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Title: The General Historie of Virginia, New England & the Summer Isles
(Vol. I)

Author: John Smith

Release date: January 9, 2018 [eBook #56347]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/56347

Credits: Produced by Roger Burch with scans from the Internet Archives

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GENERAL
HISTORIE OF VIRGINIA, NEW ENGLAND & THE SUMMER ISLES
(VOL. I) ***

{Transcriber's Note: British, archaic and
inconsistent spellings have been left as in the
original, as have capitalizations. A few obvious
typographical errors have been changed. Margin
notes, except when they refer to either the whole
paragraph or the beginning of the paragraph, are
indicated where they occur in the text with {MN}
and inserted in full at the beginning of the
paragraph to which they refer. Material in square
or round brackets are as in the original;
transcriber's notes are in curly brackets. Several
maps and illustrations are mentioned in the text,
but none appear in the original book, nor does the
index. Pagination of the 1624 edition, which this
edition places in the margins, have been left
interlinear to more nearly indicate their original
placement.}

The Travels of
Captaine John Smith

In Two Volumes

Volume I

GLASGOW

PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY
LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS,
PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH

MCMVII

The Generall Historie
of

Virginia, New England
&
The Summer Isles

Together with
The True Travels, Adventures
and Observations, and
A Sea Grammar

By
CAPTAINE JOHN SMITH
Sometimes Governour in those Countryes

VOLUME I

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
New York: The Macmillan Company
MCMVII

THE TABLE
Page
Publishers' Note, xvii
The Epistle Dedicatorie to the Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox, xxii
A Preface of foure Poynts, xxv
Panegyrick Verses, xxvii

The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books:

THE FIRST BOOKE.

A.D. The first voyage to the new World, by
1170 Madock Prince of
Wales. The next by Hanno Prince of
1488 Carthage, and how
1492 it was offred K. Hen.7. by Chr. 1
Cullumbus, that undertooke it for the
Spanyards.
1492.

1497 How John Cabot was imployed by King
1576 Hen. the 7. and found
1583 the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir
1584 Martin
Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert
ranged towards the
North. And how Captaine Amidas was 2
sent to discover the
coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and
his

associates. And the Country Wingandacoa
was called
Virginia by Queene Elizabeth.

1585 Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108.
he left
for a plantation. The discovery of the
Rivers
Chawonok and Moratoc. The trechery of
their 10
King, who with eight more were slaine,
and they
all returned to England againe the same
yeare with
Sir Francis Drake.

The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their
commodities, victuall, fruits, beasts,
fishes, and foules.
Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of the
Creation
of the world, and man; the immortalitie of
the 19
soule; the subtiltie of their Priests; the
peoples
simplicitie, and desire of salvation; and
other
Accidents.

1586 Sir Rich. Greenvill sent to supply them. Not
finding 26
them, left fiftie. Their successe.

1587 Master White sent to relieve them, found
26

they were all
slaine, yet left 115. more, and departed.

1589 Returning the second time, he could not
heare of them; 30
his Observations and Accidents.

1602 A discovery by Captaine Gosnoll of
Elizabeths Isles; his 33
Observations, Relations, and returne.

The voyage of Captaine Pring to the same 37
Coast.

1603 The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his
Observations, 38
Relations, and returne.

1605 A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures
of the 40
Salvages.

THE SECOND BOOKE.

Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine Smith.

1606 The Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a
description
of Chisapeack Bay, and seaven navigable
Rivers that 43
fall into it, with their severall Inhabitants,
and
diversitie of Language.

1606 Of things growing Naturally, as woods,
fruits, gummes,
berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds,
and fishes; 52
how they divide the yeare, prepare their
ground,
plant their corne, and use it, and other
victuall.

What commodities may be had by industry.
The
description of the people, their numbers,
constitutions,
dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings
and
gardens, their usage of children, striking
of fire, 60
making their Bowes and Arrowes, knives,
swords,
targets, and boats: how they spinne, make
fish-hooks,
and ginnes, and their order of hunting.
Consultations and order in Warres.

Their musicke, entertainment, trade,
Physicke, Chirurgery
and Charmes. Their Religion, God,
burials ordinary
and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, 70
Ornaments,
solemnities, Conjurations, Altars,
sacrifices, black
boyes, and resurrection.

The manner of their government, their
Emperor; his
attendants, watch, treasury, wives,
successors &
authority: tenure of their lands, and 77
manner of
punishment, with some words of their
Language
Englished.

And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia
now planted.

THE THIRD BOOKE.

Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.

1606 Their orders of government, Accidents in
going, first 85
landing and government setled.

1607 The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships
returne, their
names were left, occasion of sicknes,
plenty 88
unexpected, the building of James
Towne, the beginning
of Trade, two projects to abandon the
Country.

A.D. Their first attempts upon the Salvages.
1607 Captaine Smith
taken prisoner; their order of Triumph,

and how he
should have beene executed, was
preserved, saved
James towne from being surprised, how
they Conjured 96
him. Powhatan entertained him, would
have
slaine him; how Pocahontas his
daughter saved
him, and sent him to James Towne. The
third
plot to abandon the Countrey
suppressed.

Their first Supply and Accidents. The
Salvages opinion
of our God. Captaine Smith revisits
Powhatan; 104
James Towne burnt; A conceited gold
mine; A needlesse
charge; Captaine Newports returne for
England.

1608 James Towne rebuilt, with a Church and
Store-house;
The Salvages plot to murther all the
English; 110
their insolencies suppressed. Different
opinions
among the Councell.

Their names landed in this Supply. 113

The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack.
Their fight

and conference with the Kuskarawaoks;
Ambuscadoes
prevented in the river Patawomek; A
mine like
Antimony. How to deale with the 115
Salvages. Smith
neare killed with a Stingray. With many
other
Accidents in the discovery. A needlesse
misery at
James towne redressed.

The second Voyage to discover the Bay.
Their incounter
with the Massawomekes and
Tockwhoghs; the
Sasquesahanoughs offer subjection to
the English.
The exceeding love of the Salvage
Mosco. Their
fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight
with the
Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's 124
brother
taken prisoner; his relation of those
mountainers;
peace concluded with all those Nations.
The discovery
of the river Payankatank their fight with
the Nandsamunds, & Chisapeacks; their
returne to
James town.

A.D. The Presidency surrendred to Cap. Smith.
1608 The second

Supply by Captaine Newport, many
Presents sent
from England to Powhatan, his scorne,
Consultations;
factions suppressed; Cap. Smith visiteth
Powhatan; Pocahontas entertaines him
with a
Maske; the Coronation of Powhatan, 138
and Conditions.
The discovery of the Monacans; a
punishment for
swearing; the Chickahamanians forced
to Contribution;
the abuses of the Mariners; Master
Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco.

Captaine Smiths Relation to England of
the estate of
the Colony: the names of them arrived
in this
Supply. Nandsamund forced to 147
Contribution.
The first Marriage in Virginia.
Apamatuck
discovered.

Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunkee.
The discovery
of the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse
to Powhatan;
His reply and flattery; and his discourse 154
of Peace and Warre. Powhatans plot to
murther
Smith, discovered by his daughter
Pocahontas.

Their escape at Pamaunkee. The
Dutchmen deceive
Captaine Winne, and arme the Salvages;
sixteene
English beset by seven hundred
Salvages, Smith takes
their King Opechankanough prisoner;
the Salvages
excuse & reconcilement. Master
Scrivener and 163
others drowned; Master Wiffins
desperate journey
to Pamaunkee; Powhatan constraines his
men
again to be trecherous; he is forced to
fraught
their Ship; Smith poysoned; the Dutch
mens
trechery.

The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He
taketh
the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and
others; they
become all subject to the English. A 174
Salvage
smoothered, yet recovered; three or
foure Salvages
slaine in drying stolne powder.

A.D. Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread
1608 made of dryed
Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers;
the discovery 179

of the Mangoags. Captaine Argals first
arrivall;
the inconveniences in a Plantation.

1609 The government altered; the arrivall of the
third
Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted;
breach
of peace with the Salvages; Powhatans
chiefe seat
bought for Copper; Mutinies. Captaine
Smith 187
blowne up with Gun-powder; a bloudy
intent;
the causes why he left the Country and
his Commission;
his returne for England; the ends of
the Dutch-men.

Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. 199

THE FOURTH BOOKE.

With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.

How the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages
revolt; the
planting point Comfort. Them at
Nandsamund, and
the Fals, defeated by the Salvages.
1610 Captaine
Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. 203
The fruits
of improvidence. The arrivall of Sir

Thomas Gates.
James Towne abandoned. The arrivall of
the Lord
La Warre; their actions, and both their
returnes.

1611 The government left to Captaine Percie; &
his Proceedings. 211
The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his
actions.

The second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates;
1612 the building
Henerico; and the Bermudas; how
1613 Captaine Argall tooke
Pocahontas prisoner, Dales voyage to 215
Pamaunkee.
The marriage of Pocahontas to Master
Rolfe. Articles
of Peace with the Salvages.

1614 The government left to Sir Thomas Dale.
Captaine Argals
voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers 223
to Powhatan; and
their Accidents.

A.D. The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish
1615 Shippe in Virginia.
1616 Dale with Pocahontas comes for
England. Capt. Yerley 228
left Deputy Governour; his warres and
peace with the
Chickahamanians, and proceedings.

A relation to Queene Anne of the quality &
1617 condition of
1618 Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained
her; Capt. Argall
sent governour; the death of Powhatan;
ten English
slaine; Argals accidents and 236
proceedings. The Lord de
la Warre sent againe governour; his
death. A relation
of their present estates. Haile-stones 8.
inches
about.

1619 Sir George Yerley sent governor;
Waraskoyack planted. A
parliament in Virginia; foure
Corporations appointed; 245
the adventures of Cap. Ward; the
number of ships and
men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents
granted.

1620 A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester
with two Spanish 250
men of warre; the names of the
Adventurers.

1621 Notes and observations. A relation of their
estates by
Master Stockam. The arrivall of Sir
Francis Wyat with
nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; 268
and their

accidents; the number of ships and men
sent this yeare;
gifts given, Patents granted.

Master Pories journeyes to Pawtuxunt, and
other places, 274
with his accidents.

1622 Capt. Each sent to build Forts and Barks.
The cause and
manner of the Massacre; the numbers
slaine; the 277
providence of Cap. Nuse; Cap.
Chroshaw his voyage to
Patowomek.

Capt. Smiths offer to the Company to
suppresse the
Salvages. Their answer; the manner of
A.D. the Sallery;
1622 Chroshaw stayes at Patawomek; the
escape of Waters
and his wife. Cap. Hamar goes to
Patawomek; Chroshaws
plot for all their preservations. Capt.
Madison sent
to Patawomek. Cap. Powell kils three
1623 Salvages. Sir
George Yerleys journey to Acomack.
The misery of 295
Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the
King of Patawomek;
a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons
mischiefe unto the
Patawomeks. It was not well don to

make Opechankanough
drinke healths. 300. surpriseth
Nandsamund and
Pamaunkee. The opinion of Cap. Smith
how to subject
the Salvages. The arrivall of Cap. Butler
in Virginia,
and other Accidents.

The losse of Cap. Spilman and 26. men. A
particular of
such necessaries as are fit for private 313
persons or
families.

A briefe relation by Cap. Smith to his
Majesties
Commissioners, for the reformation of
1624 Virginia. The
7 questions the right Worthie 318
Commissioners demanded,
and his answers; how the King hath
pleased to take it
into his consideration.

At this present two ships are going; more a
preparing; new
Commissions sent. A Proclamation, no
Tobacco be used
in England, but what shall come from
Virginia, or the
Somer Isles; quere the Proclamation.

THE FIFT BOOKE.

A Mappe of the Somer Isles and
Fortresses. The
1593 description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes,
soyle, 331
ayre, beasts, birds, with the relation of
the
shipwrack of Henry May.

1609 The shipwrack of Sir Tho. Gates, and Sir
1610 George Somers;
their accidents, deliverance and arrivall
1611 in Virginia.
Somers returne to the Isles; his death, 341
and Epitaph,
the accidents hapned; three men lived
there alone
two yeares.

A.D. Master More sent to make a plantation. A
1612 peece of Amber
Greece found of 80. pound weight;
1613 much dissension;
Mores Industrie in fortifying and
waighing Ordnance out
1614 of the wracks. Their first Supply; a 348
strange increase of
Potatoes. The attempt of 2 Spanish
ships; a great
mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a
new Supply,
with their Accidents, and Moores
returne.

1615 The rent of the six governours; a
wonderfull accident of 355
Milliard, not much lesse then a miracle.

1616 The government of Ca. Tuckar; Assises;
the strange
1617 adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants
from the West
1618 Indies; the endevours of Cap. Powell;
Assises. The
Country neer devoured with ratts; their 359
strange
confusion. The divisions of the Isles into
Tribes, and
Tribes into shares, by Mr. Norwood; the
names of the
adventurers, and their shares.

The first Magazin; two exployts of
desperate fugitives.
The returne of Cap. Tuckar. Cap. 372
Kendall left
deputy-governor, and their Accidents.

1619 The government of Cap. Butler; A
platforme burnt, and much
hurt by a Hericano. The refortifying the
Kings Castle.
The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The
rebuilding the
Mount, and a Tombe for Sir George
1620 Somers. The
reformation of their lawes and officers.
1621 Their Assises. 376

A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion
of the Magazin.
The building three Bridges. The generall
Assises; A
strange deliverance of a Spanish
wracke. A strange
Sodomy; many Ordnances got from
wracks. Their estates
present.

1622 Master Barnard sent to be governour; his
1623 arrivall, death,
1624 and funerall, with the proceedings of 394
Mr. Harrison
his successor, & Cap. Woodhouse their
governor.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
Facsimile of the Engraved Title Page of "The xx
Generall Historie," 1624,

Portrait of Frances, Duchess of Richmond and xxviii
Lenox,

Portrait of Pocahontas, 104

A description of part of the Adventures of
Captain 208
Smith in Virginia, with Map of Ould
Virginia,

Map of The Summer Isles, 368

Map of Virginia, 396

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

John Smith "was borne in Willoughby in Lincolneshire, and a Scholler
in the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth." His father, George Smith,
"anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire,"
was a farmer-tenant of Lord Willoughby, to whom he bequeathed as a token
of his "dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts." John, the
eldest son, was baptised in the Parish Church of Willoughby, on the 6th
January, 1579. "His parents dying when he was about thirteene yeeres of
age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to manage,
little regarded; his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, sould
his Satchell, bookes, and all he had intending secretly to get to Sea, but that
his fathers death stayed him." About the age of fifteen he was bound
apprentice to "Master Thomas Sendell of Linne the greatest Merchant of all
those parts; but because hee would not presently send him to Sea, he never
saw his master in eight yeeres after." At length he succeeded in attending
Peregrine Bertie, second son of Lord Willoughby, to France, but in a few
weeks he was sent back to England "his service being needlesse."
Unwelcome at home, his friends "liberally gave him (but out of his owne
estate) ten shillings to be rid of him." With this he made his way to Paris
and made friends with "one Master David Hume, who making some use of
his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to preferre him to
King James." Smith, however, having spent nearly all his money in Rouen,
went to Havre where "he first began to learne the life of a souldier." He next
served two or three years in the Low Countries. Thence proceeding to
Scotland (being shipwrecked on the Holy Island on the way) he delivered
his letters, but "After much kinde usage amongst those honest Scots,"
finding he had "neither money nor means to make him a Courtier" he
returned to Willoughby. Here he retired to the woods, built himself a
"Pavillion of boughs" and lived chiefly on venison, "his exercise a good
horse, with his lance and Ring," his books Macchiavelli's "Art of War" and

Marcus Aurelius. Tiring of this life after a short time he returned to the Low
Countries and began the adventurous career of which he gives such an
enthralling description in his "True Travels, Adventures and Observations."

In 1605 he returned to England, and the next year prepared to join an
expedition to Guiana but the scheme was frustrated by the death of the
intended leader, Charles Lee. On 19th December 1606 he sailed from
Blackwall with the Colonists for Virginia. For the next three years he was
busily employed, as his "Generall Historie of Virginia" witnesses, in
founding the Colony; in September 1609 he narrowly escaped death by the
accidental explosion of a bag of gun-powder, and left for England to recruit
his health. He did not return to Virginia, but for the next few

{Transcriber's Note: Two pages (xix and xx) are missing from the
original at this point.}

most learned Treasurer of Antiquitie. The question as to the truth of the
adventures recorded in this book has given rise to heated and prolonged
controversy.

Smith was a prolific writer of tracts and pamphlets on the colonisation
of Virginia and New England, but the substance of them is contained in
"The Generall Historie" and "The True Travels."

In accordance with the scheme of this series, the edition here presented
is an exact reprint of the Original Editions except that the letters i, j, u and v
have been altered to conform to modern usage, and obvious printers' errors,
both of spelling and punctuation, have been corrected. References to the
pages of the original editions are given in the margin, and a full index has
been added.

Glasgow,
February, 1907.

TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST NOBLE
PRINCESSE,
THE LADY FRANCIS,

Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox.

May it please your Grace,

This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subject, so much
more for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergoe, and most of all for that
great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have
beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper
Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by
hearsay, but have beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to have a propertie in
them: and therefore have beene bold to challenge them to come under the
reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene indured and passed
through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when
he becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and
suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording?
He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or fayle
in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Julius Caesar, whose
achievments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the
field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the
Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many
Judicious: especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so
glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.

Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and
comparable but amongst themselves, have offred me rescue and protection
in my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I have felt reliefe from that
sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slave to the Turkes,
did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in
Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. In the
utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings

daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats
and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea, and
driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully
assisted me.

And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from
your Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this
Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this
poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it
had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which have no helpe but
the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious
condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept
these my labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent
Name: which will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Majestie,
the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet
Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances.
And as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to
posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still
continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the
highly blessed of God.

Your Graces faithfull
and devoted servant,
JOHN SMITH.

A Preface of foure Poynts.

I. This plaine History humbly sheweth the truth: that our
most royall King James hath place and opportunitie to
inlarge his ancient Dominions without wronging any;
(which is a condition most agreeable to his most just
and pious resolutions:) and the Prince his Highness
may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining
Provinces addeth to the Kings Crown: but the reducing
Heathen people to civilitie and true Religion, bringeth
honour to the King of Heaven. If his Princely
wisedome and powerfull hand, renowned through the
world for admirable government, please but to set
these new Estates into order; their composure will be
singular: the counsell of divers is confused; the
generall Stocke is consumed; nothing but the touch of
the Kings sacred hand can erect a Monarchy.

II. Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen, it is your
Honors that have imployed great paines and large
expence in laying the foundation of this State, wherein
much hath beene buried under ground, yet some thing
hath sprung up, and given you a taste of your
adventures. Let no difficulties alter your noble
intentions. The action is an honour to your Country:
and the issue may well reimburse you your summes
expended. Our practices have hitherto beene but
assayes, and are still to be amended. Let your bountie
supply the necessities of weake beginnings, and your
excellent judgements rectifie the proceedings; the
returne cannot choose in the end but bring you good
Commodities, and good contentments, by your

advancing shipping and fishing so usefull unto our
Nation.

III. Yee valiant and generous spirits, personall possessors
of these new-found Territories, banish from among you
Cowardise, covetousnes, jealousies, and idlenes,
enemies to the raising your honours and fortunes;
vertue, industry, and amitie, will make you good and
great, and your merits live to ensuing Ages. You that in
contempt of necessities, hazard your lives and estates,
imploying your studies and labours in these faire
endevours, live and prosper as I desire my soule
should prosper.

IIII. For my selfe let emulation and envie cease, I ever
intended my actions should be upright: now my care
hath beene that my Relations should give every man
they concerne, their due. But had I not discovered and
lived in the most of those parts. I could not possibly
have collected the substantiall truth from such a
number of variable Relations, that would have made a
Volume at least of a thousand sheets. Though the
beginning may seeme harsh in regard of the
Antiquities, brevitie, and names; a pleasanter
Discourse ensues. The stile of a Souldier is not
eloquent, but honest and justifiable; so I desire all my
friends and well-wishers to excuse and accept it, and if
any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New
England to light, though long since brought in
obscuritie, he is againe to be found a true servant to all
good designes.

So I ever rest yours to command,
JOHN SMITH.

PANEGYRICK VERSES.

A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great Benefactor to
Virginia,
his love to the Author, the Company, and History.

Stay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;
Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts,
Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.

From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle,
Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill:
He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle,
And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will.

Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer;
Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer;
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Forbisher;
Gilberts brave Humphery, Neptunes devourer;

Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discoverer;
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brave coaster:
Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner;
Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.

Though these be gone, and left behinde a name,
Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece
To after Ages, and eternall Fame,
That we may have the golden Jasons fleece.

He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation,

And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory;
Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation,
Regaining honour to this worthy Story.

By him the Infidels had due correction,
He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie:
He made the Indians bow unto subjection,
And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty.

The Colonies pin'd, starv'd, staring, bones so feeble,
By his brave projects, proved strong againe:
The Souldiers' lowance he did seeke to treble,
And made the Salvage in uncouth place remaine.

He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state,
And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore:
Regarding not the Salvage love nor hate:
Themselves grew well, the Indians wondrous poore.

This there he did and now is home return'd,
To shew us all that never thither goe:
That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd,
Because the Action goeth on so slow.

Wise, Rich,
grave, prize
Brave, Benefactors,
Replant, want, continue still good Actors.

finde,
and bring
kinde, eyes
Be to blind;
By Gods great might, give Indians light.

Bloud,
money, to doe
Spend that good,
That may give Indians heav'nly food.

no lesse,
God You still
And shall blesse;
Both you and yours the Lands possesse.

S. M.

See here behold as in a Glasse,
All that is, or is and was.
T. T. 1624.

Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine John
Smith, and his Virginia.

Lo here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded,
True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged
For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed,
(Soile-chang'd, {FN-1} Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs,
discharged,
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:
Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour
'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;
Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer,
Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer:

Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well
Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse,
And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell,
That things unlearned long by want of use,

Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse
By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made
By greater lies she saith; scales Faith excuse
{FN-2} T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade
After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide.

The Fryer of Linne {FN-3} frights her with his black Art;
Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc {FN-4} planted.
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart,
Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted
So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;
This got the name, {FN-5} last, least of Three; the Other
New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted
In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover
Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over.

Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole,
Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it,
Gave 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole)
Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it.
Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it:
Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation
James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it:
Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation,
And feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.

{FN-1} Caelumnon animum Mutant.

{FN-2} These are said a thousand years agoe to have been in the North parts of America.

{FN-3} He is said to discover the Pole 1360.

{FN-4} Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170.

{FN-5} America named of Americus Vesputius which discovered less than Colon or Sir
Sebastian Cabot, and the continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498.
Above a year after Cabot had done it. He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8.
Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of
Sir Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on
America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South.

Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and
Countryman, Captaine John Smith.

Who loves to live at home, yet looke abroad,
And know both passen and unpassen road,
The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore,
The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store:
Read but this little Booke, and then confesse,
The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse.

He writ it with great labour, for thy good,
Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;
It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme
Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine.
That thou mightst read and know and safely see,
What he by practice, thou by Theoree.

Commend him for his loyall loving heart,
Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.

To his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.

I Know not how Desert more great can rise,
Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good;
or who doth better winne th' Olympian prize,
Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud;
Private respects have private expectation,
Publicke designes, should publish reputation.

This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard
With strange discoverie of Gods strangest Creatures,
Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd,
And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures,

Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde
Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.

But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores
For estimation; all goes now by wealth,
Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores
That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth
Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest
In many places; monies well come best.

But those who well discerne, esteeme not so:
Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out
Thy Iron thus; though I but little know
To what t' hast seene; yet I in this am stout:
My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents,
That makes mee see thy greater presidents.

Jo: Done.

To my worthy friend Captaine John Smith.

How great a part of knowledge had wee lost,
Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,
Had not thy carefull diligence and cost
Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile!
Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,
These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne.

Edw: Worseley.

To his much respected friend Captaine John Smith.

Envie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience,
Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,

Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence
Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like
Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle
Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle:
Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true,
Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew.

Ro: Norton.

To his loving friend Captaine John Smith.

Where actions speake the praises of a man,
There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be,
Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne;
For such with vertue seldome doe agree.

When I looke backe on all thy labours past,
Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind
By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)
Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind,

I doe admire thy still undanted spirit;
unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good.
This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit;
For it th' hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.

1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Truth, travayle, and Neglect, pure, painefull, most unkinde,
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.
Doth prove, consume, dismay, the soule, the corps, the minde.
Edw: Ingham.

To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith.

More then enough I cannot thee commend:
Whose both abilities and Love doe tend
So to advance the good of that Estate,
By English charge, and Planters propagate
Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first
Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst.
And often that effected but with ten
That after thee, and now, three hundred men
Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake
At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake.
Which well appeares; considering the while
Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile
Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue)
In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue
Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,
Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee.
Nor yet perceive I any got betweene
Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene
In prayse; or profit much; if counted just;
Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust.
Some few particulars perhaps have sped;
But wherein hath the publicke prospered?
Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne,
Then by thy Labours and Relations showne
First, best? And shall we love Thee now the lesse?
Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse
Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom,
Such past good hath, such future good may come.

David Wiffin.

Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend.

Not like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie
Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie
(For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide;
But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride:
Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth)
The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth.
The last whereof (America) best showes
Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes,
(Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three,
In as great Deeds as great varietie)
For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two {FN}
Of Her lame Members; Now Ours, to our view.
Thereby endearing us to thy desart,
That doubly dost them to our hands impart;
There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each
Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.
And so become, in after Times t' ensue,
A President for others, So to do.

William Grent.

{FN} Virginia now inhabited, and New-England.

To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine
John Smith.

Amongst so many that by learned skill,
Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Booke,
Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will,
Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke,
And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest:
Use thy discretion, I have done my best.

Ανωνυμος.

THE FIRST VOLUME
CONTAINING THE

First Five Bookes of the Generall Historie
of Virginia, New England and
The Summer Isles

How Ancient Authors [I.1.]
Report, the New-World, Now called America, was
discovered: and part thereof, first Planted
by the English, called Virginia,
with the Accidents and
Proceedings of
the same.

THE FIRST BOOKE.

For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand
yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by
his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them
not, let this suffice.

A.D. 1170.

The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth,
Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit,
prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to
seeke adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came
to a Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and
fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren
ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a
number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous
to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare

1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this
place was no History can show.

A.D. 1492.

The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the
next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those
unknowne parts, 1492.

A.D. 1497.

But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare
1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the
Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot,
and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian
well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in
the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498.
ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus
came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called
America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then
them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to
sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted
him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward
the sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir
Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next
yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.

A.D. 1576.

Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious
Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita:
for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.

A.D. 1583.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some
of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this
Proviso, He should [1.2.] maintaine possession in some of those vast

Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with
a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in
divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere it was
begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but
his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his returne, as at large
you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr.
Hackluit.

Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble
Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to the
Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he
could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, and
perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to
finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.

A.D. 1584.

The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her
courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her
Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new
Lands & Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty
got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William
Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers
other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small
Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine
Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from
the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the
West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was
knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.

Their arrival.
Abundance of Grapes {MN}

The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water,
where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land,
which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and
twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared,
with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God

they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the
Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first landing
place very sandy and low, {MN} but so full of grapes that the very surge of
the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all
places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well
on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high Cedars, that
they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance.

The Ile of Wokokon.
In Lybanus are not many. {MN-1}
Conference with a Salvage. {MN-2}

We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not
high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile
of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with
goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the
most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted
altogether. This He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule
in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are
not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and
fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, {MN-1}
bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras,
the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and
qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat
three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed,
and he attended us without any signe of feare; {MN-2} after he had spoke
much though we understood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly
aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well,
and after he had well viewed the barkes and us, he went away in his owne
Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, had loaden his
Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there
devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the
Pinnace, and so departed.

A.D. 1584.
[I.3] The Arrival of the Kings brother.

