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Title: The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Vol 1 (of
2)

Author: Bernal Díaz del Castillo

Translator: John Ingram Lockhart

Release date: May 21, 2010 [eBook #32474]
Most recently updated: January 6, 2021

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEMOIRS
OF THE CONQUISTADOR BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, VOL 1
(OF 2) ***

THE MEMOIRS
OF THE

CONQUISTADOR BERNAL
DIAZ DEL CASTILLO
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF

CONTAINING A TRUE AND FULL ACCOUNT

OF THE

DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST

OF

MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH BY

JOHN INGRAM LOCKHART, F.R.A.S.
AUTHOR OF "ATTICA AND ATHENS"

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. I.
LONDON
J. HATCHARD AND SON, 187, PICCADILLY

MDCCCXLIV.

C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BATHOLOMEW CLOSE.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
The History of the Conquest of New Spain is a subject in which great
interest is felt at the present day, and the English public will hail these
memoirs, which contain the only true and complete account of that
important transaction.
The author of this original and charming production, to which he justly
gives the title of 'The True History of the Conquest of New Spain,' was
himself one of the Conquistadores; one who not only witnessed the
transactions which he relates, but who also performed a glorious part in
them; a soldier who, for impartiality and veracity, perhaps never had his
equal. His account is acknowledged to be the only one on which we can
place reliance, and it has been the magazine from which the most eloquent
of the Spanish writers on the same subject, as well as those of other
countries, have borrowed their best materials. Some historians have even
transcribed whole pages, but have not had sufficient honesty to
acknowledge it.
The author, while living, was never rewarded for the great services he had
rendered his country, and it is remarkable that, after his death, his very
memoirs were pillaged by court historians, to raise a literary monument to
themselves.
Most of the other writers on the conquest, particularly the Spanish, have
filled their works with exaggerations, to create astonishment and false
interest; pages are filled with so termed philosophical remarks, which but ill
supply the place of the intelligent reader's own reflections. Bernal Diaz
differs widely from those writers, for he only states what he knows to be
true. The British public, fond above all others of original productions, will
peruse with interest and delight a work which has so long been the secret
fountain from which all other accounts of the conquest, with the exception
of those which are least faithful, have taken life.
In respect of its originality, it may vie with any work of modern times, not
excepting 'Don Quixote.' The author seems to have been born to show forth

truth in all its beauty, and he raises it to a divinity in his mind. Can anything
be more expressive of an honest conscience than what he says in his own
preface: "You have only to read my history, and you see it is true."
The reader may form a general idea of this work from the following
critique, which Dr. Robertson, the historian, passes upon it: "Bernal Diaz's
account bears all the marks of authenticity, and is accompanied with such
pleasant naïveté, with such interesting details, with such amusing vanity,
and yet so pardonable in an old soldier, who had been, as he boasts, in a
hundred and nineteen battles, as renders his book one of the most singular
that is to be found in any language."
One circumstance, and that very justly, he is most anxious to impress on
your mind, namely, that all the merit of the conquest is not due to Cortes
alone; for which reason he generally uses the expression "Cortes and all of
us."
This is an allowable feeling in our old soldier, and it must be remembered
that the greater part of the men who joined Cortes were of good families,
who, as usual on such expeditions, equipped themselves at their own
expense, and went out as adventurers of their own free choice.
With respect to our author's style of writing, it is chiefly characterized by
plainness and simplicity, and yet there are numerous passages which are
written with great force and eloquence, and which, as the Spanish editor
says, "could not have been more forcibly expressed, nor with greater
elegance." Some readers may at first feel inclined to censure our author for
going into minute particulars in describing the fitting out of the expedition
under Cortes; for instance, his describing the qualities and colours of the
horses; but all this, it will be seen, was of the utmost importance to his
history, and of the horses he was bound to take special notice, for they
performed a conspicuous part in the conquest. The honest old soldier even
devotes a couple of his last chapters to the whole of his companions in
arms, in which he mentions them all by name, describes their persons, their
bravery, and the manner in which they died.
To conclude these few remarks on this work, I must observe, that it not only
surpasses Cortes' despatches in completeness, but also in truth and naïveté.
He represents the whole to you with a simplicity truly sublime; at times he

astonishes with a power of expressing his sentiments peculiar to himself,
and with a pathos that goes to the very heart.
Bernal Diaz was of a respectable family, and born in Medina del Campo, a
small town in the province of Leon. He was what in Spain is termed an
hidalgo—though by this little more was signified than a descent from
Christian forefathers, without any mixture of Jewish or Moorish blood.
With respect to the precise year of his birth he has left us in the dark, but,
according to his own account, he first left Castile, for the New World, in the
year 1514; and as, on his first arrival in Mexico, in the year 1519, he still
calls himself a young man, we may safely conclude that he was born
between 1495 and 1500. In the year 1568 he completed his work, at which
time there were only six of the Conquistadores alive, and he must then have
been about seventy years of age, but there is every reason for supposing that
he reached the advanced age of eighty-six. Endowed with singular
nobleness of mind, he had the happiness to enjoy an unblemished
reputation.
The excellent Torquemada, in speaking of him in his voluminous work
entitled 'Monarchia Indiana,' says, "I saw and knew this same Bernal Diaz
in the city of Guatimala; he was then a very aged man, and one who bore
the best of reputations." Quoting him in another passage, he has, "Thus says
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a soldier on whose authority and honesty we can
place reliance." He was a man devoted to his religion, and it must be
particularly borne in mind that the Catholic faith was never stronger than at
that time; yet we find him the least superstitious of all the Spanish
historians on the Conquest, and, in the 34th Chapter, he has shown a mind
superior to the times in which he lived.
If we contemplate the period in which the conquest of New Spain took
place, we can easily imagine that Cortes considered it imperative on him to
plant his religion among the Indians by the power of the sword, if he could
not by kind remonstrances; and we are often reminded of Joshua in the Old
Testament. The Spaniards themselves certainly entertained that idea; for in
the edition of Cortes' despatches published at Mexico in 1770, his sword is
termed, "Gladius Domini et Gideonis:" yet the Spaniards were not the cruel
monsters they have generally been described during those times. As far as
the conquest of New Spain is concerned, they were more humane than

otherwise; and if at times they used severity, we find that it was caused by
the horrible and revolting abominations which were practised by the
natives. We can scarcely imagine kinder-hearted beings than the first priests
and monks who went out to New Spain; they were men who spent their
lives under every species of hardship to promote the happiness of the
Indians. Who can picture to his mind a more amiable and noble disposition
than that of father Olmedo? He was one of the finest characters, Dr.
Robertson says, that ever went out as priest with an invading army!
We may have become exceedingly partial to a work which has now been
constantly before our eyes for the last two years, yet we can scarcely
imagine that any one could take up a volume, whether a novel or a history,
which he would peruse with more delight than these memoirs.
With regard to the translation, which is from the old edition printed at
Madrid in 1632, we have acted up to the author's desire, and have neither
added nor taken anything away, and have attempted to follow the original as
closely as possible. To the original there is not a single note, and particular
care has been taken not to overburden the translation with them. In the
spelling of the names of the Indian chiefs, the townships, and of the
provinces, we have mostly followed Torquemada, who is considered more
correct on this point, for he lived fifty years in New Spain, was perfect
master of the Mexican language, and made the history of that country his
peculiar study.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
I, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, regidor of the town of Santiago, in Guatimala,
author of this very true and faithful history, have now finished it, in order
that it may be published to the world. It treats of the discovery and total
conquest of New Spain; and how the great city of Mexico and several other
towns were taken, up to the time when peace was concluded with the whole
country; also of the founding of many Spanish cities and towns, by which
we, as we were in duty bound, extended the dominion of our sovereign.
In this history will be found many curious facts worthy of notice. It likewise
points out the errors and blunders contained in a work written by Francisco
de Gomara, who not only commits many errors himself in what he writes
about New Spain, but he has also been the means of leading those two
famous historians astray who followed his account, namely, Dr. Illescas and
the bishop Paulo Jovio. What I have written in this book I declare and
affirm to be strictly true. I myself was present at every battle and hostile
encounter. Indeed, these are not old tales or romances of the seventh
century; for, if I may so say, it happened but yesterday what is contained in
my history. I relate how, where, and in what manner these things took place;
as an accredited eyewitness of this I may mention our very spirited and
valorous captain Don Hernando Cortes, marquis del Valle Oaxaca, who
wrote an account of these occurrences from Mexico to his imperial majesty
Don Carlos the Fifth, of glorious memory; and likewise the corresponding
account of the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza. But, besides this, you
have only to read my history and you see it is true.
I have now completed it this 26th day of February, 1568, from my day-book
and memory, in this very loyal city of Guatimala, the seat of the royal court
of audience. I also think of mentioning some other circumstances which are
for the most part unknown to the public. I must beg of the printers not to
take away from, nor add one single syllable to, the following narrative, etc.

