could not have
been kept here; in the period to which the rebuilding belongs, garrisons
were not stationed in the cities of Italy except the Capital. On the other
hand, gladiatorial combats in Pompeii were so frequent, and on so large a
scale, that a special building for the housing and guarding of gladiators
would seem to have been a necessity; such a building would naturally have
been erected by the city and placed at the disposal of those who gave the
games. As early as the time of Augustus, Aulus Clodius Flaccus brought
forward forty pairs of gladiators in a single day, and on various occasions
afterwards as many as thirty pairs were engaged. How well the colonnade
was now suited for gladiators' quarters may be seen from a glance at the
plan. The area would serve as a practice court, the exedra on the south side
(6), protected from the sun, as the station for the trainers and lounging room
for men awaiting their turn; the mess room would be the large apartment
adjoining the kitchen (11), while the quarters of the chief trainer, lanista,
and his assistants, would be in the second story, reached by the broad
stairway (9).
The small rooms were poorly decorated, in the fourth style. There were
better paintings only in the exedra. On the rear wall of this room was the oft

repeated group of Mars and Venus; on the side walls, gladiatorial weapons
were represented, piled up in heaps, after the manner of trophies, about
eight feet high. The reference to the purpose of the building, as in the case
of the paintings in the Macellum, is obvious. The columns about the area
were originally white; after the rebuilding the unfluted lower part was
painted red, the upper part yellow. Four columns, however, two at the
middle of the east side, and the two opposite them on the west side, were
painted blue, probably to serve as bounds in marking off the area for
athletic exercises.
The objects found in the barracks are recorded in the journal of the
excavations. They indicate that at the time of the eruption the rooms were
occupied. Everything of value was removed from those on the north side by
the survivors, but the south half was apparently left undisturbed, and has
yielded a rich harvest.
In ten rooms the excavators found a great quantity of weapons of the kinds
used by gladiators, including fifteen helmets, a shield, greaves (Fig. 72),
several broad belts trimmed with metal, and a couple of armlets; there were
more than a hundred scales of horn belonging to a coat of mail, and a half
dozen shoulder protectors, galeri, which the net fighter, retiarius, who
carried no shield and was armed only with a net and a trident, wore on his
left shoulder. The weapons were mostly for defence, but remains of a few
offensive weapons were found, as the head of a lance, a sword, and a couple
of daggers. In the same room with the daggers and the sword (perhaps 7)
were the remains of two wooden chests containing cloth with gold thread;
this may have been used in gladiators' costumes.
The helmets are characteristic (Fig. 73). They are furnished with a visor,
and part of them have a broad rim, richly ornamented with reliefs; their
shape corresponds exactly with that of the helmets seen in paintings and
reliefs representing gladiatorial combats. The shield, which is round and
only about sixteen inches in diameter, would have been quite useless in
military service. In a room under the stairs the skeleton of a horse was
found, with remains of trappings richly mounted with bronze; one class of
gladiators, the equites, fought on horseback.

One
of the
small
rooms
on the
west
side
(8)
was
used
as a
guard Fig. 73.—A
room. gladiator's helmet.
Here
were
the
stocks, the remains of which are shown
in Fig. 74; they were fastened to a board.
At one end of the under piece was a lock,
by which the bar passed through the
Fig. 72.—A rings could be made secure. The men
gladiator's greave. confined had the choice of lying down or
sitting in an uncomfortable position. The
four persons whose skeletons were found
in this room, however, were not in the
stocks at the time of the eruption. That such means of discipline should be
employed in controlling gladiators is entirely consistent with ancient
methods.

Fig. 74.—Remains of stocks found in the guard
room of the barracks.

Besides these finds, there were others not so easily explained. In the two
rooms in which the spearhead and the other offensive weapons were found,
there were eighteen skeletons, among them that of a woman richly adorned
with gold jewelry; she had a necklace with emeralds, earrings, and two
armbands, besides rings and other ornaments, and in a casket a cameo, the
elaborate setting of which is in part preserved. In a room near the southwest
corner the bones of a new-born infant were found in an earthen jar. A
number of weights also were discovered, and vessels of terra cotta and
glass; in three rooms there were more than six dozen small saucers. Were
the barracks wholly given up to gladiators at the time of the eruption, or
were some other persons allowed to have quarters here, perhaps some of
those whose houses had been destroyed by the earthquake of 63 and had not
been rebuilt? A certain conclusion cannot be reached.

CHAPTER XXIV
THE PALAESTRA

The oblong court north of the Large Theatre, between the entrance of the
Forum Triangulare and the temple of Isis, is the Palaestra. Originally, the
enclosed area was entirely surrounded by a colonnade, with ten columns on
the sides and five at each end; but at a comparatively late period, probably
after the earthquake of 63, the columns at the east end were removed and
the space thus gained was added to the temple of Isis.
A number of the columns on the other three sides are
still standing. They are Doric but of slender
proportions, the height, 10½ feet, being equal to eight
diameters, while the intercolumniations measure about
nine feet. It is doubtful whether the columns carried a
complete entablature; more likely the roof rested
directly on a wooden architrave. Fig. 75.—
Plan of the

The building clearly dates from the pre-Roman period. Palaestra.
The columns are of tufa coated with stucco, the View larger
dimensions of the colonnade (90 by 36 Oscan feet) image
reduce to the early standard of measurement; and an
Oscan inscription was found here which says that the
building was erected by the Quaestor Vibius Vinicius, 1.
with money which Vibius Adiranus had left by will to Colonnade.
the Pompeian youth. The translation of the word 2. Pedestal.
vereiiai, 'to the youth,' otherwise doubtful, is 3. Dressing
confirmed by various facts which indicate that the rooms.
building was intended as a small palaestra or open-air
gymnasium for boys.
While the Palaestra had its original length, the entrance, which is now
nearer the east end, was at the middle of the north side. Opposite it, near the
colonnade on the south side, is a pedestal of tufa, before which stands a
small table of the same stone (Fig. 76). The pedestal is reached by narrow
steps. Here stood a statue of the patron divinity of the Palaestra. When an
athletic contest was held, the wreath intended for the victor was laid on the
stone table before the god; after the award had been made, the successful
contestant took up the wreath and dedicated it to the divinity by mounting
the steps and placing it on the head of the statue. It is evident from the
height of the steps that the contestants were boys, not men.

Fig. 76.—View of the Palaestra, with the pedestal,
table, and steps.

On the pedestal was undoubtedly a statue of Hermes, but not of the type
which we have already met with in the court of the temple of Apollo (p. 88),
and shall find later in the palaestra of the Stabian Baths (p. 200); a base of
this sort can hardly have been intended for a herm. No trace of the missing
statue has been discovered.
Another statue stood at the foot of one of the columns on the south side. It
is a copy of the doryphorus of Polyclitus, and is now in the Naples Museum
(Fig. 77). Though it has been restored, there seems no good reason to
believe that the restoration is incorrect, and that the figure is really a
Hermes, having originally carried on the left shoulder a herald's staff with
entwined snakes, caduceus, instead of a spear. For the adornment of a place
devoted to athletic exercises nothing could have been more appropriate than
a copy of the doryphorus as an ideal of youthful strength, of harmonious

physical development; and the Elder Pliny bears witness (N. H. XXXIV. v.
18), that it was customary to set up such statues in a palaestra. This figure
had no pedestal; it stood on the ground, a man among men.
At the west end of the court were dressing
rooms where the boys, before exercising, could
anoint themselves and afterwards could
remove the oil and dirt with the strigil; such a
dressing room in connection with a bath was
called a destrictarium. Water was brought into
the court by a lead pipe, which passed through
one of the columns at the right of the entrance
and threw a jet either into a basin standing
below or into the gutter in front of the
colonnade.
It would be of interest to know what athletic
exercises were practised in the Palaestra; but
apart from the pedestal with its steps and table
no characteristic remains were found here. The
exercises in the Roman period undoubtedly
differed somewhat from those practised at the
time when the building was erected, when the
Greek system was everywhere in vogue.

Fig. 77.—
Doryphorus.
Statue found in
the Palaestra.

CHAPTER XXV
THE TEMPLE OF ISIS

The loftiest and purest religious conceptions of the ancient Egyptians were
embodied in the myth of Isis and Osiris, which in the third millennium B.C.

had already become the basis of a firmly established cult. These
conceptions approached the monotheistic idea of an omnipresent god, and
with them was associated a belief in a blessed immortality. Isis was the
goddess of heaven, and Osiris was the Sun-god, her brother and husband,
who is slain at evening by his brother Set,—the Greek Typhon,—ruler of
darkness. Their child Horus, also called Harpocrates, born after the father's
death, is the fresh sun of the new day, the successor and avenger of his
father, the conqueror of Set; he becomes a new Osiris, while the father, ever
blessed, rules in the realm of the dead, the kingdom of the West. Man, the
followers of Isis taught, is an incarnation of deity, whose destiny is also his.
He is himself an Osiris, and will enter upon a better state of existence
beyond the grave if a favorable judgment is passed upon him in the trial
given to the dead.
The worship of Isis, associated with Mysteries from an early period, was
reorganized by the first Ptolemy with the help of Manetho, an Egyptian
priest, and Timotheus, a Greek skilled in the Eleusinian Mysteries. The
purpose of the king was to unite his Egyptian and Greek subjects in one
faith, and the effort was more successful than might have been anticipated.
In its new Alexandrian form the worship of Isis and Osiris, or Serapis, as
the latter divinity was now called, spread, not only over all Egypt, but also
over the other countries in the East into which Greek culture had penetrated,
and soon made its way to Italy and the West.
Various causes contributed to the rapid extension of the cult. It had the
charm of something foreign and full of mystery. Its doctrine, supported by
the prestige of immemorial antiquity, successfully opposed the mutually
destructive opinions of the philosophers, while at the same time its
conception of deity was by no means inconsistent with philosophic thought;
and it brought to the initiated that expectation of a future life to which the
Eleusinian Mysteries owed their attractive power. The ascetic side of the
worship, too, with its fastings and abstinence from the pleasures of sense,
that the soul might lose itself in the mystical contemplation of deity, had a
fascination for natures that were religiously susceptible; and the celebration
of the Mysteries, the representation of the myth of Isis in pantomime with a
musical accompaniment, appealed powerfully to the imagination. The cult
also possessed elements that brought it nearer to the needs of the multitude.
The activities of the Egyptian divinities were not confined to the other