The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother,
with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his
name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country
Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his
trayne to the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we
came to him well armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any
shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his
love. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with
divers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his
people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we
bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things
did belong to him.

The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and
mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet
recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from
thence.

Trade with the Salvages.

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking
most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a
brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty
Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much
other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and
drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children,
they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull; she
had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same,
about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her
eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the
bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and
the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wives, onely the
women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they
are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had
very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.

Note {MN}

After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe
from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde
of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe,
and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he
came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that
we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but
burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would
have it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we
refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew.
He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come
within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace
of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts,
Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. {MN} This the Author sayth, their
corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape;
in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put
some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.

The Ile Roanoak. {MN-1}
The Great courtesie of a Woman. {MN-2}

The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all
other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees: the
most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far
greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more went
twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack,
{MN-1} and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from
the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9. houses,
builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a
Turnpik. When we came towards it, {MN-2} the wife of Granganameo
came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her
people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she
appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into
the [I.4.] house for stealing. When we came into the other roome, (for there
was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke
off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete
in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well
ordered, and to provide us victuall.

A Banquet.
Skicoak a great towne. {MN}

After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner
roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like
frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw,
boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water
boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but
whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not
expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from the
short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this
feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things.
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their
Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She
perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and
they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to our
boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, pots
and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and
lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men & 30. women to
sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five Mats to cover us
from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her house. Though
there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on our safety
depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people cannot be. Beyond
this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which standeth a
Towne called Pomeiock, {MN} and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak:
those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be above two
houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other called Cipo, where is
found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another River called
Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called
Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa.
Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each
with other. Towards the south, 4. dayes journey is Sequotan, the
southermost part of Wingandacoa.

Pamovik.
How the Country was called Virginia. {MN}

Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to
the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river
Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa.
Betwixt Piamacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded:
notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this
Piamacum invited divers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they
were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the
Devill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for
their use. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall
increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles
lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long
sea, in some places, 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere
lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you
have but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most
part be but the relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a
misse to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived
in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery
was so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this
Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to
understand how it was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged.

The Performers of this voyage were these following.

Philip Amadas. }
Arthur Barlow. } Captaines

William Grenvill. Benjamin Wood. }
John Wood. Simon Ferdinando. } Of the
James Browewich. Nicholas Peryman. } Companie.
Henry Greene. John Hewes. }

[I.5] Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for
Sir Walter
Raleigh. 1585.

Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585.

The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe
men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas
Candish, Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master
Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with
the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we
landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of
Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of
Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored
at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we
sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with
Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled
for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the
Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called
Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt
the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon.
Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King
Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went
for Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his
way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at
Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite
the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Acton.
Master Thomas Heryot. Master Stafford.

Master Thomas Luddington. Master Snelling.
Master Marvyn. Master Antony Russe.
Cap. Vaghan. Master Allen.
Master Kendall. Master Michael Pollison.
Master Gardiner. Master Thomas Bockner.
Master Predeox. Master James Mason.
Master Rogers. Master David Salter.
Master Harvy. Master James Skinner.

With divers others to the number of 108.

A.D. 1585-86.
Their first Plantation.

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our
proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made
Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was
Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from
thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning
of land, yet full of flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we
had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their
provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those
discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a
Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very
shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little
succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for
pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and
comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is
not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks,
Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.

Chawonoack. [I.6]

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130.
myles our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the
channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

Chawonock. {MN-1}
700. men. {MN-2}

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens
towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and
jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock
it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land
on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne
field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province
upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men
into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more
understanding then all the rest.

Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, & the Sea by
it. {MN}

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into
the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in
Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted
how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river,
and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes
Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN} When I
had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow
up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey
Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best
place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he
taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but
also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at
Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort
whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath
store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved
them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he
was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is
populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have

sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small
Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock,
with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where
I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the
head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea,
that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at
the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie
persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I
could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of
getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in
that Discovery as ever men did.

Pemissapan his trechery.
The discovery of the river Moratoc. {MN-1}
A noble resolution. {MN-2}

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death
of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and
Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had
assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily
to goe against them, and them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found
at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that
we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by
Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the
Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up
into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and
provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160.
myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of
crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no
hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth
upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a
Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely
resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man,
they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive
Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon

them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to
the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to
Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till
they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.

The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see
the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan,
frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine
of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth
swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with
leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of
the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe,
and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth,
and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of
Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with
great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of
Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the
Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie
dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

The great current of the river Moratoc. {MN}

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this
mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but
seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some
assay of this metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely
we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and
our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo,
who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly
answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he
told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the
boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they
all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we
returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure dayes rowing
up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing
els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound,

but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled,
but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God
brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will
make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit
comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the
fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which
must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the
goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head,
either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some
part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as
from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the
Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our
returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

The Conspiricy of Pemissapan. {MN-1}
The death of a most rare Salvage. {MN-2}

Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after
the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not
prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God
had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us.
{MN-1} Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were
slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not
defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by
all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute,
when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and
three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met,
and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their
greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his
devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good,
and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them
more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from

them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but
for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare
among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes
after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco
King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England.
Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to
acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so
changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when
we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their
fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next
harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old friend Ensenore
dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to
put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had
planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they
got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages
with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to
solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut
off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the
mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans
men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that
covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might
without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. Heriots, and
the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they
should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie
disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not
meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine
Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie
any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same
occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and
Oysters.

A slaughter of two Salvages. {MN-1}
Pemissipan slaine and 8. others. {MN-2}

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for
victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as
he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our

friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his
projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as
well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me
send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to
Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and
that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would
come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men
were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the
next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and
at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke
the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows,
he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages
heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they
kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes,
and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest
fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent
Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to
complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did
abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the
watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us.
{MN-2} Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but
presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him
over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake. {MN}

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-
three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this,
from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea,
fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.)
{MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous
mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall,
clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and
deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and
foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient
Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly
arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole

Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so
lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship
of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next
August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they
durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must ride in the
road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with
my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

Virginia abandoned. {MN}

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the
Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those
former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and
with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with
him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had
sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his
enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and
arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: Leaving this
remembrance to posteritie.

To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy
selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee
rejected be, ere understood.

Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this
Voyage.

For Merchandize and Victualls.

Commodities

What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician
Mr. Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of
all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may
be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of
Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke,
Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, &
Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose and
Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one
thing twice.

Dyes.

For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor,
and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge,
which are for divers sorts of Reds.

A strange Salt.

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden,
described like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will
make good broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other
Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we
found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.

Rootes.

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and
bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to
the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then
stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate.
Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth.
Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their
Leekes like those in England.

Fruits thats strange.

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of
Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

Beasts extraordinary.

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies,
and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like
hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the
names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12.
kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes
kill a Lyon and eate him.

Fish.

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all
Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24.
ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives,
Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops,
Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more,
but their names we know not.

Foules.

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese,
Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86.
severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part,
except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and
Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts,
and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite:
which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of
their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

Their Religion.
How the world was made. {MN}

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet
being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve there
are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees.
Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as
they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN} made first other
gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation
and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as
pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First
(they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all
diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.

How man was made.

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working
of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had
their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having
no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.

How they use their gods.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore
represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call
Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples,
where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort
thinke them also gods.

Wheter they goe after death.

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from
the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up
to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a
great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where
the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.

Two men risen from the dead. {MN}

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead,
and [I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our
comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the
next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told
them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the
gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends
what they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the
same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for
news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that
although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had
travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet,
fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length
he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that
was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends
what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which
when hee had done hee should come againe.

The subtiltie of their Priests.

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion
worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their
Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy
blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence,
according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion,
which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein
they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through
conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and

no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we
had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse.

Their simplicitie.

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-
Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning
Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like;
so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the
workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make
them, which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them
give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I
came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them,
although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of
any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many
would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts,
and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

Their desire of salvation.

The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer.
Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe
from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our
God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live
with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other
strange Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which
mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in
wonderfull admiration.

A wonderful Accident.

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us
(we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to
winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they
began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in
one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their
numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin,
but where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so

strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they
knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also
by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends
especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that
they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that
we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons,
and not come neare them. And thereupon, when they had any
understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they
would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others
that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them
their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to
any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and
that we to shew our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the
contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their
desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give
us thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet
in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.

Their strange opinions.

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange
opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men.
And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours
knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared
for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and
therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many
yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there
were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places.
Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet
invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for love of us,
did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing
the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud
they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible
bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selves from the
place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we

listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of
God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse,
whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some
Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our
Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the
sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so
speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or
alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope
to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing
and government: though some of our company towards the latter end,
before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too
furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on
our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they
justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions
besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen,
notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the
better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.

Palling.

Thus you may see. How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments.
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace.

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.

A.D. 1586.

In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things
necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter. And
arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up
in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe
to England.

Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men. {MN}

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with
three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid
ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony
there seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to
seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their
habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country,
{MN} after good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak,
plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so
returned for England.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings,
and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.

Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr.
White.
A.D. 1587.
Master White his Voyages.

We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our
continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to
have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had
it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to
Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at
Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found
nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the
houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which
much perplexed us.

One of the Council slaine. {MN}

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring
this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred
the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the
Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after
Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends
dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men.
They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw
away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token
given to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare
before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there
present yet lame.

How the fiftie men were slaine.

The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they

would accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they
willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to
Roanoak, to confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine
by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack,
{MN} that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set
upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First
they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew,
the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with
what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them;
where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a
Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring
to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle
towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs
and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they
remained a while, but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our
leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of
Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes
expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan,
that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our
men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore
about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof
Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most
faithfull English man) he set forward.

An ill misprision.
A child borne in Virginia. {MN}

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses,
where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules
amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to
have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends
come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our
enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them
for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not
chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage

that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being
thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left
the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the
rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he
imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to
the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo
was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his
faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and
wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being
the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.

A controversie who to send for Factor to England. {MN}

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall
was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the
shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best
men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our
Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as
Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men
thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they
would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would
so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to
excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it, and
had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and
reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England,
waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the
Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some
never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15.
they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and
Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats
men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland.
The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe
at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

John White, Governour John Samson.

Roger Bayley. Thomas Smith.
Ananias Dare. Dionis Harvie.
Simon Ferdinando. Roger Prat.
Christopher Couper. George How.
Thomas Stevens. Antony Cage.

With divers others to the number of about 115.

[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by
Mr. John White.
A.D. 1589.

Master White his return to Virginia.
Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned. {MN-1}
They finde where they had buryed their provisions. {MN-2}

The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt
Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done
some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low
sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11.
ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a
great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The
15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues
from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I left the
Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their
companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to
give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no
man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our
Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer
had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we
put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals
boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into
the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the
carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet
we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a
current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but
by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men
that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where
some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe.

{MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner
hung there till they were drowned; but 4. that could swim a little, kept
themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of Captaine Cook,
that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to save
what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so
discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to
seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they
fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late
ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet,
but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could
see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and
downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O.
which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them,
according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the
name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if
they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For
at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we
found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in
sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly
inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts
carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse,
and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and
such like heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and
weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none,
nor any of the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers
found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of
the goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew
three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were
spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did
know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to
have bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.

The end of the Plantation. {MN}

[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the
Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another:
letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much

there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we
had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe
forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and
seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke
our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for
England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the
wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our
selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort,
and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking this
our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622.
{MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time,
labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;

Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.

Written by Master John White.

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL
A.D. 1602.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others
towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the
yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine
Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.

12. yeares it lay dead.

All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from
1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a
small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the
wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the
Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from
thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500.
leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our
ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our
passage longer then we expected.

Their first landing. {MN}

On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where
appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very
rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians
in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed
by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there:
being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting the
weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into
the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a
mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine
Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand
& a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils

we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn, neare
invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper,
lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and
so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew
what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found
a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.

Martha's Vineyard. [I.17]

At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6.
from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in
compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit;
the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so
overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes
we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises,
Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we
saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us
call it Martha's Vineyard.

Elizabeths Island.

The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and
much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we
could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things
as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the
Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed
like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many
places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were
mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which
in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust thereof
gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaves
thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut,
Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit
thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of
Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a
lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing
an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and
abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our

pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a
string, not two ynches under ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops,
Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and
very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath
bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large.
We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the
mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of
the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, &
meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c.

A Copper Mine. {MN-1}
Their return. {MN-2}

Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by
our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which
we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise.
Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left
to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt,
considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we
determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we
spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming
from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us.
Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged
with them Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some
Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. {MN-
1} We saw them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines,
collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us
for small toyes, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the
Mayne: three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three
myle from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed,
seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry Saxafras,
and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best
condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no Beards but
counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would have
changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser sort
would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and just. We saw but
three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, [I.18.] attyred in

skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and
temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be
answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body,
active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toyes by them so
cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selves, we found our selves
rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad
dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with any sicknesse. {MN-
2} Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but upon better
consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as
many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of June,
and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of July.

But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.
And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live,
As men may crave, but God doth onely give.

Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.

CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING
A.D. 1603.

A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the
North part of Virginia. 1603.

By the inducements and perswasions of Mr. Richard Hackluite, Mr.
John Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the
Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000 L. to furnish out
two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns,
with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman,
and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant,
who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though
they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of England, and
the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare
soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the
westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June, fell upon the north part of Virginia,
about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of
fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they
ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly used
by the Natives, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties,
and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they
followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and have made no relation but to
the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;

Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and perfit it.

Robert Salterne.

A.D. 1605.

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine
George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable
Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall
King James.

Dangerous shoules. {MN-1}
Cod and Whales. {MN-2}
Their first landing. {MN-3}

Upon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by
contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth,
then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could [I.19.]
possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and
Corvos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39.
{MN-1} But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about 41.
and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6 leagues
we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish
sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run
two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4.
fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those
shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no
small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could
desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much
desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed God
that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. {MN-2} Here we found
excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before.
Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us
take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but
we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the
Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it
appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in
compasse: {MN-3} within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on
shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing
forth downe the rocky clifts, in many places, which are all overgrown with

Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries,
wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed
among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod
enough.

Pentecost harbour. {MN-1}
The Captains diligence. {MN-2}

From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high
mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed,
and came to the Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an
excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7.
8. 9. or 10. fadom upon a clay oze. {MN-1} This was upon a Whitsonday,
wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish
feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as
at Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no
paines: {MN-2} but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any
mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also
effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May,
where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16.
dayes grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and
much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.

Trade with the Salvages. {MN}

After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched
through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we
found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew,
Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished
themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover
the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship.
Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men,
and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had
their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths Isles,
therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had
discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned
backe to bring in the ship. {MN} The Salvages also kept their words and
brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in

knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used them so kindly as
we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying
aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for
man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.

Their trechery. {MN-1}
Five Salvages surprised. {MN-2}

At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to
trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our
boat well manned with [I.20.] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in
their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance,
would not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to
draw us into a narrow cirke, {MN-1} we exchanged one Owen Griffin with
them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any
trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes
& arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things
considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene,
kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. {MN-2} Wherefore we
determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had
discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the
first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two
we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and
arrowes.

A description of the river. {MN}

Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets
thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into
this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us,
signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We
excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them
away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by them
in the houle, then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not
write, then by my relation detract from it, {MN} it is in breadth a myle,
neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, & on both sides
every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many of them 100 sayle,
where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a

Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships
with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both
sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a
greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant
fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.

The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and
well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so
famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though they
be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we
went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we
marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot,
& our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we
had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we
went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a
Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their Basshabes, but
we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time
and provision to have discovered much more, and might have found
peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would
not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or
particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating
Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our
adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound
we called them St. Georges Isles, & because on Sunday we set out of
England, on Sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence. When we had
run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches
more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know
what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all our men as
well God be thanked as when they went forth.

Thus may you see;
God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.

Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.

THE SECOND BOOKE. [II.21.]

The Sixt Voyage. 1606.
To another part of Virginia, where now are Planted our English Colonies,
Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by
Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey.

A.D. 1606.
The latitude. {MN}

By these former relations you may see what inconveniences still
crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to
finde but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a
Country in America {MN} betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North
latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the
South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the
limits are unknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but
onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our
Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature
of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once
seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many
occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes,
and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not onely to
have made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c.

The temperature.

The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or
England. The heat of sommer is in June, July, and August, but commonly
the coole Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter
is halfe December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is
extreame sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long
continueth.

In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and
this frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10.

dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.

The windes.

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to
purifie the ayre, I have seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the
Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The North-west
winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the
North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the
Barmudas, fogs and raines.

Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great
necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of needfull
fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as
appeareth by those we there Planted.

The entrances.
Cape Henry. {MN}

There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the
mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. {MN} The cape on the
South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land
white hilly sands like unto the Downes, and all along the shores great
plentie of Pines and Firres.

Cape Charles.
The Countrey. {MN}

The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke
of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discoverer.
Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant
places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven & earth
never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation; were it fully
manured and inhabited by industrious people. {MN} Here are mountaines,
hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly into
a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome
land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small, some woody,
some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lyeth North and

South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and hath a channell for
140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the
most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the
land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest line; so
that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountaines.
From which fall certaine brookes which after come to five principall
navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so
into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or
15 myles one of another.

The mountaines.
The soyle. {MN}

The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the
rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And
many peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from
those mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and
when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great
inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once
in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures,
that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks
and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours
might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The
vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of the
soyle to be lusty and very rich. {MN} The colour of the earth we found in
diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia,
Fullers earth, Marie, and divers other such appearances. But generally for
the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in
other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the
vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of weeds, &c.

The valleyes.
Plaines. {MN}

The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine
hils, and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, & watered so
conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then
delightsome. {MN} By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing

some 20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines
there are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with
trees & weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it.

The river Powhatan. {MN-1}
The branches. {MN-2}
James Towne. {MN-3}

On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull
navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay
hath his course from the West Northwest. {MN-1} It is called Powhatan,
according to the name of a principall country that lyeth upon it. The mouth
of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the
Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanke. It
is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to be
expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a Country inhabited by a
nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth into our discovery it is
Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles,
rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in
the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes,
which are maintained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant
springs, that disperse themselves for best service, as do the veines of a mans
body. {MN-2} From the South there fals into it: First, the pleasant river of
Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of
Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie
brookes & creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then
the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the
North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of James Towne;
another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived ten weekes upon Oysters, then a
convenient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe
into Bayes and Creekes, it makes that [II.23] place very pleasant to inhabit;
their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most
of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the
name of the rivers. They have also over those some Governour, as their
King, which they call Werowances. {MN-3} In a Peninsula on the North
side of this river are the English Planted in a place by them called James
Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majestie.

The severall Inhabitants.

The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides
their women & children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes
(on whose land is seated James Towne, some 40 myles from the Bay) have
not past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250. The Weanocks 100.
The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South
side this river the Appamatucks have sixtie fighting men. The
Quiyougcohanocks 25. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of
this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall
commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who
are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-
cawwassoughes. In sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon,
nor in winter more abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I
tooke once 52. Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of
May till the end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a
yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three
yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were
ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the
yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that
would take paines had sufficient.

R. Pamaunkee.
The inhabitants. {MN}

Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river
Pamaunkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small
Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it
divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. {MN} On the South side inhabit
the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On the
North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided
the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men.
About 25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco,
where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet
there are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelve myles lower, on the South side
of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also

Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe alliance,
and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.

Payankatank, R.

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines,
there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the
Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable
men.

Topahanock, R.
The Inhabitants. {MN}

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable
some 130 myles) {MN} At the top of it inhabit the people called
Mannahoacks amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we
described. Upon this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen,
with 30 fighting men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond
them Rapahanock with 100. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20.
On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. The
river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule.

Patawomeck, R.
The Inhabitants. {MN}

The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is
navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and
springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are
planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river
exceedeth with abundance of fish. {MN} It is inhabited on both sides. First
on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some 130
men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And
the Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or
4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough,
trending North-west, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is still a
navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with
40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat
further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack with 60. [II.24.]

After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The river
above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley
overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence
distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.

Pawtuxunt, R.

The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest;
but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls of
divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Upon this river dwell the people
called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men
was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit
together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most
civill to give intertainement.

Bolus, R. The head of the Bay.
Sasquesahanock. {MN}

Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for
the red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of
the Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4.
branches, the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but
though Canows may goe a dayes journey or two up it, we could not get two
myles up it with our boat for rockes. {MN} Upon it is seated the
Sasquesahanocks, neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a
halfe: at the head whereof the Ebbe left us on shore, where we found many
trees cut with hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some
Salvages; (for within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren
Country,) we went up another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From
thence returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we
had conference by signes, for we understood one another scarce a word: the
next day we discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending
Eastward.

The description of Sasquesahanough. {MN}

Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we
were then neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and

had in it but 12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12
weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having
nothing but a little meale, oatemeale and water to feed us, and scarce halfe
sufficient of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the
Salvages, and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods
direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two
saylers and my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in
such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and
examples made them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no
colours. What I did with this small meanes I leave to the Reader to judge,
and the Mappe I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard
of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks
came to us with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and
Tobacco pipes for presents. {MN} Such great and well proportioned men
are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to
the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much
adoe restrained from adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of
all those Countries, both in language & attire; for their language it may well
beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their
attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of
Beares heads & skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck,
and the eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth
hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the
end of the nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes
were the neckes of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes
hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine
for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved
with a Bird, a Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat
out ones braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their
greatnesse. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare
600 able men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the
Massawomekes their mortall enemies. Five of their chiefe Werowances
came aboord us, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the
greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three
quarters of a yard about, and [II.5] all the rest of his limbes so answerable to
that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His
hayre, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his

crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed
with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch
broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolves
skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in
the other, as is described.

Tockwogh, R.
Rapahanock, R. {MN-1}
Kuskarawaock, R. {MN-2}
Wighcocomoco, R. {MN-3}
Accomack, R. {MN-4}

On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and upon it a people
that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where
they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees.
Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. {MN-1} More to the South of that
East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere unto which is the {MN-2}
river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After
that, is the river {MN-3} Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100
men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language
from the rest, & very rude. But they on the {MN-4} river Acohanock with
40 men, & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of
Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King.

Chawonock.
The severall languages. {MN}

Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to
search for them left by Mr. White. {MN} Amongst those people are thus
many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans
Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the
Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the
Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any
one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are
more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the
eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall
turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters,
the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as

far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places have
beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are
set downe according to their instructions.

Thus have I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace,
Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:
But yet I know this not affects the minde,
Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.

Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how they
use them.

Why there is little grasse.
Woods with their fruits. {MN-1}
Elme. {MN-2}
Walnuts. {MN-3}
Supposed Cypres. {MN-4}
Mulberries. {MN-5}

Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures,
yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all
the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth
their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which would
soone be amended by good husbandry. {MN-1} The wood that is most
common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall & straight, that
they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards
long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of one
kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, & somewhat sweetish,
which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in gourds
to annoint their heads and joynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or
otherwise. {MN-2} There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut tree, and
some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very
great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small,
it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. {MN-3} Of walnuts

there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is {MN-4} a kinde of wood we called Cypres,
because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, of those
trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very straight, and
50, 60, or 80 foot without [II.26.] a branch. {MN-5} By the dwelling of the
Salvages are some great Mulberry trees, and in some parts of the Countrey,
they are found growing naturally in prettie groves. There was an assay
made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the
master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with Rats.

Chesnuts.

In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize
the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts.
The red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call
Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is first
greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it will draw a
mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious
as an Apricot.

Cherries.
Vines. {MN-1}
Chechinquamins. {MN-2}
Rawcomens. {MN-3}
How they use their fruits. {MN-4}
Walnut milke. {MN-5}
Gummes. {MN-6}
Cedars. {MN-7}
Saxafras trees. {MN-8}

They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their
tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but
very small and bitter. {MN-1} Of vines great abundance in many parts that
climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but
few grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not
overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never
pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons
of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they would
prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as

great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and the juyce
thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine.
They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but
the fruit most like a very small Acorne. {MN-2} This they call
Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry
much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; {MN-3} those
they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall
fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner;
{MN-4} The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed
to keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones,
yet some part of the shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them
againe upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood,
and beat it very small: {MN-5} that done they mix it with water, that the
shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which
they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like Medlers
they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and preserve them as
Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled, they make both
broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides
those fruit trees, there is a {MN-6} white Popular, and another tree like unto
it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine,
which some called Balsom. There are also {MN-7} Cedars and {MN-8}
Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of
themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature
afforded more then our arts.

Berries.
Matoun. {MN}

In the watry valleyes groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis
very much like unto Capers. These they dry in sommer. When they eat them
they boile them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not much from
poyson. {MN} Mattoum groweth as our Bents. The seed is not much unlike
to Rie, though much smaller. This they use for a daintie bread buttered with
deare suet.

Strawberries.
Hearbes. {MN}

During Sommer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in Aprill, or
Mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that the
inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much like a
Lemond. {MN} Many herbes in the spring are commonly dispersed
throughout the woods, good for brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslain,
Sorrell, &c. Besides many we used whose names we know not.

Rootes.

The chiefe root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth
like a flagge in Marishes. In one day a Salvage will gather sufficient for a
weeke. These roots are much of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They
use to cover a great many of them with Oke leaves and Ferne, and then
cover all with earth in the manner of a Colepit; over it, on each side, they
continue a great fire 24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no [II.27.]
better then poyson, and being rosted, except it be tender and the heat
abated, or sliced and dryed in the Sunne, mixed with sorrell and meale or
such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in
sommer they use this ordinarily for bread.

Wighsacan a roote.
Pocones a small roote. {MN-1}
Musquaspen a roote. {MN-2}

They have another roote which they call Wighsacan: as th'other
feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root
which they bruise and apply to the wound. {MN-1} Pocones is a small root
that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder
turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, annointing their joynts,
painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of
much worth. {MN-2} Musquaspen is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and
as red as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. This they use to
paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like.

Pellitory. Sasafrage.

There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage, and divers other simples,
which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and

medicinable.

Onyons.

In the low Marishes grow plots of Onyons, containing an Acre of
ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bignesse of
the toppe of ones Thumbe.

Their chiefe beasts are Deere.
Aroughcun. {MN-1}
Squirrels. {MN-2}

Of beasts the chiefe are Deere, nothing differing from ours. In the
deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the
rivers few. {MN-1} There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a
badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. {MN-2} Their Squirrels
some are neare as great as our smallest sort of wilde Rabbets, some blackish
or blacke and white, but the most are gray.

Assapanick, a squirrel flying.
Oppasum. {MN-1}
Mussacus. {MN-2}

A small beast they have they call Assapanick, but we call them flying
Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largenesse of
their skins, that they have beene seene to fly 30 or 40 yards. {MN-1} An
Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of the
bignesse of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein she lodgeth,
carrieth, and suckleth her young. {MN-2} A Mussascus is a beast of the
forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding
strongly of Muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies, and few of them
to be found.

Beares.
The Beaver. {MN-1}
Otters. {MN-2}
Utchunquoyes. {MN-3}
Foxes. {MN-4}

Dogges. {MN-5}
Martins. {MN-6}
Polecats. {MN-7}
Weesels, and Minkes. {MN-8}

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and
Tartaria. {MN-1} The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his
legs exceeding short. His forefeete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans.
His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket, bare without haire, which to
eat the Salvages esteeme a great delicate. {MN-2} They have many Otters,
which as the Beavers they take with snares, and esteeme the skins great
ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch them.
{MN-3} An Utchunquoyes is like a wilde Cat. {MN-4} Their Foxes are like
our silver haired Conies, of a small proportion, and not smelling like those
in England. {MN-5} Their Dogges of that Country are like their Woolves;
and cannot barke but howle, and the Woolves not much bigger then our
English Foxes. {MN-6} Martins, {MN-7} Polecats, {MN-8} Weesels, and
Minkes we know they have, because we have seene many of their skinnes,
though very seldome any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we
could never perceive their Vermine destroy our Hennes, Egges, nor
Chickens, nor doe any hurt, nor their flyes nor serpents any way pernicious,
where in the South parts of America they are alwayes dangerous, and often
deadly.