CONTENTS
OF

THE FIRST VOLUME.
The time of my departure from Castile, and
Chap. I. 1
what farther happened to me
Of the discovery of Yucatan, and the battle
Chap. II. 3
we fought there with the natives
Chap. III. Discovery of the coast of Campeachy 6
How we landed in a bay close to some
maise plantations, near the harbour of
Chap. IV. 9
Potonchan, and of the attack that was made
upon us there
We resolve to return to Cuba. The extreme
thirst we suffered, and all the fatigues we
Chap. V. 12
underwent until our arrival in the port of
Havannah
How twenty of us went on shore in the bay
of Florida with the pilot Alaminos in search
of water; the hostilities which the natives of
Chap. VI. 13
this country commenced with us; and of all
that further befel us on our passage to the
Havannah
The fatigues I had to undergo until my
Chap. VII. 17
arrival in the town of Trinidad
How Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba,
Chap. VIII. sent out another armament to the country 19
we had discovered
Chap. IX. How we landed at Champoton 23
We continued our course and ran into
Chap. X. 24
Terminos bay, as we named it
How we came into the Tabasco river, which
Chap. XI. we termed the Grijalva, and what happened 25
to us there

We come in sight of the town of
Chap. XII. Aguajaluco, and give it the name of La 28
Rambla
How we arrive on the Bandera stream and
Chap. XIII. 29
gain 1500 pesos
How we come into the harbour of San Juan
Chap. XIV. 32
de Ulua
Diego Velasquez sends out a small vessel in
Chap. XV. 33
quest of us
What befel us on our coasting voyage along
Chap. XVI. 34
the Tusta and Tuspa mountains
Diego Velasquez despatches one of his
Chap. XVII. 38
officials to Spain
Of some errors in the work of Francisco
Chap. XVIII. 39
Lopez de Gomara
How another armament was fitted out for a
voyage to the newly discovered countries;
the command of which was given to
Chap. XIX. 42
Hernando Cortes, afterwards Marquis of the
Vale of Oaxaca; also of the secret cabals
which were formed to deprive him of it
Of the designs and plans of Hernando
Chap. XX. Cortes after he had obtained the 45
appointment of captain
Cortes' occupations at Trinidad, and of the
Chap. XXI. cavaliers and warriors who there joined our 47
expedition, and other matters
How the governor, Diego Velasquez, sends
two of his officials in all haste to Trinidad,
Chap. XXII. with full power and authority to deprive 49
Cortes of his appointment of captain, and
bring the squadron away, &c.
Chap. XXIII. Cortes embarks with all his cavaliers and 51
soldiers in order to sail along the south side
of the island to the Havannah, and sends off

one of the vessels to go around the north
coast for the same port
Diego Velasquez sends one of his officials,
named Gaspar Garnica, with full authority
Chap. XXIV. to take Cortes prisoner, whatever might be 54
the consequence; and what further
happened
Cortes sets sail with the whole squadron for
Chap. XXV. the island of Cozumel, and what further 56
took place
Cortes reviews his troops, and what further
Chap. XXVI. 57
happened
Cortes receives information that two
Chap. Spaniards are in the power of the Indians at
58
XXVII. the promontory of Cotoche: the steps he
took upon this news
The manner in which Cortes divides the
squadron. The officers whom he appointed
Chap.
to the command of the several vessels. His 62
XXVIII.
instructions to the pilots; the signals which
were to be made with lanterns at night, &c.
How the Spaniard Geronimo de Aguilar,
who was in the power of the Indians, came
Chap. XXIX. to us when he learnt that we had again 63
returned to the island of Cozumel, and what
further happened
How we re-embark and sail for the river
Chap. XXX. Grijalva, and what happened to us on our 66
voyage there
How we arrive in the river Grijalva, called
in the Indian language the Tabasco; the
Chap. XXXI. 68
battle we fought there; and what further
took place
Chap. How Cortes despatches two of our principal 71
XXXII. officers, each with one hundred men, to

explore the interior of the country, and what
further took place
Cortes issues orders that we should hold
ourselves in readiness to march against the
Chap. Indians on the following day; he also
73
XXXIII. commands the horses to be brought on
shore. How the battle terminates we fought
with them
How we are attacked by all the caziques of
Chap.
Tabasco, and the whole armed force of this 74
XXXIV.
province, and what further took place
Chap. How Cortes assembles all the caziques of
77
XXXV. this province, and what further happened
How all the caziques and calachonis of the
Chap.
river Grijalva arrive with presents, and what 80
XXXVI.
happened after this
How Doña Marina herself was a caziquess,
and the daughter of distinguished
Chap.
personages; also a ruler over a people and 84
XXXVII.
several towns; and how she came to
Tabasco
Chap. How we arrive with our vessels in San Juan
86
XXXVIII. de Ulua, and what we did there
How Teuthlille makes his report to
Chap.
Motecusuma, and gives him our presents; as 90
XXXIX.
also what further took place in our camp
How Cortes goes in search of another
Chap. XL. harbour and a good spot to found a colony, 92
and what further happened
What happened on account of our bartering
Chap. XLI. for gold, and of other things which took 94
place in our camp
How we elected Hernando Cortes captain-
general and chief justice until we should
Chap. XLII. 97
receive the emperor's commands on this
head; and what further happened

How the partisans of Diego Velasquez
would not acknowledge the power we had
Chap. XLIII. 100
conferred upon Cortes, and what further
took place
How Pedro de Alvarado was ordered to
make an excursion into the interior of the
Chap. XLIV. 101
country, in order to procure maise and other
provisions; and what further happened
How we marched into Sempoalla, which at
Chap. XLV. that period was a very considerable 104
township, and what we did there
How we march into Quiahuitzlan, which
Chap. XLVI. was a town with fortifications, and were 106
most friendly received
How Cortes ordered the five Mexican tax-
gatherers to be rther obedience to be paid
Chap. XLVII. Motecusuma, nor tribute to be exacted; and 109
of the rebellion which was now excited
against this monarch
How we resolved to found Villa Rica de la
Vera Cruz, and construct a fortress on the
Chap. low meadows, in the neighbourhood of
111
XLVIII. some salt springs and the harbour, where
our vessels were anchored; and what further
happened
How the fat cazique and other chief men of
the country come and complain to Cortes
that a garrison of Mexicans had been
Chap. XLIX. 114
thrown into the strong fortress of
Tzinpantzinco, committing great
depredations; and what further took place
Chap. L. How some of Diego Velasquez's adherents 115
refused to take any further part in our
proceedings, and declared their
determination to return to Cuba, seeing that
Cortes was earnestly bent upon founding a

colony, and had already commenced to
pacify the inhabitants
What happened to us at Tzinpantzinco, and
how, on our return to Sempoalla, we
Chap. LI. 117
destroyed all the idols; likewise of other
matters
How Cortes erects an altar, and places
thereon the image of the blessed Virgin with
Chap. LII. 121
a cross; after which mass was said, and the
eight Indian females were baptized
How we arrived in our town of Vera Cruz,
Chap. LIII. 123
and what happened there
Concerning the account of our adventures,
with the letter, which we sent his majesty
Chap. LIV. the emperor, through Puertocarrero and 125
Montejo, the letter being attested by some
officers and soldiers
How Diego Velasquez is informed by his
agents that we had sent messengers with
Chap. LV. 127
letters and presents to our king, and what
further took place
How our agents passed through the Bahama
channel with the most favorable wind, and
Chap. LVI. 129
arrived in Castile after a short passage; and
of our success at court
What took place in our camp after the
departure of our agents to his majesty with
Chap. LVII. the gold and the letters; and the instance of 132
severity which Cortes was compelled to
give
How we came to the resolution of marching
to Mexico, and of destroying all our vessels,
Chap. LVIII. 133
which was done with the sanction and by
the advice of all Cortes' true adherents
Chap. LIX. Of the speech which Cortes made to us after 135
our vessels were destroyed, and how we

prepared for our march to Mexico
How Cortes arrived with us at the spot
where the vessel lay at anchor, and captured
Chap. LX. six soldiers and sailors of the said vessel 136
who had stepped on shore; also what further
took place
How we set out on our march to the city of
Mexico, and, upon the advice of the
Chap. LXI. 138
caziques, take our road over Tlascalla. What
took place here, and of the battles we fought
How we commenced our march upon
Tlascalla, and sent messengers before us, to
obtain the sanction of the inhabitants to pass
Chap. LXII. 143
through their country; how they took our
messengers prisoners; and what further
happened
Of the terrible battles we fought with the
Chap. LXIII. 146
Tlascallans, and what further happened
How we quartered ourselves in the
Chap. LXIV. township of Tehuacacinco, and what we did 149
there
Of the great battle we fought with the
Chap. LXV. 150
Tlascallans, and what further took place
How we sent a message next day to the
caziques of Tlascalla to bring about peace
Chap. LXVI. 153
between us, and the determination they
came to upon this
How we again sent messengers to the
Chap.
caziques of Tlascalla em to make peace, and 157
LXVII.
the resolution they came to upon this
How we came to the determination of
Chap. marching to a township in the
158
LXVIII. neighbourhood of our camp, and what
happened upon this
Chap. LXIX. How we found, on our return to our 160
encampment, that new intrigues had been

set on foot; and the answer Cortes gave to
certain representations which were made to
him
How the captain Xicotencatl assembled
20,000 chosen warriors to make an attack
Chap. LXX. 165
upon us in our camp, and what happened
upon this
How four chief personages arrived in our
Chap. LXXI. camp to negotiate terms of peace with us, 167
and what further happened
How ambassadors arrive in our camp from
Chap.
Motecusuma, and of the presents they 170
LXXII.
brought with them
How the captain-general Xicotencatl arrives
Chap.
in our camp to negotiate terms of peace; the 171
LXXIII.
speech he made, and what further happened
How the old caziques of Tlascalla arrived in
Chap.
our camp and invited Cortes and all of us to 175
LXXIV.
visit their city, and what further happened
How we marched into the city of Tlascalla,
and were received by the old caziques; of
Chap. LXXV. the present they made us, and how they 176
brought us their daughters and nieces; and
what further happened
How mass was said in the presence of a
Chap.
great number of caziques, and of the present 178
LXXVI.
the latter brought us
How the caziques presented their daughters
Chap.
to Cortes and all of us, and what further 180
LXXVII.
happened
How Cortes gained some information
Chap.
respecting Mexico from Xicotencatl and 183
LXXVIII.
Maxixcatzin
How our captain Hernando Cortes and all
Chap.
our officers and soldiers determine to march 187
LXXIX.
to Mexico