world; their help might be sought in the concerns of this life. Thus the chief
priest could say to Apuleius that Isis summoned her elect to consecrate
themselves to her service only when the term of life allotted to them had
really expired, and that she lengthened their tale of years, so that all of life
remaining was a direct gift from the hands of the goddess. The priests of
Isis were looked upon as experts in astrology, the interpretation of dreams,
and the conjuring of spirits.
A college of the Servants of Isis, Pastophori, was founded in Rome in the
time of Sulla, about 80 B.C. In vain the authorities tried to drive out the
worship of the Egyptian gods. Three times their temple, in the midst of the
city, was destroyed by order of the consuls, in 58, 50, and 48 B.C. But after
Caesar's death, in 44 B.C., the triumvirs built a temple in honor of Isis and
Osiris; and a few decades later, perhaps in the reign of Caligula, their
festival was recognized in the public Calendar. In Campania the
Alexandrian cult gained a foothold earlier than in Rome. An inscription of
the year 105 B.C., found at Puteoli, proves that a temple of Serapis was then
standing in that enterprising city, which had close commercial relations with
Egypt and the East. Soon after this date the earlier temple of Isis at Pompeii
must have been built.
The entrance to the court of the
temple (Fig. 78) is from the north.
Above the door is an inscription
which informs us that after an
earthquake (that of the year 63)
Numerius Popidius Celsinus, at his
own expense, rebuilt the temple of
Isis from the foundation, and that in
recognition of his generosity,
though he was only six years of
age, the members of the city
council, the decurions, admitted
him without cost to their rank:
Fig. 78.—Plan of the N[umerius] Popidius N[umerii]
temple of Isis. f[ilius] Celsinus aedem Isidis terrae
View larger image motu conlapsam a fundamento
p[ecunia] s[ua] restituit; hunc

1. Portico. decuriones ob liberalitatem, cum
2. Cella. esset annorum sexs, ordini suo
3. Shrine of Harpocrates. gratis adlegerunt. The temple
4. Purgatorium. evidently belonged to the city; and
5. Hall of initiation. the places for statues in the court, as
6. Hall of the Mysteries. the inscriptions show, were
7, 8, 9. Dwelling of priest. assigned by vote of the city council.
a. Colonnade.
b. Pit for the refuse of Other inscriptions give information
sacrifices. in regard to the family of the child
c. Niche for statue of Bacchus. Celsinus. His father was Numerius
d, d. Niches at the sides of the Popidius Ampliatus, his mother
cella. Corelia Celsa; a brother bore the
e. Large altar. same name as the father. The real
rebuilders were of course the
parents; by associating their
munificence with the name of their
son, they opened the way for him to the city offices, for which the father, a
freedman, was not eligible. Ampliatus perpetuated his own name by setting
up a statue of Bacchus in a niche in the outside of the rear wall of the
temple (at c on the plan), with the inscription: N. Popidius Ampliatus pater
p. s., 'Numerius Popidius Ampliatus the father (set up this statue) at his own
expense.' The names of the two sons appear with that of their mother in the
mosaic floor of the large room (6) behind the colonnade at the rear.
Though the rebuilding of Celsinus was 'from the foundation,' remains of the
old temple were utilized, as shafts of columns and Corinthian capitals
coated with white stucco; and the plan of the new building was very nearly
the same as that of the old. The stylobate of the colonnade belongs to the
earlier structure, but the columns originally stood nearer together, eight
instead of seven at the ends, and ten on the sides.
The architectural forms and the workmanship of these remains point to a
time just after the founding of the Roman colony; nevertheless the
dimensions of the colonnade, approximately fifty by sixty Oscan feet,
reduce to the pre-Roman standard of measurement, and the building may
have been commenced earlier. In later times the increasing number of the
worshippers of Isis made necessary an enlargement of the sanctuary. The

two rooms at the west end (5 and 6) were added at the expense of the
Palaestra, probably at the time of the rebuilding.
In the middle of the court, which is surrounded by the colonnade, is the
temple, consisting of an oblong cella (2), the east side of which is treated as
a front, with a portico borne by six columns (1). A pit for the refuse of
sacrifices, enclosed by a wall (b) stands in the corner of the court near the
entrance from the street; in the opposite corner there is a larger enclosure
having the appearance of a small temple (4). Near this are two altars; a third
altar stood close to the temple, and there are five others, somewhat smaller,
between the columns. On the south side, between the colonnade and the
Theatre, is a small area of irregular shape, east of which is a dwelling
containing five rooms (7, 8, 9).
The accompanying illustrations show the temple as it is to-day (Fig. 79) and
as it was before the eruption (Fig. 80). It has architecturally nothing
suggestive of the Egyptian style. Yet the plan presents a marked deviation
from ordinary types, as if the builders, erecting an edifice for the worship of
foreign gods, strove with set purpose to produce a bizarre effect; at the right
and the left of the front of the cella is a large niche, projecting beyond the
sides of the portico, and inorganically connected with the main part of the
temple by a pilaster. In the ornamentation of this temple, as in that of the
temple of Apollo, the simple and chaste forms of the Greek architecture
were replaced by gaudy stucco ornaments more in harmony with the
prevailing taste.

Fig. 79.—View of the temple of Isis.

Besides the broad flight of steps in front, a narrow stairway at the left of the
temple led to a side door opening into the cella. A base of masonry about
six feet high extends across the rear of the cella, on which were two
pedestals of tufa, about sixteen inches square, for the statues of Isis and
Osiris. In the two large niches outside other divinities stood, perhaps Anubis
and Harpocrates. The latter was apparently worshipped also at the shrine in
the wall on the east side of the court (3), facing the doorway of the cella. A
painting from this shrine, now in the Naples Museum, represents a statue of
Harpocrates of the familiar type—a boy with his finger in his mouth
holding a cornucopia, with a lotus blossom resting on his forehead; before
him stands a priest in a long white robe, holding a candlestick in each hand,
while in the background is a temple surrounded by a colonnade, evidently
intended for a free representation of the temple before us. In front of the
shrine were the charred remains of a wooden bench.

Fig. 80.—The temple of Isis, restored. In the
background, the Large Theatre.

No statue was found in the cella or in the two niches in front. We may
suppose that the images of the four divinities, being of relatively small size,
were carried off by the priests at the time of the eruption; had they been
removed afterwards, the excavators would have taken also the other objects
in the cella used in the services of the temple. Among these were two skulls,
probably made use of in the ceremonies attending initiation into the
Mysteries, and a marble hand, about four inches long, but whether a right or
a left hand, the journal of the excavations does not say. A left hand was
carried in the procession in honor of Isis, described by Apuleius; as the
weaker of the two, and so less ready to do evil, it symbolized the even
justice (aequitas) with which the deity governs the world. There were also
two wooden caskets, one of which contained a diminutive gold cup,
measuring less than an inch across the top, a glass vessel a trifle over an
inch and a half in height, and a statuette of a god about half as high; in the
other were two bronze candlesticks about ten inches high, the use of which

may be inferred from the painting described above, and a bronze lamp with
places for two wicks.
The walls of the colonnade were painted in bright colors on a deep red
ground. The lower part of the columns was red, but above they were white;
the temple also was white, the purpose obviously being to give the
appearance of marble. Nevertheless the same decorative framework appears
both in the white stucco of the temple and the painted decoration of the
colonnade: a division of the body of the wall into large panels, with a
continuous garland of conventional plant forms above. In the colonnade
there was a yellow base, treated as a projecting architectural member; above
it large red panels alternated with light, fantastic architectural designs in
yellow on a red ground. The frieze was black, with garlands in strong
contrast—green, blue, and yellow—enlivened with all sorts of animal
forms. In the middle of each of the large panels was a priest of Isis; in the
lower part of the intervening architectural designs were marine pictures,—
galleys maneuvering, and seafights. Similar pictures are found in other
buildings, as the Macellum, but marine views were especially appropriate
here, because Isis was a patron divinity of seamen. Apuleius gives an
interesting description of the spring festival, by which the navigation of the
opening season was committed to her guardian care.
Opposite the entrance of the temple the colonnade presents an interesting
peculiarity of construction, which is found also in other buildings at
Pompeii, as the Stabian Baths. The place of the three middle columns on
that side is taken by two large pillars, higher than the rest of the colonnade,
each of which is backed by an attached half-column. This arrangement
made the approach to the temple more imposing, and also furnished an
appropriate setting for the shrine of Harpocrates against the wall.
The principal altar, on which sacrifice was offered to the divinities
worshipped in the temple, is that near the foot of the steps in front (e). The
officiating priest stood on a block of stone at the side of it, with the temple
at his right; on this altar were found ashes and fragments of calcined bones.
The two smaller altars near by were probably consecrated to the gods
whose images were placed in the exterior niches.