Birds.

Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of divers
sorts, as our Falconers called them: Sparrow-hawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes,
Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most upon fish. Their Partridges
are little bigger then our Quailes. Wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame.
There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and divers
sorts of small Birds, some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a Wrenne, but
few in Sommer. In Winter there are great plentie of Swans, Cranes, gray
and white with blacke wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon,
Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance,
and some other strange kinds, to us unknowne by name. But in Sommer not
any, or a very few to be seene.

Fish.

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus,
Seales, Stingraies, whose tailes are very [II.28.] dangerous. Bretts, Mullets,
white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles,
Lampreys, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises,
Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a small one, so
like the picture of St. George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs
and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it be like to burst, when
it commeth into the ayre.

The rockes.

Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certaintie.
There wanted good Refiners; for those that tooke upon them to have skill
this way, tooke up the washings from the mountaines, and some moskered
shining stones and spangles which the waters brought downe, flattering
themselves in their owne vaine conceits to have beene supposed what they
were not, by the meanes of that ore, if it proved as their arts and judgements
expected. Onely this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same
latitude, afford Mines very rich of divers natures. The crust also of these
rockes would easily perswade a man to beleeve there are other Mines then
yron and steele, if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew
the Mine from Spar.

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them.

How they divide the year.

They divide the yeare into five seasons. Their winter some call
Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of
their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock. From
September untill the midst of November are the chiefe feasts & sacrifice.
Then have they plentie of fruits as well planted as naturall, as corne, greene
and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beasts exceeding fat.

How they prepare the ground.

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the
Country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they
bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then doe they scortch the roots
with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of
wood they beat up the weeds by the rootes, and in that mould they plant
their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a
sticke, and into it they put foure graines of wheate and two of beanes. These
holes they make foure foote one from another; Their women and children
do continually keepe it with weeding, and when it is growne middle high,
they hill it about like a hop-yard.

How they plant.

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in May, and
so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant in Aprill they reape
in August, for May in September, for June in October; Every stalke of their
corne commonly beareth two eares, some three, seldome any foure, many
but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500
graines. The stalke being greene hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a
sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corne greene,
they sucke the stalkes: for as we gather greene pease, so doe they their
corne being greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they
call Assentamens, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their
Beanes are the same the Turkes call Garnanses, but these they much
esteeme for dainties.

How they use their corne.
How they use their fish and flesh. {MN}

Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a morter of
wood with a Polt, lap it in rowles in the leaves of their corne, and so boyle it
for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late planted that will not ripe, by
roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it
being boyled with beanes for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. Their old
wheat they first steepe a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a
morter. They use a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the

great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receive the
flower in a platter made of wood, scraped to that forme with burning and
shels. Tempering this flower [II.29] with water, they make it either in cakes,
covering them with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in faire
water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water,
eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap. The groutes and
peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind away
the branne, they boyle 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food
they call Ustatahamen. But some more thriftie then cleanly, doe burne the
core of the eare to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in
their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. {MN} Their fish &
flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or boyle it so long on hurdles over the
fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first the
one side, then the other, till it be as drie as their jerkin Beefe in the west
Indies, that they may keepe it a moneth or more without putrifying. The
broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat.

Planted fruits.

In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like
unto a muske mellon, but lesse and worse, which they call Macocks. These
increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and continue untill
September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemmon, which
also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till
the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant,
and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice
them, for neare three parts of the yeare, they onely observe times and
seasons, and live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to
mouth, &c.

The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industrie.

A proofe cattell will live well. {MN}

The mildnesse of the ayre, the fertilitie of the soyle, and situation of
the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man, as no place is more
convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans sustenance, under that latitude or
climat. {MN} Here will live any beasts, as horses, goats, sheepe, asses,
hens, &c. as appeared by them that were carried thether. The waters, Isles,
and shoales, are full of safe harbours for ships of warre or marchandize, for
boats of all sorts, for transportation or fishing, &c. The Bay and rivers have
much marchantable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships,
making of Iron, &c.

The Commodities.

Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receive many thousands, for pitch,
tarre, sope-ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot,
Firres, Glasse, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in
like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spaine as much for Iron, Steele,
Figges, Reasons, and Sackes. Italy with Silkes and Velvets consumes our
chiefe Commodities. Holland maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at
our owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as
uncertaine as peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in
transporting them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath
Virginia the prerogative of all those flourishing Kingdomes, for the benefit
of our Land, when as within one hundred myles all those are to be had,
either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but
industrious men to labour. Onely of Copper we may doubt is wanting, but
there is good probabilitie that both Copper and better Minerals are there to
be had for their labour. Other Countries have it. So then here is a place, a
nurse for souldiers, a practise for mariners, a trade for marchants, a reward
for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to
God) to bring such poore Infidels to the knowledge of God and His holy
Gospell.

Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia.

The numbers.
Seaven hundred men were the most were seene together when they thought
to have surprised Captaine Smith. {MN-1}
A description of the people. {MN-2}
The Barbers. {MN-3}
The constitution. {MN-4}
The disposition. {MN-5}
The possessions. {MN-6}
Their attire. {MN-7}
Their ornaments. {MN-8}

The land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number
is of women and children. Within 60 myles of James Towne, there are about
some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres scarce [II.30] 1500.
To nourish so many together they have yet no meanes, because they make
so small a benefit of their land, be it never so fertile. {MN-1} Six or seaven
hundred have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they gathered
themselves to have surprised mee at Pamaunkee, having but fifteene to
withstand the worst or their fury. As small as the proportion of ground that
hath yet beene discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknowne: {MN-2}
the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is
expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahananocks; others very
little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and straight, of a comely
proportion, and of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are
borne white. Their hayre is generally blacke, but few have any beards. The
men weare halfe their beards shaven, the other halfe long; {MN-3} for
Barbers they use their women, who with two shels will grate away the
hayre, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions,
agreeable to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. {MN-4} They
are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in
the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weedes
and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. {MN-5} They are inconstant in
every thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe. Craftie, timerous,
quicke of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition
fearefull, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of
Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soone moved to anger, and so
malicious, that they seldome forget an injury: they seldome steale one from

another, least their conjurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and
punished. That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reveale their
offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull not to be
suspected of dishonestie without the leave of their husbands. {MN-6} Each
houshold knoweth their owne lands, and gardens, and most live of their
owne labours. {MN-7} For their apparell, they are sometime covered with
the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in Winter are dressed with the hayre, but
in Sommer without. The better sort use large mantels of Deare skins, not
much differing in fashion from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with
white beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the
common sort have scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the
leaves of trees, or such like. We have seene some use mantels made of
Turky feathers, so prettily wrought & woven with threads that nothing
could be discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very
handsome. But the women are alwayes covered about their middles with a
skin, and very shame-fast to be seene bare. {MN-8} They adorne
themselves most with Their copper beads and paintings. Their women,
some have ornaments, their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly
imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into
their flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great
holes, whereat they hang chaines, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men
weare in those holes, a small greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe
a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke
oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips. Others weare a dead Rat tyed by
the taile. Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large
feather with a Rattell. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a
Rapier, but lesse, which they take from the taile of a snake. Many have the
whole skinne of a Hawke or some strange foule, stuffed with the wings
abroad. Others a broad peece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy
dryed. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone
brayed to powder, mixed with oyle, this they hold in sommer to preserve
them from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of
paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to
behold.

Their buildings.

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or
not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our
Arbors, of small young springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with
Mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either
winde, raine, or weather, they are as warme as stooves, but very smoaky,
yet at the toppe of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into
right over the fire.

Their lodgings.
Their gardens. {MN}

Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds [II.31.] covered with
a Mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. On
these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other
against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some starke
naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. {MN} Their houses are in
the midst of their fields or gardens, which are small plots of ground. Some
20 acres, some 40. some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. In some
places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little separated by
groves of trees. Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on
the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may
gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creekes or
Rivers shall hinder.

How they use their children.

Men, women, and children have their severall names according to the
severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily delivered
of childe, yet doe they love children very dearely. To make them hardie, in
the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, and by painting and
oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a yeare or two, no weather will
hurt them.

The industrie of their women.

The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-
like exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is
the cause that the women be very painefull, and the men often idle. The

women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets,
pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals,
plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kind of burdens, and such
like.

How they strike fire.
The order of dyet. {MN}

Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a
hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so fire mosse,
leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burne. {MN} In March
and Aprill they live much upon their fishing wires; and feed on fish,
Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and June they plant their fields, and live
most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some disperse
themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters,
land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June, July, and
August, they feed upon the rootes of Tocknough berries, fish, and greene
wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their dyet, even as the
deere & wilde beasts they seeme fat and leane, strong and weake. Powhatan
their great King, and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh
upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times.

How they make their bowes and arrowes.
Their knives. {MN}

For fishing, hunting, and warres they use much their bow and arrowes.
They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their
arrowes are made some of straight young sprigs, which they head with
bone, some 2 or 3 ynches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees.
Another sort of arrowes they use made of Reeds. These are peeced with
wood, headed with splinters of christall, or some sharpe stone, the spurres
of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. {MN} For his knife he hath the
splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will
joynt a Deere, or any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. To
make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a sticke,
wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with
a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a stone,
or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end of their

arrowes. With the sinewes of Deere, and the tops of Deeres hornes boyled
to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve in cold water.

Their Targets and Swords.

For their warres also they use Targets that are round and made of the
barkes of trees, and a sword of wood and at their backes, but oftentimes
they use for swords the horne of a Deere put through a peece of wood in
forme of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpned at both ends, used in the
same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by
trucking they have plentie of the same forme of yron. And those are their
chiefe instruments and armes.

Their boats
How they spin. {MN-1}
Their fish hookes. {MN-2}

Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by burning
and scratching away the coales with stones and shels, till they have made it
in forme of a [II.32.] Trough. Some of them are an elne deepe, and fortie or
fiftie foote in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most ordinary are
smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their bignesse. In stead of
Oares, they use Paddles and stickes, with which they will row faster then
our Barges. {MN-1} Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women use to
spin the barkes of trees, Deere sinewes, or a kind of grasse they call
Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and readily. This thread
serveth for many uses. As about their housing, apparell, as also they make
nets for fishing, for the quantitie as formally braded as ours. They make
also with it lines for angles. {MN-2} Their hookes are either a bone grated
as they noch their arrowes in the forme of a crooked pinne or fish-hooke, or
of the splinter of a bone tyed to the clift of a little sticke, and with the end of
the line, they tie on the bait. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line,
wherewith they shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use
staves like unto Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish
swimming in the water. They have also many artificiall wires, in which they
get abundance of fish.

How they hunt.

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it being
their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a pleasure and are
very proud to be expert therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travell,
they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deere,
Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their huntings they leave their
habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the Tartars doe, and
goe to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their
time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountaines, by the heads of
their rivers, where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the
grounds are so narrowe, that little commeth here which they devoure not. It
is a marvell they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4 dayes
journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto Arbours
covered with Mats. These their women beare after them, with Corne,
Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the
place of exercise, every man doth his best to shew his dexteritie, for by their
excelling in those qualities, they get their wives. Fortie yards will they
shoot levell, or very neare the marke, and 120 is their best at Random. At
their huntings in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred
together. Having found the Deere, they environ them with many fires, &
betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the
midsts. The Deere being thus feared by the fires, and their voyces, they
chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or
15 at a hunting. They use also to drive them into some narrow poynt of
land, when they find that advantage; and so force them into the river, where
with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot
a Deere by land, they follow him like blond-hounds by the bloud, and
straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkies, or Egges,
fat or leane, young or old, they devoure all they can catch in their power. In
one of these huntings they found me in the discovery of the head of the
river of Chickahamania, where they slew my men, and tooke me prisoner in
a Bogmire, where I saw those exercises, and gathered these Observations.

One Salvage hunting alone.

One Salvage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deere slit on the one
side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the
head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eyes, eares, and every part as

artificially counterfeited as they, can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the
skinne by stalking, he approacheth the Deere, creeping on the ground from
one tree to another. If the Deere chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he
turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deere,
also gazing and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to
approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his bloud and straine till he
get him.

Their Consultations.
Their enemies. {MN-1}
Massawomekes. {MN-2}
Their offer of subjection. {MN-3}

When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have the advice
of their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but
chiefely the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some
[II.33.] lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. They
seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women and children, and
principally for revenge. {MN-1} They have many enemies, namely, all their
westernly Countries beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers.
Upon the head of the Powhatans are the Monacans, whose chiefe habitation
is at Rasauweak, unto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks,
the Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay
tributes. Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called
Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias,
the Ontponeas, the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the
Hassianungaes, and divers others, all confederates with the Monacans,
though many different in language, and be very barbarous, living for the
most part of wild beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountaines from whence is
the head of the river Patawomeke, the Salvages report inhabit their most
mortall enemies, {MN-2} the Massawomekes, upon a great salt water,
which by all likelihood is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or
some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes
are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers,
especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanocks, the
Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they
generally complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my

company to free them from these tormentors. {MN-3} To this purpose they
offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. Which I
concluded to effect. But the councell then present emulating my successe,
would not thinke it fit to spare me fortie men to be hazzarded in those
unknowne regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12,
and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven boats full of these Massawomekes
wee encountred at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords,
Tobacco pipes, Platters, Bowes, and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they
much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats,
made of the barkes of trees, sowed with barke and well luted with gumme,
argueth that they are seated upon some great water.

Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to
fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet
the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keepe them
Captives. They have a method in warre, and for our pleasures they shewed
it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.

Their manner of Battell.

Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they
could devise, they divided themselves into two Companies, neare a hundred
in a company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans.
Either army had their Captaine. These as enemies tooke their stands a
musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each
ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their
fyles. So the Reare could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus
pitched the fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions,
that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in
two dayes after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for
the Conquerours. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they
approached in their orders; On each flanke a Serjeant, and in the Reare an
Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing
after their accustomed tune, which they onely use in Warres. Upon the first
flight of arrowes they gave such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many
infernall hell-hounds could not have made them more terrible. When they
had spent their arrowes, they joyned together prettily, charging and retyring,

every ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their
enemies by the hayre of the head, and downe he came that was taken. His
enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines, and still they
crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the
Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moone; they unwilling to
be inclosed, fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led
them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves [II.34.] among the
fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans retired, with all speed to their
seconds; which the Monacans seeing, tooke that advantage to retire againe
to their owne battell, and so each returned to their owne quarter. All their
actions, voyces, and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained
to the height of their qualitie and nature, that the strangenesse thereof made
it seeme very delightfull.

Their Musicke.
Their entertainment. {MN}

For their Musicke they use a thicke Cane, on which they pipe as on a
Recorder. For their warres they have a great deepe platter of wood. They
cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which
meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope they twitch
them together till it be so tought and stiffe, that they may beat upon it as
upon a drumme. But their chiefe instruments are Rattles made of small
gourds, or Pumpeons shels. Of these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor,
Meane, and Treble. These mingled with their voyces sometimes twenty or
thirtie together, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright, then
delight any man. {MN} If any great commander arrive at the habitation of
Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for him to sit
upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe all with a
tunable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this doe two or more of
their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love. Which they doe
with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop,
and are so out of breath they can scarce speake. So that a man would take
them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victuall as they have, they
spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman
fresh painted red with Pocones and oyle, to be his bed-fellow.

Their trade.

Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which
they give such commodities as they have, as skins, foule, fish, flesh, and
their Country Corne. But their victualls are their chiefest riches.

Their Physicke.
Their Chirurgery. {MN-1}
Their charms to cure. {MN-2}

Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the juyce of a
roote they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they powre so great a
quantitie, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or
foure dayes after, they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they
are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; {MN-
1} for cure whereof they build a Stove in the forme of a Dove-house with
mats, so close that a few coales therein covered with a pot, will make the
patient sweat extreamely. For swellings also they use small peeces of
touchwood, in the forme of cloves, which pricking on the griefe they burne
close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth.
With this roote Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds. But to
scarrifie a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some
splinted stone. Old ulcers, or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured
amongst them. {MN-2} They have many professed Phisicians, who with
their charmes and Rattles, with an infernall rout of words and actions, will
seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their navels, or their grieved places;
but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited, that they beleeved any
Plaister would heale any hurt.

But 'tis not alwayes in Phisicians skill,
To heale the Patient that is sicke and ill:
For sometimes sicknesse on the Patients part,
Proves stronger farre then all Phisicians art.

Of their Religion.

Their God. {MN-1}
How they bury their Kings. {MN-2}

There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which
they have not a Religion, Deere, and Bow, and Arrowes. All things that are
able to doe them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kinde
of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance,
peeces, horses, &c. {MN-1} But their chiefe God they worship is the
Devill. Him they call [II.35.] Okee, and serve him more of feare then love.
They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare
to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his image evill
favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of copper,
and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformitie may
well suit with such a God. {MN-2} By him is commonly the sepulcher of
their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon hurdles till they
be very dry, and so about the most of their joynts and necke they hang
bracelets, or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, as they use to weare,
their inwards they stuffe with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then
lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for
their winding sheets. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they
lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their Kings have,
they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their
Priests.

Their ordinary burials.

For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with
sharpe stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their
jewels, they lay them upon stickes in the ground, and so cover them with
earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted all their faces with
blacke cole and oyle, doe sit twenty-foure houres in the houses mourning
and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and howling, as may expresse
their great passions.

Their Temples.

In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or
three or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at

Uttamussack at Pamaunkee, neare unto which is a house, Temple, or place
of Powhatans.

Upon the top of certaine red sandy hils in the woods, there are three
great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombes of
their Predecessors. Those houses are neare sixtie foot in length built arbour-
wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the
Priests & Kings dare come into them; nor the Salvages dare not goe up the
river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white
beads, or Pocones into the river, for feare their Okee should be offended and
revenged of them.

Thus, Feare was the first their Gods begot:
Till feare began, their Gods were not.

Their ornaments for their Priests.

In this place commonly are resident seaven Priests. The chiefe differed
from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne
from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their eares
to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest were certaine
attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen, or 16, or more snakes
skins and stuffed them with mosse, and of Weesels and other Vermines
skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes
meete in the toppe of their head like a great Tassell. Round about this
Tassell is as it were a crowne of feathers, the skins hang round about his
head, necke, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all
their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had
every one his Rattle, some base, some smaller. Their devotion was most in
songs, which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him,
sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and
strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groane.

Thus seeke they in deepe foolishnesse,
To climbe the height of happinesse.

The times of solemnities.

It could not be perceived that they keepe any day as more holy then
other; But onely in some great distresse of want, feare of enemies, times of
triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men,
women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their
devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to
sing and dance about it [II.36.] with Rattles and shouts together, foure or
five houres. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they
dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would keepe
time, and after their songs and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts.

Through God begetting feare,
Mans blinded minde did reare
A hell-god to the ghosts;
A heaven-god to the hoasts;
Yea God unto the Seas:
Feare did create all these.

Their conjurations.

They have also divers conjurations, one they made when I was their
prisoner; of which hereafter you shall reade at large.

Their altars.
Sacrifices to the water. {MN}

They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances, but these
stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and
wildernesses, where they have had any extraordinary accident, or incounter.
And as you travell, at those stones they will tell you the cause why they
were there erected, which from age to age they instruct their children, as
their best records of antiquities. Upon these they offer bloud, Deere suet,
and Tobacco. This they doe when they returne from the Warres, from

hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another
superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough in the
Rivers and Sea coasts. {MN} Their Conjurers runne to the water sides, or
passing in their boats, after many hellish outcryes and invocations, they cast
Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacifie that God
whom they thinke to be very angry in those stormes. Before their dinners
and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which
is all the grace they are knowne to use.

Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they call Black-boyes.
Those Black-boyes are made so mad with a kind of drinke, that they will
doe any mischiefe, at the command of their Keepers. {MN}

In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of children.
Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten myles from James Towne,
and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene ten
and fifteene yeares of age they painted white. Having brought them forth,
the people spent the forenoone in dancing and singing about them with
Rattles. In the afternoone they put those children to the roote of a tree. By
them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his
hand, made of reeds bound together. This made a lane betweene them all
along, through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these
children: so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a childe
each after other by turnes, the guard fiercely beating them with their
Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all, defending the
children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes, that pay them
soundly, though the children escape. All this while the women weepe and
cry out very passionately, providing mats, skins, mosse, and dry wood, as
things fitting their childrens funerals. After the children were thus passed
the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches & boughs, with such
violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads, or
bedecked their hayre with the leaves. What els was done with the children,
was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead, where
they made a great feast for all the company. {MN} The Werowance being
demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were not
all dead, but that the Okee or Divell did sucke the bloud from their left
breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead, but the rest were

kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine moneths were expired,
during which time they must not converse with any, and of these were made
their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that
if they should omit it, their Okee or Devill, and all their other
Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods, would let them have no
Deere, Turkies, Corne, nor fish, and yet besides, he would make a great
slaughter amongst them.

Their resurrection. {MN}

They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also
esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, {MN} when they are dead, goe beyond the
mountaines towards the setting of the sunne; and ever remaine there in
forme of their Okee, [II.37.] with their heads painted with oyle and
Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets,
copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their
Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after
death, but rot in their graves like dead dogs.

To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endevours,
chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion,
apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries,
with whom although we could not as yet prevaile, to forsake his false Gods,
yet this he did beleeve that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes
did their Bowes & Arrowes, and many times did send to me to James
Towne, intreating me to pray to my God for raine, for their Gods would not
send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules
sacrifice themselves to the Devill, not knowing their Creator; and we had
not language sufficient, so plainly to expresse it as make them understand
it; which God grant they may.

For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish us,
From their bruit humor, well we may it know;
That can with understanding argue thus,
Our God is truth, but they cannot doe so.

Of the manner of the Virginians Government.

A description of Powhatan. {MN-1}
His attendance and watch. {MN-2}

Although the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they
amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good
commanding, and their people for due subjection, and obeying, excell many
places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their Common-
wealth is a Monarchiall government, one as Emperour ruleth over many
Kings or Governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his
name of his principall place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper
name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which have beene his
ancestors, and came unto him by inheritance, as the Country called
Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck, Pamaunkee, Youghtanund, and
Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Mappe, they
report have beene his severall Conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, he
hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30. some 40. yards
long, and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the
time. At Werowcomoco on the Northside of the river Pamaunkee, was his
residence, when I was delivered him prisoner, some 14 myles from James
Towne, where for the most part, he was resident, but at last he tooke so little
pleasure in our neare neighbourhood, that he retired himselfe to Orapakes,
in the desert betwixt Chickahamania and Youghtanund. {MN-1} He is of
personage a tall well proportioned man, with a sower looke, his head
somwhat gray, his beard so thinne, that it seemeth none at all, his age neare
sixtie; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. {MN-2} About
his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his
Countrey doth afford. Every night and watch upon the foure quarters of his
house are foure Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe
houre one from the Corps du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his
finger betweene them; unto whom every Sentinell doth answer round from
his stand: if any faile, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him
extreamely.

His treasury.

A myle from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, he hath a house in which
he keepeth his kinde of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle, and beads,
which he storeth up aqainst the time of his death and buriall. Here also is
his store of red paint for oyntment, bowes and arrowes, Targets and clubs.
This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented onely by Priests. At
the foure corners [II.38.] of this house stand foure Images as Sentinels, one
of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a
giantlike man, all made evill favouredly, according to their best
workemanship.

His wives.
His successors. {MN}

He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed,
one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one
sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his
women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands.
When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat,
bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth
with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towell, and the feathers
when he hath wiped are dryed againe. {MN} His kingdomes descend not to
his sonnes nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely,
Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his
sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heires
male or female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of the males.

Their authoritie. {MN-1}
The tenor of their lands. {MN-2}
His manner of punishments. {MN-3}

He nor any of his people understand any letters, whereby to write or
reade, onely the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. {MN-1} Yet when he
listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: not onely as a King, but as
halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour Kings whom they call
Werowances, are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and death
at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call
and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all
commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few

occasions to use any officers more then one commander, which commonly
they call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine. {MN-2} They all
know their severall lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, foule, or hunt
in, but they hold all of their great their lands. Werrowance Powhatan, unto
whom they pay tribute of skinnes, beads, copper, pearle, deere, turkies, wild
beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least
thing. It is strange to see with what great feare and adoration, all these
people doe obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he
commandeth, and at the least frowne of his brow, their greatest spirits will
tremble with feare: and no marvell, for he is very terrible & tyrannous in
punishing such as offend him. {MN-3} For example, he caused certaine
malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered
great store of burning coales, they rake these coales round in the forme of a
cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death.
Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid upon
the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beats out their braines.
When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him
to be tyed to a tree, and with Mussell shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth
off his joynts one after another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire;
then doth he proceed with shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head
and face; then doe they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all.
Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary
correction is to beate them with cudgels. We have seene a man kneeling on
his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men have beate him on the bare
skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound, and yet never cry nor
complained. And he made a woman for playing the whore, sit upon a great
stone, on her bare breech twenty-foure houres, onely with corne and water,
every three dayes, till nine dayes were past, yet he loved her exceedingly:
notwithstanding there are common whores by profession.

In the yeare 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his neare
neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknowne, but the manner
was thus. First he sent divers of his men as to lodge amongst them that
night, then the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the houre
appointed, they all fell to the spoyle, twenty-foure men they slew, the long
haire of the one side of their heads, with the skinne cased off with shels or
reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the children,

and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The Werowance,
women and children became his prisoners, and doe him service. [II.39.] The
lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a line betwixt two trees.
And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at Werowocomoco, where he
intended to have done as much to mee and my company.

And this is as much as my memory can call to minde worthy of note;
which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the true worth
and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander the
Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where
they can finde none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce ever
ten myles from James Towne, or at the most but at the falles; yet holding it
a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing,
exclaime of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor
ever did any thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for
most part of such tender educations, and small experience in Martiall
accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such faire houses, nor
at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and
downe pillowes, Tavernes and Alehouses in every breathing place, neither
such plentie of gold and silver and dissolute libertie, as they expected, had
little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with
our Pinnaces, or procure their meanes to returne for England. For the
Country was to them a misery, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports
here, and their actions there according.

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to passe to and againe
for transportation: who to keepe the mysterie of the businesse in
themselves, though they had neither time nor meanes to know much of
themselves; yet all mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the
temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their ignorances seeme
much more, then all the true actors could by their experience. And those
with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as
abused the businesse much worse then the rest. For the businesse being
builded upon the foundation of their fained experience, the planters, the
money and meanes have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the
planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to
maintaine their vaine glory and estimation, from time to time have used

such diligence as made them passe for truths, though nothing more false.
And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the
wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a faire tongue and a
dissembling heart.

There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verball, and idle
contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that though they had
lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie it selfe could not
compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of James Towne, and
those witty spirits, what would they not affirme in the behalfe of our
transporters, to get victuall from their ships, or obtaine their good words in
England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamors, and the ignorance of
false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia: and our
ingenious verbalists were no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts
to the Egyptians. For the labour of twentie or thirtie of the best onely
preserved in Christianitie by their industry the idle livers of neare two
hundred of the rest: who living neere ten moneths of such naturall meanes,
as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded, notwithstanding all this, and
the worst fury of the Salvages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies,
faction, ignorances, and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but seaven or
eight men, yet subjected the salvages to our desired obedience, and received
contribution from thirtie five of their Kings, to protect and assist them
against any that should assault them, in which order they continued true and
faithfull, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did governe there,
untill I left the Countrey: since, how they have revolted, the Countrie lost,
and againe replanted, and the businesses hath succeded from time to time, I
referre you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have beene
more diligent in such Observations.