How the great Motecusuma despatched four
Chap. ambassadors to us, rity, with presents in
190
LXXX. gold and cotton stuffs, and what they said to
our captains
How the inhabitants of Cholulla despatched
Chap. four Indians to tinction, to apologise for not
192
LXXXI. having visited us in Tlascalla, and what
further happened
Chap. How we arrived in the town of Cholulla,
193
LXXXII. and the brilliant reception we met with
How the inhabitants of Cholulla concerted a
Chap.
plan, at the instigation of Motecusuma, to 195
LXXXIII.
murder us all, and what further happened
The negotiations we set on foot with the
Chap.
great Motecusuma, and the ambassadors we 208
LXXXIV.
sent him
How the powerful Motecusuma sends a
valuable present in essage which
Chap.
accompanied it, and how we all agree to 210
LXXXV.
commence our march upon Mexico; and
what further happened
How we set out on our march to Mexico;
Chap.
what happened to us on our route; and the 212
LXXXVI.
message Motecusuma sent us
How the powerful Motecusuma again sends
Chap. ambassadors to us d and cotton stuffs: that
216
LXXXVII. monarch's message to Cortes, and the
answer he returns
The magnificent and pompous reception
Chap.
which the powerful rtes and all of us, on our 220
LXXXVIII.
entrance into the great city of Mexico
How Motecusuma, accompanied by several
Chap.
caziques, pays us a , and of the discourse 223
LXXXIX.
that passed between him and our general
Chap. XC. How our general, the day following, paid a 225
visit to Motecusuma, and of the discourse

that passed between them
Of Motecusuma's person, disposition,
Chap. XCI. 228
habits, and of his great power
Our general takes a walk through Mexico,
Chap. XCII. and views the Tlatelulco, (the great square,) 235
and the chief temple of Huitzilopochtli
How we erect a chapel and altar in our
quarters with a cross on the outside;
Chap. XCIII. discover the treasure of Motecusuma's 244
father; and determine to seize the monarch's
person and imprison him in our quarters
Of the battle which the Mexican generals
Chap. XCIV. fought with Escalante and the Totonaque 247
tribes
Of the imprisonment of Motecusuma, and
Chap. XCV. 249
what further happened
How our general appoints Alonso Grado
Chap. XCVI. lieutenant of Vera Cruz, and Sandoval 255
alguacil-major of the same place
How we entertained and amused
Chap.
Motecusuma during his confinement, and 258
XCVII.
granted him permission to visit his temple
How Cortes orders two large brigantines to
be built for the navigation of the lake of
Chap. Mexico; Motecusuma begs permission to
261
XCVIII. visit his temples to offer up his prayers
there; and what Cortes said to him when he
granted this permission
How our two brigantines are launched, and
Motecusuma, go a hunting, sails in one of
Chap. XCIX. 263
these vessels to a river where he usually
went for that purpose
Chap. C. How the nephews of Motecusuma 265
assembled the principal personages of the
empire, and formed a conspiracy to rescue

the monarch from confinement, and beat us
out of the city
How the powerful Motecusuma, with
several caziques and chief personages of the
Chap. CI. country, declare themselves vassals of our 271
emperor; and of other occurrences which
happened then
How Cortes sends out some of our men to
explore the gold mines and those rivers
Chap. CII. which wash down gold; also the harbours 273
from the Panuco to the Tabasco, but
particularly the river Guacasualco
How the officers whom Cortes had
Chap. CIII. despatched to the gold mines and the river 274
Guacasualco returned to Mexico
How Cortes desired the powerful
Motecusuma to order all the caziques of the
Chap. CIV. 277
empire to bring in the tribute of gold due to
our emperor
How all the gold presented by Motecusuma,
and collected from ps, was divided; and
Chap. CV. 280
what happened to one of our soldiers on the
occasion
Of the high words which arose between
Velasquez de Leon and our treasurer
Chap. CVI. Gonzalo Mexia on account of the gold 282
which was missing from the heap, and how
Cortes put an end to that dispute
How Motecusuma offers one of his
daughters in marriage to Cortes, who
Chap. CVII. 284
accepts her, and pays her the attention due
to her high station
Chap. CVIII. How the powerful Motecusuma acquaints 286
Cortes that it is requisite for his safety to
quit Mexico, with the whole of his men, as
all the caziques and papas were upon the

point of rising up in arms to destroy us all,
in compliance with the advice given them
by their gods: the steps which Cortes took
upon this news
How the governor of Cuba, Velasquez, in all
haste fits out an armament against us, the
command of which he gives to Pamfilo de
Chap. CIX. Narvaez, who was accompanied by the 289
licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Aillon, auditor
of the royal court of audience at St.
Domingo
How Narvaez arrives with the whole of his
Chap. CX. flotilla in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua, 290
and what happened upon this
How Pamfilo Narvaez despatches five
persons to Sandoval, the commandant of
Chap. CXI. 293
Vera Cruz, with summons to surrender up
the town to him
How Cortes, after he had gained every
information respecting the armament, wrote
to Narvaez, and several of his acquaintances
Chap. CXII. 296
who had come with him, and particularly to
Andreas du Duero, private secretary to
Velasquez; and of other events
The high words which arose between the
auditor Vazquez de Aillon and Narvaez,
Chap. CXIII. 298
who orders him to be seized and sent back
prisoner to Spain
Narvaez marches, with the whole of his
troops, to Sempoalla; his proceedings there;
Chap. CXIV. 300
and how we in Mexico determine to march
against him
Chap. CXV. How the powerful Motecusuma inquires of 302
Cortes whether it was really his intention to
march out against Narvaez, though the

latter's troops were double the number of
ours
How we determined once more to despatch
Chap. CXVI. father Olmedo to Narvaez's head-quarters, 306
and what we commissioned him to say
How father Olmedo arrived in Narvaez's
Chap.
head-quarters at Sempoalla, and what he did 308
CXVII.
there
How Cortes reviews the whole of his
Chap. troops, and we are supplied with two
310
CXVIII. hundred and fifty very long new lances, by
the Tchinantecs
How Duero, with the soldier Usagre and
two of his Indian servants from Cuba,
Chap. CXIX. 311
arrived in our camp; who this Duero was,
and the reason of his visit, &c.
How Juan Velasquez arrives in Narvaez's
Chap. CXX. 314
head-quarters, and what took place there
What took place in Narvaez's quarters after
Chap. CXXI. the return to our camp of the ambassadors 318
we had sent there
The order of our march against Narvaez; the
Chap.
speech Cortes made to us; and our reply to 320
CXXII.
it
How the 2000 Indians of Chinantla, whom
Chap.
Cortes had demanded of the caziques there, 329
CXXIII.
arrived at Sempoalla after Narvaez's defeat
How Cortes despatches Francisco de Lugo,
with two men who had formerly been ship-
Chap.
builders, to the harbour where Narvaez's 329
CXXIV.
flotilla lay, to bring all the captains and
pilots of the vessels to Sempoalla
Chap. How we all, including Narvaez's troops,
333
CXXV. hasten to Mexico by forced marches
Chap. How the Mexicans made war upon us, and
337
CXXVI. the battles we fought with them

Cortes determines to announce
Chap.
Motecusuma's death to the Mexican 345
CXXVII.
generals and chiefs who are at war with us
How we come to the determination of
Chap.
leaving Mexico secretly at night; and what 347
CXXVIII.
further happened
How we quartered ourselves in the
Chap.
metropolis of Tlascalla, and what we did 359
CXXIX.
there
How we marched into the province of
Chap.
Tepeaca, what we did there, and of other 365
CXXX.
things which happened
How a vessel, which had been sent by
Diego Velasquez from Cuba, arrived at Vera
Chap.
Cruz, commanded by the captain Pedro 369
CXXXI.
Barba, and the manner in which Caballero
captured her
How the inhabitants of Quauhquechola
called upon Cortes, and begged of him to
Chap.
drive out the Mexican troops from their 370
CXXXII.
town, as they were plundered and ill-used
by them
How one of the vessels which Francisco de
Garay had fitted out for the object of
Chap.
forming settlements on the river Panuco, 373
CXXXIII.
put in at Vera Cruz, and what further
happened
How Cortes despatches Sandoval with 200
men, among which were twenty horse and
twelve crossbow-men, to punish the tribes
Chap.
of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, for having put 375
CXXXIV.
some Spaniards to death, and to demand
restitution of the gold they had robbed us
of; and also further to explore the country
Chap. How all the slaves we had taken in Tepeaca, 379
CXXXV. Quauhquechola, Tecalco, and Castilblanco,

were brought together in our head-quarters,
and branded with an iron, in his majesty's
name
How the chief officers and principal
personages of Narvaez's troops request
Chap. leave to return to Cuba, which Cortes
381
CXXXVI. grants, and they accordingly leave; also
how our general sends ambassadors to
Spain, St. Domingo, and Jamaica
Notes 387

Transcriber's note: The errata below have been corrected in the text. Footnote [24] also
has been moved in the text to its correct position.

ERRATA.

P. 17, l. 3, for Fronseca, read Fonseca.
17, 24, for dubbloons, read doubloons.
20, 18, for Chaopa, read Chiapa.
20, 26, for Mautanzas, read Matanza.
31, 8, for this, read their.
31, 28, for surrounded, read surmounted.
51, 17, for his, read its
P. 53, l. 19, read whom the king Quauhtemoctzin took.
126, 2, for which, read whom.
230, 22, for were, read was.
355, 9, for when, read where.
365, 33, for were the townships, read was the township.

CONQUEST
OF

MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN.