Two rectangular pits were used as receptacles for the refuse of sacrifices.
One was quite small, and no trace of it can now be found; it was near the
large altar, and contained remains of burnt figs, pine kernels and cones,
nuts, and dates, with fragments of two statuettes representing divinities. The
wall about the other (b), when excavated, was built up at each end in the
form of a gable, and evidently once supported a wooden roof; in this pit
also were charred remains of fruits. What divinities were worshipped at the
altars between the columns, it is impossible to determine. The small base
standing against the corner column near the entrance (seen in Fig. 79) was
probably a pedestal, not an altar.
At the left of the steps leading up to the temple, and facing the large altar, is
a small pillar of masonry fifteen inches square and nearly two and a half
feet high. A similar pillar, which formerly stood at the right, had thin slabs
of stone on three sides. One of these, that on the front of the pillar (now in
the Naples Museum), was covered with hieroglyphics. It is a memorial
tablet, which Hat, 'the writer of the divine word,' hierogrammateus, set up
in honor of his parents and grandparents; it contains symbolic
representations in three divisions, one above the other. In the upper division
Hat, his brother and colleague Meran, their father and grandfather, are
praying to Osiris, 'Lord of the Kingdom of the Dead'; below, Hat is bringing
to his parents and grandparents offerings for the dead, while in the lower
division Meran and two sisters unite with him in prayer to Osiris. The tablet
could hardly have been designed for a temple, but still, by reason of its
contents, it was considered appropriate for this place. It was doubtless
intended that a similar tablet should be affixed to the pillar at the left, but
perhaps none happened to be available; statuettes of divinities were
probably placed on the pillars.
The presence of a statue of Bacchus in the niche in the rear wall of the cella
is easily explained; this divinity was identified with Osiris. Two ears are
moulded in the stucco beside the niche, symbolic of the listening of the god
to the prayers of his worshippers.
Against the west wall of the colonnade, near the corners, were two
pedestals, with statues of female divinities about one half life size. At the
right was Isis, in archaic Greek costume, with the inscription: L. Caecilius
Phoebus posuit l[oco] d[ato] d[ecurionum] d[ecreto], 'Set up by Lucius

Caecilius Phoebus, in a place granted by a decree of the city council'; the
name indicates that the donor was a freedman. The other statue, at the left,
represents Venus drying her hair after the bath; it is of a common type and
possesses small value as a work of art, yet is of interest because of the well
preserved painting and gilding. Venus, as many other goddesses, was
identified with Isis.
In the same corner with the statue of Venus, against the south wall, stood
the herm of Gaius Norbanus Sorex, a marble pillar with a bronze head.
According to the inscription, he was an actor who played the second part
(secundarum, sc. partium), and was also magister of the suburb Pagus
Augustus Felix. He was probably a generous supporter of the temple. A
duplicate of the herm is found in the Eumachia building, to which also he
may have made a contribution. The low social standing of the various
benefactors of the temple is noteworthy; it indicates in what circles the
worship of the Egyptian divinities found its adherents. As yet this was by no
means an aristocratic cult, although it became such later, especially after the
time of Hadrian.
While the Greek and Roman gods were honored chiefly at their festivals,
the Egyptian divinities demanded worship every day, indeed several times a
day. The early service, the 'opening of the temple,' is described by Apuleius,
who was probably admitted to the college of the Servants of Isis in Rome in
the time of the Antonines, and wrote about 160 A.D. Before daybreak the
priest went into the temple by the side entrance and threw back the great
doors, which were fastened on the inside. White linen curtains were hung
across the doorway, shielding the interior from view. Now the street gate of
the court was opened; the thronging multitude of the devout streamed in
and took their places in front of the temple. The curtains were drawn aside
and the image of the goddess was presented to the gaze of her worshippers,
who greeted her with prayers and shaking of the sistrum, a musical rattle,
the use of which was characteristic of the worship of the Egyptian gods. For
a time they remained sitting, engaged in prayer and in the contemplation of
the divinity; an hour after daybreak the service was closed with an
invocation to the newly risen sun. This description throws light on the
purpose of the bench in front of the shrine of Harpocrates.

Fig. 81.—Scene from the worship of Isis—the
adoration of the holy water. Wall painting from
Herculaneum.

The second service was held at two o'clock in the afternoon, but we do not
possess exact information in regard to it. It is, perhaps, depicted in a fresco
painting from Herculaneum (Fig. 81), the subject of which is a solemn act
in the worship of Isis, the adoration of the holy water. In the portico of the
temple, above the steps, two priests and a priestess are standing. The priest
in the middle holds in front of him, in the folds of his robe, a vessel
containing the holy water, which was supposed to be from the Nile; his two
associates are shaking the sistrum. There is an altar at the foot of the steps; a

priest is fanning the fire into flame. On the right and the left of the altar are
the worshippers, with other priests, part of whom are shaking the sistrum,
while a fluteplayer sits in the foreground at the right.
Another painting, the counterpart of that just described, seems to portray the
celebration of a festival; the surroundings correspond fairly well with those
of our temple. The doors are thrown back; a dark-visaged man, wearing a
wreath, is dancing in the doorway. Behind him, within the temple, are the
musicians, among whom can be distinguished a girl striking the cymbals
and a woman with a tambourine. About the steps are priests and other
worshippers, shaking the sistrum and offering prayer; in front stands a
burning altar. An important festival of Isis occurred in November. It
commenced with an impassioned lamentation over the death of Osiris and
the search for his body. On the third day, November 12, the finding of the
body by Isis was celebrated with great rejoicing. So, perhaps, in this
painting the dance is a manifestation of the joy with which the festival
ended, the whole picture being a scene from the observance of the Egyptian
Easter.
In such celebrations use would be made of the small brazier of bronze
found in the court in front of our temple, on which incense could be burned.
The ablutions, which played so important a part in Egyptian rites, were
performed in the rear of the court, where stood a cylindrical leaden vessel,
adorned with Egyptian figures in relief; a jet fell into it from a lead pipe
connected with the city aqueduct.
The small building at the southeast corner of the court, which is known as
the Purgatorium, was open to the sky. It was made to look like a roofed
structure by the addition of gables at the ends. On the inside, at the rear, a
flight of steps leads down toward the right to a vaulted underground
chamber, about five feet wide and six and a half feet long. The inner part of
the chamber, divided off by a low wall, was evidently intended for a tank.
In one of the corners in the front part is a low base, on which a jar could be
set while it was being filled. Here the holy Nile water—more or less
genuine—was kept for use in the sacred rites.
The purpose of the tank is suggested by certain of the stucco reliefs on the
outside of the enclosing wall. In the gable, above the entrance, is a vase,

standing out from a blue ground, with a kneeling figure on either side. The
frieze contains Egyptian priests and priestesses, also on a blue ground, with
their faces turned toward the vessel (Fig. 82). The figures are all
worshipping the sacred water in the vase.
Of the other figures in
relief, only the two
goddesses in the
panels at the sides of
the entrance have an
Egyptian character.
Under each of them
was a small altar of
tufa, attached to the
wall; the figure at the
left (Fig. 82) is plainly
Isis.
The side walls are
decorated with reliefs
in Greco-Roman style.
They are divided into
a large middle panel,
containing two
figures, and two side
panels, each with a
Cupid. In the middle
panel, on the right Fig. 82.—Part of the façade of
side, Mars and Venus the Purgatorium.
are represented; in
that at the left, Perseus
rescuing Andromeda
(Fig. 83).
The dwelling back of the colonnade, on the south side, consists of a kitchen
(8), a dining room (7), a sleeping apartment (9), and two small rooms at the
rear, under the stairway leading to the highest seats of the Large Theatre.
The ritual of the Egyptian gods was so exacting, and the services of worship

were so numerous, that it was necessary for one or more priests to reside
within the precincts of the temple. These rooms were the habitation of a
priest.

Fig. 83.—Decoration of the east side of the
Purgatorium—Perseus rescuing Andromeda. At
the right and the left floating Cupids, the one at
the left bearing a box of incense.

One of the rooms on the west side (6) is oblong in shape, with five broad,
arched entrances opening from the colonnade. The walls were richly
decorated in the last Pompeian style. There were seven large paintings, five
of which were landscapes with shrines, part being Egyptian landscapes; the
other two represent Io watched by Argus, with Hermes coming to rescue
her, and Io in Egypt, received by Isis. Against the rear wall was a pedestal,
on which probably stood the female figure, above life size, the remains of
which were found in one of the entrances. Only the head, the hands, and the
front parts of the feet were of marble; the rest was of wood, no doubt
concealed by drapery. The priests seemingly had started to carry the statue
with them when they fled, but abandoned the attempt at the doorway. In the
same room a marble table, a sistrum, two pots of terra cotta, three small
glass bottles, and a glass cup were found. We may safely conclude that here
the common meals were served, of which, as we learn from Apuleius, the
devotees of the cult partook. And when, in connection with the great

festivals, the Mysteries were celebrated with a presentation of the myth of
Isis and Osiris in pantomime, this large room was well adapted for the
sacred exhibitions.
The adjoining room, at the southwest corner of the colonnade (5), is
irregular in shape and of an entirely different character. It seems to have
been regarded as a sacred place, and to have been used for secret
ceremonies. It was entered from the colonnade by a narrow door, which
could be securely fastened. Large, sketchy pictures of gods were painted on
the walls on a white ground,—Isis, Osiris, Typhon,—with sacred animals
and symbols relating to the myth which to us are unintelligible. The
excavators found here the remains of four wooden statues with marble
heads, hands, and feet, one of a male figure, the other three female; there
were besides a statuette of an Egyptian god made of green stone, on which
were hieroglyphics; a statuette of white clay, covered with a green glaze; a
sphinx of terra cotta, fragments of terra cotta statuettes of Egyptian figures,
different kinds of vessels of clay, glass, and lead, and a bronze knife,
evidently intended for use in sacrifices. At the left near the entrance is a
small reservoir, reached by three steps. On the north side is a niche that
apparently formed part of a small shrine.
A kind of alcove opens off from the southeast corner of this room, the
entrance to which could be closed by a curtain. From this a few steps and a
door led into a storeroom, in which were found about three dozen vessels of
various shapes, an iron tripod, and no less than fifty-eight earthen lamps.
The lamps were in part provided with iron rings, so that they could be
suspended; there were also iron rods, which the excavators supposed to be
lamp holders. A rear door connected the storeroom with the small area of
irregular shape between the Palaestra and the Theatre.
These arrangements suggest the celebration of secret rites by night; we may
well believe that novices were here initiated into the order of the Servants
of Isis. Obscure hints in regard to the ceremonies connected with the
consecration to the service of the goddess are thrown out by Apuleius. 'The
initiation,' said the priest to him, 'is conducted under the image of a
voluntary death, with the renewing of life as a gift from the deity.' Of his
own experience he says merely: 'I came to the borders of death, I trod the
threshold of Proserpina, then came back through all the stages to life. In the

middle of the night I saw the sun shine brightly; I entered into the
immediate presence of the gods above and the gods below, and worshipped
them face to face.'
Renunciation of past life, and a second birth to a new and purified
existence, were the main ideas underlying the ceremonies, which as
presented here must have been far less splendid and impressive than in
Rome, where they were witnessed by Apuleius.