John Smith writ this with his owne hand.

[II.40.] Because many doe desire to know the manner of their
Language, I have inserted these few words.

Ka katorawinos yowo, What call you this.
Nemarough, a man.
Grenepo, a woman.
Marowanchesso, a boy.
Yehawkans, Houses.
Matchcores, Skins, or garments.
Mockasins, Shooes.
Tussan, Beds.
Pokatawer, Fire.
Attawp, A bow.
Attonce, Arrowes.
Monacookes, Swords.
Aumouhhowgh, A Target.
Pawcussacks, Gunnes.
Tomahacks, Axes.
Tockahacks, Pickaxes.
Pamesacks, Knives.
Accowprets, Sheares.
Pawpecones, Pipes.
Mattassin, Copper.
Ussawassin, Iron, Brass,
Silver, or any white mettall.
Musses, Woods.
Attasskuss, Leaves, weeds,
or grasse.
Chepsin, Land.
Shacquohocan, A stone.
Wepenter, A cookold.
Suckahanna, Water.
Noughmass, Fish.
Copotone, Sturgeon.
Weghshaughes, Flesh.
Sawwehone, Bloud.
Netoppew, Friends.
Marrapough, Enemies.
Maskapow, the worst of the enemies.

Mawchick chammay, The best of friends.
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan
uttasantasough, In how many daies
will there come hither any more
English Ships.

Their Numbers.
Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuff, 3.
Yowgh, 4. Paranske, 5.
Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7.
Nusswash, 8, Kekatawgh, 9.
Kaskeke, 10.

They count no more but by
tennes as followeth.

Case, how many.
Ninghsapooeksku, 20.
Nussapooeksku, 30.
Yowghapooeksku, 40.
Parankestassapooeksku, 50.
Comatinchtassapooeksku, 60.
Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70.
Kekataughtassapooeksku, 90.
Necuttoughtysinough, 100.
Necuttweunquaough, 1000.
Rawcosowghs, Dayes.
Keskowghes, Sunnes.
Toppquough, Nights.
Nepawweshowghs, Moones.
Pawpaxsoughes, Yeares.
Pummahumps, Starres.
Osies, Heavens.
Okees, Gods.
Quiyoughcosoughs, Pettie
Gods, and their affinities.
Righcomoughes, Deaths.

Kekughes, Lives.
Mowchick woyawgh tawgh noeragh
kaqueremecher, I am very hungry?
what shall I eate?
Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan,
Where dwels Powhatan.
Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks,
Now he dwels a great way hence at
Orapaks.
Vittapitchewayne anpechitchs nehawper
Werowacomoco, You lie, he staid
ever at Werowacomoco.
Kator nehiegh mattagh neer
uttapitchewayne, Truely he is there
I doe not lie.
Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough
kekaten wawgh peyaquaugh, Run you then
to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come
hither.
Utteke, e peya weyack wighwhip, Get you
gone, & come againe quickly.
Kekaten Pokahontas patiaquagh niugh
tanks manotyens neer mowchick
rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pokahontas
bring hither two little Baskets, and
I will give her white Beads to make
her a Chaine.

FINIS.

THE THIRD BOOKE. [III.41.]

The Proceedings
And Accidents of The English Colony in
Virginia, Extracted from the Authors
following, by William Simons,
Doctour of Divinitie.

Chapter I.
A.D. 1606.
Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer.

It might well be thought, a Countrie so faire (as Virginia is) and a
people so tractable, would long ere this have beene quietly possessed, to the
satisfaction of the adventurers, & the eternizing of the memory of those that
effected it. But because all the world doe see a defailement; this following
Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the businesse
hath bin carried: where no doubt they will easily understand and answer to
their question, how it came to passe there was no better speed and successe
in those proceedings.

The first mover of the action.
Orders for government. {MN}

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this
plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found
small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captaine John
Smith, Mr. Edward-maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt, and divers others,
who depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till
by their great charge and industrie, it came to be apprehended by certaine of
the Nobilitie, Gentry, and Marchants, so that his Majestie by his letters
patents, gave commission for establishing Councels, to direct here; and to
governe, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another yeare, and
by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a
Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to
Captaine Christopher Newport, a Marriner well practised for the Westerne
parts of America. {MN} But their orders for government were put in a box,
not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they arrived in Virginia.

On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sayle from Blackwall, but by
unprosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all
which time, Mr. Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and sicke, that few

expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twentie myles from his
habitation (the time we were in the Downes) and notwithstanding the
stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better
then Atheists, of the greatest ranke amongst us) suggested against him, all
this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the
busines, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any
affection to contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous [III.42.]
designes (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrowne the
businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of
patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted
examples) quenched those flames of envie, and dissention.

A.D. 1607.
Monica an unfrequented Isle full of Birds. {MN-1}
Their first landing. {MN-2}
Matters of government. {MN-3}

We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages at Dominica;
three weekes we spent in refreshing our selves amongst these west-India
Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as
well as over the fire. {MN-1} And at a little Isle called Monica, we tooke
from the bushes with our hands, neare two hogs-heads full of Birds in three
or foure houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time,
where, with a lothsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises,
Pellicans, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search
of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners
had 3 dayes passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine
Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme to
returne for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all
good actions, forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, did drive
them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations,
for never any of them had seene that coast. {MN-2} The first land they
made they called Cape Henry; where thirtie of them recreating themselves
on shore, were assaulted by five Salvages, who hurt two of the English very
dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which
Bartholomew Gosnoll, John Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher
Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to

be the Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a yeare, who
with the Councell should governe. {MN-3} Matters of moment were to be
examined by a Jury, but determined by the major part of the Councell, in
which the President had two voyces. Untill the 13 of May they sought a
place to plant in, then the Councell was sworne, Mr. Wingfield was chosen
President, and an Oration made, why Captaine Smith was not admitted of
the Councell as the rest.

The discovery of the Falles & Powhatan. {MN-1}
The Fort assaulted by Salvages. {MN-2}

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort, the
rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide
clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The
Salvages often visited us kindly. The Presidents overweening jealousie
would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but the boughs of trees
cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the extraordinary paines and
diligence of Captaine Kendall, Newport, Smith, and twentie others, were
sent to discover the head of the river: {MN-1} by divers small habitations
they passed, in six dayes they arrived at a Towne called Powhatan,
consisting of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three
fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant,
and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his
people Powhatans, to this place the river is navigable: but higher within a
myle, by reason of the Rockes and Isles, there is not passage for a small
Boat, this they call the Falles, the people in all parts kindly intreated them,
till being returned within twentie myles of James towne, they gave just
cause of jealousie, but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then
those at the Fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; {MN-2} for
at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found 17 men hurt, and a
boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from
the Ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused
them to retire, our men had all beene slaine, being securely all at worke, and
their armes in dry fats.

Captain Smith Reinstated
Captain Newports return for England. {MN}

Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed,
the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the
assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Salvages; & our men by their disorderly
stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the nimblenesse of their
heeles well escaped. What toyle we had, with so small a power to guard our
workemen adayes, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our
businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees, and prepare the ground to
plant our Corne, &c, I referre to the Readers consideration. Six weekes
being spent in this manner, Captaine Newport (who was hired onely for our
[III.43.] transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith
who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a
prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe (envying his
repute) who fained he intended to usurpe the government, murther the
Councell, and make himselfe King, that his confederats were dispersed in
all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that revealed it, would
affirme it, for this he was committed as a prisoner: thirteene weekes he
remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne they
pretended out of their commisserations, to referre him to the Councell in
England to receive a check, rather then by particulating his designes make
him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrow his
reputation. But he so much scorned their charitie, and publikely defied the
uttermost of their crueltie, he wisely prevented their policies, though he
could not suppresse their envies, yet so well he demeaned himselfe in this
businesse, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries
malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of
subornation; many untruthes were alledged against him; but being so
apparently disproved, begat a generall hatred in the hearts of the company
against such unjust Commanders, that the President was adjudged to give
him 200 L. so that all he had was seized upon, in part of satisfaction, which
Smith presently returned to the Store for the generall use of the Colony.
Many were the mischiefes that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet
ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher
Mr. Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the
Councell; the next day all received the Communion, the day following the
Salvages voluntarily desired peace, {MN} and Captaine Newport returned
for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607.

By this observe;
Good men did ne'r their Countries ruine bring.
But when evill men shall injuries beginne;
Not caring to corrupt and violate
The judgements-seats for their owne Lucr's sakes
Then looke that Country cannot long have peace,
Though for the present it have rest and ease.

THE FIRST COLONISTS

A.D. 1607.
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

The names of them that were the first Planters, were these following.

Councel.

Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield. Captaine John Smith.
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. Captaine John Ratliffe.
Captaine George Kendall. Captaine John Martin.

Gent.

Mr. Robert Hunt Preacher. John Penington.
Mr. George Percie. Jeremy Alicock.
Anthony Gosnoll. George Walker.
George Flower. Thomas Studley.
Cap. Gabriell Archer. Richard Crofts.
Robert Fenton. Nicholas Houlgrave.
Robert Ford. Thomas Webbe.
[III.44.] William Bruster. John Waller.
Edward Harrington. John Short.
Dru Pickhouse. William Tankard.

Thomas Jacob. William Smethes.
John Brookes. Francis Snarsbrough.
Ellis Kingston. Richard Simons.
Thomas Sands. Edward Brookes.
Benjamin Beast. Richard Dixon.
Jehu Robinson. John Martin.
Thomas Mouton. Roger Cooke.
Eustace Clovill. Anthony Gosnold.
Stephen Halthrop. Tho: Wotton, Chirurg.
Kellam Throgmorton. John Stevenson.
Edward Morish. Thomas Gore.
Nathaniell Powell. Henry Adling.
Edward Browne. Francis Midwinter.
Robert Behethland. Richard Frith.

Carpenters.

William Laxon. Thomas Emry.
Edward Pising. Robert Small.

Labourers.

John Laydon. Old Edward.
William Cassen. Henry Tavin.
George Cassen. George Goulding.
Thomas Cassen. John Dods.
William Rodes. William Johnson.
William White. William Unger.

Jam: Read, Blacksmith. Edward Brinto, Mason.
Jonas Profit, Sailer. William Love, Taylor.
Tho: Cowper, Barber. Nic: Scot, Drum.
Will: Garret, Bricklayer. Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.

Samuell Collier, boy. James Brumfield, boy.
Nat. Pecock, boy. Richard Mutton, boy.

With divers others to the number of 100.

Chap. II.
What happened till the first supply.

The occasion of sickness.
The sailors abuses. {MN-1}
A bad President. {MN-2}
Plentie unexpected. {MN-3}

Being thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten dayes scarce
ten amongst us could either goe, or well stand, such extreame weaknes and
sicknes oppressed us. And thereat none need marvaile, if they consider the
cause and reason, which was this; whilest the ships stayed, our allowance
was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of Bisket, {MN-1} which the
sailers would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money, Saxefras,
furres, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither taverne,
beere house, nor place of reliefe, but the common Kettell. Had we beene as
free from all sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennesse, we might have beene
canonized for Saints; But our President would never have beene admitted,
for ingrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, Oyle, Aquavitæ, Beefe,
Egges, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally to be
distributed, and that was halfe a pint of wheat, and as much barley boyled
with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26. weekes in the
ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so that we might truely
call it rather so much bran then corne, our drinke was water, our lodgings
Castles in the ayre: with this lodging and dyet, our extreame toile in bearing
and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continuall
labour in the extremitie of the heat had so weakned us, as were cause
sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Countrey, or any other
place in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped, lived upon
Sturgeon, and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this time we buried, {MN-2} the rest
seeing the Presidents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by
flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so moved our
dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliffe in his place,
(Gosnoll being dead) Kendall deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and

Ratcliffe was by his care preserved and relieved, and the most of the
souldiers recovered, with the skilfull diligence of Mr. Thomas Wotton our
Chirurgian generall. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon
gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages;
{MN-3} when God the patron of all good indevours, in that desperate
extremitie so changed the hearts of the Salvages, that they brought such
plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.

And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councell to send
forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will shew them
plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the fault
[III.45.] of our going was our owne, what could be thought fitting or
necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should be,
we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two moneths,
with victuall to live, and the advantage of the spring to worke; we were at
Sea five moneths, where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunitie
of the time, and season to plant, by the unskilfull presumption of our
ignorant transporters, that understood not at all, what they undertooke.

Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene subject to
such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but
nothing so difficult as to establish a Common wealth so farre remote from
men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so untoward as neither doe
well themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.

The building of James Towne. {MN-1}
The beginning of Trade abroad. {MN-2}

The new President and Martin, being little beloved, of weake
judgement in dangers, and lesse industrie in peace, committed the managing
of all things abroad to Captaine Smith: {MN-1} who by his owne example,
good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to binde thatch,
some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe alwayes bearing the
greatest taske for his owne share, so that in short time, he provided most of
them lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. This done, seeing the Salvages
superfluitie beginne to decrease (with some of his workemen) shipped
himselfe in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want of the
language, knowledge to mannage his boat without sailes, the want of a

sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his
men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no
discouragement. {MN-2} Being but six or seaven in company he went
downe the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a
tarnished man, and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, a peece
of bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for
their apparell. But seeing by trade and courtesie there was nothing to be
had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced, though
contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore,
whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses,
they might see great heapes of corne: much adoe he had to restraine his
hungry souldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it hapned that the
Salvages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hydeous
noyse. Sixtie or seaventie of them, some blacke, some red, some white,
some party-coloured, came in a square order, singing and dauncing out of
the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idoll made of skinnes, stuffed
with mosse, all painted and hung with chaines and copper) borne before
them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets, Bowes and
Arrowes, they charged the English, that so kindly received them with their
muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers lay
sprauling on the ground; the rest fled againe to the woods, and ere long sent
one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee.
Smith told them, if onely six of them would come unarmed and loade his
boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and
give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets besides: which on both sides was to
their contents performed: and then they brought him Venison, Turkies, wild
foule, bread, and what they had, singing and dauncing in signe of friendship
till they departed. In his returne he discovered the Towne and Country of
Warraskoyack.

Thus God unboundlesse by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.

Amoris, a Salvage his best friend slaine for loving us.
The discovery of Chickahamine.

Another project to abandon the country. {MN-1}
John Robinson and Thomas Emry slaine. {MN-2}

Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any regarded
but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the
Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the yeare
following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journies and discovered the
people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest carelessly
spent. Wingfield and Kendall living in disgrace, seeing all things at
randome in the [III.46.] absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their
Presidents weaknes, and their small love to Martins never mending sicknes,
strengthened themselves with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine
their former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinnace,
(being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course
and to goe for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot
discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre
and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the river, which action cost
the life of captaine Kendall. These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will
say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will
conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest to the world, then
the busines beare the scorne and shame of their excused disorders. The
President and captaine Archer not long after intended also to have
abandoned the country, which project also was curbed, and suppressed by
Smith. {MN-1} The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he
victuall, nor his souldiers more to abandon the Country, then he to keepe it.
But finding plentie of Corne in the river of Chickahamania where hundreds
of Salvages in divers places stood with baskets expecting his comming. And
now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans,
geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia
pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild
beasts as far as we could eate them: so that none of our Tuftaffaty humorists
desired to goe for England. But our Comaedies never endured long without
a Tragedie; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captaine Smith,
for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the
Councell, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage hee
proceeded so farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he
made his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in a

broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should goe a shore till
his returne: himselfe with two English and two Salvages went up higher in a
Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose
want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages to
surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to have
cut of the boat and all the rest. {MN-2} Smith little dreaming of that
accident, being got to the marshes at the rivers head, twentie myles in the
desert, had his two men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe,
whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who finding he was beset
with 200. Salvages, two of them hee slew, still defending himselfe with the
ayd of a Salvage his guid, whom he bound to his arme with his garters, and
used him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many
arrowes that stucke in his cloathes but no great hurt, till at last they tooke
him prisoner. When this newes came to James towne, much was their
sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting what ensued. Sixe or seven weekes
those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and
conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst
them, as he not onely diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured
his owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estimation
amongst them, that those Salvages admired him more then their owne
Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him is as
followeth.

Captaine Smith taken prisoner.

The Salvages having drawne from George Cassen whether Captaine
Smith was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with 300.
bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions searching
the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side; those
they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then finding the Captaine, as is said,
that used the Salvage that was his guide as his shield (three of them being
slaine and divers other so gauld) all the rest would not come neere him.
Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched,
more then his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie creeke & his
Salvage with him, yet durst they not come to him till, being neere dead with
cold, he threw away his armes. Then according to their composition they
drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slaine. [III. 47.]

Diligently they chafed his benummed limbs. He demanding for their
Captaine, they shewed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to
whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much they marvailed
at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainely, and
yet not touch it, because of the glasse that covered them. But when he
demonstrated by that Globe-like Jewell, the roundnesse of the earth, and
skies, the spheare of the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, and how the Sunne did
chase the night round about the world continually; the greatnesse of the
Land and Sea, the diversitie of Nations, varietie of complexions, and how
we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all
stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an houre after
they tyed him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to
shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid
downe their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner led him to
Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well used.

The order they observed in their triumph.

Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves all in
fyle, the King in the middest had all their Peeces and swords borne before
him. Captaine Smith was led after him by three great Salvages, holding him
fast by each arme: and on each side six went in fyle with their Arrowes
nocked. But arriving at the Towne (which was but onely thirtie or fortie
hunting houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please, as we our
tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, the souldiers first
all in fyle performed the forme of a Bissom so well as could be, and on each
flanke, officers as Serjeants to see them keepe their orders. A good time
they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dauncing in
such severall Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and
screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrowes, and at
his backe a club; on his arme a Fox or an Otters skinne, or some such matter
for his vambrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oyle and
Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding
handsome shew; his Bow in his hand, and the skinne of a Bird with her
wings abroad dryed, tyed on his head, a peece of copper, a white shell, a
long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tayles of their snaks tyed to
it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the

middest guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed.
Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirtie or fortie tall fellowes
did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then
would have served twentie men, I thinke his stomacke at that time was not
very good; what he left they put in baskets and tyed over his head. About
midnight they set the meate againe before him, all this time not one of them
would eate a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much
more, and then did they eate all the old, & reserved the new as they had
done the other, which made him thinke they would fat him to eat him. Yet in
this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought
him his gowne, in requitall of some beads and toyes Smith had given him at
his first arrivall in Virginia.

How he should have been slaine at Orapacks.

Two dayes after a man would have slaine him (but that the guard
prevented it) for the death of his sonne, to whom they conducted him to
recover the poore man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at James
towne he had a water would doe it, if they would let him fetch it, but they
would not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault
James towne, craving his advice, and for recompence he should have life,
libertie, land, and women. In part of a Table booke he writ his minde to
them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction
to affright the messengers, and without fayle send him such things as he
writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficultie and danger, he told the
Salvages, of the Mines, great-gunnes, and other Engins exceedingly
affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to James towne, in
as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three dayes
returned with an answer.

How he saved James towne from being surprised.
How they did Conjure him at Pamuankee. {MN}

But when they came to James towne, seeing men sally out as he had
told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came againe to the
same place where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such
things [III.48] as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and
with which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them

all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speake: then
they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanients, the Payankatanks, the
Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients upon the rivers of Raphanock, and
Patawomek, over all those rivers, and backe againe by divers other severall
Nations, to the Kings habitation at Pamaunkee, {MN} where they
entertained him with most strange and fearefulle Conjurations.

As if neare led to hell,
Amongst the Devils to dwell.

Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long
house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other; on the one they
caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently
came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coale, mingled
with oyle; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with mosse, and all
their tayles tyed together, so as they met on the crowne of his head in a
tassell; and round about the tassell was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins
hanging round about his head, backe, and shoulders, and in a manner
covered his face; with a hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand. With most
strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the
fire with a circle of meale; which done, three more such like devils came
rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted halfe blacke, halfe red: but
all their eyes were painted white, and some red stroakes like Mutchato's,
along their cheekes: round about him those fiends daunced a pretty while,
and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes, and white
stroakes over their blacke faces, at last they all sat downe right against him;
three of them on the one hand of the chiefe Priest, and three on the other.
Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chiefe Priest layd
downe five wheat cornes: then strayning his armes and hands with such
violence that he sweat, and his veynes swelled, he began a short Oration: at
the conclusion they all gave a short groane; and then layd down three
graines more. After that, began their song againe, and then another Oration,
ever laying downe so many cornes as before, till they had twice incirculed
the fire; that done, they tooke a bunch of little stickes prepared for that
purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and

Oration, they layd downe a sticke betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night,
neither he nor they did either eate or drinke, and then they feasted merrily,
with the best provisions they could make. Three dayes they used this
Ceremony; the meaning whereof they told him was to know if he intended
them well or no. The circle of meale signified their Country, the circles of
corne the bounds of the Sea, and the stickes his Country. They imagined the
world to be flat and round, like a trencher, and they in the middest. After
this they brought him a bagge of gunpowder, which they carefully
preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corne; because they
would be acquainted with the nature of that seede.

Opitchapam the Kings brother invited him to his house, where, with as
many platters of bread, foule, and wild beasts; as did environ him, he bid
him wellcome; but not any of them would eate a bit with him, but put up all
the remainder in Baskets. At his returne to Opechancanoughs, all the Kings
women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by
Custome, to be merry with such fragments.

But his waking mind in hydeous dreames did oft see wondrous
shapes,
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.

How Powhatan entertained him.
How Pocahontas saved his life {MN}

At last they brought him to Meronocomo, where was Powhatan their
Emperor. Here more then two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood
wondering at him, as he had beene a monster; till Powhatan and his trayne
had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like
a bedsted, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skinnes, and
all the tayles hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18
yeares, and along on each side the house, two rowes of [III.49] men, and
behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted
red; many of their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds; but every
one with something: and a great chayne of white beads about their necks. At
his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queene

of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and
another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towell to dry them;
having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long
consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were
brought before Powhatan: then as many as could layd hands on him,
dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their
clubs, to beate out his braines, {MN} Pocahontas the Kings dearest
daughter, when no intreaty could prevaile, got his head in her armes, and
laid her owne upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperour was
contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and
copper; for they thought him as well of all occupations as themselves. For
the King himselfe will make his owne robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, pots;
plant, hunt, or doe any thing so well as the rest.

They say he bore a pleasant shew,
But sure his heart was sad.
For who can pleasant be, and rest,
That lives in feare and dread:
And having life suspected, doth
It still suspected lead.

How Powhatan sent him to James Towne. {MN-1}
The third project to abandon the Countrey. {MN-2}

Two dayes after, Powhatan having disguised himselfe in the most
fearefull manner he could, caused Capt. Smith to be brought forth to a great
house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. {MN-
1} Not long after from behinde a mat that divided the house, was made the
most dolefullest noyse he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devill then
a man with some two hundred more as blacke as himselfe, came unto him
and told him now they were friends, and presently he should goe to James
towne, to send him two great gunnes, and a grynd-stone, for which he
would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteeme him as
his sonne Nantaquoud. So to James towne with 12 guides Powhatan sent
him. That night they quarterd in the woods, he still expecting (as he had
done all this long time of his imprisonment) every houre to be put to one

death or other: for all their feasting. But almightie God (by his divine
providence) had mollified the hearts of those sterne Barbarians with
compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith
having used the Salvages with what kindnesse he could, he shewed
Rawhunt, Powhatans trusty servant two demi-Culverings & a millstone to
carry Powhatan: they found them some-what too heavie; but when they did
see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a
great tree loaded with Isickles, the yce and branches came so tumbling
downe, that the poore Salvages ran away halfe dead with feare. But at last
we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toyes; and
sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gave them in
generall full content. {MN-2} Now in James Towne they were all in
combustion, the strongest preparing once more to run away with the
Pinnace; which with the hazzard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket
shot, Smith forced now the third time to stay or sinke. Some no better then
they should be, had plotted with the President, the next day to have put him
to death by the Leviticall law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry,
pretending the fault was his that had led them to their ends: but he quickly
tooke such order with such Lawyers, that he layd them by the heeles till he
sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in foure or five
dayes, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that
saved many of their lives, that els for all this had starved with hunger.

Thus from numbe death our good God sent reliefe,
The sweete asswager of all other griefe.

A true proofe of Gods love to the action.

His relation of the plenty he had seene, especially at Werawocomoco,
[III.50.] and of the state and bountie of Powhatan, (which till that time was
unknowne) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of Pocahontas)
as all mens feare was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still
crossed any good indevour: and the good successe of the businesse being
thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what
strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them
admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors;

there being no other choise, and all strangers to each others education,
qualities, or disposition. And if any deeme it a shame to our Nation to have
any mention made of those inormities, let them peruse the Histories of the
Spanyards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many
mutinies, disorders, and dissentions have accompanied them, and crossed
their attempts: which being knowne to be particular mens offences; doth
take away the generall scorne and contempt, which malice, presumption,
covetousnesse, or ignorance might produce; to the scandall and reproach of
those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserve a more worthy respect.

Of two evils the lesse was chosen. {MN}

Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith, to have
concluded with any of those severall projects, to have abandoned the
Countrey, with some ten or twelve of them, who were called the better sort,
and have left Mr. Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most
honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and
some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Salvages, famine, and
all manner of mischiefes, and inconveniences, (for they were but fortie in
all to keepe possession of this large Country;) or {MN} starve himselfe
with them for company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to
make them provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and save
all their lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider. But

We men imagine in our Jolitie,
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.
But then anone wee alter this againe,
If happily wee feele the sence of paine;
For then we're turn'd into a mourning vaine.

Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia,
Robert
Fenton, Edward Harrington, and J. S.

Chap. III.

The Arrivall of the first supply, with their
Proceedings, and the Ships returne.

A. D. 1607
The Phoenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies. {MN}

All this time our care was not so much to abandon the Countrey; but
the Treasurer and Councell in England, were as diligent & carefull to supply
us. Two good ships they sent us, with neare a hundred men, well furnished
with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us; The one
commanded by Captaine Newport: the other by Captaine Francis Nelson, an
honest man, and an expert Marriner. {MN} But such was the lewardnesse
of his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy
contrary winds was he forced so farre to Sea, that the West Indies was the
next land, for the repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But
Newport got in and arrived at James Towne, not long after the redemption
of Captaine Smith. To whom the Salvages, as is sayd, every other day
repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to
mouth: part alwayes they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or
Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himselfe, how
they should sell: so he had inchanted these poore [III.51.] soules being their
prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, neare as
directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and had them at
that submission he might command them what he listed. That God that
created all things they knew he adored for his God: they would also in their
discourses tearme the God of Captaine Smith.

Their opinion of our God.

Thus the Almightie was the bringer on,
The guide, path, terme, all which was God alone.

Smiths revisting Powhatan {MN}

But the President and Councell so much envied his estimation among
the Salvages, (though we all in generall equally participated with him of the
good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Salvages understandings (by
their great bounty in giving foure times more for their commodities then
Smith appointed) that their greatnesse and authoritie as much exceeded his,
as their bountie and liberalitie. Now the arrivall of this first supply so
overjoyed us, that wee could not devise too much to please the Marriners.
We gave them libertie to trucke or trade at their pleasures. But in a short
time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before
was sould us for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of
our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatnesse of Capt. Newport,
(wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents
Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to goe and
visit him: so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coyle
there was to set him forward. {MN} When he went he was accompanied
with Captaine Smith, & Mr. Scrivener, a very wise understanding
Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Councell, with thirtie or
fortie chosen men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports
conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspitions of trecheries,
which Smith to make appeare was needlesse, with twentie men well
appointed, undertooke to encounter the worst that could happen: Knowing

All is but one, and selfe-same hand, that thus
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.

Gent.

Nathaniell Powell, Richard Wyffin.
Robert Behethland. John Taverner.