CHAPTER I.
The time of my departure from Castile, and what further
happened to me.
In the year 1514 I departed from Castile in the suite of Pedro Arias de Avila,
who had just then been appointed governor of Terra Firma. At sea we had
sometimes bad and sometimes good weather, until we arrived at Nombre
Dios, where the plague was raging: of this we lost many of our men, and
most of us got terrible sores on our legs, and were otherwise ill. Soon after
our arrival, dissensions arose between the governor and a certain wealthy
cavalier, named Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, who had brought this province to
subjection, and was married to one of the daughters of Avila. As, however,
suspicion had been excited against him, owing to a plan he had formed of
making a voyage to the South Sea at his own expense, for which he
required a considerable body of troops, his own father-in-law deposed him
and afterwards sentenced him to decapitation.
While we were spectators of all this, and saw, moreover, how other soldiers
rebelled against their superior officers, we learnt that the island of Cuba had
just been conquered, and that a nobleman of Quellar, named Diego
Velasquez, was appointed governor there. Upon this news some of us met
together, cavaliers and soldiers, all persons of quality who had come with
Pedro Arias de Avila, and asked his permission to proceed to the island of
Cuba: this he readily granted, not having sufficient employment for so great
a number of men as he had brought with him from Spain. Neither was there
any further conquest to be made in these parts; all was in profound peace,
so thoroughly had his son-in-law Balboa subdued the country, besides
which it was but small in extent and thinly populated. As soon, therefore, as
we had obtained leave, we embarked in a good vessel and took our
departure. Our voyage was most prosperous, so that we speedily arrived at
Cuba. The first thing we did was to pay our respects to the governor, who
received us with great kindness, and made us a promise of the first Indians
that might be discharged. Three years, however, passed away since our first
arrival in Terra Firma and stay at Cuba, still living in the expectation of the

Indians which had been promised us, but in vain. During the whole of this
time we had accomplished nothing worthy of notice: we therefore, the 110
who had come from Terra Firma, with some others of Cuba, who were also
without any Indians, met together to concert measures with a rich cavalier
named Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, who, besides being a person of
wealth, possessed great numbers of Indians on the island. This gentleman
we chose for our captain; he was to lead us out on voyages for the discovery
of new countries, where we might find sufficient employment.
We purchased three vessels, two of which were of considerable burden; the
third was given us by the governor, Diego Velasquez, on condition namely,
that we should first invade the Guanajas islands, which lie between Cuba
and the Honduras, and bring him thence three cargoes of Indians, whom he
wanted for slaves; this he would consider as payment for the vessel. We
were, however, fully aware that it was an act of injustice which Diego
Velasquez thus required at our hands, and gave him for answer: that neither
God nor the king had commanded us to turn a free people into slaves. When
he learnt our determination, he confessed that our project for the discovery
of new countries was more praiseworthy, and he furnished us with
provisions for our voyage.
We had now three vessels and a sufficient supply of cassave bread, as it is
there made from the juca root. We also purchased some pigs, which cost us
three pesos a piece; for at that time there were neither cows nor sheep on
the island of Cuba: to this I must also add a scanty supply of other
provisions; while every soldier took with him some glass beads for barter.
We had three pilots; of whom the principal one, who had the chief
command of our vessels, was called Anton de Alaminos, a native of Palos;
the two others were, Camacho de Triana, and Juan Alvarez el Manquillo of
Huelva. In the same way we hired sailors, and furnished ourselves with
ropes, anchors, water-casks, and other necessaries for our voyage, all at our
own expense and personal risk.
After we had met together, in all 110, we departed for a harbour on the
north coast of Cuba, called by the natives Ajaruco. The distance from this
place to the town of San Christoval, then recently built, was twenty-four
miles; for the Havannah had then only been two years in our possession. In
order that our squadron might not want for anything really useful, we

engaged a priest at the town of San Christoval. His name was Alonso
Gonzalez, and by fair words and promises we persuaded him to join us. We
also appointed, in the name of his majesty, a treasurer, called Beruardino
Miguez, a native of Saint Domingo de la Calzada. This was done in order
that if it pleased God we should discover any new countries, where either
gold, silver, or pearls were to be found, there might be amongst us a
qualified person to take charge of the fifths for the Emperor.[1] After
everything had been thus properly ordered and we had heard mass said, we
commended ourselves to God, our Lord Jesus Christ, and the virgin Mary
his blessed mother, and set out on our voyage, as I shall further relate.

CHAPTER II.
Of the Discovery of Yucatan, and the battle we fought there with
the Natives.
We sailed in the year 1517 from the harbour of Jaruco and left the
Havannah. This harbour lies on the north coast of Cuba, and is so called by
the natives. After twelve days' sail we had passed the coast of Saint
Antonius, which in Cuba is called the country of the Guanatavies, a wild
tribe of Indians. We now made for the wide ocean, steering continually
towards the west, totally ignorant of the shoals and currents or of the winds
which predominate in this latitude. Certainly most hazardous on our part,
and indeed we were very soon visited by a terrible storm, which continued
two days and two nights, in which the whole of us had nigh perished.
After the storm had abated and we had changed our course, we came in
sight of land on the twenty-first day after our departure from Cuba, which
filled every heart with joy and thanks towards God. This country had never
been discovered before, nor had any one ever heard of it. From our ships we
could perceive a considerable sized town, which lay about six miles from
the sea shore. On account of its magnitude, and because it was larger than
any town in Cuba, we gave it the name of Grand Cairo.
We resolved that our smallest vessel should near the shore as much as
possible, to learn the nature of the spot and look out for a good anchorage.
One morning, the 5th of March, we perceived five large canoes full of men
coming towards us as swift as their paddles and sails could bring them from
the town just mentioned. These canoes were hollowed out of the trunks of
large trees, after the manner of our kneading troughs. Many of them were
big enough to hold from forty to fifty Indians.
As these Indians approached us in their canoes, we made signs of peace and
friendship, beckoning at the same time to them with our hands and cloaks to
come up to us that we might speak with them; for at that time there was
nobody amongst us who understood the language of Yucatan or Mexico.
They now came along side of us without evincing the least fear, and more

than thirty of them climbed on board of our principal ship. We gave them
bacon and cassave bread to eat, and presented each with a necklace of green
glass beads. After they had for some time minutely examined the ship, the
chief, who was a cazique, gave us to understand, by signs, that he wished to
get down again into his canoe and return home, but that he would come the
next day with many more canoes in order to take us on shore. These Indians
wore a kind of cloak made of cotton, and a small sort of apron which hung
from their hips half-way down to the knee, which they termed a maltates.
We found them more intelligent than the Indians of Cuba, where only the
women wear a similar species of apron made of cotton, which hangs down
over their thighs, and is called by them a nagua.
But to continue my narrative. Very early the morning following, our cazique
again called upon us: this time he brought with him twelve large canoes and
a number of rowers. He made known to our captain, by signs, that we were
good friends and might come to his town: he would give us plenty to eat
with everything we wanted, and could go on shore in his twelve canoes. I
shall never forget how he said, in his language, con escotoch, con escotoch,
which means, come with me to my houses yonder. We therefore called the
spot Punta de Cotoche, under which name it stands on the sea charts.
In consideration of all these friendly invitations from the cazique to
accompany him to his village, our captain held a short consultation with us,
when we came to the resolution to lower our boats, take the smallest of our
vessels with us, and so proceed together with the twelve canoes all at once
on shore, as the coast was crowded with Indians from the above-mentioned
village. This was accordingly done, and we all arrived there at the same
time. The cazique seeing us now landed, but that we made no signs of going
to his village, again gave our captain to understand, by signs, that we should
follow him to his habitation, making at the same time so many
demonstrations of friendship, that a second consultation was held as to
whether we should accompany him or not. This was carried in the
affirmative, but we took every precaution to be upon our guard, marching in
close order with our arms ready for action. We took fifteen crossbows with
a like number of matchlocks, and followed the cazique, who was
accompanied by a great number of Indians.

As we were thus marching along, and had arrived in the vicinity of several
rocky mountains, the cazique all at once raised his voice, calling aloud to
his warriors, who it seemed were lying wait in ambush, to fall upon us and
destroy us all. The cazique had no sooner given the signal, than out rushed
with terrible fury great numbers of armed warriors, greeting us with such a
shower of arrows, that fifteen of our men were immediately wounded.
These Indians were clad in a kind of cuirass made of cotton, and armed with
lances, shields, bows, and slings; with each a tuft of feathers stuck on his
head. As soon as they had let fly their arrows, they rushed forward and
attacked us man to man, setting furiously to with their lances, which they
held in both hands. When, however, they began to feel the sharp edge of our
swords, and saw what destruction our crossbows and matchlocks made
among them, they speedily began to give way. Fifteen of their number lay
dead on the field.
At some distance from the spot where they had so furiously attacked us was
a small place in which stood three houses built of stone and lime. These
were temples in which were found many idols made of clay which were of
a pretty good size; some had the countenances of devils, others those of
females: some again had even more horrible shapes, and appeared to
represent Indians committing horrible offences. In these temples we also
found small wooden boxes containing other of their gods with hellish faces,
several small shells, some ornaments, three crowns, and other trinkets,
some in the shape of fish, others in the shape of ducks, all worked out of an
inferior kind of gold. Seeing all this, the gold, and the good architectural
style of the temples, we felt overjoyed at the discovery of this country; for
Peru was not discovered till sixteen years after. While we were fighting
with the Indians, the priest Gonzalez ordered the gold and small idols to be
removed to our ships by two Indians whom we had brought with us from
Cuba. During the skirmish we took two of the natives prisoners, who
subsequently allowed themselves to be baptised and became Christians.
One was named Melchior and the other Julian; both were tattooed about the
eyes. The combat with the natives now being at an end, we resolved to re-
embark, and prosecute our voyage of discovery further along the coast
towards the west. Having dressed the wounds of our men we again set sail.