CHAPTER XXVI
THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS MILICHIUS

The small temple near the northeast corner of the block containing the
theatres is entered from Stabian Street. The court (Fig. 84, 2), like that of
the temple of Vespasian, has a colonnade across the front; only the
foundation and a Doric capital of lava are preserved.
At the end of the colonnade on the right is
the room of the sacristan (4). The large
altar (Fig. 251) stands close to the foot of
the steps leading up to the temple. It is built
of blocks of tufa, with a frieze of triglyphs
and panels like those found on walls in the
first style of decoration. Fig. 84.—Plan of
The steps extend across the front of the the temple of Zeus
temple, the unusual elevation of which is Milichius.
explained by the inequality of the ground. View larger image
Of the six columns in the tetrastyle portico
no remains have been found, but three 1. Colonnade.
capitals of pilasters are preserved, two 2. Court, with large
belonging to those at the corners of the altar.

cella, and one, considerably smaller, to a 3. Cella.
doorpost; they are of tufa, and were once 4. Sacristan's room.
covered with white stucco.
The excellent proportions and fine
workmanship of the capitals point to the period of the first style of
decoration; there was formerly a remnant of that style on the north wall of
the cella, copied before 1837. Nevertheless the quasi-reticulate masonry of
the cella, closely resembling that of the Small Theatre, dates from the early
years of the Roman colony. In this period the temple in its present form was
built, perhaps with the help of native Pompeian masons.
Attached to the rear wall of the cella was an oblong pedestal on which were
placed two statues, representing Jupiter and Juno, together with a bust of
Minerva, all of terra cotta and of poor workmanship. The suggestion at once
presents itself that this was the Capitolium, erected by the Roman colonists
soon after they settled in Pompeii. It is incredible, however, that colonists
who had the means to erect monumental buildings, such as the
Amphitheatre and the Small Theatre, should have housed the great gods of
the Capitol in so modest a temple, in so inconspicuous a spot, and should
not have provided more costly images.
All the evidence is in favor of the explanation, already proposed (p. 66),
that after the earthquake the worship of the gods of the Capitol was
transferred hither temporarily from the temple in the Forum, until that
should be rebuilt.
What divinity thus became the host of the
Roman gods? It would be impossible to
say but for the fortunate recovery of an
Oscan inscription, which was set up in the
passage of the Stabian Gate. This
commemorates the work of two aediles,
M. Sittius and N. Pontius, who improved
the street leading out from the Stabian
Gate 'as far as the Stabian Bridge, and the
Via Pompeiana as far as the temple of
Zeus Milichius; these streets, as well as

the Via Jovia (and another, the name of Fig. 85.—Capital of
which cannot be made out) they placed in pilaster with the
perfect repair.' face of Zeus
Milichius.
It is natural to suppose that the Via
Pompeiana, mentioned in immediate
connection with the road leading to
Stabiae, was the continuation of the latter within the city, or Stabian Street.
This, then, led to the temple named in the inscription, and as there is no
other temple on the street, the small sanctuary in which the images of the
Capitoline divinities were placed was the temple of Zeus Milichius.
This building, however, is not old enough to have been mentioned in an
Oscan inscription. It probably stands in the place of a much earlier edifice.
The masonry of the wall on the south side of the court is different from that
of the other walls, and older; as it shows no trace of a cross wall, it must
always have stood at the side of an open space, such as that of the present
court. To the earlier building the capitals belong, the style of which, as
remarked above, is pre-Roman.
In view of this explanation, we should probably recognize in the head
carved on the smallest of the pilaster capitals (Fig. 85) a representation of
Zeus Milichius, a divinity honored in many parts of Greece, especially by
the farmers; Zeus the Gracious, the patron of tillers of the soil. The serious,
kindly face, bearded and with long locks, was more than a mere ornament;
it was the god himself looking down upon the worshipper who entered his
sanctuary. As a representation of Zeus it probably exemplifies an ancient
type.

CHAPTER XXVII
THE BATHS AT POMPEII.—THE STABIAN BATHS

In comparison with the great bathing establishments of Rome, the baths at
Pompeii are of moderate size. They have, however, a special interest, due in
part to their excellent preservation, in part to the certainty with which the
purpose of the various rooms can be determined; and their remains enable
us to trace the development of the public bath in a single city during a
period of almost two hundred years. From this source, moreover, most of
our knowledge of the arrangements of the ancient bath is derived, without
which the imposing but barren remains of Rome itself would be for the
most part unintelligible. It is not easy for one living under present
conditions to understand how important a place the baths occupied in the
life of antiquity, particularly of the Romans under the Empire; they offered,
within a single enclosure, opportunities for physical care and comfort and
leisurely intercourse with others, not unlike those afforded in the cities of
modern Europe by the club, the café, and the promenade.
Though the Roman baths differed greatly in size and in details of
arrangement, the essential parts were everywhere the same. First there was
a court, palaestra, surrounded by a colonnade. This was devoted to
gymnastic exercises, and connected with it in most cases was an open-air
swimming tank. The dressing room, apodyterium, was usually entered from
the court through a passageway or anteroom. A basin for cold baths was
sometimes placed in the dressing room; in large establishments a separate
apartment was set aside for this purpose, the frigidarium. To avoid too
sudden a change of temperature for the bathers, a room moderately heated,
tepidarium, was placed between the dressing room and the caldarium, in
which hot baths were given. At one end of the caldarium was a bath basin
of masonry, alveus; at the other was ordinarily a semicircular niche, schola,
in which stood the labrum, a large, shallow, circular vessel resting upon a
support of masonry, and supplied with lukewarm water by a pipe leading
from a tank back of the furnace. The more extensive establishments, as the
Central Baths at Pompeii, contained also a round room, called Laconicum
from its Spartan origin, for sweating baths in dry air. In describing baths it
is more convenient to use the ancient names.
In earlier times the rooms were heated by means of braziers, and in one of
the Pompeian baths the tepidarium was warmed in this way to the last. A
more satisfactory method was devised near the beginning of the first
century B.C. by Sergius Orata, a famous epicure, whose surname is said to

have been given to him because of his fondness for golden trout (auratae).
He was the first to plant artificial oyster beds in the Lucrine Lake, and the
experiment was so successful that he derived a large income from them; we
may assume that he turned an honest penny also by his invention of the
'hanging baths,' balneae pensiles, with which his name has ever since been
associated. These were built with a hollow space under the floor, the space
being secured by making the floor of tiles, two feet square, supported at the
corners by small brick pillars (Fig. 88); into this space hot air was
introduced from the furnace, and as the floor became warm, the temperature
of the room above was evenly modified.
This improved method of heating was not long restricted to the floors. As
early as the Republican period, the hollow space was extended to the walls
by means of small quadrangular flues and by the use of nipple tiles, tegulae
mammatae, large rectangular tiles with conical projections, about two
inches high, at each corner; these were laid on their edges, with the
projections pressed against the wall, thus leaving an air space on the inside.
In bathing establishments designed for both men and women, the two
caldariums were placed near together. There was a single furnace,
hypocausis, where the water for the baths was warmed; from this also hot
air was conveyed through broad flues under the floors of both caldariums,
thence circulating through the walls. Through similar flues underneath, the
warm air, already considerably cooled, was conveyed from the hollow
spaces of the caldariums into those of the tepidariums. In order to maintain
a draft strong enough to draw the hot air from the furnace under the floors,
the air spaces of the walls had vents above, remains of which may still be
seen in some baths. These vents were no doubt sufficient to keep up the
draft after the rooms had once been heated; but in order to warm them at the
outset a draft fire was needed,—that is, a small fire under the floor at some
point a considerable distance from the furnace and near the vents, through
which it would cause the escape of warm air, and so start a hot current from
the furnace. The place of the draft fire has been found under two rooms of
the Pompeian baths; and a similar arrangement has been noted in the case of
Roman baths excavated in Germany.
The use of the baths varied according to individual taste and medical
advice. In general, however, bathers availed themselves of one of three

methods.
The most common form of the bath was that taken after exercise in the
palaestra,—ball playing was a favorite means of exercise,—use being made
of all the rooms. The bather undressed in the apodyterium, or perhaps in the
tepidarium, where he was rubbed with unguents; then he took a sweat in the
caldarium, following it with a warm bath. Returning to the apodyterium, he
gave himself a cold bath either in this room or in the frigidarium; he then
passed into the Laconicum, or, if there was no Laconicum, went back into
the caldarium for a second sweat; lastly, before going out, he was
thoroughly rubbed with unguents, as a safeguard against taking cold.
Some bathers omitted the warm bath. They passed through the tepidarium
directly into the Laconicum or caldarium, where they had a sweat; they then
took a cold bath, or had cold water poured over them, and were rubbed with
unguents.
In the simplest form of the bath the main rooms were not used at all. The
bathers heated themselves with exercise in the palaestra, then removed the
dirt and oil with scrapers, strigiles, and bathed in the swimming tank.

PLATE V.—APODYTERIUM OF THE
STABIAN BATHS, WITH THE ANTEROOM
LEADING FROM THE PALAESTRA

Up to the present time three public baths have been excavated in Pompeii,
two for both men and women, one for men only. Besides these there are two
private establishments in the eighth Region (VIII. ii. 17 and 23), one
perhaps for men, the other for women; and another, apparently for men, was
discovered in the eighteenth century near the Amphitheatre and covered up
again, being a part of the villa of Julia Felix. It is quite possible that two or
three more bathing establishments yet await excavation; one at least,
connected with a warm spring, is known to us from an inscription—that of
M. Crassus Frugi. About a dozen houses also contain complete baths for
private use.

The largest and oldest bathing establishment at Pompeii is that to which the
name Stabian Baths has been given, from its location on Stabian Street. It
was built in the second century B.C., but was remodelled in the early days of
the Roman colony, and afterwards underwent extensive repairs. It is of
irregular shape, and occupies a large part of a block, having streets on three
sides; on the north side it is bounded by the house of Siricus. Opening upon
two of the streets are shops, which have nothing to do with the baths and
are not numbered on the plan (Fig. 86).
Entering from the south through the broad doorway at A, we find ourselves
in the palaestra, C, which has a colonnade on three sides. On the west side
the place of the colonnade is taken by a strip of smooth pavement with a
raised margin; two heavy stone balls were found here, which were
obviously used in a game resembling the modern ninepins; at the further
end is the room for the players, K. Close to the bowling course, at the
middle of the west side, is the swimming tank, F, with rooms (E, G)
adjoining it at either end. At the corner near the further room, G, is a side
entrance, L; J is the office of the director or superintendent in charge of the
building.
On the east side of the court are the men's baths, rooms I-VIII; north of
these are the women's baths, rooms 1-6, with the furnace room, IX, between
them. In the northwest corner of the building were small rooms (e-e)
intended for private baths. They had not been provided with the improved
heating arrangements, and were not in use at the time of the catastrophe.
The larger room adjoining (k) was a closet.
The anteroom of the men's baths (IV), opens at one end into the dressing
room or apodyterium (VI), as seen in Plate V. It has a vaulted ceiling, richly
decorated. A door at the left leads into the frigidarium (V), and another at
the right into a servants' waiting room (I), which is accessible from the
court. This room was formerly entered also from the street, through a
passage (III), which was later closed; on one side of it is a bench of
masonry for the slaves in attendance upon their masters. Similar benches
are found in the waiting room at the other end of the apodyterium (X).