Michell Phittiplace. William Dyer.
William Phittiplace. Thomas Coe.
Anthony Gosnoll. Thomas Hope.
Anas Todkill.

Powhatan his entertainment. {MN-1}
The exchange of a Christian for a Salvage. {MN-2}

These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten) comming a-
shore, landed amongst a many of creekes, over which they were to passe
such poore bridges, onely made of a few cratches, thrust in the ose, and
three or foure poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tyed
together onely with barkes of trees, that it made them much suspect those
bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make diverse Salvages goe
over first, keeping some of the chiefe as hostage till halfe his men were
passed, to make a guard for himselfe and the rest. But finding all things
well, by two or three hundred Salvages they were kindly conducted to their
towne. {MN-1} Where Powhatan strained himselfe to the utmost of his
greatnesse to entertaine them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of
protestations; and with the most plenty of victualls he could provide to feast
them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbrodered (after
their rude manner with pearle and white Beads) his attyre a faire robe of
skinnes as large as an Irish mantell: at his head and feete a handsome young
woman: on each side his house sat twentie of his Concubines, their heads
and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads about each of
their neckes. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-
like house, and more then fortie platters of fine bread stood as a guard in
two fyles on each side the doore. Foure or five hundred people made a
guard behinde them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none
upon paine of death to presume to doe us any wrong or discourtesie. With
many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance, [III.52] this great
King and our Captaine spent the time, till the ebbe left our Barge aground.
Then renewing their feasts with feates, dauncing and singing, and such like
mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The next day Newport came
a shore and received as much content as those people could give him: {MN-
2} a boy named Thomas Salvage was then given unto Powhatan, whom

Newport called his sonne; for whom Powhatan gave him Namontack his
trustie servant, and one of a shrewd, subtill capacitie. Three or foure dayes
more we spent in feasting, dauncing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried
himselfe so proudly, yet discreetly (in his salvage manner) as made us all
admire his naturall gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as
his subjects did; he bespake Newport in this manner.

Powhatans speech.
Differences of opinion. {MN-1}
James towne burnt. {MN-2}
A ship Idely loytering 14. weekes. {MN-3}
The effect of mere verbalists. {MN-4}
A needlesse charge. {MN-5}
A return to England. {MN-6}

Captaine Newport it is not agreeable to my greatnesse, in this pedling
manner to trade for trifles; and I esteeme you also a great Werowance.
Therefore lay me downe all your commodities together; what I like I will
take, and in recompence give you what I thinke fitting their value. Captaine
Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best
the disposition of Powhatan, tould us his intent was but onely to cheate us;
yet Captaine Newport thinking to out brave this Salvage in ostentation of
greatnesse, and so to bewitch him with his bountie, as to have what he
listed, it so hapned, that Powhatan having his desire, valued his corne at
such a rate, that I thinke it better cheape in Spaine: for we had not foure
bushells for that we expected to have twentie hogsheads. {MN-1} This bred
some unkindnesse betweene our two Captaines; Newport seeking to please
the unsatiable desire of the Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please
him; but smothering his distast to avoyd the Salvages suspition, glanced in
the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humor upon a few blew
beades. A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so
much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance
of the coulour of the skyes, and not to be worne but by the greatest kings in
the world. This made him halfe madde to be the owner of such strange
Jewells: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beades, he
brought over my king for 2. or 300. Bushells of corne; yet parted good
friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of

Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blew
beads, which grew by this meanes, of that estimation, that none durst weare
any of them but their great kings, their wives and children. And so we
returned all well to James towne, {MN-2} where this new supply being
lodged with the rest, accidentally fired their quarters and so the towne,
which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burnt their
Pallisado's, (though eight or ten yards distant) with their Armes, bedding,
apparell, and much private provision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost
all his Library and all he had but the cloathes on his backe: yet none never
heard him repine at his losse. This happned in the winter in that extreame
frost, 1607. {MN-3} Now though we had victuall sufficient I meane onely
of Oatmeale, meale and corne, yet the Ship staying 14. weekes when shee
might as wel have beene gone in 14. dayes, spent a great part of that, and
neare all the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there
discretion could spare us, to make a little poore meale or two, we called
feastes, to relish our mouthes: of each somwhat they left us, yet I must
confesse, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to give billes of
paiment, gold rings, furrs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to
this removing taverne, such was our patience to obay such vile
Commanders, and buy our owne provisions at 15 times the value, suffering
them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, least we
should incurre the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then
leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them losse, but the
vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receave with all our hearts
to make up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving
that, least they should discourage any more to come to us. Now for all this
plenty our ordynary was but meale and water, so that this great charge little
releeved our wants, whereby with the extremitie of the bitter cold frost and
those [III.53.] defects, more then halfe of us dyed; I cannot deny but both
Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what was amisse, but with the
President went the major part, that there hornes were to short. {MN-4} But
the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden promises made all men
their slaves in hope of recompences; there was no talke, no hope, no worke,
but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, loade gold, such a bruit of gold, that
one mad fellow desired to be buried in the sands least they should by there
art make gold of his bones: little neede there was and lesse reason, the ship
should stay, there wages run on, our victualls consume 14. weekes, that the

Mariners might say, they did helpe to build such a golden Church that we
can say the raine washed neere to nothing in 14. dayes. {MN-5} Were it that
captaine Smith would not applaude all those golden inventions, because
they admitted him not to the sight of their trialls nor golden consultations, I
know not; but I have heard him oft question with Captaine Martin & tell
him, except he could shew him a more substantiall triall, he was not
inamoured with their durty skill, breathing out these and many other
passions, never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary
busines neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded
durt. Till then we never accounted, Captaine Newport a refiner, {MN-6}
who being ready to set saile for England, & we not having any use of
Parliaments, Plaies, Petitions, Admiralls, Recorders, Interpreters,
Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor Justices of peace, sent Master Wingfield
and Captaine Archer home with him, that had ingrossed all those titles, to
seeke some better place of imployment.

Oh cursed gold those, hunger-starved movers,
To what misfortunes lead'st thou all those lovers!
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can
Suffice the minde of an av'ritious man.

Chap. IIII.

The Arrivall of the Phoenix; her returne; and
other Accidents.

The rebuilding James Towne. {MN-1}
Sixtie appointed to discover the Monacans. {MN-2}

The authoritie now consisting in Captaine Martin, and the still sickly
President, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an
inheritable revenew. {MN-1} The spring approaching, and the Ship
departing, Mr. Scrivener and Captaine Smith devided betwixt them the
rebuilding James towne; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting downe
trees; preparing our fields; planting our corne, and to rebuild our Church,
and recover our Store house. All men thus busie at their severall labours,
Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phoenix; lost (I say) for that we all
deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had mannaged his
ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feede his company, that his victuall to
that we had gotten, as is said before, was neare after our allowance
sufficient for halfe a yeare. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it,
which honest dealing (being a Marriner) caused us admire him: we would
not have wished more then he did for us. Now to relade this ship with some
good tydings, the President (not holding it stood with the dignitie of his
place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captaine Smith to discover and search
the commodities of the Monacans Countrey beyond the Falls. {MN-2}
Sixtie able men was allotted them, the which within six dayes, Smith had so
well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared with whom they
should incounter: yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposit was
Captaine Martin to any thing, but onely to fraught this ship also with his
phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with
Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with durt, or the hopes

and reports of an uncertaine discovery, which he would performe when they
had lesse charge and more leisure.

But, The God of Heav'n, He eas'ly can [III. 54.]
Immortalize a mortall man,
With glory and with fame.
The same God, ev'n as eas'ly may
Afflict a mortall man, I say,
With sorrow and with shame.

Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this hapned.

An ill example to sell swords to Salvages.
The Presidents weaknesse. {MN-1}
Smiths attempt to suppresse the Salvages insolences. {MN-2}
Powhatans excuse. {MN-3}

Powhatan (to expresse his love to Newport) when he departed,
presented him with twentie Turkies, conditionally to returne him twentie
swords, which immediately was sent him; now after his departure he
presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humor
obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people
with twentie devices to obtaine them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very
Ports they would take them perforce, surprise us at worke, or any way;
which was so long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the
command from England was so strait not to offend them, {MN-1} as our
authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing then
peace-breakers. This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chanced they
medled with Captaine Smith, {MN-2} who without farther deliberation
gave them such an incounter, as some he so hunted up and downe the Isle,
some he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for
revenge they surprised two of our forraging disorderly souldiers, and having
assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to
redeliver seven Salvages, which for their villanies he detained prisoners, or
we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst
them, and in lesse then an houre, he so hampred their insolencies, they
brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition
for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all beleeve, by

severall vollies of shot one of their companions was shot to death, because
they would not confesse their intents and plotters of those villanies. And
thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed onely by Powhatan to
obtaine him our weapons, to cut our owne throats, with the manner where,
how, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparant: {MN-3}
yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with
presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash untoward
Captaines his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the
assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what
correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, & then
delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake onely he fayned to have saved
their lives, and gave them libertie. The patient Councell that nothing would
move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled with
Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet none was slaine to any mans
knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and obedience, as his very
name would sufficiently affright them; where before, wee had sometime
peace and warre twice in a day, and very seldome a weeke, but we had
some trecherous villany or other.

A ship fraught with Cedar.

The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence
of the Master, and Captaine Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master
Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship
being ready to set sayle, Captaine Martin being alwayes very sickly, and
unserviceable, and desirous to injoy the credit of his supposed Art of
finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to returne for
England. For

He hath not fill'd his lapp,
That still doth hold it oap.

From the writings of Thomas Studley,
and Anas Todkill.

1608.
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.

Their Names that were landed in this Supply. [III. 55.]

Mathew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Councell.

Gent.

Michaell Phittiplace. Doctor Russell.
William Phittiplace. Jeffrey Abbot.
Ralph Morton. Edward Gurgana.
Richard Wyffing. Richard Worley.
John Taverner. Timothy Leeds.
William Cantrell. Richard Killingbeck.
Robert Barnes. William Spence.
Richard Fetherstone. Richard Prodger.
George Hill. Richard Pots.
George Pretty. Richard Mullinax.
Nathaniell Causy. William Bayley.
Peter Pory. Francis Perkins.
Robert Cutler. John Harper.
Michaell Sicklemore. George Forest.
William Bentley. John Nichols.
Thomas Coe. William Grivell.

Labourers.

Raymond Goodison. Nicholas Ven.
William Simons. Francis Perkins.
John Spearman. Richard Gradon.
Richard Bristow. Rawland Nelstrop.
William Perce. Richard Savage.

James Watkins. Thomas Savage.
John Bouth. Richard Milmer.
Christopher Rods. William May.
Richard Burket. Vere.
James Burre. Michaell.
Bishop Wiles.

Taylers.

Thomas Hope. William Yong.
William Ward. William Beckwith.
John Powell. Larence Towtales.

Apothecaries.

Thomas Field. John Harford.

Danl: Stallings, Jeweller. Richard Belfield, a Goldsmith.
Will: Dawson, a refiner. Post Ginnat, a Chirurg.
Abram Ransack, a refiner. John Lewes, a Cooper.
Wil: Johnson, a Goldsmith. Robert Cotton, a Tobacco pipe-maker.
Peter Keffer, a gunsmith. Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.
Rob: Alberton, a perfumer.

And divers others to the number of 120.

DISCOVERY OF THE CHESAPEAKE
A.D. 1608.

Chapter V.

The Accidents that hapned in the Discovery of
the Bay of Chisapeack.

The prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe into our small
store, that Smith and Scrivener tyed him and his Parasites to the rules of
proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Presidents authoritie so
overswayed the discretion of Mr. Scrivener, that our store, our time, our
strength and labours were idely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. The
second of June 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discovery with this
Company.

Walter Russell, Doctor of Physicke.

Gentlemen.

Ralfe Murton. Richard Fetherston.
Thomas Momford. James Burne.
William Cantrill. Michell Sicklemore.

Souldiers.

Jonas Profit. James Watkins.
Anas Todkill. John Powell.

Robert Small. James Read.
Richard Keale.

A strange mortalitie of Salvages. {MN-1}
Russels Isles. {MN-2}
Wighcocomoco. {MN-3}
An extreame want of fresh water. {MN-4}

These being in an open Barge neare three tuns burthen, leaving the
Phoenix at Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Easterne shore, and fell
with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captaines name. The first people
we saw were two grim and stout Salvages upon Cape Charles, with long
poles like Javelings, headed with bone, they [III.56.] boldly demanded what
we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed
very kinde, and directed us to Accomack, the habitation of their
Werowance, where we were kindly intreated. This King was the comliest,
proper, civill Salvage we incountred. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay
soyle, some small creekes; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for
Ships. {MN-1} He told us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it
was, two children being dead; some extreame passions, or dreaming
visions, phantasies, or affection moved their parents againe to revisit their
dead carkases, whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the
beholders such delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their
vitall spirits. This as, a miracle drew many to behold them, all which being
a great part of his people, not long after dyed, and but few escaped. They
spake the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of
the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing
along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and
habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore up for them,
but ere we could obtaine them, such an extreame gust of wind, rayne,
thunder, and lightening happened, that with great danger we escaped the
unmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water. {MN-2} The highest land on
the mayne, yet it was but low, we called Keales hill, and these uninhabited
Isles, Russels Isles. {MN-3} The next day searching them for fresh water,

we could find none, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next
Easterne Channell, which brought us to the river of Wighcocomoco. The
people at first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs
and daunces and much mirth became very tractable, but searching their
habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, & that such puddle,
that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. {MN-4} We
digged and searched in many places, but before two daies were expired, we
would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of
Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all
naught for habitation, falling with a high land upon the mayne, we found a
great Pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot wee supposed it some bath;
that place we called poynt Ployer, in honor of that most honourable House
of Mousay in Britaine, that in an extreame extremitie once relieved our
Captaine. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken
Isles of Mira's, growne a myle or two in breadth, and ten or twelve in
length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foule in
Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the
rest of the Country.

Their Barge neare sunke in a gust. {MN-1}
Cuskarawaock. {MN-2}
The first notice of the Massawomeks. {MN-3}
Bolus River. {MN-4}

Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Isles, we
discovered the winde and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning,
and raine, {MN-1} that our mast and sayle blew overbord and such mighty
waves overracked us in that small barge that with great labour we kept her
from sinking by freeing out the water. Two dayes we were inforced to
inhabite these uninhabited Isles which for the extremitie of gusts, thunder,
raine, stormes, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our saile with our
shirts, {MN-2} we set sayle for the maine and fell with a pretty convenient
river on the East called Cuskarawaok, the people ran as amazed in troups
from place to place, and divers got into the tops of trees, they were not
sparing of their arrowes, nor the greatest passion they could expresse of
their anger. Long they shot, we still ryding at an Anchor without there
reatch making all the signes of friendship we could. The next day they came

unarmed, with every one a basket, dancing in a ring, to draw us on shore:
but seeing there was nothing in them but villany, we discharged a volly of
muskets charged with pistoll shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the
grownd, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reedes
hard by; where there companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the evening we
wayed, & approaching the shoare, discharging five or six shot among the
reedes, we landed where there lay a many of baskets and much bloud, but
saw not a Salvage. A smoake appearing on the other side the river, we
rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire,
there we left some peeces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and
then went into the bay, but when it was darke we came backe againe. Early,
[III.57.] in the morning foure Salvages came to us in their Canow whom we
used with such courtesie, not knowing what we were, nor had done, having
beene in the bay a fishing, bade us stay and ere long they would returne,
which they did and some twentie more with them; with whom after a little
conference, two or three thousand men women & children came clustring
about us, every one presenting us with something, which a little bead would
so well requite, that we became such friends they would contend who
should fetch us water, stay with us for hostage, conduct our men any
whither, and give us the best content. Here doth inhabite the people of
Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak the best Marchants of all other
Salvages. {MN-3} They much extolled a great nation called
Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo: this river but
onely at the entrance is very narrow, and the people of small stature as them
of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may prove very commodious,
because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the maine Ocean.
Finding this Easterne shore, shallow broken Isles, and for most part without
fresh water, we passed by the straites of Limbo for the Westerne shore: so
broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceive the great high clifts on the
other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them Riccards
Cliftes. 30. leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any inhabitants,
leaving all the Easterne shore, lowe Islandes, but overgrowne with wood, as
all the Coast beyond them so farre as wee could see: the Westerne shore by
which we sayled we found all along well watered, but very mountanous and
barren, the vallies very fertill, but extreame thicke of small wood so well as
trees, and much frequented with Wolves, Beares, Deere and other wild
beasts. {MN-4} We passed many shallow creekes, but the first we found

Navigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places
under the clifts by the high water marke, did grow up in red and white knots
as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though
they were all of one nature, excepting the coulour, the rest of the earth on
both sides being hard sandy gravell, which made us thinke it Bole-
Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set sayle some of our Gallants
doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast home, but
having lien in this small barge not above 12. or 14. dayes, oft tyred at the
Oares, our bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good
were their stomacks that they could disgest it) they did with continuall
complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him bespeake them
in this manner.

Smith's speech to his Souldiers.
The discovery of Patawomek. {MN}

Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph
Layne, how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of
Moratico, alleadging they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras
leaves, would richly feede them in their returnes; then what a shame would
it be for you (that have bin so suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me
returne, with so much provision as we have, and scarce able to say where
we have beene, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seeke? You cannot say
but I have shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to
come, of lodging, dyet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst
part to my selfe. As for your feares that I will lose my selfe in these
unknowne large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormie gust; abandon
these childish feares, for worse then is past is not likely to happen: and there
is as much danger to returne as to proceede. Regaine therefore your old
spirits for returne I will not (if God please) till I have seene the
Massawomeks, found Patawomek, or the head of this water you conceit to
be endlesse. {MN} Two or 3. dayes we expected winde & wether, whose
adverse extremities added such discouragement, that three or foure fell
sicke, whose pittifull complaints caused us to returne, leaving the bay some
nine miles broad, at nine and ten fadome water.

Ambuscadoes of Salvages. {MN}

The 16. of June we fell with the river Patowomek: feare being gone, and
our men recovered, we were all content to take some paines, to know the
name of that seven mile broad river: for thirtie myles sayle, we could see no
inhabitants: {MN} then we were conducted by two Salvages up a little
bayed creeke, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were layd with
ambuscado's to the number of three or foure thousand Salvages, so
strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as so
many spirits from hell could not have shewed more terrible. Many
bravado's they made, but to appease their fury, our Captaine prepared with
as seeming a willingnesse (as they) to incounter them. But the grazing of
our bullets upon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see
them) with the Ecco of the woods so amazed them, as downe went their
bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging hostage) James Watkins was sent six
myles up the woods to their Kings habitation. We were kindly used of those
Salvages, of whom we understood, they were commanded to betray us, by
the direction of Powhatan, and he so directed from the discontents at James
towne, because our Captaine did cause them stay in their country against
their wills.

A trecherous project.
A myne like Antimony. {MN-1}
An aboundant plenty of fish. {MN-2}

The like incounters we found at Patowomek Cecocawonee and divers
other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toags the people did their
best to content us. Having gone so high as we could with the bote, we met
divers Salvages in Canowes, well loaden with the flesh of Beares, Deere
and other beasts, whereof we had part, here we found mighty Rocks,
growing in some places above the grownd as high as the shrubby trees, and
divers other solid quarries of divers tinctures: and divers places where the
waters had falne from the high mountaines they had left a tinctured
spangled skurfe, that made many bare places seeme as guilded. Digging the
grownde above in the highest cliffs of rocks, we saw it was a claie sand so
mingled with yeallow spangles as if it had beene halfe pin-dust. In our
returne inquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gave us
guides to conduct us up a little river called Quiyough, up which we rowed
so high as we could. Leaving the bote, with six shot, and divers Salvages,

he marched seven or eight myle before they came to the mine: leading his
hostages in a small chaine they were to have for their paines, being proud so
richly to be adorned. {MN-1} The mine is a great Rocky mountaine like
Antimony; wherein they digged a great hole with shells & hatchets: and
hard by it, runneth a fayre brooke of Christal-like water, where they wash
away the drosse and keepe the remainder, which they put in little baggs and
sell it all over the country to paint there bodyes, faces, or Idols; which
makes them looke like Blackmores dusted over with silver. With so much as
we could carry we returned to our bote, kindly requiting this kinde king and
all his kinde people. The cause of this discovery was to search this mine, of
which Newport did assure us that those small baggs (we had given him) in
England he had tryed to hold halfe silver; but all we got proved of no value:
also to search what furrs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is
made so much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissention
among the Salvages, as gold and silver amongst Christians; and what other
mineralls, rivers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruites, victuall, and what
other commodities the land afforded: and whether the bay were endlesse or
how farre it extended: of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Bevers,
Otters, Beares, Martins and minkes we found, {MN-2} and in divers places
that aboundance of fish, lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as
for want of nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch
them with a frying pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with:
neither better fish, more plenty, nor more variety for smal fish, had any of
us ever seene in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be
caught with frying pans: some small codd also we did see swim close by the
shore by Smiths Iles, and some as high as Riccards Clifts. And some we
have found dead upon the shore.

How to deale with the Salvages.
Captaine Smith neare killed with a Stingray. {MN}

To express all our quarrels, trecheries and encounters amongst those
Salvages I should be too tedious: but in breefe, at all times we so incountred
them, and curbed their insolencies, that they concluded with presents to
purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meeting our Captaine
ever observed this order to demand their bowes and arrowes, swordes,
mantells and furrs, with some childe or two for hostage, whereby we could

quickly perceive, when they intended any villany. Having finished this
discovery (though our victuall was neere spent) he intended to see his
imprisonment-acquaintances [III.59.] upon the river of Rapahanock, by
many called Toppahanock, but our bote by reason of the ebbe, chansing to
grownd upon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spyed many fishes
lurking in the reedes: our Captaine sporting himselfe by nayling them to the
grownd with his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner: thus we tooke
more in one houre then we could eate in a day. {MN} But it chansed our
Captaine taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being
much of the fashion of a Thornback, but a long tayle like a ryding rodde,
whereon the middest is a most poysoned sting, of two or three inches long,
bearded like a saw on each side, which she strucke into the wrest of his
arme neere an inch and a halfe: no bloud nor wound was seene, but a little
blew spot, but the torment was instantly so extreame, that in foure houres
had so swolen his hand, arme and shoulder, we all with much sorrow
concluded his funerall, and prepared his grave in an Island by, as himselfe
directed: yet it pleased God by a precious oyle Docter Russell at the first
applyed to it when he sounded it with probe (ere night) his tormenting paine
was so well asswaged that he eate of the fish to his supper, which gave no
lesse joy and content to us then ease to himselfe, for which we called the
Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.

The Salvages affrightened with their owne suspition. {MN-1}
Needlesse misery at James towne. {MN-2}

Having neither Chirurgian, nor Chirurgery, but that preservative oyle
we presently set sayles for James towne, passing the mouthes of the rivers
of Payankatank, & Pamaunkee, the next day we safely arrived at
Kecougtan. {MN-1} The simple Salvages seeing our Captaine hurt, and an
other bloudy by breaking his shinne, our numbers of bowes, arrowes,
swords, mantles, and furrs, would needes imagine we had beene at warres
(the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but impatiently
importuned us to know with whom. Finding their aptnesse to beleeve we
fayled not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them,
what spoyle we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumor went
faster up the river then our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of
July; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises as we

could, we made them at James towne jealous of a Spanish Frigot, where we
all God be thanked safely arrived the 21 of July. {MN-2} There we found
the last Supply were all sicke, the rest some lame, some bruised, all unable
to doe any thing but complaine of the pride and unreasonable needlesse
crueltie of the silly President, that had riotously consumed the store: and to
fulfill his follies about building him an unnecessary building for his
pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not
arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge: but the good
newes of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Salvages relation,
that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat neare it,
appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and
that Captaine Smith would take upon him the government, as by course it
did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Mr. Scrivener his
deare friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions
the other had ingrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master
Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sicke of a Callenture) and in regard of
the weaknesse of the company, and heate of the yeare, they being unable to
worke, he left them to live at ease, to recover their healths, but imbarked
himselfe to finish his Discovery.

Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.

Chap. VI.

The Government surrendred to Master Scrivener.

What happened the second Voyage in
discovering the Bay.

The 24 of July, Captaine Smith set forward to finish the discovery with
twelve men: their names were

Gentlemen. [III.60.]

Nathaniell Powell. Michell Sicklemore.
Thomas Momford. James Bourne.
Richard Fetherston. Anthony Bagnall, Chir.

Souldiers.

Jonas Profit. Richard Keale.
Anas Todkill. James Watkins.
Edward Pising. William Ward.

The Salvages admire fireworks. {MN-1}
An Incounter with Massawomeks at the head of the Bay. {MN-2}

The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three dayes at
Kecoughtan: the King feasted us with much mirth, his people were
perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks. {MN-

1} In the evening we fired a few rackets, which flying in the ayre so
terrified the poore Salvages, they supposed nothing unpossible we
attempted; and desired to assist us. The first night we anchored at Stingray
Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus.
We went not much further before we might see the Bay to divide in two
heads, and arriving there we found it divided in foure, all which we
searched so farre as we could sayle them. {MN-2} Two of them we found
inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we incountred 7 or 8 Canowes full of
Massawomeks, we seeing them prepare to assault us, left our Oares and
made way with our sayle to incounter them, yet were we but five with our
Captaine that could stand, for within 2 dayes after we left Kecoughtan, the
rest (being all of the last supply) were sicke almost to death, untill they
were seasoned to the Country. Having shut them under our Tarpawling, we
put their hats upon stickes by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a man
with two peeces, to make us seeme many, and so we thinke the Indians
supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the
shore, and there stayed, staring at the sayling of our barge till we anchored
right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come unto us. At
last they sent two of their company unarmed in a Canow, the rest all
followed to second them if neede required. These two being but each
presented with a bell, brought aboord all their fellowes, presenting our
Captaine with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrowes, clubs, targets,
and beares-skinnes. We understood them nothing at all, but by signes,
whereby they signified unto us they had beene at warres with the
Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by showing us their greene wounds,
but the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to
meete, but after that we never saw them.

An Incounter with the Tockwoghs.

Entring the river of Tockwogh, the Salvages all armed, in a fleete of
boats, after their barbarous manner, round invironed us; so it chanced one of
them could speake the language of Powhatan, who perswaded the rest to a
friendly parley. But when they saw us furnished with the Massawomeks
weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan, to have taken them
perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed towne, mantelled with the
barkes of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, brested about with brests very

formally. Their men, women, and children with daunces, songs, fruits,
furres, and what they had, kindly welcommed us, spreading mats for us to
sit on, stretching their best abilities to expresse their loves.

Hatchets from the Sasquesahanocks.

Many hatchets, knives, peeces of iron, and brasse, we saw amongst
them, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks, a mightie
people and mortall enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks
inhabit upon the chiefe Spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head,
two dayes journey higher then our barge could passe for rocks, yet we
prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to
perswade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit us, for their language are
different. Three or foure dayes we expected their returne, then sixtie of
those gyant-like people came downe, with presents of Venison, Tobacco-
pipes three foot in length, Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. Five of
their chiefe Werowances came boldly aboord us to crosse the Bay for
Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes; the wind being so high they
durst not passe.

The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English. {MN}

Our order was daily to have Prayer, with a Psalme, at which solemnitie
the poore Salvages much wondred, our Prayers being done, a while they
were busied with a consultation till they had contrived their businesse.
[III.61.] {MN} Then they began in a most passionate manner to hold up
their hands to the Sunne, with a most fearefull song, then embracing our
Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked them,
yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done with a most
strange furious action, and a hellish voyce, began an Oration of their loves;
that ended, with a great painted Beares skin they covered him: then one
ready with a great chayne of white Beads, weighing at least six or seaven
pound, hung it about his necke, the others had 18 mantels, made of divers
sorts of skinnes sowed together; all these with many other toyes they layd at
his feete, stroking their ceremonious hands about his necke for his Creation
to be their Governour and Protector, promising their aydes, victualls, or
what they had to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge
them of the Massawomeks. But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for

our departure, yet we promised the next yeare againe to visit them. Many
descriptions and discourses they made us, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek,
& other people, signifying they inhabit upon a great water beyond the
mountaines, which we understood to be some great lake, or the river of
Canada: and from the French to have their hatchets and Commodities by
trade. These know no more of the territories of Powhatan, then his name,
and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea.