CHAPTER III.
Discovery of the Coast of Campeachy.
Continuing the course we had previously determined upon, more westward
along the coast, we discovered many promontories, bays, reefs, and
shallows. We all considered this country to be an island, because our pilot,
Anton de Alaminos, persisted in it. During daytime we proceeded with all
caution, but lay to at nights. After sailing in this way for fourteen days, we
perceived another village which appeared to us of considerable magnitude.
Here was a bay with an inner harbour, and it appeared to us that there might
also be some river or small stream where we could take in fresh water,
which latter had become very scarce, as our supply in the casks, which were
none of the best, was fast diminishing; for, as the expedition was fitted out
solely by persons in poor circumstances, we had not been able to purchase
good ones. It happened to be Sunday Lazari when we landed, and we
therefore named this place in honour of this day, although we were well
aware that the Indians called it the land of Campeachy.
In order that the whole of us might land at the same time, we determined to
go on shore in our smallest vessel and three boats, all of us well armed, to
be ready in case we should meet with a similar rencontre as at the cape of
Cotoche. The sea in these bays and roads is very shallow, so that our vessels
were forced to anchor at more than three miles distance from the shore.
Thus precautious we landed near the village, but were still a good way from
the place were we intended to fill our casks. From this spot the natives also
had their water; for we now found that there was no rivulet in the
neighbourhood.
When we had brought our casks on shore, filled them with water, and were
about to embark again, about fifty Indians from the village came up to us.
They all wore stately mantels made of cotton, appeared friendly disposed,
and to be caziques. They asked us, by signs, what our business was there?
We told them to take in water, and that we were about to re-embark. They
further pointed with their hands to the rising of the sun, and asked us

whether we came from that quarter, at the same time pronouncing the word
Castilan, Castilan; but at that moment we did not pay any particular
attention to the word Castilan. In the course of this interview, however, they
gave us to understand that we might go with them to their village.
We held a consultation amongst ourselves as to whether we should accept
the invitation, and at length unanimously agreed to follow them, but to use
the utmost circumspection. They took us to some large edifices, which were
strongly put together, of stone and lime, and had otherwise a good
appearance. These were temples, the walls of which were covered with
figures representing snakes and all manner of gods. Round about a species
of altar we perceived several fresh spots of blood. On some of the idols
there were figures like crosses, with other paintings representing groups of
Indians. All this astonished us greatly as we had neither seen nor heard, of
such things before. It appeared to us that the inhabitants had just been
sacrificing some Indians to their gods, to obtain from them the power to
overcome us.
There were great numbers of Indians with their wives who received us with
pleasing smiles, and otherwise made every show of friendship; but their
numbers gradually increasing we began to entertain fears that it would end
in the same hostile manner as at Cape Cotoche. While we were thus looking
on, a number of Indians approached us clad in tattered cloaks, each carrying
a bundle of dried reeds, which they arranged in order on the ground. Among
them we also perceived two troops of men armed with bows, lances,
shields, slings, and stones, having their cotton cuirasses on. At the head of
these, and at some distance from us stood the chiefs. At this moment ten
Indians came running out of another temple, all dressed in long white robes,
while the thick hair of their heads was so entangled and clotted with blood
that it would have been an impossibility to have combed or put it in order
without cutting it off. These personages were priests, and in New Spain are
commonly termed Papas.[2] I repeat it, that in New Spain they are termed
papas, and I will therefore in future call them by that name. These papas
brought with them a kind of incense, which looked like resin, and is termed
by them copal. They had pans made of clay filled with glowing embers, and
with these they perfumed us. They also gave us to understand, by signs, that
we should leave their country before the bundles of reeds, which had been

brought and were going to be set fire to, should be consumed, otherwise
they would attack and kill us every man.
Upon this they ordered the bundles to be lighted, and as soon as they began
to burn, all were silent, nor did they utter another syllable. Those, on the
contrary, who had ranged themselves in order of battle, began to play on
their pipes, blow their twisted shells, and beat their drums. When we saw
what their real intentions were, and how confident they appeared, it of
course reminded us that our wounds which we had received at Cape
Cotoche were not yet healed; that two of our men had died of the
consequences, whom we had been obliged to throw overboard. As the
number of Indians continued to increase, we became alarmed, and resolved
to retreat to the shore in the best order we could. In this way we marched
along the coast until we arrived at that spot where our boats and the small
vessels lay with the water-casks. Not far distant from this place stood a rock
in the midst of the sea; for, on account of the vast numbers of Indians, we
durst not venture to re-embark where we had at first landed, as they would
no doubt have fallen upon us while we were getting into our boats.
After we had thus managed to get our water safe on board and re-embark at
the small harbour which the bay here forms, we continued our course for
six days and six nights without interruption, the weather being very fine.
But now the wind suddenly veered round to the north and brought stormy
weather, as is always the case with a north wind on this coast. The storm
lasted twenty-four hours, and indeed we had nearly all of us met with a
watery grave, so boisterous was the sea. In order to save ourselves from
total destruction we cast anchor near the shore. The safety of our ship now
depended upon two ropes, and had they given way we should have been
cast on shore. Oh, in what a perilous situation we were then placed! had we
been torn away from our anchors we must have been wrecked off the coast!
But it was the will of Providence that our old ropes and cables should
preserve us. When the storm had abated we continued our course along the
coast and kept in as much as possible, that we might take in water when
required. For, as I have before stated, our casks were old and leaky; nor was
the best economy used with the water, for we thought by going on shore we
should be certain either to meet with some spring or obtain it by digging
wells. Thus coasting along we espied a village from our ships, and about
three miles further on there was a kind of inner harbour, at the head of

which it appeared to us there might be some river or brook; we therefore
resolved to land here.
The water, as I have above mentioned, being uncommonly shallow along
this coast, we were compelled to anchor our two larger vessels at about
three miles distance from the shore, fearing they might otherwise run
aground. We then proceeded with our smallest vessel and all our boats in
order to land at the above-mentioned inner harbour. We were, however,
quite upon our guard, and carried along with us, besides the water-casks,
our arms, crossbows, and muskets.
It was about midday when we landed. The distance from here to the village,
which was called Potonchan, might be three miles. Here we found some
wells, maise plantations, and stone buildings. Our water-casks were soon
filled, but we could not succeed to get them into our boats on account of an
attack made upon us by great numbers of the inhabitants. I will, however,
break off here and relate the battle we fought, in the next chapter.

CHAPTER IV.
How we landed in a bay close to some maise plantations, near
the harbour of Potonchan, and of the attack that was made upon
us there.
While we were busy taking in water, near the above-mentioned houses and
maise plantations, great numbers of Indians were making towards us from
the village of Potonchan, as it is termed by the natives. They had all their
cotton cuirasses on, which reached to their knees, and were armed with
bows, lances, shields, and swords. The latter were shaped like our
broadswords, and are wielded with both hands. They also had slings and
stones, their bunches of feathers on, and their whole bodies painted with
white, brown, and black colours. They approached us in profound silence,
as if they came with the most peaceable intentions, and inquired of us by
signs if we came from the rising of the sun, thereby pronouncing the very
same words which the inhabitants of St. Lazaro had used: namely, Castilan,
Castilan. We told them, likewise by signs, that we indeed came from the
rising of the sun. We certainly did not understand what they meant;
nevertheless it was something for us to reflect on, while it at the same time
gave rise to a variety of conjectures, since the natives of St. Lazaro had
used the identical words.
It was about the hour of Ave Maria, when the Indians approached us in this
manner. A few country houses were scattered round about the
neighbourhood. We took the precaution to post watches in different
quarters, and upon the whole kept a sharp look out, as the manner in which
the natives were assembling seemed to forebode very little good. When we
had closed our ranks and taken every necessary precaution, our ears were
assailed by the cries and yells of large bodies of Indians who were
advancing from different quarters. As they were all armed for battle we
could no longer doubt that some evil design was lurking behind; we
therefore held a consultation with our captain as to the course we should
adopt. Many were of opinion that the best we could do would be to re-
embark ourselves in all haste; but, as is always the case in critical moments,

one advised this and another that, and so this proposal was overruled as
unadvisable, for the vast numbers of Indians would certainly fall upon us
while we were getting into our boats and we should all stand in danger of
being killed. Others again, among which number I also was, were of
opinion that the enemy should be attacked that very night; for, according to
the old saying, he who strikes the first blow remains master of the field; but
we might make up our minds that each of us singly would have to
encounter thirty Indians at least.
Day now began to dawn, and we emboldened each other to meet the
coming severe conflict by putting our trust in God and commending our
cause to him, while every one was determined to defend himself to the
utmost. As soon as daylight had fully broken forth, we perceived more
troops of armed natives moving towards the coast with flying colours. They
had on their feather-knots, and were provided with drums, bows, lances,
shields, and joined themselves to the others who had arrived in the night.
They divided themselves into different bodies, surrounded us on all sides,
and commenced pouring forth such showers of arrows, lances, and stones,
that more than eighty of our men were wounded at the first onset. They next
rushed furiously forward and attacked us man to man: some with their
lances, others with their swords and arrows, and all this with such terrible
fury that we were compelled also to show them earnest. We dealt many a
good thrust and blow amongst them, keeping up at the same time an
incessant fire with our muskets and crossbows; for while some loaded
others fired. At last, by dint of heavy blows and thrusts we forced them to
give way; but they did not retreat further than was necessary, in order that
they might still continue to hem us in in all safety; constantly crying out in
their language, Al calachoni, al calachoni; which signifies, kill the chief!
And sure enough our captain was wounded in no less than twelve different
places by their arrows. I myself had three; one of which was in my left side
and very dangerous, the arrow having pierced to the very bone. Others of
our men were wounded by the enemy's lances, and two were carried off
alive; of whom, one was called Alonzo Bote, the other was an old
Portuguese.
Perceiving how closely we were hemmed in on all sides by the enemy, who
not only kept constantly pouring in fresh troops but were copiously supplied
on the field of battle with meat, drink, and quantities of arrows, we soon

concluded that all our courageous fighting would not advance us a step. The
whole of us were wounded, many shot through the neck, and more than
fifty of our men were killed. In this critical situation we determined to cut
our way manfully through the enemy's ranks and make for the boats, which
fortunately lay on the coast near at hand. We therefore firmly closed our
ranks and broke through the enemy. At that moment you should have heard
the whizzing of their arrows, the horrible yell they set up, and how the
Indians provoked each other to the combat, at the same time making
desperate thrusts with their lances. But a still more serious misfortune
awaited us; for as we made a simultaneous rush to our boats, they soon sunk
or capsized, so that we were forced to cling to them as well as we could;
and in this manner by swimming we strove to make the best of our way to
the small vessel, which was now in all haste coming up to our assistance.
Many of our men were even wounded while climbing into the vessel, but
more particularly those who clung to its side; for the Indians pursued us in
their canoes and attacked us without intermission. With the greatest
exertions and help of God we thus got out of the hands of this people.
After we had gained our vessels we found that fifty-seven of our men were
missing, besides the two whom the Indians had carried off alive, and five
whom we had thrown overboard, who had died in consequence of their
wounds and extreme thirst. The battle lasted a little longer than half an hour.
The spot where it took place was certainly called Potonchan. Our seamen,
however, gave it the name of Bahea de mala Pelea, (the bay of the
disastrous engagement,) as it stands on the maps. As soon as we found
ourselves in safety we returned thanks to Almighty God for the preservation
of our lives. Our wounded, however, had still great sufferings to undergo, as
we had nothing but salt water to wash their wounds with, which caused
them to swell very much. Some of our men swore most bitterly against our
chief pilot Alaminos, and the conduct he had pursued; he having steadfastly
maintained that this was an island and not a continent. I must, however,
break off here, and relate what further happened to us, in the next chapter.