Fig. 86.—Plan of the
Stabian Baths.
View larger image

A. Main Entrance.
B. Colonnade.
C. Palaestra.
F. Swimming tank.
I-VIII. Men's Baths.
IV. Anteroom.
V. Frigidarium.
VI. Apodyterium.
VII. Tepidarium.
VIII. Caldarium.
IX. Furnace room.
1-6. Women's baths.
1, 5. Entrances.
2. Apodyterium.
3. Tepidarium.
4. Caldarium.

The apodyterium also was provided with benches of the same sort, as
indicated on the plan; they are shown in Plate V. Along the walls at the

sides, just under the edge of the vaulted ceiling, was a row of small niches,
the use of which corresponded with that of the lockers in a modern
gymnasium. These niches are about 5¾ feet above the floor, while those in
the other dressing room (2) are a little less than five feet; from this
difference in height it has been rightly inferred that the smaller and simpler
division of the baths was set aside for women. The floor is paved with
rectangular flags of gray marble, with blocks of basalt next to the walls.
While the walls were left simply white, with a red base, the ceiling was
elaborately decorated with stucco reliefs in the style prevalent shortly
before the destruction of the city; there are vestiges of similar decoration in
the tepidarium. In octagonal, hexagonal, and quadrangular panels are
rosettes, Cupids, trophies, and bacchic figures. The lunettes are adorned
with fantastic architectural designs, in which we see bacchic figures
standing on pedestals, and Cupids riding on dolphins; the sides of the two
arches supporting the ceiling (one of them is seen in Plate V) are decorated
with female figures mounted on dolphins, which run out into arabesques.
The frequent suggestion of water in these motives is in harmony with the
purpose of the room.
Even more effective is the decoration of the small round frigidarium. Light
is admitted, as in the Pantheon at Rome, through a round hole in the apex of
the domed ceiling. At the edge of the circular bath basin, lined with white
marble, was a narrow strip of marble floor, which is extended into the four
semicircular niches. Wall and niches alike are painted to represent a
beautiful garden, with a blue sky above (Fig. 87). The eye wanders among
trees and shrubs, catching glimpses of birds overhead, of statues and vases
here and there in the midst of the green foliage, and of jets of water falling
into circular basins. The blue dome is studded with stars. The bather could
scarcely feel the narrowness of a room, the decoration of which was so
suggestive of expanse and open air. A jet of water fell into the basin from a
small niche in the upper part of the wall; and the place of the overflow pipe
may be easily recognized.
The tepidarium (VII) and caldarium (VIII) were heated by means of hollow
floors and walls. The former is much the smaller, as we should have
expected from its use as an intermediate room, in which the bathers would
ordinarily not tarry so long as in the caldarium. The large bath basin at the
east end (indicated on the plan) is unusual; it was seemingly a later

addition, and was probably
made to accommodate those
who in the winter shrank
from using the frigidarium,
but wished nevertheless to
take a moderately cold bath.
Near the bottom of the wall
back of this basin, a hole had
been made so that underneath
a fire could be kindled from
the outside (in X), not in
order to heat the basin, which
could be supplied with warm
water by means of a pipe, but Fig. 87.—Stabian Baths:
to start the circulation of hot interior of the frigidarium,
air from the furnace; at the restored.
top of the wall above were
two vents opening from the
warm air chamber. There was
a place for another draft fire under the women's caldarium.
One of the fragments of stucco relief still remaining in the tepidarium
presents the figure of a man reading from a roll of manuscript. It suggests
the standing complaint of the ancients in regard to the trials of bathers, who
could not escape the ever-present poet declaiming his latest production.
At one end of the caldarium we find the bath basin, alveus; at the other is
the support of the labrum, which has disappeared. In the niche above the
latter are two vents for the draft, and above the niche was a round window.
This room, as most of the others, was dimly lighted. The little round
window of the anteroom is shown in our plate. There were two similar
windows in the lunette of the apodyterium, above the roof of the anteroom;
they are not seen in our plate, having at one time been entirely covered up
by the construction of a wall to support the roof. A similar window was very
likely placed at the end of the tepidarium, over the roof of the frigidarium;
and perhaps these were supplemented by holes in the crown of the arched
ceilings, as in the women's apodyterium.

The women's baths are entered from the court through a long anteroom (6);
the dressing room is connected also with the two side streets by means of
corridors (1, 5). Originally there was no communication between the
women's baths and the palaestra.
The apodyterium (2) is the best preserved room of the entire building, and
also the most ancient. It shows almost no traces of the catastrophe. The
vaulted ceiling is intact. The smooth, white stucco on the walls and the
simple cornice at the base of the lunettes date from the time of the first
builders. Now, as then, light is admitted only through two small openings in
the crown of the vault and a window in the west lunette. To a modern visitor
the interior seems gloomy. The pavement, of lozenge-shaped, reddish
glazed tiles, belongs to the same early period. There is a strip of basaltic
flags connecting the door of one of the corridors (1) with that of the
tepidarium. This much travelled path seems to indicate that many ladies—
particularly, we may assume, in the winter—went at once into the more
comfortable tepidarium without stopping in the dressing room. Along the
walls were benches, and above them niches, as in the men's apodyterium. In
the time of the Empire the fronts of the niches, finely carved in tufa, were
overlaid with a thick coating of stucco, the upper part being ornamented
with designs in relief.
The women had no frigidarium. A large basin for cold baths was built at the
west end of the dressing room, but this also is a later addition; before it was
made, those who wished for cold baths must have contented themselves
with portable bath tubs.
The tepidarium (3) and caldarium (4) are in a better state of preservation
than those of the men's baths, which they so closely resemble in all their
arrangements that a detailed description is unnecessary. In their present
form they are not so ancient as the apodyterium, and the decoration is less
elaborate than that of the corresponding rooms on the other side.
The labrum is intact, a round, shallow basin of white marble resting on a
support of masonry; it has here no separate niche. The bath basin in the
caldarium also retains its veneering of white marble, with an overflow pipe
of bronze at the upper edge; it is about two feet deep. In such basins the
bathers leaned against the sloping back, which for this reason was called a

cushion (pulvinus) by Vitruvius. This alveus would accommodate eight
bathers, that in the men's caldarium perhaps ten. Places were probably
assigned in numerical order, each bather awaiting his turn. Those who did
not wish to wait, or preferred to bathe by themselves, might use individual
bath tubs of bronze. Remains of such a tub, as well as of bronze benches,
were found in this room. Near the bottom of the alveus in front is an
opening, through which the water could be let out; when it was emptied, the
water ran over the white mosaic floor, which was thus cleaned.
In the time of the Early Empire it became the fashion to bathe with very
warm water. 'People want to be parboiled,' Seneca exclaims. The
construction of the alveus, however, was not well adapted to conserve the
heat, and an ingenious contrivance was devised to remedy the difficulty,
which may best be explained with the help of our illustration, showing the
arrangement of the bath basin in room 4 (Fig. 88). A large hot air flue, D,
led directly from the furnace to the hollow space, C, under the alveus, A.
Above this flue was a long bronze heater, B, in the form of a half cylinder,
with one end opening into the end of the alveus. As the bottom of the heater
was six inches lower than that of the alveus, the cooler water from the basin
would flow down into it and be heated again, a circulation being thus
maintained.

Fig. 88.—The bath basin in the women's
caldarium—longitudinal and transverse sections,
showing the arrangement for heating the water.
View larger image

A. Bath basin, alveus.
B. Bronze heater.

C. Hot air chamber under the floor.
D. Hot air flue.
A similar arrangement (called testudo alvei by Vitruvius) probably existed
for the alveus in the caldarium on the other side; but that part of the men's
baths has been destroyed. Only one other heater of this kind has been found,
—and that much smaller,—in a villa near Boscoreale, recently excavated;
but the semicircular opening made for the heater above the hot air flue may
be seen in the Central Baths, in a private establishment at Pompeii, and
generally in the remains of Roman baths.
In the furnace room (praefurnium, IX) between the two caldariums, stood
three large cylindrical tanks. They have disappeared, but their outlines can
still be seen in the masonry of the foundations, and are shown in our plan.
The one furthest east was for hot water. It was directly over the fire, and
connected with the bath basins of the two caldariums. The next, for
lukewarm water, stood over a hollow space opening into the furnace. A lead
pipe leading from it to the labrum of the women's caldarium is still to be
seen; the water bubbled up in the middle of the labrum. The third and
largest reservoir, for cold water, was placed on a foundation of solid
masonry.
The more important alterations made in the baths during the two centuries
that they were in use had to do with the arrangements for heating, and may
briefly be considered here before we proceed to another part of the building.
It will be best not to weary the reader with details, but to present a brief
summary of conclusions, which will perhaps be found of interest, not only
as casting light on the gradual development of these baths, but also as
illustrating that adjustment of public buildings to the needs and tastes of
successive generations, which was as characteristic of ancient as it is of
modern life.
For the extensive changes made in the earlier part of the first century B.C.
we have the evidence of an inscription, which had been cast aside and was
found in one of the smaller rooms. It reads, C. Uulius C. f., P. Aninius C. f.,
II v. i. d., Laconicum et destrictarium faciund. et porticus et palaestr[am]
reficiunda locarunt ex d[ecurionum] d[ecreto] ex ea pequnia quod eos e
lege in ludos aut in monumento consumere oportuit faciun[da] coerarunt