The highest mountaine we saw Northward wee called Perigrines
mount, and a rocky river, where the Massawomeks went up, Willowbyes
river, in honor of the towne our Captaine was borne in, and that honorable
house the Lord Willowby, his most honored good friend. The
Sasquesahanocks river we called Smiths falles; the next poynt to
Tockwhogh, Pisings poynt; the next it poynt Bourne. Powells Isles and
Smals poynt is by the river Bolus; and the little Bay at the head Profits
poole; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords poynts are on each side Limbo;
Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore, betwixt Patawomek and Pamaunkee, after
the names of the discoverers. In all those places and the furthest we came
up the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many
places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places
crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, English-men had beene there.

Pawtuxunt, R.

Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned
to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable,
and more civill then any, we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to
revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed.

Rapahanock, R.
The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. {MN-1}
Our fight with the Rapahanocks. {MN-2}

In the discovery of this river some call Rapahanock, we were kindly
entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we incountered our old
friend Mosco, a lusty Salvage of Wighcocomoco upon the river of
Patawomek, we supposed him some French mans sonne, because he had a
thicke blacke bush beard, and the Salvages seldome have any at all, of

which he was not a little proud, to see so many of his Countrymen. {MN-1}
Wood and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether, cause divers of
his Countrymen helpe us towe against winde or tyde from place to place till
we came to Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of
the river, and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony.
And in the place he fayled not to doe us all the good he could, perswading
us in any case not to goe to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill us for
being friends with the Moraughtacunds that but lately had stolne three of
the Kings women. This we did thinke was but that his friends might onely
have our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. {MN-2} There
some 12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed us a little Creeke where was
good landing, and Commodities for us in three or foure Canowes we saw lie
there: but according to our custome, we demanded to exchange a man in
signe of love, which after they had a little consulted, foure or five came up
to the middles, to fetch our man, and leave us one of them, shewing we
need not feare them, for they had neither clubs, bowes, nor arrowes.
Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could
discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to goe over the
playne to fetch some wood, but they were unwilling, except we would come
into the Creeke, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by
degrees [III.62.] having got some two stones throwes up the playne,
perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees, so that
offering to returne to the Boat, the Salvages assayed to carry him away
perforce, that he called to us we were betrayed, and by that he had spoke the
word, our hostage was over-boord, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the
water. Immediatly we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, & Todkill
escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could
recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood us in good stead, for
upon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a
forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Salvages from off the plaine
without any hurt: yet they shot more then a thousand Arrowes, and then fled
into the woods. Arming our selves with these light Targets (which are made
of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hempe and silke grasse,
as is our Cloth, but so firmely that no arrow can possibly pierce them:) we
rescued Todkill, who was all bloudy by some of them who were shot by us
that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt; and following them up to
the woods, we found some slaine, and in divers places much bloud. It seems

all their arrowes were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canows
we tooke; the arrowes we found we broke, save them we kept for Mosco, to
whom we gave the Canowes for his kindnesse, that entertained us in the
best triumphing manner, and warlike order in armes of conquest he could
procure of the Moraughtacunds.

The Salvages disguised like bushes fight. {MN}

The rest of the day we spent in accomodating our Boat, in stead of
thoules wee made stickes like Bedstaves, to which we fastened so many of
our Massawomek Targets, that invironed her as wast clothes. The next
morning we went up the river, and our friend Mosco followed us along the
shore, and at last desired to goe with us in our Boat. But as we passed by
Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Townes situated upon high
white clay clifts; the other side all a low playne marish, and the river there
but narrow. {MN} Thirtie or fortie of the Rapahanocks, had so
accommodated themselves with branches, as we tooke them for little bushes
growing among the sedge, still seeing their arrowes strike the Targets, and
dropped in the river: whereat Mosco fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying
the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our
first volley fell downe in the sedge: when wee were neare halfe a myle from
them, they shewed themselves dauncing and singing very merrily.

The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen, used
us kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Mosco to bring us
to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which
causeth the river to be broader then ordinary; there it pleased God to take
one of our Company called Mr. Fetherstone, that all the time he had beene
in this Country, had behaved himselfe, honestly, valiantly, and industriously,
where in a little Bay, we called Fetherstones Bay wee buryed him with a
volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill dyet, and bad lodging,
crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but alwayes
tossed to and againe, had all well recovered their healths. The next day wee
sayled so high as our Boat would float, there setting up crosses, and graving
our names in the trees. Our sentinell saw an arrow fall by him, though we
had ranged up and downe more then an houre in digging in the earth,

looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Salvage could well
hide himself.

Our fight with the Mannahocks.
A Salvage shot and taken prisoner. {MN-1}
His relation of their countries. {MN-2}
They cannot travell but where the woods are burnt. [FN]
How we concluded peace with the foure kings of Monahoke. {MN-3}

Upon the alarum by that we had recovered our armes, there was about
an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their
arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served us for Baricadoes as well
as they. But Mosco did us more service then we expected, for having shot
away his quiver of Arrowes, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrowes of
Mosco at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit
and skipping, there were many Salvages. About halfe an houre this
continued, then they all vanished as suddainly as they approached. Mosco
vanished as suddenly as they approached. Mosco followed them so farre as
he could see us, till they were out of sight. {MN-1} As we returned there
lay a Salvage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking him up we found he
[III.63] had life, which Mosco seeing, never was Dog more furious against
a Beare, then Mosco was to have beat out his braines, so we had him to our
Boat, where our Chirurgian who went with us to cure our Captaines hurt of
the Stingray, so dressed this Salvage that within an houre after he looked
somewhat chearefully, and did eate and speake. In the meane time we
contented Mosco in helping him to gather up their arrowes, which were an
armefull, whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Mosco to know
what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountaines; the poore
Salvage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga, where
there are three Kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora, the
King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to
Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting Towne, and the bounds betwixt the
Kingdome of the Mannahocks, and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by
where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us,
that came to them in peace, and to seeke their loves; he answered, they
heard we were a people come from under the world, to take their world
from them. {MN-2} We asked him how many worlds he did know, he

replyed, he knew no more but His relation of that which was under the skie
that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans, and the
Massawomeks, that were higher up in the mountaines. Then we asked him
what was beyond the mountaines, he answered the Sunne: but of any thing
els he knew nothing; because the woods were not burnt. [FN] These and
many such questions wee demanded, concerning the Massawomeks, the
Monacans, their owne Country, and where were the Kings of Stegora,
Tauxsintania, and the rest. The Monacans he sayd were their neighbours
and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers,
living upon rootes and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did
dwell upon a great water, and had many boats, & so many men that they
made warre with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a
severall way with their men on hunting: But those with him came thither a
fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding they would be altogether at night at
Mahaskahod. For his relation we gave him many toyes, with perswasions to
goe with us, and he as earnestly desired us to stay the comming of those
Kings that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother
to Hasinninga. But Mosco advised us presently to be gone, for they were all
naught, yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made
ready to entertain what came, & Mosco was as diligent in trimming his
arrowes. The night being come we all imbarked, for the river was so
narrow, had it beene light the land on the one side was so high, they might
have done us exceeding much mischiefe. All this while the K. of
Hasinninga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to
doe. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we
heard their arrowes dropping on every side the Boat; we caused our
Salvages to call unto them, but such a yelling & hallowing they made that
they heard nothing, but now and then a peece, ayming so neare as we could
where we heard the most voyces. More then 12 myles they followed us in
this manner; then the day appearing, we found our selves in a broad Bay,
out of danger of their shot, where wee came to an anchor, and fell to
breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sunne was risen; being
well refreshed, we untyed our Targets that covered us as a Deck, and all
shewed our selves with those shields on our armes, and swords in our
hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck; a long discourse there was betwixt
his Countrimen and him, how good wee were, how well wee used him, how
wee had a Patawomek with us, loved us as his life, that would have slain

him had we not preserved him, and that he should have his libertie would
they be but friends; and to doe us any hurt it was impossible. {MN-3} Upon
this they all hung their Bowes and Quivers upon the trees, and one came
swimming aboord us with a bow tyed on his head, and another with a
Quiver of Arrowes, which they delivered our Captaine as a present, the
Captaine having used them so kindly as he could, told them the other three
Kings should doe the like, and then the great King of our world should be
their friend, whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but
performed, so upon a low Moorish poynt [III.64.] of Land we went to the
shore, where those foure Kings came and received Amoroleck: nothing they
had but Bowes, Arrowes, Tobacco-bags, and Pipes: what we desired, none
refused to give us, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had
done: our Pistols they tooke for pipes, which they much desired, but we did
content them with other Commodities, and so we left foure or five hundred
of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dauncing, and making merry, and set
sayle for Moraughtacund.

How we became friends with the Rapahanocks. {MN-1}
The discovery of Payankatank. {MN-2}

In our returnes we visited all our friends, that rejoyced much at our
Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Warres also with
them, but now they were friends, and desired we would be friends with the
Rapahanocks, {MN-1} as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captaine told
them, they had twise assaulted him that came onely in love to doe them
good, and therefore he would now burne all their houses, destroy their
corne, and for ever hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction;
they desired to know what that should be: he told them they should present
him the Kings Bow and Arrowes, and not offer to come armed where he
was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends, and
give him their Kings sonne in pledge to performe it, and then all King
James his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently sent to the
Rapahanocks to meete him at the place where they first fought, where
would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac: which according to
their promise were there so soone as we; where Rapahanock presented his
Bow and Arrowes, and confirmed all we desired, except his sonne, having
no more but him he could not live without him, but in stead of his sonne he

would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolen. This was
accepted: and so in three or foure Canowes, so many as could went with us
to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gave to his
friends so many Bowes and Arrowes, that they no lesse loved him then
admired us. The 3 women were brought our Captaine, to each he gave a
chayne of Beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco, and
Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and
Moraughtacund chuse next, & to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away
went their Canowes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the
provision they could, and they that wanted Boats swam over the river: the
darke commanded us then to rest. The next day there was of men, women,
and children, as we conjectured, six or seaven hundred, dauncing, &
singing, and not a Bow nor Arrow seene amongst them. Mosco changed his
name Uttasantasough, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call us. All
promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corne purposely for us; and
we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed, giving
them a Volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cryes as their
strengths could utter. {MN-2} That night we anchored in the river of
Payankatank, and discovered it so high as it was navigable, but the people
were most a hunting, save a few old men, women, and children, that were
tending their corne, of which they promised us part when we would fetch it,
as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet beene.

In a fayre calme, rowing towards poynt Comfort, we anchored in
Gosnolls Bay, but such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with
thunder and rayne, that we never thought more to have seene James Towne.
Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of
fire from heaven, by which light onely we kept from the splitting shore,
untill it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserve us by that light to
finde poynt Comfort: there refreshing our selves, because we had onely but
heard of the Chisapeacks & Nandsamunds, we thought it as fit to know all
our neighbours neare home, as so many Nations abroad.

A notable trechery of the Nandsamunds.
The fight with the Chisapeacks and Nandsamunds. {MN-1}
How they became friends. {MN-2}
The proceeding at James towne. {MN-3}

So setting sayle for the Southerne shore, we sayled up a narrow river
up the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channell, but many shoules
about the entrance. By that we had sayled six or seaven myles, we saw two
or three little garden plots with their houses, the shore over-growne with the
greatest Pyne and Firre trees wee ever saw in the Country. But not seeing
nor hearing any people, and the river very narrow, we returned to the great
river, to see if we could finde any of them. Coasting the shore towards
Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; [III.65] at the mouth of that
river, we espied six or seaven Salvages making their wires, who presently
fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw divers toyes, and
so departed. Farre we were not gone ere they came againe, and began to
sing, and daunce, and recall us: and thus we began our first acquaintance.
At last one of them desired us to goe to his house up that river, into our
Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after us by the shore with all shew of
love that could be. Seaven or eight myles we sayled up this narrow river: at
last on the Westerne shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little
Isle, and in it was abundance of Corne; the people he told us were all a
hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he invited us with much
kindnesse: to him, his wife, and children, we gave such things as they
seemed much contented them. The others being come, desired us also to
goe but a little higher to see their houses: here our host left us, the rest
rowed by us in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the river became
very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come abord us, wherat
pausing a little, they told us they would but fetch their bows and arrowes
and goe all with us, but being a-shore and thus armed, they perswaded us to
goe forward, but we could neither perswade them into their Canow, nor into
our Boat. This gave us cause to provide for the worst. Farre we went not ere
seaven or eight Canowes full of men armed appeared following us, staying
to see the conclusion. {MN-1} Presently from each side the river came
arrowes so fast as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we
returned to get the open. They in the Canowes let fly also as fast, but
amongst them we bestowed so many shot, the most of them leaped
overboord and swam ashore, but two or three escaped by rowing, being
against their playnes: our Muskets they found shot further then their Bowes,
for wee made not twentie shot ere they all retyred behind the next trees.
Being thus got out of their trap, we seised on all their Canowes, and moored
them in the midst of the open. More then an hundred arrowes stucke in our

Targets, and about the boat, yet none hurt, onely Anthony Bagnall was shot
in his Hat, and another in his sleeve. But seeing their multitudes, and
suspecting as it was, that both the Nandsamunds, and the Chisapeacks were
together, we thought it best to ryde by their Canowes a while, to bethinke if
it were better to burne all in the Isle, or draw them to composition, till we
were provided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our
Colony: but to burne the Isle at night it was concluded. {MN-2} In the
interim we began to cut in peeces their Canowes, and they presently to lay
downe their bowes, making signes of peace: peace we told them we would
accept, would they bring us their Kings bowes and arrowes, with a chayne
of pearle; and when we came againe give us foure hundred baskets full of
Corne, otherwise we would breake all their boats, and burne their houses,
and corne, and all they had. To performe all this they alledged onely the
want of a Canow; so we put one a drift & bad them swim to fetch her: and
till they performed their promise, wee would but onely breake their
Canowes. They cryed to us to doe no more, all should be as we would:
which presently they performed, away went their bowes and arrowes, and
tagge and ragge came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we
tooke, and so departing good friends, we returned to James Towne, where
we safely arrived the 7. of September, 1608. {MN-3} There we found Mr.
Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sicke: the
late President prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master
Scrivener, the harvest gathered, but the provision in the store much spoyled
with rayne. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and
spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captaine Ratliffe) but
onely this discovery; wherein to expresse all the dangers, accidents, and
incounters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of
proportion, about three thousand myles, with such watery dyet in those
great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian utterly
unknowne) I rather referre their merit to the censure of the courteous and
experienced Reader, then I would be tedious or partiall being a partie.

But to this place to come who will adventure, [III.66.]
With judgements guide and reason how to enter:
Finds in this worlds broad sea, with winde and tyde,
Ther's safer sayle then any where besides.
But 'cause to wanton novices it is

A Province full of fearefulnesse I wiss;
Into the great vast deepe to venter out:
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.
And by a small Boat learne their first, and marke,
How they may come to make a greater Barke.

Written by Anthony Bagnall, Nathanaell
Powell, and Anas Todkill.

A.D. 1608.

Chapter VII.

The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith:
the Arrivall and returne of the second Supply.
And what happened.

Powhatans scorne when his courtesie was most deserved. {MN-1}
No better way to overthrow the business then by our instructors. {MN-2}
A consultation, where all the Councell was against the President. {MN-3}
Capt. Smith goeth with 4. to Powhatan, when Newport feared with 120.
{MN-4}

The tenth of September, by the Election of the Councell, and request of
the Company, Captaine Smith received the Letters Patents: which till then
by no meanes he would accept, though he was often importuned thereunto.
Now the building of Ratliffes Pallace stayed as a thing needlesse; the
Church was repaired; the Store-house recovered; buildings prepared for the
Supplyes we expected; the Fort reduced to a five-square forme; the order of
the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained; the
whole Company every Saturday exercised, in the plaine by the west
Bulwarke, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where
sometimes more then an hundred Salvages would stand in an amazement to
behold, how a fyle would batter a tree, where he would make them a marke
to shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with
Lieutenant Percy, in their Journey incountred the second Supply, that
brought them backe to discover the Country of Monacan. How or why
Captaine Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to returne
without a lumpe of gold, a certaintie of the South sea, or one of the lost
company sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought
such a five peeced Barge, not to beare us to that South sea, till we had borne
her over the mountaines, which how farre they extend is yet unknowne.
{MN-1} As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Bason and

Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had beene
much better well spared then so ill spent, for wee had his favour much
better onely for a playne peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting,
made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as much as
nothing at all. As for the hyring of the Poles and Dutch-men, to make Pitch,
Tar, Glasse, Milles, and Sope ashes, when the Country is replenished with
people, and necessaries, would have done well, but to send them and
seaventie more without victualls to worke, was not so well advised nor
considered of, as it should have beene. Yet this could not have hurt us had
they beene 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For
we had the Salvages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered,)
that we feared not to get victuals for 500. {MN-2} Now was there no way
to make us miserable, but to neglect that time to make provision whilst it
was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to
performe this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation to loose that
time, spend that victualls we had, tyre and starve our men, having no
meanes to carry victuals, munition, the hurt or sicke, but on their owne
backes. How or by whom they were invented I know not: but Captaine
Newport we onely accounted the Author, who to effect these projects, had
so guilded mens hopes with great promises, that both Company and
Councell concluded his resolution for the most part: God doth know they
little [III.67.] knew what they did, nor understood their owne estates to
conclude his conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing
President alledged. {MN-3} Of this Supply there was added to the
Councell, one Captaine Richard Waldo, and Captaine Wynne, two auncient
Souldiers, and valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the busines, (being
but newly arrived.) Ratliffe was also permitted to have his voyce, & Mr.
Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was
President, yet the Major part of the Councell had the authoritie and ruled it
as they listed. As for clearing Smiths objections, how Pitch and Tarre,
Wainscot, Clapbord, Glasse, and Sope ashes, could be provided, to relade
the ship, or provision got to live withall, when none was in the Country, and
that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The
answer was, Captaine Newport undertooke to fraught the Pinnace of twentie
tunnes with Corne in going and returning in his Discovery, and to refraught
her againe from Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great
proportion of victualls from the Ship; inferring that Smiths propositions

were onely devices to hinder his journey, to effect it himselfe; and that the
crueltie he had used to the Salvages, might well be the occasion to hinder
these Designes, and seeke revenge on him. For which taxation all workes
were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this
Discovery. But Captaine Smith to make cleare all those seeming suspitions,
that the Salvages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captaine
Newport, and how willing (since by their authoritie they would have it so)
he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would
consume much time, he undertooke himselfe their message to Powhatan, to
intreat him to come to James Towne to receive his presents. {MN-4} And
where Newport durst not goe with lesse then 120. he onely tooke with him
Captaine Waldo, Mr. Andrew Buckler, Edward Brendon, and Samuel
Collier: with these foure he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12
myles; there he passed the river of Pamaunkee in a Salvage Canow.
Powhatan being 30 myles of, was presently sent for: in the meane time,
Pocahontas and her women entertained Captaine Smith in this manner.

A Virginia Maske.

In a fayre plaine field they made a fire, before which, he sitting upon a
mat, suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hydeous noise and
shreeking, that the English betooke themselves to their armes, and seized on
two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was
come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill
her if any hurt were intended, and the beholders, which were men, women,
and children, satisfied the Captaine there was no such matter. Then
presently they were presented with this anticke; thirtie young women came
naked out of the woods, onely covered behind and before with a few greene
leaves, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all
differing, their leader had a fayre payre of Bucks hornes on her head, and an
Otters skinne at her girdle, and another at her arme, a quiver of arrowes at
her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword,
another a club, another a pot-sticke; all horned alike: the rest every one with
their severall devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cryes,
rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire,
singing and dauncing with most excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their
infernall passions, and solemnly againe to sing and daunce; having spent

neare an houre in this Mascarado, as they entred in like manner they
departed.

The womens entertainment.

Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to
their lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house, but all these
Nymphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and
hanging about him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? love you not
me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Salvage
dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dauncing
about them; which mirth being ended, with fire-brands in stead of Torches
they conducted him to his lodging.

Thus did they shew their feats of armes, and others art in dauncing:
Some other us'd there oaten pipe, and others voyces chanting.

Captaine Smiths message.

The next day came Powhatan. Smith delivered his [III.68.] message of
the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had sent for
England, desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those
presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Whereunto this
subtile Savage thus replyed.

Powhatans answer.

If your King have sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this is my
land: eight dayes I will stay to receive them. Your Father is to come to me,
not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for the
Monacans I can revenge my owne injuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where
you say your brother was slaine, it is a contrary way from those parts you
suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the mountaines, the Relations you
have had from my people are false. Whereupon he began to draw plots upon
the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other
discourses they had (yet both content to give each other content in

complementall Courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this
Answer.

Powhatans Coronation.

Upon this the Presents were sent by water which is neare an hundred
myles, and the Captains went by land with fiftie good shot. All being met at
Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, then the
presents were brought him, his Bason and Ewer, Bed and furniture set up,
his scarlet Cloke and apparell with much adoe put on him, being perswaded
by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a foule trouble there was to
make him kneele to receive his Crowne, he neither knowing the majesty nor
meaning of a Crowne, nor bending of the knee, endured so many
perswasions, examples, and instructions, as tyred them all; at last by leaning
hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crowne in
their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistoll the Boats
were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King started up in a
horrible feare, till he saw all was well. Then remembring himselfe, to
congratulate their kindnesse, he gave his old shooes and his mantell to
Captaine Newport: but perceiving his purpose was to discover the
Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either
men or guides more then Namontack; and so after some small
complementall kindnesse on both sides, in requitall of his presents he
presented Newport with a heape of wheat eares that might containe some 7
or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Towne, wherewith we
returned to the Fort.

The discovery of Monacan. {MN-1}
How the Salvages deluded Cap. Newport. {MN-2}

The Ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the first
Gentlewoman and woman servant that arrived in our Colony, Captaine
Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captaine Waldo, Lieutenant Percie,
Captaine Winne, Mr. West, and Mr. Scrivener, {MN-1} set forward for the
discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the Fort with about 80. or
90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falles we
marched by land some fortie myles in two dayes and a halfe, and so
returned downe the same path we went. Two townes we discovered of the

Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither
used us well nor ill, yet for our securitie we tooke one of their petty Kings,
and led him bound to conduct us the way. And in our returnes searched
many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in
refyning, having one William Callicut, a refyner fitted for that purpose.
From that crust of earth we digged, he perswaded us to beleeve he extracted
some small quantitie of silver; and (not unlikely) better stuffe might be had
for the digging. With this poore tryall, being contented to leave this fayre,
fertile, well watered Country; and comming to the Falles, the Salvages
fayned there were divers ships come into the Bay, to kill them at James
Towne. {MN-2} Trade they would not, and finde their Corne we could not;
for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at
James Towne, halfe sicke, all complaining, and tyred with toyle, famine,
and discontent, to have onely but discovered our guilded hopes, and such
fruitlesse certainties, as Captaine Smith fortold us.

But those that hunger seeke to slake,
Which thus abounding wealth would rake:
Not all the gemmes of Ister shore,
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,
Can fill their greedie appetite; [III.69.]
It is a thing so infinite.

A punishment for swearing. {MN}

No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed so many as
were able, some for Glasse, others for Tarre, Pitch, and Sope-ashes, leaving
them with the Fort to the Councels oversight, but 30 of us he conducted
downe the river some 5 myles from James towne, to learne to make
Clapbord, cut downe trees, and lye in woods. Amongst, the rest he had
chosen Gabriel Beadle, and John Russell, the onely two gallants of this last
Supply, and both proper Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their
conditions; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but
doing as the President did himselfe. All these things were carried so
pleasantly as within a weeke they became Masters: making it their delight
to heare the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their

tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud othe to drowne
the eccho; {MN} for remedie of which sinne, the President devised how to
have every mans othes numbred, and at night for every othe to have a Cann
of water powred downe his sleeve, with which every offender was so
washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce heare an othe in a
weeke.

For he who scornes and makes but jests of cursings, and his othe,
He doth contemne, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.

30. Men better than 100. {MN}

By this, let no man thinke that the President and these Gentlemen spent
their times as common Wood-haggers at felling of trees, or such other like
labours, or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaves; for
what they did, after they were but once a little inured, it seemed and some
conceited it, onely as a pleasure and recreation, {MN} yet 30 or 40 of such
voluntary Gentlemen would doe more in a day then 100 of the rest that
must be prest to it by compulsion, but twentie good workemen had beene
better then them all.

The Chickahamania's forced to contribution.

Master Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the Fort,
every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President
returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no
provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing)
presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to the
Councell to send Lieutenant Percie after him with the next barge that
arrived at the Fort; two Barges he had himselfe and 18 men, but arriving at
Chickahamania, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our
wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and insolency as they could
expresse. {MN} The President perceiving it was Powhatans policy to starve
us, told them he came not so much for their Corne, as to revenge his
imprisonment, and the death of his men murthered by them, and so landing
his men and readie to charge them, they immediately fled: and presently
after sent their Ambassadors with corne, fish, foule, and what they had to
make their peace, (their Corne being that yeare but bad) they complained

extreamely of their owne wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred
Bushels of Corne, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not long after
arrived, and having done the best they could to content us, we parted good
friends, and returned to James towne.

A bad reward for well-doing.

Though this much contented the Company, (that feared nothing more
then starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they rather desired
to hazzard a starving, then his paines should prove so much more effectuall
then theirs. Some projects there were invented by Newport and Ratliffe, not
onely to have deposed him, but to have kept him out of the Fort; for that
being President, he would leave his place and the Fort without their
consents, but their hornes were so much too short to effect it, as they
themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.

A good Taverne in Virginia.
A bad trade of the masters and saylers. {MN}

All this time our old Taverne made as much of all them that had either
money or ware as could be desired: by this time they were become so
perfect on all sides (I meane the souldiers, saylers, and Salvages) as there
was tenne times more care to maintaine their damnable and private trade,
then to provide for the Colony things that were of necessary. {MN} Neither
was it a small policy in Newport and the Marriners to report in England we
had such plentie, and bring us so many men without victuals, when they had
so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seaven weeks, of two
or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pick-axes, scarce twentie could
be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steale
from their fellowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how
to convey them to trade with the Salvages for Furres, Baskets, Mussaneeks,
young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Saylers
for Butter, Cheese, Beefe, Porke, Aquavitæ, Beere, Bisket, Oatmeale, and
Oyle: and then fayne all was sent them from their friends. And though
Virginia affoorded no Furres for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage
hath got so many by this indirect meanes, as he confessed to have sold in
England for 30 L.

Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that have
notwithstanding all this meate, drinke, and wages; but now they begin to
grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath
beene in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which knowes not this to be
true, and yet the losse, the scorne, the misery, and shame, was the poore
Officers, Gentlemen, and carelesse Governours, who were all thus bought
& sold; the adventurers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their false
excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men judge, how this
businesse could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfring occasions. And
had not Captaine Newport cryed Peccavi, the President would have
discharged the ship, and caused him to have stayed one yeare in Virginia, to
learne to speake of his owne experience.

Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco.

Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to
Werowocomoco, where he found the Salvages more readie to fight then
trade; but his vigilancy was such as prevented their projects, and by the
meanes of Namontack got three or foure hogsheads of Corne, and as much
Pocones, which is a red roote, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye.

Captaine Newport being dispatched, with the tryals of Pitch, Tarre,
Glasse, Frankincense, Sope ashes; with that Clapboord and Waynscot that
could be provided: met with Mr. Scrivener at poynt Comfort, and so
returned for England. We remaining were about two hundred.