CHAPTER V.
We resolve to return to Cuba. The extreme thirst we suffered,
and all the fatigues we underwent until our arrival in the port of
Havannah.
After we had got into our vessels, as above related, and returned thanks to
God for our preservation, we commenced dressing our wounds. None of us
had escaped without two, three, or four wounds. Our captain had as many
as twelve, and there was only one single soldier who came off whole. We
therefore determined to return to Cuba; but as most of the sailors who had
accompanied us on shore were also wounded, we had not sufficient hands
to work the sails, we were therefore forced to set fire to our smallest vessel
and leave it to the mercy of the waves, after taking out all the ropes, sails,
and anchors, and distributing the sailors, who were not wounded equally
among the two other vessels. We had, however, to struggle with another far
greater evil. This was our great want of fresh water; for although we had
filled our barrels and casks near Potonchan, we did not succeed to bring
them off, owing to the furious attack of the natives and the hurry we were in
to get on board: thus we had been compelled to leave them behind and
return without a single drop of water. We suffered most intensely from
thirst, and the only way we could in some measure refresh our parched
tongues was to hold the edges of our axes between our lips. Oh, what a
fearful undertaking it is to venture out on the discovery of new countries,
and place one's life in danger, as we were obliged to do! Those alone can
form any idea of it who have gone through the hard school of experience.
We now kept as close into the shore as possible, to look out for some stream
or creek where we might meet with fresh water. After thus continuing our
course for three days we espied an inlet or mouth of some river as we
thought, and sent a few hands on shore in the hopes of meeting with water.
These were fifteen sailors who had remained on board during the battle at
Potonchan, and three soldiers who had been only slightly wounded. They
carried along with them pickaxes and three small casks. But the water in the
inlet was salt, and wherever they dug wells it was equally bad. They

nevertheless filled the casks with it, but it was so bitter and salty as to be
unfit for use. Two soldiers who drank of it became ill of the consequences.
The water here swarmed with lizards; we therefore gave this place the name
of Lizard Bay, under which name it stands on the sea charts.
But, to continue my history, I must not forget to mention that while our
boats were on shore in search of water, there suddenly arose such a violent
tempest from the north-east, that our ships were nigh being cast on shore.
For, as we were forced to lay to, the wind blowing hard from the north and
north-east, our position was extremely dangerous, from a scarcity of ropes.
When the men who had gone on shore with our boats perceived the danger
we were in, they hastened to our assistance, and cast out additional anchors
and cables. In this way we lay for two days and two nights. After the
expiration of that time we again heaved our anchors and steered in the
direction of Cuba. Our pilot Alaminos here held a consultation with the two
others, when they concluded that the best plan would be to get, if possible,
into the latitude of Florida, which, according to their charts and furthest
measurement, could not be more than 210 miles distant; for they assured us
if we could get into the latitude of Florida, we should have a better and
speedier sail to the Havannah. It turned out exactly as they had said; for
Alaminos had been in these parts before, having accompanied Juan de Leon
when he discovered Florida, about ten or twelve years previously. After four
days' sail we crossed this gulf and came in sight of Florida.

CHAPTER VI.
How twenty of us went on shore in the bay of Florida with the
pilot Alaminos in search of water; the hostilities which the
natives of this country commenced with us; and of all that
further befel us on our passage to the Havannah.
As soon as we had arrived off the coast of Florida we determined that
twenty of our men, who had almost recovered from their wounds, should go
on shore. Among the number was myself and the pilot, Alaminos. We each
took a mattock and a small cask, being, moreover, well armed with
crossbows and muskets. Our captain, who was dangerously wounded and
very much weakened by the extreme thirst he suffered, begged of us, in the
name of God, to bring him some sweet water, as he was almost dying of
thirst. Indeed, the water, as I have before said, which we then had was quite
salty and not drinkable. We landed in a creek, and our pilot again
recognized this coast, which he had visited ten or twelve years previously
with Ponce de Leon, when he discovered these countries. They had here
fought a battle with the natives, and lost many of their men.
We therefore took every precaution lest the natives should also fall upon us
unawares. We posted two sentinels at a spot where the stream had a
considerable breadth. We then dug deep wells where we thought fresh water
was likely to be found. The sea was just ebbing, and it pleased God that we
should find sweet water there.
With joyful hearts we then took our fill of the refreshing beverage, and
washed the bandages of our wounded. A good hour's time was spent in this,
and as we were on the point of re-embarking with the casks of water, quite
overjoyed at our success, one of the men whom we had placed sentinel on
the coast came running towards us in all haste, crying aloud, "To arms! to
arms! numbers of Indians are approaching, both by land and sea." And
indeed the Indians came up to us almost at the same time with the sentinel.
They had immense sized bows with sharp arrows, lances, and spears—
among these some were shaped like swords—while their large powerful

bodies were covered with skins of wild beasts. They made straightways to
us, let fly their arrows, and wounded six of our men at the first onset. I was
also slightly wounded in my right arm. We, however, received our enemies
with such well-directed blows and musket-shots that they very soon quitted
us who had been digging the wells, and turned towards the creek to assist
their companions who in their canoes were attacking those left behind in the
boat. The latter had been forced to fight man to man, and had already lost
the boat, which the Indians were towing off behind their canoes. Four of the
sailors had been wounded, and the pilot, Alaminos, himself severely so in
the throat. We, however, courageously faced our enemy, went up to our
middles in the water, and soon compelled them, by dint of our swords, to
jump out of the boat again. Twenty-two of the enemy lay dead on the shore;
three others, who were slightly wounded, we took on board with us, but
they died soon after.
After this skirmish was ended, we questioned the soldier who had stood
sentinel as to what had become of his companion, Berrio. He related that his
comrade had left him with an axe in his hand, in order to go and cut down a
palm-tree, and that this was near the inlet where the Indians first made their
appearance. He had also heard him cry out in Spanish, upon which he
himself had immediately hastened to give us the information. His
companion, no doubt, had been murdered by the Indians. Singular that this
man should have lost his life here, he being the only one who escaped
without a wound at the battle of Potonchan. We made every search for him,
and followed the track of the Indians who had just attacked us; this indeed
led us to a palm-tree which had been recently cut, around which were
numerous foot-marks. We could, however, discover no marks of blood; and
concluded, therefore, that the Indians had carried off the man alive. After
we had fruitlessly searched for him in every quarter for upwards of an hour,
and repeatedly called out aloud to him, without receiving any answer, we
returned to our boat, and brought the water on board. The joy of our men
was as great as if we had brought them new life; and one of the soldiers,
from excessive thirst, leaped from the vessel into the boat, seized one of the
small casks, and poured such an abundance of water into his body, that he
instantaneously swelled out and expired.
Having brought the water on board our vessels, hauled in our boats, we
hoisted our sails and stood direct for the Havannah. The day and following

night the weather was most beautiful as we passed the Martyr Islands and
sand-banks of the same name. We had only four fathoms water, where the
sea was deepest; our principal ship consequently struck against the rocks
and became very leaky, so that all hands were engaged at the pumps,
without then being able to get the water under, while we every moment
feared the vessel would go down. I never shall forget the answer which
some sailors from the Levant, who were among the crew, made when we
cried out to them: "Come on, my boys, help us to pump out the water, or we
shall all be lost! you see how our wounds and hard labour have debilitated
us." "That's your own look out," said they; "we get no pay, suffer both from
hunger and thirst, and have, in the bargain, to share your fatigues and
wounds." Nothing now remained but to drive them to the pumps by main
force; and in this way we had alternately to work the sails and the pumps,
however distasteful to us, until the Lord Jesus brought us into the port of
Carena, where now the town of Havannah stands, the latter being
previously called Puerto de Carenas, and not the Havannah.
As soon as we had set foot on shore we returned thanks to the Almighty for
our safe return, and got the water out of our principal ship, in which a
Portuguese diver, who happened to be on board another vessel, greatly
assisted us. We also immediately wrote to the governor, Diego Velasquez,
giving him an account of the countries we discovered with large townships
and houses built of stone, whose inhabitants were clad in cotton, and wore
maltates; likewise of the gold and the regular maise-plantations of the
country. Our captain journeyed overland to Santispiritus, where he had his
Indian commendary: he died, however, ten days after his arrival there, from
his wounds. The rest of our men became dispersed through the island, and
three more of our men died of their wounds at the Havannah.
Our vessels were taken to Santiago de Cuba, where the governor resided.
Here the two Indians were brought on shore whom we had taken with us
from the Punta de Cotoche, as above related, called Melchorillo and
Julianillo. When, however, we brought forth the box with the crowns, the
golden ducks, the fish, and the idols, more noise was made about them than
they really merited, so that they became the common topics of conversation
throughout the islands of St. Domingo and Cuba; indeed the fame thereof
even reached Spain. There it was said that none of the countries which had
hitherto been discovered were as rich as this, and in none had there been