eidemque probaru[nt]. The form of the letters and the spelling point to the
time of Sulla as the period in which the inscription was cut. The syntax is
confused, but the meaning is clear: a Laconicum and destrictarium were
built, the colonnade and palæstra repaired, by the duumvirs Gaius Ulius and
Publius Aninius, in accordance with a vote of the city council; and they
furnished the means for this work in fulfilment of their obligation, incurred
by the acceptance of the duumviral office, to spend a certain sum upon
either games or buildings.
The destrictarium—a room for removing dirt and oil with the strigil after
gymnastic exercises—is easily identified (D), as are also the palaestra and
colonnade; but in our survey of the baths, we have found no separate
chamber to which the term Laconicum could properly be applied. In order
to arrive at a solution of the difficulty, we must note the successive steps by
which, as shown by an examination of the remains of the masonry, the
heating arrangements were extended and improved.
At first, in the Baths as originally constructed, there were neither hollow
walls nor hollow floors. The heating was done by means of braziers; and
there were niches or lockers in the walls of the caldariums and tepidariums
similar to those now found in the dressing rooms, but in double rows, the
upper niches being larger, the lower smaller.
Later, a hollow floor was built in the men's caldarium. Later still, this room
was provided with hollow walls, which were extended to the crown of the
ceilings and the lunettes, the tepidarium being still heated with braziers.
Finally, a hollow floor and hollow walls were constructed at the same time
in the men's tepidarium, but the hot air chamber was not carried up into the
ceiling or the lunettes.
A similar transformation was gradually accomplished in the women's
apartments; but owing, it would seem, to a desire for greater warmth in the
tepidarium, the hot air chamber here, as in the caldarium, was extended to
the lunettes and the ceiling.
Since the method of heating by means of hollow floors only came into
vogue about 100 B.C., and since the duumvirate of Ulius and Aninius must
have occurred soon after 80 B.C., we are probably safe in supposing that

they built the hollow floors of the two caldariums, and that the new heating
arrangement was loosely called a Laconicum. At least a partial warrant for
this interpretation is found in a passage of Dion Cassius (LIII. xxvii. 1), in
which he says that Agrippa built the 'Spartan sweating bath,' τὸ πυριατήριον
τὸ Λακωνικόν. Agrippa, however, built, not a Laconicum in the narrow
sense, but a complete bathing establishment, and Dion, doubtless following
some earlier writer, uses the word as generally applicable to a system of
warm baths. In default of a better explanation, we must accept a meaning
equally loose for our inscription.
It is not possible to date, even approximately, the other changes by which
the baths were conformed to the increasing desire for warmth and comfort;
but the decoration of the greater part of the building, with its complicated
designs and stucco reliefs, was clearly applied to the walls not many
decades before the destruction of the city.
The unroofed swimming tank, F, was separated from the court by a barrier
of masonry about two feet high, which was extended also in front of the
rooms at the ends, E and G. On either side was a step, both the steps and the
barrier being veneered with white marble. The tank was supplied by a pipe
entering from the northeast; the overflow pipe, at the southeast corner, is
indicated on the plan.
The rooms E and G, opening both on the swimming tank and on the court
with high arched doorways, were roofed shallow basins where the athletes
could give themselves a preliminary cleaning before going into the tank.
The walls are veneered with marble to a height of 6½ feet; above are
painted plants, birds, statues, and nymphs, one of whom holds a shell to
catch a jet of water; over these the blue sky. Here, as in the frigidarium, the
artist strove to convey the impression of being in the open air, in a beautiful
garden, adorned with sculptures. A jet of water spurted from the rear wall
just above the marble dado; above it is a large oblong niche, apparently for
a statue.
After a time the basin in G was filled up, and covered with a mosaic floor of
the same height as the threshold; when one cleaning room was found to be
adequate, that was retained which had a separate dressing room, D. On the
white walls of the dressing room are traces of the wooden wardrobes that

once stood against them. In this room, the destrictarium, the athletes
disrobed, and rubbed themselves with oil before engaging in gymnastic
exercises, and to it they returned from the palaestra, in order to scrape
themselves (se destringere); then they washed themselves in the next room,
E, and finally plunged into the tank.
The room of the official in charge of the baths, J, had windows opening on
the court and into the bowlers' room, K. A large bronze brazier was found
here, presented, according to an inscription on it, by Marcus Nigidius
Vaccula, who, as a symbol of his name, had the figure of a cow (vacca)
stamped in relief on the brazier. We find a similar brazier, together with
benches, in the tepidarium of the baths near the Forum, which had no other
means of heating; we naturally infer that the furniture here was intended for
one of the tepidariums, and used there before the improved method of
heating was introduced. A Nasennius Nigidius Vaccula, who died before 54
A.D., is known to us from the receipts of Caecilius Jucundus. If he was the
donor, and made the gift when he was a young man, the change of the
system of heating in the tepidarium may have been made as early as 20 A.D.
The colonnade was originally uniform on all the three sides. The Doric
columns were of tufa, coated with fine white stucco. They were of slender
proportions, the height being a trifle over nine feet, with a diameter of only
sixteen inches. They were edged, not fluted, and doubtless carried an
entablature with triglyphs, of which no trace remains. In the time of the
Empire, apparently before the earthquake of 63, the colonnade was
remodelled in accordance with the prevailing taste. The columns received a
thick coating of stucco, with flutings indicated by incised lines; the lower
third of the shaft was painted red, the upper portion being left white. Over
the capitals, moulded in stucco, was an entablature resting on thick planks,
and ornamented with light-colored stucco reliefs. The general effect may be
seen from our illustration (Fig. 89).
In this reconstruction the sameness of the earlier colonnade was varied with
pleasing irregularities. Thus in front of the main entrance (A), and in a
corresponding position on the opposite side of the court, the place of four
columns was taken by two broad pillars flanked by half-columns, and
carrying a roof more than five feet higher than that of the rest of the

colonnade. A similar
arrangement has already been
noted in the colonnade of the
temple of Isis (p. 174).

Fig. 89.—Colonnade of the
Stabian Baths: capital
with section of
entablature, restored.

Fig. 90.—Stabian Baths: southwest corner of the
palaestra, showing part of the colonnade and wall
decorated with stucco reliefs.
The wall decoration of the court has been particularly well preserved on the
outer wall of D and E (Fig. 90; cf. Pl. XIII). The surface is diversified by
fantastic architectural designs in two stories, made up of slender columns
with their entablatures, open doorways with steps leading up to them, and
glimpses of interiors. In the panels thus outlined, figures of all kinds stand
out in white relief on a bright red or blue ground. Above the arched
doorway Jupiter sits, resting his right hand on his sceptre; near by, on a
pillar, is the eagle. Further to the left a satyr offers Hercules a drinking horn.
Another relief, not so well preserved, has a motive suggestive of the
purpose of the building—Hylas at the spring seized by the nymphs. With
this we may associate two designs having reference to the exercises of the
palaestra: a boxer, at the left of the doorway of E, and at the right a man
scraping himself with a strigil. On the outer wall of G is Daedalus, making
wings for himself and Icarus.
Under the colonnade at the rear, a herm stands close to the wall, having the
features of a youth with a garment drawn over his head and covering the
upper part of the body. For the explanation of it we are indebted to
Pausanias. 'In the gymnasium at Phigalia, in Arcadia,' says this writer, 'is an
image of Hermes. It has the appearance of a man wrapped in a cloak, and
terminates below in a square pillar in the place of feet.' This is Hermes, the
god of the Palaestra, here, as in Phigalia, in a guise suggestive of his
function of Psychopompus, the conductor of departed souls. We have
already met with an example of the same type in the court of the temple of
Apollo.
A sundial stood on the roof of the frigidarium and men's caldarium,
supported by a foundation of masonry still visible. It bore an Oscan
inscription, from which we learn that it was set up by the Quaestor Maras
Atinius, in accordance with a decree of the council, the money for the
expenditure being derived from fines. The fines were very likely collected
here, by the official in charge of the building. Sundials were erected also in
the other baths at Pompeii. They were a necessity, for all such
establishments were conducted on a schedule of hours. Hadrian ordered that

the baths in Rome should be open from the eighth hour, that is, after two
o'clock in the afternoon; and a regulation in regard to the time of opening, if
not of closing, was probably in force at Pompeii.
A motley and tumultuous life once filled the barren court, the rooms now
ruined and deserted. The scene is well pictured by Seneca (Ep. 56): 'Quiet is
by no means so necessary for study as men commonly believe,' the
philosopher gravely argues. 'I am living near a bath: sounds are heard on all
sides. Just imagine for yourself every conceivable kind of noise that can
offend the ear. The men of more sturdy muscle go through their exercises,
and swing their hands heavily weighted with lead: I hear their groans when
they strain themselves, or the whistling of labored breath when they breathe
out after having held in. If one is rather lazy, and merely has himself rubbed
with unguents, I hear the blows of the hand slapping his shoulders, the
sound varying according as the massagist strikes with flat or hollow palm.
If a ballplayer begins to play and to count his throws, it's all up for the time
being. Meanwhile there is a sudden brawl, or a thief is caught, or there is
some one in the bath who loves to hear the sound of his own voice; and the
bathers plunge into the swimming tank with loud splashing. These noises,
however, are not without some semblance of excuse; but the hair plucker
from time to time raises his thin, shrill voice in order to attract attention,
and is only still himself when he is forcing cries of pain from some one
else, from whose armpits he plucks the hairs. And above the din you hear
the shouts of those who are selling cakes, sausages, and sweetmeats,
besides all the hawkers of stuff from the cookshops, each with a different
and characteristic cry.'
Such were the distractions of a Roman bath.