The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and
Councell of Virginia from Captaine Smith,
then President in Virginia.

Right Honorable, &c.

I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set
upon faction, and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your
consents, and that we feed You but with ifs & ands, hopes, & some few
proofes; as if we would keepe the mystery of the businesse to our selves:
and that we must expresly follow your instructions sent by Captain
Newport: the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand
pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the Ships returne, we are like to
remain as banished men. To these particulars I humbly intreat your Pardons
if I offend you with my rude Answer.

For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away and leave the
Country, I cannot prevent them: because I do make many stay that would
els fly any whether. For the idle Letter sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the
President and his confederats, for dividing the Country &c. What it was I
know not, for you saw no hand of [III.71] mine to it; nor ever dream't I of
any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer,
I am past a schoole-boy; and I desire but to know, what either you, and
these here doe know, but that I have learned to tell you by the continuall
hazard of my life. I have not concealed from you any thing I know; but I
feare some cause you to beleeve much more then is true.

Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport, though they
be performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I
was content to be over-ruled by the major part of the Councell, I feare to the
hazard of us all; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Onely
Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I have sworne of the Councell, and
Crowned Powhatan according to your instructions.

For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we
have not received the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartred
Boat to be borne by the Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120 of the
best men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might have
carried her in a bag, but as she is, five hundred cannot, to a navigable place
above the Falles. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine
of gold; or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I
told them was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirtie
myles, (which might as well have beene done by one man, and much more,

for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they had the
Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that remained with me to serve
the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun workes of Pitch and
Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord, whereof some small quantities
we have sent you. But if you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in
Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, and
though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient
Commonwealths, which many an hundred yeares have used it, yet
thousands of those poore people can scarce get necessaries to live, but from
hand to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week
as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect
from us any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable soules,
that are scarce able to get wherewith to live, and defend our selves against
the inconstant Salvages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose,
and want all things els the Russians have. For the Coronation of Powhatan,
by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not; but this give me
leave to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of us all ere we heare
from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Salvages harvest was newly
gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being halfe sufficient for so
great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corne Newport promised to
provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but foureteene Bushels; and from
the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sicke and neare famished.
From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and
we are more then two hundred to live upon this: the one halfe sicke, the
other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) they daily make good cheare,
but our dyet is a little meale and water, and not sufficient of that. Though
there be fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, their
bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake and ignorant, we
cannot much trouble them. Captaine Newport we much suspect to be the
Authour of those inventions. Now that you should know, I have made you
as great a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you every
meale; I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed
Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, [III.72.] as you
may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good
Iron ore at the least; so devided, as by their notes you may see in what
places I found them. The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine
their families out of that you send us: and that Newport hath an hundred

pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every master you have yet sent can
find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pounds might be spared,
which is more then we have all, that helpe to pay him wages. Cap. Ratliffe
is now called Sicklemore, a poore counterfeited imposture. I have sent you
him home, least the company should cut his throat. What he is, now every
one can tell you: if he and Archer returne againe, they are sufficient to
keepe us alwayes in factions. When you send againe I intreat you rather
send but thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fisher men, blacksmiths,
masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided; then a thousand of
such as we have: for except wee be able both to lodge them, and feed them,
the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made
good for any thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the
unnecessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so long lingering and
staying here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leave us victuals for 12
moneths, though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a
pinte of Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to give him three hogs-
heads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or
Poleland for glasse-men & the rest, till we be able to sustaine our selves,
and relieve them when they come. It were better to give five hundred pound
a tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send for them hither,
till more necessary things be provided. For in over-toyling our weake and
unskilfull bodies, to satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever
recover our selves from one Supply to another. And I humbly intreat you
hereafter, let us know what we should receive, and not stand to the Saylers
courtesie to leave us what they please, els you may charge us with what you
will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that have kept us
in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ere this might have given
much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not looke for any
profitable returnes: so I humbly rest.

The Names of those in this Supply, were these:
with their Proceedings and Accidents.

Captaine Peter Winne, Captaine Richard Waldo,
were appoynted to be of the Councell.

Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.

Gent.

Thomas Graves. Henry Collins.
Raleigh Chroshaw. Hugh Wolleston.
Gabriel Beadle. John Hoult.
John Beadle. Thomas Norton.
John Russell. George Yarington.
William Russell. George Burton.
John Cuderington. Thomas Abbay.
William Sambage. William Dowman.
Henry Leigh. Thomas Maxes.
Henry Philpot. Michael Lowick.
Harmon Harrison. Master Hunt.
Daniel Tucker. Thomas Forrest.
John Dauxe

Tradesmen.

Thomas Phelps. Thomas Bradley.
John Prat. John Burras. [III.73.]
John Clarke. Thomas Lavander.
Jeffrey Shortridge. Henry Bell.
Dionis Oconor. Master Powell.
Hugh Winne. David Ellis.
David ap Hugh. Thomas Gibson.

Labourers.

Thomas Dawse. Williams.
Thomas Mallard. Floud.
William Tayler. Morley.

Thomas Fox. Rose.
Nicholas Hancock. Scot.
Walker. Hardwyn.

Boyes.

Milman. Hilliard.

Mistresse Forrest, and Anne Burras her maide; eight Dutch men and
Poles, with some others, to the number of seaventie persons, &c.

Nandsamund forced to contribution.
The first marriage in Virginia. {MN}

These poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, that the
President provided for Nandsamund, and tooke with him Captaine Winne,
and Mr. Scrivener, then returning from Captaine Newport. These people
also long denied him not onely the 400 Baskets of Corne they promised, but
any trade at all; (excusing themselves they had spent most they had, and
were commanded by Powhatan to keepe that they had, and not to let us
come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce.
Upon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow;
the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceived, they
desired we would make no more spoyle, and they would give us halfe they
had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three
Boats; and so we returned to our quarter some foure myles downe the River,
which was onely the open woods under the lay of a hill, where all the
ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away
and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dryed, we
turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very
warme. To keepe us from the winde we made a shade of another Mat; as the
winde turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew cold we

removed the fire. And thus many a cold winter night have wee laine in this
miserable manner, yet those that most commonly went upon all those
occasions, were alwayes in health, lusty, and fat. For sparing them this
yeare, the next yeare they promised to plant purposely for us; and so we
returned to James towne. {MN} About this time there was a marriage
betwixt John Laydon and Anne Burras; which was the first marriage we had
in Virginia.

Apamatuck discovered. {MN}

Long he stayed not, but fitting himselfe and Captaine Waldo with two
Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people
were fled, as being jealous of our intents; {MN} till we discovered the river
and people of Apamatuck; where we found not much, that they had we
equally divided, but gave them copper, and such things as contented them in
consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percie went also abroad, but
could find nothing.

The President seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to live,
resolved with Captaine Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to
surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the unwillingnesse of Captaine
Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some private respect, plotted in England
to ruine Captaine Smith, did their best to hinder their project; but the
President whom no perswasions could perswade to starve, being invited by
Powhatan to come unto him: and if he would send him but men to build him
a house, give him a gryndstone, fiftie swords, some peeces, a cock and a
hen, with much copper and beads, he would load his Ship with Corne. The
President not ignorant of his devises and subtiltie, yet unwilling to neglect
any opportunitie, presently sent three Dutch-men and two English, having
so small allowance, few were able to doe any thing to purpose: knowing
there needed no better a Castle to effect this project, tooke order with
Captaine Waldo to second him, if need required; Scrivener he left his
substitute, and set forth with the Pinnace, two Barges, and fortie-six men,
which onely were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his Journey,
the which by reason of Mr. Scriveners ill successe, was censured very
desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne emptie, if it were to be

had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find
excuses to stay behinde.

A.D. 1608.

Chap. VIII. [III.74]

Captaine Smiths Journey to Pamaunkee.

The twentie-nine of December he set forward for
Werowocomoco: his Company were these;

In the Discovery Barge himselfe.

Gent.

Robert Behethland. Raleigh Chrashow.
Nathanael Graves. Michael Sicklemore.
John Russell. Richard Worley.

Souldiers.

Anas Todkill. Jeffrey Shortridge.
William Love. Edward Pising.
William Bentley. William Ward.

In the Pinnace.

Lieutenant Percie, brother to the Earle of Northumberland.
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La Warre.
William Phittiplace, Captaine of the Pinnace.
Jonas Profit, Master.
Robert Ford, Clarke of the Councell.

Gent.

Michael Phittiplace. William Tankard.
Jeffrey Abbot, Serjeant. George Yarington.

Souldiers.

James Browne. Thomas Coe.
Edward Brinton. John Dods.
George Burton. Henry Powell.

Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Saylers. John Prat,
George Acrig, James Read, Nicholas Hancock, James Watkins, Thomas
Lambert, foure Dutch-men, and Richard Salvage were sent by Land before
to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrivall.

The good counsell of Warraskoyack. {MN}

This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the
first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient provision.
This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but
perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. {MN} Captaine
Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be
sure he have no oportunitie to seize on your Armes; for he hath sent for you
onely to cut your throats. The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell:
yet the better to try his love, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would
send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this journey
was sent Mr. Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier:
with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of
Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the
President assuring the King perpetuall love; and left with him Samuel
Collier his Page to learne the Language.

So this Kings deeds by sacred Oath adjur'd.
More wary proves, and circumspect by ods:
Fearing at least his double forfeiture;
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.

Plentie of victualls. {MN-1}
148 Foules killed at three shootes. {MN-2}

The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan; six or seaven dayes the
extreame winde, rayne, frost and snow caused us to keepe Christmas among
the Salvages, {MN-1} where we were never more merry, nor fed on more
plentie of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-foule, and good bread; nor never
had better fires in England, then in the dry, smoaky houses of Kecoughtan:
but departing thence, when we found no houses we were not curious in any
weather to lye three or foure nights together under the trees by a fire, as
formerly is sayd. {MN-2} An hundred fortie eight foules the President,
Anthony Bagnall, and Serjeant Pising did kill at three shoots. At Kiskiack
the frost & contrary winds forced us three or foure dayes also (to suppresse
the insolency of those proud Salvages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard
our Barge, and cause them give us what we wanted; though we were but
twelve and himselfe, yet we never wanted shelter where we found any
houses. The 12 of January we arrived at Werowocomoco, where the river
was frozen neare halfe a myle [III.75.] from the shore; but to neglect no
time, the President with his Barge so far had approached by breaking the
ice, as the ebbe left him amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather then to lye
there frozen to death, by his owne example he taught them to march neere
middle deepe, a flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge
floated, he appoynted two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace. Where
for want of water in melting the ice, they made fresh water, for the river
there was salt. But in this march Mr. Russell, (whom none could perswade
to stay behinde) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavie, so overtoyled
himselfe as the rest had much adoe (ere he got ashore) to regaine life into
his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent
to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plentie of bread, Turkies, and
Venison; the next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began

to aske us when we would be gone: fayning he sent not for us, neither had
he any corne; and his people much lesse: yet for fortie swords he would
procure us fortie Baskets. The President shewing him the men there present
that brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how it
chanced he became so forgetfull; thereat the King concluded the matter
with a merry laughter, asking for our Commodities, but none he liked
without gunnes and swords, valuing a Basket of Corne more precious then a
Basket of Copper; saying he could rate his Corne, but not the Copper.

Cap. Smiths discourse to Powhatan.

Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtill Salvage began to deale
with him after this manner. Powhatan, though I had many courses to have
made my provision, yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I
neglected all to satisfie your desire: and to testifie my love, I sent you my
men for your building, neglecting mine owne. What your people had you
have ingrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you thinke by
consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfill your
strange demands. As for swords and gunnes, I told you long agoe I had
none to spare; and you must know those I have can keepe me from want:
yet steale or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship we have
mutually promised, except you constraine me by our bad usage.

Powhatans reply and flattery.

The King having attentively listned to this Discourse, promised that
both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within
two dayes they should receive. Yet Captaine Smith, sayth the King, some
doubt I have of your comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to
relieve you as I would: for many doe informe me, your comming hither is
not for trade, but to invade my people, and possesse my Country, who dare
not come to bring you Corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free
us of this feare, leave aboord your weapons, for here they are needlesse, we
being all friends, and for ever Powhatans.

With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in
the Kings houses. The next day he renewed his building, which hee little
intended should proceede. For the Dutch-men finding his plentie, and

knowing our want, and perceiving his preparations to surprise us, little
thinking we could escape both him and famine; (to obtaine his favour)
revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and projects, and how
to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, judgement, and
resolution, and a hireling that was certaine of his wages for his labour, and
ever well used both he and his Countrymen; that the President knew not
whom better to trust; and not knowing any fitter for that imployment, had
sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his
honestie, nor could ever be certaine of his villany till neare halfe a yeare
after.

Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country, we wrangled out
of the King ten quarters of Corne for a copper Kettell, the which the
President perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate;
but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should have as
much more the next yeare, or els the Country of Monacan. Wherewith each
seemed well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference
of Peace and Warre after this manner.

Powhatans discourse of peace and warre.

Captaine Smith, you may understand that I having seene the death of
all my people thrice, and not any one living of these three generations but
my selfe; I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my
Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my [III.76.] brethren,
namely Opitchapam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and
their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their
experience no lesse then mine, and your love to them no lesse then mine to
you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my
Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What
will it availe you to take that by force you may quickly have by love, or to
destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by warre, when we
can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you must famish by
wronging us your friends. And why are you thus jealous of our loves seeing
us unarmed, and both doe, and are willing still to feede you, with that you
cannot get but by our labours? Thinke you I am so simple, not to know it is
better to eate good meate, lye well, and sleepe quietly with my women and

children, laugh and be merry with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I
want being your friend: then be forced to flie from all, to lie cold in the
woods, feede upon Acornes, rootes, and such trash, and be so hunted by
you, that I can neither rest, eate, nor sleepe; but my tyred men must watch,
and if a twig but breake, every one cryeth there commeth Captaine Smith:
then must I fly I know not whether: and thus with miserable feare, end my
miserable life, leaving my pleasures to such youths as you, which through
your rash unadvisednesse may quickly as miserably end, for want of that,
you never know where to finde. Let this therefore assure you of our loves,
and every yeare our friendly trade shall furnish you with Corne; and now
also, if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not thus with your
guns and swords as to invade your foes. To this subtill discourse, the
President thus replyed.

Capt. Smiths reply.

Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to make
you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my love, both
my selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise I find it every day
violated by some of your subjects: yet we finding your love and kindnesse,
our custome is so far from being ungratefull, that for your sake onely, we
have curbed our thirsting desire of revenge; els had they knowne as well the
crueltie we use to our enemies, as our true love and courtesie to our friends.
And I thinke your judgement sufficient to conceive, as well by the
adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have (by our
Armes) of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could
have effected it. Your people comming to James Towne are entertained with
their Bowes and Arrowes without any exceptions; we esteeming it with you
as it is with us, to weare our armes as our apparell. As for the danger of our
enemies, in such warres consist our chiefest pleasure: for your riches we
have no use: as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the
woods, we shall not so unadvisedly starve as you conclude, your friendly
care in that behalfe is needlesse, for we have a rule to finde beyond your
knowledge.

Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the
King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed,

nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his minde once more in this
manner.

Powhatans importunity to have us unarmed to betray us.

Captaine Smith, I never use any Werowance so kindely as your selfe,
yet from you I receive the least kindnesse of any. Captaine Newport gave
me swords, copper, cloathes, a bed, towels, or what I desired; ever taking
what I offered him, and would send away his gunnes when I intreated him:
none doth deny to lye at my feet, or refuse to doe what I desire, but onely
you; of whom I can have nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will
have whatsoever you demand. Captaine Newport you call father, and so you
call me; but I see for all us both you will doe what you list, and we must
both seeke to content you. But if you intend so friendly as you say, send
hence your armes, that I may beleeve you; for you see the love I beare you,
doth cause me thus nakedly to forget my selfe.

Smith seeing this Salvage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured
the salvages to breake the ice, that his Boate might come to fetch his corne
and him: and gave order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the
King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed: and
to keepe him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply.

Cap. Smiths discourse to delay time, till he found oportunity to surprise the
King.

Powhatan you must know, as I have but one God, I honour but one
King; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend to pleasure you
with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gaine more then by
trade: yet would you visit mee as I doe you, you should know it is not our
custome, to sell our curtesies as a [III.77.] vendible commodity. Bring all
your countrey with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being over
jealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leave my Armes, and trust to
your promise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will
love you: but the small care you have of such a childe caused my men
perswade me to looke to my selfe.

Powhatans plot to have murdered Smith.
A chaine of pearls sent the Captaine for a present. {MN}

By this time Powhatan having knowledge his men were ready whilest
the ice was a breaking, with his luggage women and children, fled. Yet to
avoyd suspicion, left two or three of the women talking with the Captaine,
whilest hee secretly ran away, and his men that secretly beset the house.
Which being presently discovered to Captaine Smith, with his pistoll,
sword, and target hee made such a passage among these naked Divels; that
at his first shoot, they next him tumbled one over another, and the rest
quickly fled some one way some another: so that without any hurt, onely
accompanied with John Russell, hee obtained the corps du guard. When
they perceived him so well escaped, and with his eighteene men (for he had
no more with him a shore) to the uttermost of their skill they sought excuses
to dissemble the matter: {MN} and Powhatan to excuse his flight and the
sudden comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great bracelet and a
chaine of pearle, by an ancient Oratour that bespoke us to this purpose,
perceiving even then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and
comming unto us.

Captaine Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your gunnes, and
knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these
numbers but to guard his corne from stealing, that might happen without
your knowledge: now though some bee hurt by your misprision, yet
Powhatan is your friend and so will for ever continue. Now since the ice is
open, he would have you send away your corne, and if you would have his
company, send away also your gunnes, which so affrighteth his people, that
they dare not come to you as hee promised they should.

Pretending to kill our men loded with baskets, we caused them to do it
themselves.
Pocahontas betrays her fathers deceit to kill us. {MN}

Then having provided baskets for our men to carry our corne to the
boats, they kindly offered their service to guard our Armes, that none should
steale them. A great many they were of goodly well proportioned fellowes,
as grim as Divels; yet the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to
let fly, a few wordes caused them to leave their bowes and arrowes to our

guard, and beare downe our corne on their backes; wee needed not
importune them to make dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by
the ebbe, caused us stay till the next high-water, so that wee returned againe
to our old quarter. Powhatan and his Dutch-men brusting with desire to
have the head of Captaine Smith, for if they could but kill him, they thought
all was theirs, neglected not any oportunity to effect his purpose. The
Indians with all the merry sports they could devise, spent the time till night:
then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his
forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternall
all-seeing God did prevent him, and by a strange meanes. {MN} For
Pocahontas his dearest Jewell and daughter, in that darke night came
through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should be
sent us by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would
after come kill us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with our owne
weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live shee wished
us presently to bee gone. Such things as shee delighted in, he would have
given her: but with the teares running downe her cheekes, shee said shee
durst not be seene to have any: for if Powhatan should know it, she were
but dead, and so shee ranne away by her selfe as she came. Within lesse
then an hour came eight or ten lusty fellowes, with great platters of venison
and other victuall, very importunate to have us put out our matches (whose
smoake made them sicke) and sit down to our victuall. But the Captaine
made them taste every dish, which done hee sent some of them backe to
Powhatan, to bid him make haste for hee was prepared for his comming. As
for them hee knew they came to betray him at his supper: but hee would
prevent them and all their other intended villanies: so that they might be
gone. Not long after came more messengers, to see what newes; not long
after them others. Thus wee spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was
high-water, yet seemed to the salvages [III.78.] as friendly as they to us: and
that wee were so desirous to give Powhatan content, as hee requested, wee
did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him foule, and the Dutchmen to finish
his house; thinking at our returne from Pamaunkee the frost would be gone,
and then we might finde a better oportunity if necessity did occasion it,
little dreaming yet of the Dutch-mens treachery, whose humor well suted
this verse:

Is any free, that may not live as freely as he list?
Let us live so, then w'are as free, and bruitish as the best.

A.D. 1608.

Chap. IX.

How wee escaped surprising at Pamaunkee.

The Dutch men deceive Cap. Winne.
The Dutch men furnish the Salvages with Armes. {MN}

We had no sooner set sayle but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and
Francis (two stout Dutch-men) to James towne: who faining to Captaine
Winne that all things were well, and that Captaine Smith had use of their
armes, wherefore they requested new (the which were given them) they told
him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles, and shift of apparell;
by which colourable excuse they obtained sixe or seaven more to their
confederacie, such expert theeves, that presently furnished them with a
great many swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like:
Salvages they had at hand to carry it away, and the next day they returned
unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in the interim to
convay them such things as they could: for which service they should live
with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free from those miseries that would
happen the Colony. {MN} Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for
their pledge, whose diligence had provided them three hundred of their
kinde of hatchets; the rest fifty swords, eight peeces, and eight pikes.
Brynton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so diligent to
accommodate the Salvages with weapons, attempted to have gotten to
James towne, but they were apprehended, and expected ever when to be put
to death.

Within two or three dayes we arrived at Pamaunkee, the King as many
dayes entertained us with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed
to beginne our trade, the President, Lieutenant Percie, Mr. West, Mr.

Russell, Mr. Behethland, Mr. Crashaw, Mr. Powell, Mr. Ford, and some
others to the number of fifteene, went up to Opechancanoughs house (a
quarter of a mile from the river) where wee found nothing but a lame fellow
and a boy: and all the houses round about of all things abandoned. Not long
wee stayed ere the King arrived, and after him came diverse of his people
loaden with bowes and arrowes: but such pinching commodities, and those
esteemed at such a value, as our Captaine began with the King after this
manner.

Smiths Speech to Opechancanough.

Opechancanough, the great love you professe with your tongue,
seemes meere deceit by your actions. Last yeere you kindly fraughted our
ship: but now you have invited mee to starve with hunger: you know my
want, and I your plenty; of which by some meanes I must have part:
remember it is fit for Kings to keepe their promise. Here are my
commodities, whereof take your choice, the rest I will proportion fit
bargains for your people.

700. Salvages beset the English being but 16. {MN}

The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his
project, sold us what they had to our owne content, promising the next day
more company, better provided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed
to the charge of Mr. Phetiplace; the President with his old fifteene marched
up to the Kings house, where wee found foure or five men newly arrived,
each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, who with a strained
cheerfulnesse held us with discourse what paines he had taken to keep his
promise; {MN} till Mr. Russell brought us in newes that we were all
betrayed: for at least seven hundred Salvages well armed, had invironed
[III.79.] the house, and beset the fields. The King conjecturing what Russell
related, wee could well perceive how the extremity of his feare betrayed his
intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismaied with the thought of
such a multitude; the Captaine encouraged us to this effect.

Smiths speech to his Company.

Worthy Countrey-men, were the mischiefes of my seeming friends no
more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared were they as many
more: if you dare doe, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them,
our malicious Councell with their open mouthed Minions, will make me
such a peace-breaker (in their opinions in England) as will breake my
necke. I could wish those here, that make these seeme Saints, and me an
oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid mee with your
opinions. Should wee beginne with them and surprise the King, we cannot
keepe him and defend well our selves. If wee should each kill our man, and
so proceed with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall wee get no
more then the bodies that are slaine, and so starve for victuall. As for their
fury it is the least danger, for well you know, being alone assaulted with two
or three hundred of them, I made them by the helpe of God compound to
save my life. And wee are sixteene, and they but seaven hundred at the
most; and assure your selves, God will so assist us, that if you dare stand
but to discharge your pieces, the very smoake will bee sufficient to affright
them. Yet howsoever, let us fight like men, and not die like sheepe: for by
that meanes you know God hath oft delivered mee, and so I trust will now.
But first, I will deale with them, to bring it to passe wee may fight for
something, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion,
promise me you will be valiant.

The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute
whatsoever hee attempted, or die: whereupon the Captaine in plaine tearmes
told the King this.

Smiths offer to Opechancanough.

I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it not. As
yet your men and mine have done no harme, but by our direction. Take
therefore your Armes, you see mine, my body shall bee as naked as yours:
the Isle in your river is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conquerour
(of us two) shall be Lord and Master over all our men. If you have not
enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will; so every
one bring a basket of corne, against all which I will stake the value in
copper, you see I have but fifteene, and our game shall be, the Conquerour
take all.

Opechancanoughs device to betray Smith.
Smith takes the King prisoner. {MN}

The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chiefe men, seemed
kindly to appease Smiths suspicion of unkindnesse, by a great present at the
doore, they intreated him to receive. This was to draw him out of the doore,
where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and thirty lying
under a great tree (that lay thwart as a barricade) each his arrow nocked
ready to shoot. The President commanded one to go see what kind of deceit
this was, and to receive the present; but hee refused to doe it: yet the
Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to goe, but he would not
permit them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded Lieutenant
Percie, Master West, and the rest to make good the house; Master Powell
and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the doore, {MN} and in
such a rage snatched the King by his long locke in the middest of his men,
with his Pistoll readie bent against his brest. Thus he led the trembling
King, neare dead with feare amongst all his people: who delivering the
Captaine his Vambrace, Bow, and Arrowes, all his men were easily intreated
to cast downe their Armes, little dreaming any durst in that manner have
used their King: who then to escape him-selfe bestowed his presents in
good sadnesse, and causing a great many of them come before him
unarmed, holding the King by the hayre (as is sayd) he spake to them to this
effect.

Smiths discourse to the Pamaunkees.

I see (you Pamaunkees) the great desire you have to kill me, and my
long suffering your injuries hath imboldened you to this presumption. The
cause I have forborne your insolencies, is the promise I made you (before
the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give me just cause to be your
enemy. If I keepe this vow, my God will keepe me, you cannot hurt me, if I
breake it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one
drop of bloud of any of my men, or steale the least of these Beads, or
Copper, I spurne here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not
cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can heare where to finde one of
your Nation that will not deny the name [III.80.] of Pamaunk. I am not now
at Rassaweak halfe drowned with myre, where you tooke me prisoner; yet

then for keeping your promise and your good usage and saving my life, I so
affect you, that your denyals of your trechery, doe halfe perswade me to
mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you ayme at, here I stand, shoot he
that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you shall,
or I meane to load her with your dead carcasses, yet if as friends you will
come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give
me the first occasion, and your King shall be free and be my friend, for I am
not come to hurt him or any of you.

The Salvages dissemble their intent. {MN-1}
Their excuse and reconcilement. {MN-2}

Upon this away went their Bowes and Arrowes, and men, women, and
children brought in their Commodities: two or three houres they so
thronged about the President and so overwearied him, as he retyred
himselfe to rest, leaving Mr. Behethland and Mr. Powell to receive their
presents, {MN-1} but some Salvages perceiving him fast asleepe, & the
guard somewhat carelesly dispersed, fortie or fiftie of their choise men each
with a club, or an English sword in his hand began to enter the house with
two or three hundred others, that pressed to second them. The noyse and
hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleepe,
and being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, betooke him strait to his
sword and Target; Mr. Chrashaw and some others charged in like manner;
whereat they quickly thronged faster backe then before forward. {MN-2}
The house thus cleansed, the King and some of his auncients we kept yet
with him, who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. The rest of the
day was spent with much kindnesse, the companie againe renewing their
presents with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gave them they
seemed therewith well contented.

The loss of Mr. Scrivener and others with a Skiff.

Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at our Fort.
Master Scrivener having received Letters from England to make himselfe
either Caesar or nothing, he began to decline in his affection to Captaine
Smith, that ever regarded him as himselfe, and was willing to crosse the
surprising of Powhatan. Some certaine daies after the Presidents departure,
he would needs goe visit the Isle of Hogs, and tooke with him Captaine

Waldo (though the President had appointed him to be ready to second his
occasions) with Mr. Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so violent was
the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the Boat sunke, but where or how
none doth know. The Skiff was much over loaden, and would scarce have
lived in that extreame tempest had she beene empty: but by no perswasion
he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as
it hapned. The Salvages were the first that found their bodies, which so
much the more encouraged them to effect their projects. To advertise the
President of this heavie newes, none could be found would undertake it, but
the Journey was often refused of all in the Fort, untill Master Richard
Wyffin undertooke alone the performance thereof.