found houses built of stone. The earthen gods, it was said, were the remains
of the ancient heathen times; others again went so far as to affirm that they
were descendants of the Jews whom Titus and Vespasian had driven from
Jerusalem, who had been shipwrecked off this coast. Peru, indeed, was not
then known, and in so far the countries we had discovered were justly
considered of the greatest importance. Diego Velasquez closely questioned
the two Indians as to whether there were any gold mines in their country.
They answered in the affirmative; and when they were shown some of the
gold-dust found in the island of Cuba, they said there was abundance of it in
their country. In this they told an untruth, as it is very well known there are
neither goldmines on the Punta de Cotoche nor even in whole Yucatan.
They were likewise shown the beds in which the seeds of that plant are
sown from whose root the cassave bread is made, and in Cuba called yuca:
they assured us that the same plant grew in their country, and was called by
them tale. As the cassave-root at Cuba is called yuca, and the ground in
which it is planted by the Indians tale, so from these two words arose the
name of the country, Yucatan; for the Spaniards who were standing around
the governor at the time he was speaking to the two Indians said, "You see,
sir, they call their country Yucatan." And from this circumstance the country
retained the name of Yucatan, although the natives call it otherwise.
In this beautiful voyage of discovery we had spent our all, and returned to
Cuba covered with wounds, and as poor as beggars; yet we had reason to
congratulate ourselves that it had not been equally disastrous to us all as to
many of our companions who had lost their lives. Our captain, as I have
already mentioned, died soon after his return; and all of us suffered for a
considerable time after from our wounds. Our whole loss amounted to
seventy men, which was all we had gained by this voyage of discovery.
Concerning all this the governor Diego Velasquez wrote to those gentlemen
in Spain who at that time managed the affairs of India, and boasted of the
discoveries he had made, and of the vast expense it had put him to. This
actually obtained credit, and the bishop of Burgos, Don Juan Rodriguez de
Fonseca, who also bore the title of archbishop of Rosano, and was president
of Indian affairs, wrote in that strain to his majesty, in Flanders, vastly
extolling the merit of Diego Velasquez, at the same time not as much as
even mentioning the names of any of us who had really discovered the
country.

I will, however, break off here, and relate in the following chapter what
further fatigues I and three more of my companions in arms had to undergo.

CHAPTER VII.
The fatigues I had to undergo, until my arrival in the town of
Trinidad.
I have already above related that I with some other soldiers who had not
quite recovered from our wounds remained behind in the Havannah. As
soon as the latter began to heal a little we three made up our minds to go in
company with a certain Pedro d'Avila, an inhabitant of the Havannah, to the
town of Trinidad. This man was going to make a voyage in a canoe along
the south coast, and had taken a lading of cotton shirts, which he intended
to dispose of in Trinidad. As I have above stated, these canoes are hollowed
out of the trunks of trees, after the manner of our bakers' troughs: in this
country they are used for coasting; and we had to pay Pedro d'Avila ten
doubloons for the voyage.
As we were coasting along, sometimes rowing, sometimes sailing, we
arrived after the eleventh day in sight of an Indian village, subject to the
Spaniards, and called Cannareon; there arose at night-time such a terrible
gale of wind, that, although we rowed with all our strength, we could not
keep the sea any longer. Notwithstanding every exertion of Pedro d'Avila,
of some Indians from the Havannah, and several other good rowers we had
with us, nothing at last remained but to run the canoe aground between the
steep rocks. The canoe was dashed to pieces, the whole lading of Pedro
d'Avila went to the bottom, and we made the best of our way on shore,
naked as the day we were born, our bodies cut and bruised all over by
clambering over the rocks, for we had stripped ourselves of our clothes in
order to be the better able to swim, and also, if possible, to save the canoe.
As we had only escaped with our lives among these rocks, none other
choice was left us than to continue our road over them to Trinidad, which
lay along the coast through a barren country full of rugged rocks, where our
feet soon became blistered and wounded; as to think of getting anything to
eat was quite out of the question; while we had continually to struggle with
a terrific gale of wind and the sea breaking over the rocks. Although we had
not neglected to cover our bodies as much as possible with leaves and

herbs, we nevertheless got sore boils between our legs, which bled very
much. At last we could proceed no further; for the sharp stones had covered
our feet with wounds: we managed, however, with considerable trouble to
reach a more elevated spot. None of us having his sword left, we contrived
by means of sharp stones to loosen the bark of some trees and bind it as
well as we could under the soles of our feet, with the tendrils of climbers,
which grew among the wood. And in this way, after suffering great fatigues
we reached a sandy district on the coast, whence in a couple of days we
arrived in the Indian village Yeguarama, at that time the property of
Bartholomeus de las Casas,[3] who was a priest. I knew him afterwards
when he belonged to the order of the Dominicans, and became bishop of
Chiopia. Here the Indians gave us to eat, and on the following day we
arrived at another village, called Chipiona, which was the joint property of
Alonso de Avila, and of Sandoval, but this was not the captain of the same
name who gained such vast renown in New Spain. From this place we at
last came to Trinidad, where I had an acquaintance, by name Antonio de
Medina, who provided me with a suit of clothes as they were worn in that
town; my comrades were similarly provided by other of the inhabitants.
Quite worn out by fatigue and miserably poor, I set off for Santiago de
Cuba, where the governor Diego Velasquez resided. He was just then busily
engaged fitting out another squadron, and was highly delighted at seeing me
again when I called upon him, for we were related to each other: and as one
word led to another, he asked me if my wounds were sufficiently healed to
make another trip to Yucatan? I could not help smiling at this and said, who
gave the country that name? for the natives do not call it so. "So Melchior,
whom you brought with you, calls it," resumed he. "Call it rather, (said I,)
the land where they killed one half of our men and wounded the other."
"Well, (said he,) if you have undergone many fatigues, you have only
shared the same fate with all others who have ventured out on the discovery
of new countries. But, on the other hand, you will not fail to be highly
honoured and rewarded by his majesty the king, to whom I will transmit a
faithful account of all this. Therefore, my friend, you may in all safety join
yourself to the squadron I am now fitting out, and I will take care that you
shall have an honorable post." What further happened I will next relate.

CHAPTER VIII.
How Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, sent out another
armament to the country we had discovered.
It was in the year of our Lord 1518, after Diego Velasquez had learnt the
good account we gave of the newly-discovered country, called Yucatan, that
he determined to send thither another expedition. For this purpose he
selected four vessels, among which were the two in which we warriors had
accompanied Cordoba on our recent voyage to Yucatan, purchased at our
own expense. At the time this squadron was fitting out there were staying at
Santiago de Cuba, Juan de Grijalva, Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de
Montejo, and Alonso de Avila; who had commendaries of Indians in these
islands, and had come to transact business with the governor. As these were
all men of courage and energy, Velasquez soon made arrangements with
them to take part in this expedition, on the following terms: that Juan de
Grijalva, who was related to him, should have the chief command of the
whole expedition as captain-general, while Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de
Montejo, and Alonso de Avila, should be appointed to the command of the
three other ships. They had also to furnish the vessels with provisions of
cassave bread and pickled meat; Diego Velasquez had, on the other hand, to
procure the four vessels, furnish the necessary crossbows, muskets, goods
for barter, and other matters of less importance. Our account that the houses
in the newly-discovered country were built of stone and lime, had spread a
vast idea of its riches, added to which the Indian Melchorejo had given to
understand by signs that it abounded in gold mines. All this created a great
desire among the inhabitants and soldiers throughout the island, who
possessed no commendaries of Indians, to go in quest of such a rich
country; consequently, in a very short time, we mustered 220. Each person,
moreover, furnished himself with additional provisions, arms, and other
matters which might be useful.
Thus I again took my departure for that country, under the same
commanders I subsequently once more visited it. The instructions which
our commanders received from Diego Velasquez, were to this effect, that

they should barter for as much gold and silver as they could get, and if they
deemed it advisable settle colonies, but left this entirely to their own
judgment. A person of the name of Penolosa accompanied us in the capacity
of comptroller; for priest we had a certain Juan Diaz. We had also the same
three pilots who accompanied us on our former voyage; and a fourth, whose
name I do not remember. Each had charge of one of the vessels; but the first
in command, as chief pilot, was Anton de Alaminos.
But before I proceed with my narrative, I must here remark, that it is not for
want of deference on my part, that I barely give the names of the noblemen
who were our commanding officers, without adding their titles and
describing their several escutcheons, but shall simply call them thus, Pedro
de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso de Avila. I therefore now
take this opportunity of saying, that Pedro de Alvarado was a bold cavalier,
who, subsequent to the conquest of New Spain, became governor and chief
justice of the provinces of Guatimala, Honduras, and Chaopo, and comptoir
of Santiago. In like manner Francisco de Montejo, a man of great courage,
subsequently was governor and chief justice of Yucatan. I shall merely call
them by their proper names, up to that time when his majesty conferred on
them honorary titles and sovereign authority.
But to return to my subject, our four vessels lay in the harbour of Matanza
on the north coast, not far from the old Havannah, which at that time was
not built where it now stands. In this harbour, or at least in its
neighbourhood, most of the inhabitants had their stores of cassave bread
and pickled meat. Here consequently our vessels were provided with
everything they further required. This place moreover had been appointed
the rendezvous for all the officers and men.
But, before I continue my narrative, I will explain how this harbour
obtained the name of Matanza,[4] though it may seem rather out of place
here; yet, as so many persons have asked me how it originated, there is
some excuse.
Some time ago, when Cuba was not quite subdued, it happened that a
vessel, bound from the island of St. Domingo to the Luccas, during a heavy
storm, was wrecked off the coast. This took place near the river and harbour
of Matanza; there were thirty Spaniards and two Spanish ladies on board. In