CHAPTER XXVIII
THE BATHS NEAR THE FORUM

The bathing establishment in the block north of the Forum is smaller and
simpler in its arrangements than that described in the last chapter, but the
parts are essentially the same. Here also we find a court, with a colonnade
on three sides; a system of baths for men, comprising a dressing room (I)
with a small round frigidarium (II) opening off from it, a tepidarium (III),
and a caldarium (IV); a similar system for women, the place of the
frigidarium being taken by a tank for cold baths (2) in the dressing room;
and a long narrow furnace room between the two baths (V). On three sides
of the establishment are shops, in connection with which are several inns.
These baths were built shortly
after 80 B.C., about the time that
Ulius and Aninius repaired the
Stabian Baths; the characteristic
masonry, with quasi-reticulate
facing, is similar to that of the
Small Theatre and the
Amphitheatre. The names of the
builders are known from an
inscription found in duplicate: L.
Caesius C. f. d[uum] v[ir] i[uri]
d[icundo], C. Occius M. f., L.
Niraemius A. f. II v[iri] d[e]
d[ecurionum] s[ententia] ex
peq[unia] publ[ica] fac[iundum]
curar[unt] prob[arunt] q[ue].
Fig. 91.—Plan of the baths Thus we see that the contract for
near the Forum. the building was let and the
View larger image work approved by Lucius
Caesius, duumvir with judiciary
authority,—his colleague had
A, A'. Street entrances to court.
probably died since election and
B. Colonnade.
the vacancy had not yet been
I-IV. Men's baths.
filled,—and the two aediles,
I. Apodyterium.
Occius and Niraemius, who are
II. Frigidarium.
here styled 'duumvirs,' for
III. Tepidarium.
reasons already explained (p.
IV. Caldarium.

V. Furnace room. 12); the cost was defrayed by an
C. Area. appropriation from the public
D. Court back of women's baths. treasury. Though these Baths are
1-4. Women's baths. of later construction than the
1. Apodyterium. Stabian Baths, they seem more
2. Basin for cold baths. ancient because fewer changes
3. Tepidarium. were made in them.
4. Caldarium.
d. Sundial. The court here was not a
palaestra; it was small for
gymnastic exercises, and was
not provided with a swimming
tank and dressing rooms. The open space was occupied by a garden.
The colonnade on the north and west sides of the court had slender columns
standing far apart, with a low and simple entablature; on the east side the
columns were replaced by pillars carrying low arches, which served as a
support for a gallery affording a pleasant view of the garden. This gallery
was accessible from the upper rooms of several inns along the street leading
north from the Forum, whose guests no doubt found diversion in watching
what was going on below—an advantage that may have been taken into
account by the city officials in fixing the rent. There are benches on the
north side of the court, and at the middle a deep recess, or exedra (b),
making a pleasant retreat for quiet conversation. The entrance from the
frequented street at the left (A) is so arranged that passers-by could not look
in; near the entrance from the street on the opposite side (A') is a closet (c).
The decoration of the court was extremely simple. Columns and walls were
unpainted; on the lower parts, stucco with bits of brick in it; above, white
plaster.
From the court a corridor (a) led into the men's apodyterium, which could
be entered also on the north side from the Strada delle Terme. This room
contained benches, as shown on the plan; but there were no niches, as in the
dressing rooms of the Stabian Baths, and wooden shelves or lockers may
have been used instead. The small dark chamber at the north end (f) may
have been used as a storeroom for unguents, such as the Greeks called
elaeothesium. It seems to have been thought necessary here to connect the
dressing room with the furnace room (V) by a separate passage.

Fig. 92.—Baths near the Forum: interior of the
men's tepidarium.

Light was admitted to the dressing room through a window in the lunette at
the south end, closed by a pane of glass half an inch thick, set in a bronze
frame that turned on two pivots. On either side of the window are huge
Tritons in stucco relief, with vases on their shoulders, surrounded by
dolphins; underneath is a mask of Oceanus, and in the same wall is a niche
for a lamp, similar to that seen in Fig. 92, blackened by the soot.
The frigidarium is well preserved. In all its arrangements it is almost an
exact counterpart of the one in the Stabian Baths, but the scheme of
decoration, suggestive of a garden, is less realistically carried out, the
ground being yellow; and the round window at the apex of the domed
ceiling has a rectangular extension toward the south in order to admit as
much sunlight as possible.

The tepidarium, as will be seen from our illustration (Fig. 92), is in the
condition of the tepidariums of the Stabian Baths before the improved
arrangements for heating were introduced. There were no warm air
chambers in the walls or the floor. At one end we see the remains of the
large bronze brazier and benches (the iron grating is modern) presented by
Vaccula, to which reference has already been made (p. 197). The feet of the
benches are modelled to represent hoofs, each with a cow's head above.

Fig. 93.—Longitudinal section of the men's
caldarium.

There are niches in the walls, as formerly in the tepidariums of the Stabian
Baths, but several of them for some reason have been walled up. Wild-
visaged, muscular Atlantes stand out in bold projection on the front of the
partitions between the niches, sustaining a cornice upon their uplifted hands.
The window, seen in the illustration above the lamp niche, was closed, as
that in the dressing room, by a pane of glass in a bronze frame.
The decoration of the ceiling, unfortunately only in part preserved, is well
designed. Along the lower edge are arabesques, interwoven in a scroll
pattern, in white stucco on a white background. Above these are panels of
different sizes, in which raised white ornaments and figures appear on a
white, blue, or violet ground; among the motives are Cupid leaning on his
bow, Apollo riding on a griffin, Ganymede with the eagle, and Cupids on sea
horses.
The caldarium is well preserved; only a part of the vaulted ceiling has been
destroyed. The hollow space for hot air in the floor and walls is indicated in
our section (Fig. 93). Here we see at the right, the bath basin, lined with
white marble, with its sloping back affording a comfortable support for the
bathers; at the other end is the apsidal niche (schola) with the labrum. The
direction of Vitruvius, that the labrum should be placed under a window in
such a way that the shadows of those standing around should not fall on it, is
here literally observed. There were three other small windows at the same
end of the room, and a niche for a lamp.

We learn from an inscription on the labrum, in bronze letters, that it was
made under the direction of Gnaeus Melissaeus Aper and Marcus Staius
Rufus, who were duumvirs in 3-4 A.D., at a cost of 5250 sesterces, not far
from $270. This room seems to have received its final form before the new
method of heating the water in the alveus came into vogue; there is no trace
of a bronze heater, such as that found in connection with the bath basin of
the women's caldarium at the Stabian Baths. The simple decoration is in
marked contrast with the usual ornamentation of the later styles. Above a
low marble base are yellow walls divided by dark red pilasters, shown in
Fig. 93. These support a projecting flat cornice of dark red, whose surface is
richly ornamented with stucco reliefs. The ceiling is moulded in flutings
running up to the crown of the vault; only in the ceiling of the schola do we
find raised figures.
The rooms of the women's baths are small, their arrangement being
determined in part by the irregular shape of the corner of the building in
which they are placed; but the system of heating is more complete than in
the men's baths, for both the tepidarium (3) and the caldarium (4) were
provided with hollow floors and hot air spaces in the walls extending to the
lunettes and the ceiling. The vaulted ceilings of both of these rooms, as well
as of the apodyterium, are preserved; but the caldarium has lost its hollow
floor and walls, together with the bath basin, which was placed in a large
niche at the right as one entered; only the base of the labrum remains. The
condition of this room may be due to the earthquake of the year 63, the
necessary repairs not having been made before the eruption. There was no
connection between the women's baths and the court at the rear (D), which
had a separate entrance from the street. At the women's entrance there was a
narrow waiting room for attendants, separated from the street by a thin wall
and protected by a roof.
The furnace room could be entered at one end from the street. The three
cylindrical tanks for hot, lukewarm, and cold water were arranged as in the
Stabian Baths. Beyond the tanks is a cistern (g), which was supplied in part
by rain water from the roof, in part by a feed pipe connected with the water
system of the city. The raised walk (h) on the right side of the furnace room
is continued to the small court (D) in the corner of which is a stairway
leading to the flat roof of the men's caldarium. From this point of vantage,

the view over the landscape and the sea must have been beautiful in
antiquity, as it is to-day.
A sundial doubtless stood on the larger of the two pillars in the court (d),
which is about seventeen feet high and nearly five feet thick at the base; on
the smaller pillar was perhaps a statue or other ornamental object of the sort
frequently seen in wall paintings.

CHAPTER XXIX
THE CENTRAL BATHS

Seneca in an entertaining letter (Ep. 86) gives an account of a visit about 60
A.D. to the villa at Liternum in which the Elder Scipio had lived in the years
immediately preceding his death, in 183 B.C. The philosopher was
particularly struck with the bath, the simplicity of which he contrasts
forcibly with the luxurious appointments of his own time. We cannot follow
him through the extended disquisition—he speaks of various refinements of
luxury of which we find no traces at Pompeii; but he mentions as the most
striking difference the lack of light in the old bath, with its small apertures
more like chinks than windows, while in his day the baths were provided
with large windows protected by glass, and people 'wanted to be parboiled in
full daylight,' besides having the enjoyment meanwhile of a beautiful view.
Some such feeling as this we have in turning from the two older baths at
Pompeii—one of pre-Roman origin, the other dating from the time of Sulla
—to the Central Baths, which were in process of construction at the time of
the eruption, and had been designed in accordance with the prevailing mode
of life.
This extensive establishment, at the corner of Stabian and Nola streets,
occupied the whole of a block; but a large part of the frontage on the two
streets mentioned was utilized for shops. Notwithstanding the size of the
building, it had only a single series of apartments, which were laid out on a

correspondingly large scale. It was doubtless built for men, although the use
of it at certain hours by women may possibly have been contemplated, in
case the women's baths at the two other establishments should be
overcrowded.
Entrances from three streets lead to the ample palaestra, from which the
remains of the houses demolished to make room for it had not yet been
entirely removed. On the northeast side is the excavation for a large
swimming tank (h), and for a water channel leading to the closet (e). In order
to have water at hand for building purposes, the masons had built a low wall
around an old impluvium on the south side (shown on the plan, Fig. 94) into
which a feed pipe ran. For a short distance on the north side the stylobate
had been made ready for the building of the colonnade; elsewhere only the
preliminary work had been done. The rooms at the southeast corner (f, g)
were no doubt intended for dressing rooms for the palaestra and the plunge
bath.