Master Wyffins desperate journey.

In this Journey he was incountred with many dangers and difficulties
in all parts as he passed. As for that night he lodged with Powhatan,
perceiving such preparation for warre, not finding the President there: he
did assure himselfe some mischiefe was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a
time, and sent them who pursued him the cleane contrary way to seeke him;
but by her meanes and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three dayes
travell, at length he found us in the middest of these turmoyles. This
unhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the company, and
so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the
night approched went safely aboord with all his Souldiers; leaving
Opechancanough at libertie, according to his promise, the better to have
Powhatan in his returne.

Powhatan constraineth his men to be trecherous.
The third attempt to betray us. {MN}

Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his men, if
they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith: that the next day they
appointed all the countrey should come to trade unarmed: yet unwilling to
be trecherous, but that they were constrained, hating fighting with him
almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had of bad successe. The next
morning the Sunne had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered
with people and Baskets, to tempt us on shore: but nothing was to be had
without his presence, nor they would not indure the sight of a gun. {MN}

When the President saw them begin to [III.81.] depart, being unwilling to
loose such a bootie, he so well contrived the Pinnace, and his Barges with
Ambuscadoes, as onely with Lieutenant Percie, Mr. West, and Mr. Russell,
with their Armes went on shore; others he appointed unarmed to receive
what was brought. The Salvages flocked before him in heapes, and the
banke serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them fayre open to his
Ambuscado's. For he not being to be perswaded to goe visit their King, the
King knowing the most of them unarmed, came to visit him with two or
three hundred men, in the forme of two halfe Moones; and with some
twentie men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they
approached somewhat neare us, their women and children fled. For when
they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their
purpose sure, yet so trembled with feare as they were scarse able to nock
their Arrowes: Smith standing with his three men ready bent, beholding
them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's, who upon the word
discovered themselves, and he retyred to the Barge. Which the Salvages no
sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heeles for their best
advantage.

That night we sent Mr. Chrashaw, and Mr. Ford to James towne to
Cap. Winne. In the way betweene Werowocomoco and the Fort they met
foure or five of the Dutchmens Confederates going to Powhatan: the which
to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their running to the Salvages,
returned to the Fort and there continued.

A chayne of pearle sent to obtaine peace.

The Salvages hearing our Barge goe downe the river in the night, were
so terribly affrayde, that we sent for more men (we having so much
threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and wires) that
the next day the King sent our Captaine a chayne of Pearle, to alter his
purpose and stay his men: promising though they wanted themselves, to
fraught our ship and bring it aboord to avoyd suspition. So that five or six
dayes after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelve myles in the
extreame frost and snow, they brought us provision on their naked backes.

The President poysened: the offender punished.
The Salvages want and povertie. {MN}

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their art and poyson
beene sufficient, the President, with Mr. West, and some others had beene
poysoned; it made them sicke, but expelled it selfe. Wecuttanow, a stout
young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of
poyson, with fortie or fiftie of his chiefe companions (seeing the President
but with a few men at Potauncak) so proudly braved it, as though he
expected to incounter a revenge. Which the President perceiving in the
midst of his company, did not onely beate, but spurned him like a dogge, as
scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe. Whereupon all of them fled into
the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to have so well escaped:
and the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our
companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being sonne to
their chiefe King, but Powhatan) and told us if we would shew them him
that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to us to punish as we
pleased. Men may thinke it strange there should be such a stirre for a little
corne, but had it beene gold with more ease wee might have got it; and had
it wanted, the whole Colony had starved. Wee may be thought very patient
to endure all those injuries, yet onely with fearing them wee got what they
had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their losse, we should have
lost our selves. {MN} We searched also the Countries of Youghtanund and
Mattapanient, where the people imparted that little they had with such
complaints and teares from the eyes of women and children, as he had
beene too cruell to have beene a Christian, that would not have beene
satisfied and moved with compassion. But had this hapned in October,
November, and December, when that unhappie discovery of Monacan was
made, we might have fraughted a ship of fortie tuns, and twise as much
might have beene had from the Rivers of Rapahanock, Patawomek, and
Pawtuxunt.

The Dutch-men did much hurt. {MN}

The maine occasion of our thus temporizing with them was, to part
friends as we did, to give the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly, by
whom we now returned [III.82.] with a purpose to have surprised him and
his provision. For effecting whereof (when we came against the Towne) the
President sent Mr. Wyffin and Mr. Coe ashore to discover and make way for
his intended project. {MN} But they found that those damned Dutch-men

had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, and
to carry away all his corne and provision: and the people they found so ill
affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with their lives. So the
President finding his intent frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be
had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their abuses, sent Master
Michael Phittiplace by Land to James towne, whether we sayled with all the
speed we could; wee having in this Journey (for 25 L. of Copper, and 50 L.
of Iron & Beads) enough to keepe 46 men six weekes, and every man for
his reward a moneths provision extraordinary (no Trade being allowed but
for the store) we got neare 200 L. waight of deere suet, and delivered to the
Cape Merchant 479 Bushels of Corne.

Those temporizing proceedings to some may seeme too charitable, to
such a daily daring trecherous people: to others not pleasing, that we
washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such strange
inventions in mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did the
Spanyards) the simple bodies of such ignorant soules; nor delightfull,
because not stuffed with Relations of heapes and mynes of gold and silver,
nor such rare commodities, as the Portugals and Spanyards found in the
East and West Indies. The want whereof hath begot us (that were the first
undertakers) no lesse scorne and contempt, then the noble conquests and
valiant adventures beautified with it, prayse and honour. Too much I
confesse the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit: and to
cleare us from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few words may
suffice any reasonable understanding.

An Apology for the first Planters.

It was the Spanyards good hap to happen in those parts where were
infinite numbers of people, who had manured the ground with that
providence, it affoorded victualls at all times. And time had brought them to
that perfection, they had the use of gold and silver, and the most of such
commodities as those Countries affoorded: so that what the Spanyard got
was chiefely the spoyle and pillage of those Countrey people, and not the
labours of their owne hands. But had those fruitfull Countries beene as
salvage, as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and
manured, as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would have produced

as small profit as ours. But had Virginia beene peopled, planted, manured,
and adorned with such store of precious Jewels, and rich commodities as
was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done as much as by their
examples might be expected from us, the world might then have traduced us
and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our recompence and
reward.

But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we found onely
an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold or
silver, or any commodities, and carelesse of any thing but from hand to
mouth, except babies of no worth; nothing to incourage us, but what
accidentally we found Nature afforded. Which ere we could bring to
recompence our paines, defray our charges, and satisfie our Adventurers;
we were to discover the Countrey, subdue the people, bring them to be
tractable, civill, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of
their labours might make us some recompence, or plant such Colonies of
our owne, that must first make provision how to live of themselves, ere they
can bring to perfection the commodities of the Country: which doubtlesse
will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spaine, if it be
rightly mannaged: notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions, that will
argue the contrary, as formerly some have done against the Spanyards and
Portugalls. But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion, I onely say this,
for those that the three first yeares began this Plantation; notwithstanding all
their factions, mutinies, and miseries, so gently corrected, and well
prevented: peruse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master Hackluit,
and tell me how many ever with such small meanes as a Barge of 22 tuns,
sometimes with seaven, eight, or nine, or but at most, twelve or sixteene
men, did ever discover so many fayre and navigable Rivers, subject so
many severall [III.83.] Kings, people, and Nations, to obedience, and
contribution, with so little bloudshed.

And if in the search of those Countries we had hapned where wealth
had beene, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution, but if we
have overskipped it, we will not envie them that shall find it: yet can we not
but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but onely learned how
to begin, and found the right course how to proceed.

By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, Jeffrey
Abbot, and Anas Todkill.

A.D. 1608.

Chap. X.

How the Salvages became subject to the English.

When the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that the
President had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summers rayne, and eaten
with Rats and Wormes, as the Hogges would scarcely eate it. Yet it was the
Souldiers dyet till our returnes, so that we found nothing done, but our
victuals spent, and the most part of our tooles, and a good part of our Armes
conveyed to the Salvages. But now casting up the Store, and finding
sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving was abandoned, and the
company divided into tens, fifteens, or as the businesse required; six houres
each day was spent in worke, the rest in Pastime and merry exercises, but
the untowardnesse of the greatest number caused the President advise as
followeth.

The Presidents advice to the Company.

Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is
sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe, and
thinke not that either my pains, nor the Adventurers purses, will ever
maintaine you in idlenesse and sloath. I speake not this to you all, for divers
of you I know deserve both honour and reward, better then is yet here to be
had: but the greater part must be more industrious, or starve, how ever you
have beene heretofore tollerated by the authoritie of the Councell, from that
I have often commanded you. You see now that power resteth wholly in my
selfe: you must obey this now for a Law, that he that will not worke shall
not eate (except by sicknesse he be disabled:) for the labours of thirtie or
fortie honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintaine an
hundred and fiftie idle loyterers. And though you presume the authoritie

here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the lives of any but my owne
must answer it: the Letters patents shall each weeke be read to you, whose
Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore without
contempt seeke to observe these orders set downe, for there are now no
more Counsellers to protect you, nor curbe my endevours. Therefore he that
offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment.

He made also a Table, as a publicke memoriall of every mans deserts,
to incourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to amendment.
By this many became very industrious, yet more by punishment performed
their businesse, for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could
prevaile to deceive him: yet the Dutch-mens consorts so closely convayed
them powder, shot, swords, and tooles, that though we could find the defect,
we could not finde by whom, till it was too late.

The Dutch-men plot to murther Cap. Smith. {MN-1}
Smith taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner. {MN-2}

All this time the Dutch men remaining with Powhatan, (who kindly
entertained them to instruct the Salvages the use of our Armes) and their
consorts not following them as they expected; {MN-1} to know the cause,
they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, disguised like a
Salvage, to the Glasse-house, a place in the woods neare a myle from James
Towne; where was their Rendezvous for all their unsuspected villany. Fortie
men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captaine Smith, who no sooner
heard of this Dutch-man, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone)
yet to crosse his returne to Powhatan, the Captaine presently dispatched 20.
shot [III.84.] after him, himselfe returning from the Glasse-house alone. By
the way he incountred the King of Paspahegh, a most strong stout Salvage,
whose perswasions not being able to perswade him to his Ambush, seeing
him onely armed but with a faucheon, attempted to have shot him, but the
President prevented his shoot by grapling with him, and the Salvage as well
prevented him for drawing his faucheon, and perforce bore him into the
River to have drowned him. {MN-2} Long they strugled in the water, till
the President got such hold on his throat, he had neare strangled the King;
but having drawne his faucheon to cut off his head, seeing how pittifully he

begged his life, he led him prisoner to James Towne, and put him in
chaynes.

Cap. Smith taketh two Salvages prisoners. {MN}

The Dutch-man ere long was also brought in, whose villany though all
this time it was suspected, yet he fayned such a formall excuse, that for
want of language Captaine Winne understood him not rightly, and for their
dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained to
accommodate his armes, of whom he extreamely complained to have
detained them perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his
life, and meant not to have returned, but was onely walking in the woods to
gather Walnuts. Yet for all this faire tale, there was so small appearance of
truth, and the plaine confession of Paspahegh of his trechery, he went by the
heeles: Smith purposing; to regaine the Dutch-men, by the saving his life.
The poore Salvage did his best by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all
returned that the Dutch-men would not returne, neither did Powhatan stay
them; and to bring them fiftie myles on his mens backes they were not able.
Daily this Kings wives, children, and people came to visit him with
presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they
had in the Presidents promise: but the King finding his guard negligent,
though fettered yet escaped. Captaine Winne thinking to pursue him found
such troupes of Salvages to hinder his passage, as they exchanged many
vollies of shot for flights of Arrowes. {MN} Captaine Smith hearing of this
in returning to the Fort, tooke two Salvages prisoners, called Kemps and
Tussore, the two most exact villaines in all the Country. With these he sent
Captaine Winne and fiftie choise men, and Lieutenant Percie, to have
regained the King, and revenged this injury, and so had done, if they had
followed his directions, or beene advised with those two villaines, that
would have betrayed both King & kindred for a peece of Copper, but he
trifling away the night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the
Sunne, braved him to come ashore to fight: a good time both sides let fly at
other, but we heard of no hurt, onely they tooke two Canowes, burnt the
Kings house, and so returned to James towne.

The Salvages desire peace.

The President fearing those Bravado's would but incourage the
Salvages, began againe himselfe to try his conclusions, whereby six or
seaven were slaine, as many made prisoners. He burnt their houses, tooke
their Boats, with all their fishing wires, and planted some of them at James
towne for his owne use, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged
himselfe of all them had injured him. But in his journey passing by
Paspahegh towards Chickahamania, the Salvages did their best to draw him
to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlesly passe their Country, all
shewed themselves in their bravest manner. To try their valours he could not
but let fly, and ere he could land, they no sooner knew him, but they threw
downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator was a lustie young
fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse deserveth to be remembred.
And thus it was:

Okaning his Oration.

Captaine Smith, my Master is here present in the company, thinking it
Capt. Winne, and not you, (of him he intended to have beene revenged)
having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your
imprisonment, the fishes swim, the foules fly, and the very beasts strive to
escape the snare and live. Then blame not him being a man. He would
intreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save
your life. If since he hath injured you he was compelled to it: but
howsoever, you have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and
well know you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire your
friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you
shall participate: otherwise you will have the worse by our absence; for we
can plant any where, though [III.85] with more labour, and we know you
cannot live if you want our harvest, and that reliefe we bring you. If you
promise us peace, we will beleeve you; if you proceed in revenge we will
abandon the Country.

Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did us
injury, upon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed
good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrey.

A Salvage smoothered at James towne, and recovered.

Arriving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President, that
the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our
friends, by colour thereof were the onely theeves. And amongst other things
a Pistoll being stolne and the theefe fled, there was apprehended two proper
young fellowes, that were brothers, knowne to be his confederates. Now to
regaine this Pistoll, the one was imprisoned, the other was sent to returne
the Pistoll againe within twelve houres, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the
President pittying the poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall
and some Char-coale for a fire: ere midnight his brother returned with the
Pistoll, but the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smoothered with the
smoake he had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead. The
other most lamentably bewayed his death, and broke forth into such bitter
agonies, that the President to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they
would not steale, he would make him alive againe: but he little thought he
could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vitae and Vineger, it
pleased God to restore him againe to life, but so drunke & affrighted, that
he seemed Lunaticke, the which as much tormented and grieved the other,
as before to see him dead. Of which maladie upon promise of their good
behaviour, the President promised to recover him: and so caused him to be
layd by a fire to sleepe, who in the morning having well slept, had
recovered his perfect senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and
each a peece of Copper given them, they went away so well contented, that
this was spread among all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine Smith
could make a man alive that was dead.

Two or three Salvages slaine in drying Powder.

Another ingenuous Salvage of Powhatans, having gotten a great bag of
Powder, and the backe of an Armour, at Werowocomoco amongst a many of
his companions, to shew his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the backe
as he had seene the Souldiers at James Towne. But he dryed it so long, they
peeping over it to see his skill, it tooke fire, and blew him to death, and one
or two more, and the rest so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any
more with powder.

These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted
both Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts with presents they

desired peace; returning many stolne things which we never demanded nor
thought of; and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan and
his people have sent them backe to James towne, to receive their
punishment; and all the Country became absolute as free for us, as for
themselves.

Chap. XI.

What was done in three moneths having Victualls. The Store
devoured by Rats, how we lived three moneths of such naturall
fruits as the Country affoorded.

Now we so quietly followed our businesse, that in three moneths wee
made three or foure Last of Tarre, Pitch, and Sope ashes; produced a tryall
of Glasse; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then
was wanting; built some twentie houses; recovered our Church; provided
Nets and Wires for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly
theeves, and the Salvages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept
by a Garrison to entertaine the Salvages trade, and none [III.86] to passe nor
repasse Salvage nor Christian without the presidents order. Thirtie or forty
Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sowes in eighteene
moneths, increased 60, and od Piggs. And neere 500. chickings brought up
themselves without having any meat given them: but the Hogs were
transported to Hog Isle: where also we built a block-house with a garison to
give us notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clapbord
and waynscot, and cut downe trees. We built also a fort for a retreat neere a
convenient River upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assalted and
easie to be defended, but ere it was finished this defect caused a stay.

Great extremitie by Rats.
Bread made of dried Sturgeon. {MN-1}
Their desire to destroy themselves. {MN-2}

In searching our casked corne, we found it halfe rotten, and the rest so
consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased so fast, but there
originall was from the ships, as we knew not how to keepe that little we

had. This did drive us all to our wits end, for there was nothing in the
country but what nature afforded. Untill this time Kemps and Tassore were
fettered prisoners, and did double taske and taught us how to order and
plant our fields: whom now for want of victuall we set at liberty, but so well
they liked our companies they did not desire to goe from us. And to
expresse their loves for 16. dayes continuance, the Countrie people brought
us (when least) 100. a day, of Squirrils, Turkyes, Deere and other wilde
beasts: But this want of corne occasioned the end of all our works, it being
worke sufficient to provide victuall. 60. or 80. with Ensigne Laxon was sent
downe the river to live upon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for
fishing at Poynt Comfort: but in six weekes they would not agree once to
cast out the net, he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder. Master West
with as many went up to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few
Acornes; of that in store every man had their equall proportion. Till this
present, by the hazard and indevours of some thirtie or fortie, this whole
Colony had ever beene fed. {MN-1} We had more Sturgeon, then could be
devoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by drying and
pounding, mingled with Caviare, Sorell and other wholesome hearbes
would make bread and good meate: others would gather as much
Tockwhogh roots, in a day as would make them bread a weeke, so that of
those wilde fruites, and what we caught, we lived very well in regard of
such a diet, {MN-2} But such was the strange condition of some 150, that
had they not beene forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather and prepare
their victuall they would all have starved or have eaten one another. Of
those wild fruits the Salvages often brought us, and for that, the President
would not fullfill the unreasonable desire, of those distracted Gluttonous
Loyterers, to sell not only our kettles, hows, tooles, and Iron, nay swords,
pieces, and the very Ordnance and howses, might they have prevayled to
have beene but Idle: for those Salvage fruites, they would have had
imparted all to the Salvages, especially for one basket of Corne they heard
of to be at Powhatans, fifty myles from our Fort. Though he bought neere
halfe of it to satisfie their humors, yet to have had the other halfe, they
would have sould their soules, though not sufficient to have kept them a
weeke. Thousands were their exclamations, suggestions and devises, to
force him to those base inventions to have made it an occasion to abandon
the Country. Want perforce constrained him to indure their exclaiming
follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer a most crafty fellow and his

ancient Maligner, whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued
the case in this maner.

The Presidents order for the drones.

Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so many to
be so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve you, or that
Powhatan at this present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or that
I would not have it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I thinke
any so malitious as now I see a great many; yet it shal not so passionate me,
but I will doe my best for my most maligner. But dreame no longer of this
vaine hope from Powhatan, not that I will longer forbeare to force you,
from your Idlenesse, and punish you if you rayle. But if I finde any more
runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly looke to
arive at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life
many a time I have saved yours, when (might your owne wills have [III.87.]
prevailed) you would have starved; and will doe still whether I will or noe;
But I protest by that God that made me, since necessitie hath not power to
force you to gather for your selves those fruites the earth doth yeeld, you
shall not onely gather for your selves, but those that are sicke. As yet I
never had more from the store then the worst of you: and all my English
extraordinary provision that I have, you shall see me divide it amongst the
sick. And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine at; being put in your
mouthes your stomackes can disgest, if you would have better you should
have brought it; and therefore I will take a course you shall provide what is
to be had. The sick shall not starve, but equally share of all our labours; and
he that gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next day shall be set
beyond the river, and be banished from the Fort as a drone, till he amend his
conditions or starve. But some would say with Seneca.

I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,
But fury forceth me to follow worse.
My minde is hurried headlong up and downe:
Desiring better counsell, yet finds none.

But seven of 200. dyed in nine months.

This order many murmured was very cruell, but it caused the most part
so well bestirre themselves, that of 200. (except they were drowned) there
died not past seven: as for Captaine Winne and Master Leigh they were
dead ere this want hapned, and the rest dyed not for want of such as
preserved the rest. Many were billetted amongst the Salvages, whereby we
knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how to gather and use their
fruits as well as themselves; for they did know wee had such a commanding
power at James towne they durst not wrong us of a pin.

The Salvages return our fugitives.

So well those poore Salvages used us that were thus billetted, that
divers of the Souldiers ran away to search Kemps & Tassore our old
prisoners. Glad were these Salvages to have such an oportunity to testifie
their love unto us, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they
had stollen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to
revenge their injuryes upon Captaine Smith; Kemps first made himselfe
sport, in shewing his countrie men (by them) how he was used, feeding
them with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were neere
starved indeede, continually threatning to beate them to death: neither could
they get from him, till hee and his consorts brought them perforce to our
Captaine, that so well contented him and punished them, as many others
that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour at home,
then adventure to live idlely amongst the Salvages; (of whom there was
more hope to make better Christians & good subjects, then the one halfe of
those that counterfeited themselves both.) For so affraide was al those kings
and the better sort of the people to displease us, that some of the baser sort
that we have extreamly hurt and punished for their villanies would hire us,
we should not tell it to their kings, or countrymen, who would also repunish
them, and yet returne them to James towne to content the President for a
testimony of their loves.

Master Sicklemores Journey to Chawwonoke.

Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but found little
hope and lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The river,
he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with

pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call
silke grasse. But by the river the ground was good, and exceeding furtill.

Master Powels jorney to the Mangoags.

Master Nathanael Powell and Anas Todkill were also by the
Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but
nothing could they learne but they were all dead. This honest proper good
promise keeping king, of all the rest did ever best affect us, and though to
his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confesse our God as much
exceeded his as our Gunns did his Bow and Arrowes, often sending our
President many presents, to pray to his God for raine or his corne would
perish, for his Gods were angry. Three [III.88.] dayes journey they
conducted them through the woods, into a high country towards the
Southwest: where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little
spring or smal brooke, but no river they could see: the people in all respects
like the rest, except their language: they live most upon rootes, fruites and
wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countryes
for dryed fish and corne, for skins.

The Dutch mens projects.
Two Gentlemen sent to the Germans. {MN}

All this time to recover the Dutch-men and one Bentley another
fugitive, we imployed one William Volday, a Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons
& promises to regaine them. Little we then suspected this double villaine of
any villany; who plainly taught us, in the most trust was the greatest
treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd
conditions of his cursed country men, (having this oportunity by his
imployment to regaine them) convayed them every thing they desired to
effect their projects, to distroy the Colony. With much devotion they
expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good service, or any other,
that would but carry them from us. But to begin with the first oportunity;
they seeing necessitie thus inforced us to disperse our selves, importuned
Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not onely distroy our
Hoggs, fire our towne, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his service and
subjection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted
many Discontents, and many were agreed to their Devilish practise. But one

Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose Christian hearts relented at
such an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith, who
caused them to conceale it, perswading Douse and Mallard to proceed in
their confedracie: onely to bring the irreclamable Dutch men and the
inconstant Salvages in such a maner amongst such Ambuscade's as he had
prepared, that not many of them should returne from our Peninsula. But this
brute comming to the eares of the impatient multitude they so importuned
the President to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offred to cut
their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy,
and Mr. John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as
could possibly be found. {MN} But the President had occasion of other
imploiment for them, & gave way to Master Wyffin and Sarjeant Jeffrey
Abbot, to goe and stab them or shoot them. But the Dutch men made such
excuses, accusing Volday whom they supposed had revealed their project,
as Abbot would not, yet Wyffin would, perceiving it but deceit. The King
understanding of this their imployment, sent presently his messengers to
Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder
his men from executing his command: nor did he nor would he maintaine
them, or any to occasion his displeasure.

The first arrivall of Captaine Argall.

But whilst this businesse was in hand. Arrived one Captaine Argall,
and Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the
Colony, and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished, with wine and
much other good provision. Though it was not sent us, our necessities was
such as inforced us to take it. He brought us newes of a great supply and
preparation for the Lord La Warre, with letters that much taxed our
President for his hard dealing with the Salvages, and not returning the
shippes fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship till the fleete arrived.
True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we revictualled him, and sent him for
England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and how
imposible it was to returne that wealth they expected, or observe their
instructions to indure the Salvages insolencies, or doe any thing to any
purpose, except they would send us men and meanes that could produce
that they so much desired: otherwises all they did was lost, and could not
but come to confusion. The villany of Volday we still dissembled. Adam

upon his pardon came home but Samuell still stayed with Powhatan to
heare further of their estates by this supply. Now all their plots Smith so
well understood, they were his best advantages to secure us from any
trechery, could be done by them or the Salvages: which with facility he
could revenge when he would, because all those countryes more feared him
then Powhatan, and hee had such parties with all his bordering neighbours:
and many of the rest for love or feare would have done any thing he would
have them, upon any [III.89.] commotion, though these fugitives had done
all they could to perswade Powhatan, King James would kill Smith, for
using him and his people so unkindly.

Note these inconveniences.

By this you may see for all those crosses, trecheries, and dissentions,
how hee wrestled and overcame (without bloudshed) all that happened: also
what good was done; how few dyed; what food the Countrey naturally
affoordeth; what small cause there is men should starve, or be murthered by
the Salvages, that have discretion to mannage them with courage and
Industrie. The two first yeares, though by his adventures, he had oft brought
the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the envious authoritie
ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endevours. But it wrought in him
that experience and estimation amongst the Salvages, as otherwise it had
bin impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding the many
miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured
in the wide world, yet in this case he was againe to learne his Lecture by
experience. Which with thus much adoe having obtained, it was his ill
chance to end, when he had but onely learned how to begin. And though he
left those unknowne difficulties (made easie and familiar) to his unlawfull
successors, (who onely by living in James Towne, presumed to know more
then all the world could direct them:) Now though they had all his
Souldiers, with a tripple power, and twice tripple better meanes; by what
they have done in his absence, the world may see what they would have
done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions: it doth justly
prove, what cause he had to send them for England, and that he was neither
factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But they have made it more plaine since
his returne for England; having his absolute authoritie freely in their power,
with all the advantages and opportunitie that his labours had effected. As I

am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to say
what reason doth compell me, but onely to make apparant the truth, least I
should seeme partiall, reasonlesse, and malicious.

A.D. 1609

Chapter XII.

The Arrivall of the third Supply.

The alteration of the government.
1609. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. {MN-1}
The losse of Virginia. {MN-2}
The Salvages offer to fight under our colours. {MN-3}

To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Treasurer, Councell,
and Company of Virginia, not finding that returne, and profit they expected;
and them ingaged there, not having meanes to subsist of themselves, made
meanes to his Majestie, to call in their Commission, and take a new in their
owne names, as in their owne publication, 1610. you may reade at large.
Having thus annihilated the old by vertue of a Commission made to the
right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, to be Generall of
Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers, Admirall;
Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshall; Sir Fardinando Wainman, Generall of the
Horse; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their
lives: (though not any of them had ever beene in Virginia; except Captaine
Newport, who was also by Patent made vice-Admirall:) those noble
Gentlemen drew in such great summes of money, that they sent Sir Thomas
Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captaine Newport with nine shippes, and
five hundred people, who had each of them a Commission, who first arrived
to call in the old, without the knowledge or consent of them, that had
endured all those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard had at all
of them. All things being ready, because those three Captaines could not
agree for place, it was concluded they should goe all in one ship, so all their
three Commissions were in that Ship with them called the Sea-Venture.
{MN-1} They set sayle from England in May 1609. A small Catch perished
at Sea in a Hericano: the Admirall with an hundred and fiftie men, with the
two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bils of Loading, with all