Fig. 94.—Plan of the Central Baths.
View larger image

d. Palaestra.
h. Swimming tank.
i, l. Stores.
p. Apodyterium.

q. Tepidarium.
r. Laconicum.
s. Caldarium.
x, y. Furnaces.
Two small rooms (b, c) open upon the north entrance of the palaestra; one of
them, perhaps, was to be a ticket office, for the adjustment of matters
relating to admission, the other a cloak room, in which the capsarius would
guard the valuables of the bathers.
Two doors admit the visitor from the palaestra to the series of bath rooms,
one of them opening from the north end of the colonnade. The first room (i,
l) was designed to answer the purpose of a store, with four booths (k, m, n, o)
opening into it for the sale of edibles and bathers' conveniences.
The apodyterium (p), tepidarium (q), and caldarium (s) had each three large
windows opening on the palaestra; two of those belonging to the tepidarium
are seen in Fig. 95. None of the rooms were finished, though a hollow floor
and hollow walls had been built in the tepidarium, caldarium, and
Laconicum. The bath basins yet lacked their marble linings, and the two
furnaces (at x and y) had not been built.
Five smaller windows on the southeast side of the caldarium looked out on a
narrow garden, about which the workmen had commenced to build a wall to
cut off the sight of the firemen passing to and fro between the two furnaces.
The caldarium was so placed as to receive the greatest possible amount of
sunlight, particularly in the afternoon hours, when it would be used; this was
in accordance with a recommendation of Vitruvius, who says that the
windows of baths ought, whenever possible, to face the southwest, otherwise
the south.

Fig. 95.—View of the Central Baths, looking from
the palaestra into the tepidarium.

The contrast is indeed marked between the numerous large windows here,
with their attractive outlook, and the small apertures, high in the walls and
ceiling, through which light was admitted in the older baths.
In the Central Baths there was no frigidarium; but a large basin for cold
baths, nearly five feet deep, was placed in the dressing room opposite the
windows. Supply pipes were so laid that jets would spring into the basin
from three small niches, one in each wall; the overflow was conducted by
pipes under the floor to a catch basin (w), and thence to the street.
The tepidarium (q)—here, as usual, relatively small—is connected with the
apodyterium by two doors, and similarly with the caldarium. The latter room
has a bath basin at each end, thus affording accommodations for twenty-six
or twenty-eight bathers at once; at the middle of the southeast side was a
smaller basin that took the place of the labrum. The hot air flues leading
from the furnaces under the bath basins were already built, and above them

openings were left for semi-cylindrical heaters like that in the women's
caldarium of the Stabian Baths.
The round sweating room, Laconicum, was made more ample by means of
four semicircular niches, and lighted by three small round windows just
above the cornice of the domed ceiling. There was probably another round
opening at the apex, designed for a bronze shutter, which could be opened or
closed from below by means of a chain, so as to regulate the temperature.
Doors led into the Laconicum from both the tepidarium and the caldarium.
The oblong court between the bath rooms and the street on the northeast side
was apparently to be laid out as a garden. At the north end the workmen had
begun to build pillars for a short colonnade. A large square foundation for a
sundial stands near the opposite corner.

CHAPTER XXX
THE AMPHITHEATRE

In the southeast corner of the city, at a distance from the other excavations,
lies the Amphitheatre, the scene of gladiatorial combats. The Pompeians
called it 'the show,' spectacula, as in the inscription, preserved in two copies,
that gives us the names of the builders: C. Quinctius C. f. Valgus, M. Porcius
M. f[ilius] duo vir[i] quinq[uennales] coloniai honoris caussa spectacula de
sua peq[unia] fac[iunda] coer[arunt] et coloneis locum in perpetuom
deder[unt]. According to this, the Amphitheatre was built by the same men,
Valgus and Porcius, who are already known to us as the builders of the Small
Theatre (p. 153); and they presented it to the city in recognition of the honor
conferred upon them by their reëlection as duumvirs. The Amphitheatre may
thus have been finished half a decade later than the Theatre, but in any case
it belongs to the earliest years of the Roman colony,—as might be inferred,
in default of other evidence, from the archaic spelling of the inscription, and

the character of the masonry, which is like that of the Small Theatre and the
baths north of the Forum (p. 41).
The colonists, however, did not receive from Rome their impulse to erect
such a building. The passion for gladiatorial combats was developed in
Campania earlier, and manifested itself more strongly, than in Latium.
Strabo's statement that gladiators were brought forward at Campanian
banquets, in larger or smaller numbers according to the rank of the guests,
has reference to the period before the Second Punic War; but it was
considered a noteworthy event in Rome when, in 264 B.C., gladiators
engaged in combat in the Forum Boarium in celebration of funeral rites, as
also when, on a similar occasion in 216 B.C., twenty-two pairs fought in the
Forum. Buildings were erected for gladiatorial shows in Campanian towns
earlier than at the Capital. As late as the year 46 B.C. the spectators who
witnessed the games given by Julius Caesar sat on wooden seats supported
by temporary staging; and the first stone amphitheatre in Rome was built by
Statilius Taurus in 29 B.C., almost half a century after the quinquennial
duumvirate of Valgus and Porcius. The Amphitheatre at Pompeii is the oldest
known to us from either literary or monumental sources.
In comparison with later and more imposing structures, our Amphitheatre
seems indeed unpretentious. Its exterior elevation is relatively low (Fig. 96);
as our section shows (Fig. 99), the arena and the lower ranges of seats are in
a great hollow excavated for the purpose below the level of the ground. The
dimensions (length 460 feet, breadth 345) are small when compared with
those of the Coliseum (615 and 510 feet, respectively) or even the
amphitheatres at Capua or Pozzuoli; and the lack of artistic form is
noteworthy.

Fig. 96.—The Amphitheatre, seen from the west
side.
The exhibitions held here must also have been on a modest scale. There were
no underground chambers, below the arena, with devices by means of which
wild beasts could be lifted up into view and the sand suddenly covered with
new combatants. The limited means of this small city were not adequate to
make provision for the elaborate equipment and costly decoration found in
the amphitheatres of larger towns.
The arena, a view of which is given in Plate VI, is surrounded by a wall
about 6½ feet high. This wall was covered with frescoes which, still fresh at
the time of excavation, are now known to us only from copies in the Naples
Museum. They consisted of alternate broad and narrow panels, the latter
containing each a herm between two columns, while the larger spaces
presented alternately a conventional pattern and a scene connected with the
games. One of the scenes gives an interesting glimpse of the preparations for
the combat (Fig. 97). In the middle we see the overseer marking out with a
long staff the ring within which the combatants must fight. At the right a
gladiator stands, partly armed; two attendants are bringing him a helmet and
a sword. A hornblower, also partly armed, stands at the left; and behind him
two companions, squatting on the ground, make ready his helmet and shield.
At either end of the scene, in the background, is an image of a Winged
Victory with a wreath and palm.

Fig. 97.—Preparations for the combat. Wall
painting, from the Amphitheatre.

The limestone coping of the wall about the arena shows traces of iron in the
joints between the blocks, apparently remains of a grating designed to
protect the spectators from attacks by the infuriated wild beasts. The traces
are not visible all the way around, but this may be accounted for on the
supposition that repairs were in progress at the time of the eruption.
Two broad corridors (3, 3A) connect the ends of the arena with the outside of
the building. The one at the north end, toward Vesuvius, follows a straight
line; the other bends sharply to the right in order to avoid the city wall,
which bounds the structure on the south and east sides. By these corridors
the gladiators entered the arena, first in festal array, passing in stately
procession across the sand from one entrance to the other, then coming forth
in pairs as they were summoned to mortal combat.

Fig. 98.—Plan of the Amphitheatre at different
levels showing, above, the arrangement of the
seats; below, the arrangement of the vaulted
passages under the seats.
View larger image

1. Podium.
2. Gallery.
3, 3A. Entrances to arena.
4, 4. Vaulted corridor.
5. Passage to death gate.
6. Ima cavea.
7. Media cavea.
8. Summa cavea.
9. Stairs of balcony.
10. Terrace.
11, 11. Outer double stairways to terrace.
12, 12. Single stairways to terrace.
13. Tower of city wall.
14. City wall.
a. First praecinctio.
b. Second praecinctio.
c, d. Side entrances.
e. Death Gate.
f, f, f. Dens.
At the middle of the west side there is a third passage, narrow and low (e);
this is the grewsome corridor through which the bodies of the dead were
dragged by means of hooks, its entrance being the Porta Libitinensis, 'Death
Gate.' Near the inner end of each of the three corridors is a small, dark
chamber (f) the purpose of which is unknown. It has been suggested that
wild animals may have been confined here, but larger and more easily
accessible rooms would have been required for this purpose. They may have
been storerooms for appliances of various kinds required for the exhibitions.
The seats, of which there are thirty-five rows, have the same form as those in
the Small Theatre, and are of the same material, gray tufa. They are arranged
in three divisions,—the lowest, ima cavea, having five rows; the middle
division, media cavea, twelve; and the highest, summa cavea, eighteen (Figs.
98, 99). In the middle section of the ima cavea on each side the place of the
seats is taken by four low, broad ledges, set aside for members of the city
council, who could place upon them the seats of honor, bisellia, to the use of
which they were entitled. At the middle of the east side the second ledge is
interrupted for a distance of ten feet (the break is shown in Plate VI), a

double width being thus given to the lowest. This place was designed for
seats of special honor, and was, no doubt, reserved for the official who
provided the games, and his associates. On the same side the ledges are
extended into the next section on the south, the continuity of the seats being
interrupted by a low barrier. This supplementary section was, perhaps,
intended for certain freedmen, as the Augustales (p. 100), who had the right
to use bisellia, but who nevertheless could not become members of the city
council, and were not ranked on a social equality with the occupants of the
middle section.
The seats of the ima cavea and media cavea were reached through a vaulted
passage (4), which, in accordance with ancient usage, we may call a crypt. It
ran under the first seats of the second range, and stairs led from it to both
divisions. It might be entered either from the two broad corridors leading to
the arena, or directly from the west side by means of two separate passages
(c, d, on the plan). It is, however, interrupted at the middle on each side of
the Amphitheatre. On the west side the prolongation of the crypt would have
interfered with the use of the corridor leading to the Death Gate; but as no
such reason existed for blocking the east branch, it is probable that the
designers of the Amphitheatre interrupted both branches of the crypt in order
to force the spectators who had seats in the lower and middle divisions of the
south half of the structure to enter and leave by the somewhat inconvenient
south entrances, which are situated in an angle of the city wall. Had the crypt
been carried completely around, the crowd would always have pressed into
the building through the north entrances, which opened toward the city, thus
causing confusion, if not danger, on occasions of special interest.