order to convey them across the river, numbers of Indians had collected
together from the Havannah and other districts. They appeared most
friendly inclined, and offered to carry the shipwrecked across in their
canoes and take them to their habitations, where they would give them to
eat. The Spaniards accepted this offer; when the Indians, however, had
arrived in the midst of the stream, they upset their canoes and drowned
them all, save three of the men and one of the females. The men were
allotted to the other Indians, but the female, a very beautiful woman, was
given to the most powerful of the caziques, the person who had concocted
this piece of treachery. From this circumstance it was that the harbour got
the name of Matanza.
I was personally acquainted with the female whose misfortune I have just
related. After the total conquest of Cuba, she left the cazique in whose
power she then was, and married a citizen of Trinidad, by name Pedro
Sanchez Farsan.
I was also acquainted with the three Spaniards whose lives had been spared.
One was Gonzalo Mexia, an old man, and native of Xeres; the other, Juan
de Santiste-ban, from Madrigal; and the third was Cascorro, a sailor and
fisherman, of Huelva. The cazique in whose power he was, had given him
his daughter in marriage, and bored holes through his ears and nose, after
the Indian fashion.
Having thus detained the reader for a while with these old stories, it is time
I return to the thread of my narrative.
On the 5th of April, 1518, all of us having met together, the officers and
soldiers, the pilots made acquainted with the signals, and the hour of
departure fixed, we attended mass with fervent devotion, and weighed
anchor. After ten days' sail, we passed the cape of Guaniguanico, called by
the sailors San Anton. Eight days after, we came in sight of the island of
Cozumel; it happened to be the feast of the Holy Cross. This time our ships
were carried further off by the currents than the time before under Cordoba;
the consequence was that we now landed on the south coast of the island.
We here espied a village, and found a good anchorage near it, perfectly free
from all rocks. Our commander-in-chief, therefore, went on shore here with
a good body of soldiers. The inhabitants, who had never witnessed such a

sight before, immediately took to flight when they saw our vessels
approaching, so that not a single one of them had remained in the village.
At length we discovered two Indians among the recently cut maise plants,
who had not been able to get off quick enough. We brought them into the
presence of our captain, who spoke to them with the help of Julianillo and
Melchorejo, whom we had captured at the Punta de Cotoche, and who
understood their language. The distance between their countries was only
four hours' sail, which accounts for the inhabitants of Cozumel speaking the
same language. Our commander was very kind to them, gave each some
green glass beads, and sent them away to bring the Calachoni of the district,
(so the caziques are termed here;) they, however, never returned. While we
were still waiting for them, an Indian woman came towards us, comely in
appearance, and who spoke the language of Jamaica. She told us that the
Indians had fled, out of fear, to the mountains. As I myself and many others
among us understood her language, which is the same as that of the island
of Cuba, we were quite astonished at the circumstance, and inquired of her
how she had got here.
She told us that, two years ago, she had left Jamaica with ten Indians, in a
large canoe, in order to go fishing among the islands in this neighbourhood,
but had been driven on shore by the currents, when the inhabitants killed
her husband with most of her companions, and sacrificed them to their
gods.
It struck our commander, as soon as he had learnt this, that the woman
might be employed as a negotiator. He therefore desired her to go and fetch
the inhabitants and cazique of the district, and gave her two days to return
in. We durst not send Melchorejo and Julianillo with her, lest they should
run away and return to their own country.
The day following, the Indian woman returned, but informed us that,
notwithstanding all her representations, she could neither persuade the
Indians nor their wives to accompany her. We called this place Santa Cruz,
because we had discovered it four or five days before the feast of the Holy
Cross. In this neighbourhood there was plenty of honey, manioc, patates,
and large herds of musk swine, which have their navels on their backs.[5]
This island contains three poor villages, of which the one I am now
speaking of is the largest; the two smaller ones were both situated on a

promontory at about six miles distance from each other. Our commander
Grijalva, perceiving that it was mere loss of time to make any further stay
here, gave orders for re-embarking. The Indian woman of Jamaica went
along with us, and we continued our voyage.

CHAPTER IX.
How we landed at Champoton.
From this point we sailed in the same direction we had taken under
Cordoba, and arrived after eight days' sail off the coast of Champoton, the
place where the Indians had so ill used us, as has been related in the proper
place. The sea being very shallow in these parts we dropt our anchor at
about three miles distance from the shore, and immediately landed in all our
boats with half of our men, as near to the village as possible. The
inhabitants and other Indians in the neighbourhood gathered themselves
together as they had the time before, when they killed fifty-six of our men
and wounded all the rest of us. From their bearing and proud demeanour we
could easily perceive that they had not forgotten their victory. They were all
well armed according to their fashion, with bows, lances, shields, and
broadswords, which they wield with both hands. Added to all this they had
slings, cotton cuirasses, drums and trumpets, while most of them had their
faces painted black and white. They had arranged themselves along the sea
shore in order to fall upon us as soon as we landed. But, as our previous
loss had taught us prudence, we took with us this time some falconets, and
otherwise well armed ourselves with crossbows and matchlocks.
When we were near enough they let fly such a shower of arrows and lances
that the half of our men were speedily wounded. As soon, however, as we
got on shore, we quickly gave them an evil return with our matchlocks and
sabres. Nothing daunted by this they each selected their man, whom they
particularly aimed at with their arrows, but we had taken the precaution to
put on cotton cuirasses. They continued to combat with us for some time,
until the arrival of another of our long boats, when we drove them back to
the wells near the village. In this conflict we lost Juan de Quitera and many
other soldiers. Our commander, Juan de Grijalva, got three arrow wounds
and lost two of his teeth, and above sixty of our men were wounded.
Immediately upon our putting the enemy to flight, we entered the village,
dressed our wounds, and buried the dead. Not a single person had remained
behind in the village, and even those whom we had driven back to the wells

had merely staid there a sufficient time to carry off their property. In this
skirmish we made three prisoners, one of whom was a person of rank. Our
commander set them at liberty, desiring them to go and call the cazique of
the district. He also presented them with green glass beads and small bells
to distribute among the inhabitants, in order to gain their friendship. We
treated the three prisoners upon the whole with every kindness, and gave
them glass corals to encourage them and gain their good faith. They left us
indeed, but took good care not to return; we thought it possible, however,
that Julianillo and Melchorejo had misrepresented our commission to them.
We staid four days in this place, and I shall never forget it on account of the
immense sized locusts which we saw here. It was a stony spot on which the
battle took place, and these creatures, while it lasted, kept continually flying
in our faces; and as at the same moment we were greeted by a shower of
arrows from the enemy, we also mistook these locusts for arrows. But, as
soon as we had discovered our mistake, we deceived ourselves in another
more direful way, for we now mistook arrows for locusts, and discontinued
to shield ourselves against them. In this way we mistook locusts and arrows
to our great sorrow, were severely wounded in consequence, and otherwise
found ourselves in a very awkward predicament.

CHAPTER X.
We continued our course and ran into Terminos bay, as we
named it.
On our further voyage we came to an opening on the coast, which to us
appeared to be the mouth of some broad and large river. It was, however,
not a river as we had supposed, but a good harbour, which reached so far
inland, and had such a considerable breadth, that it appeared like a sea; and
our pilot Anton de Alaminos confidently asserted that this was an island
whose two promontories reached nigh to the continent. We, therefore,
termed this opening the Boca de Terminos, under which name it may be
found on the sea charts. Our commander and the other officers went on
shore here with the greater part of our men, among which number I also
was. We remained three whole days in this place in order thoroughly to
explore the opening and sail through it in all directions. We discovered,
however, that it was no island, but a deep indented bay, formed by the
continent, affording us a most commodious harbour. As we also found
temples here built of stone and lime, full of idols made of wood or clay,
with other figures, sometimes representing women, sometimes serpents,
also horns of various kinds of wild animals, we concluded that an Indian
village must be near at hand: we considered, moreover, that this would be a
most excellent spot to found a colony. We had, however, deceived ourselves
in one thing, the district being quite uninhabited. The temples most
probably belonged to merchants and hunters, who on their journies most
likely ran into this harbour and there made their sacrifices. Fallow deer and
rabbits abounded in this neighbourhood, and with one greyhound only we
killed ten of the former and great numbers of the latter. Our dog took such a
liking to this spot that it ran away while we were busy reimbarking, nor did
we see it again until we visited this place subsequently with Cortes, when it
appeared in excellent condition, quite plump and sleeky.
Having thoroughly explored Terminos harbour, and sounded it throughout,
we pursued our course along the coast to the river Tabasco, which at
present, after the name of its discoverer, is called the river Grijalva.

CHAPTER XI.
How we came into the Tabasco river, which we termed the
Grijalva, and what happened to us there.
As we thus by day sailed along the coast of the continent, for at night we
lay to on account of the shallows and rocks, we perceived on the third
morning a very broad mouth of some river. We approached the shore as
near as possible, thinking we should find a good harbour here. As we came
closer to the mouth we saw that the waves broke over its shallows: we
consequently lowered our boats to make soundings, and found that our two
larger vessels could not come in here. It was therefore immediately resolved
that they should anchor further out at sea, but that the two remaining vessels
which did not draw so much water, with all our boats well manned, should
proceed up the river. We could perceive in the canoes along the shore
numbers of Indians with bows and arrows, and in other respects armed
exactly like those of Champoton. We concluded from their numbers that a
village could not be far off; we also found as we proceeded further up the
river along the banks, basket kiddles put out, from two of which we took
the fish and placed them in a boat a-stern of our principal ship.
This river was previously called after the cazique of the district, the
Tabasco; as we, however, discovered it during this expedition, we gave it
the name of the Grijalva river, in honour of our chief commander, under
which name it stands on the sea charts.
We might still have been about two miles from the village when we
distinctly heard the crackling noise of the felling of trees; for the Indians
were constructing barricades and making other preparations of war against
us, of the issue of which they entertained no doubts, as they had been duly
advertised of the occurrence at Potonchan. As soon as we learnt this, we
disembarked our men on a projecting point of land, about two miles from
the village, where some palm trees were growing. As soon as they
perceived this, about fifty canoes with Indians completely armed after their
fashion made towards us, while many other canoes, manned in the same

way, lay dispersed about the haven, at a greater distance, not daring to
approach us so near as the first.
Seeing how ready they were for action, we were just upon the point of
firing off our great guns, and giving them a volley of musket-shots, when it
entered our minds, through a merciful Providence, that we ought first to try
if we could not gain their friendship. We therefore by means of Julianillo
and Melchorejo, (who were natives of the Punta de Cotoche, and certainly
understood the language spoken here,) told the chiefs they had nothing to
fear from us: we were desirous of discoursing with them and had things to
disclose, which, as soon as they had learnt, would make our arrival pleasing
to them: they should come to us and we would gladly give them of the
things we had brought.
Upon this invitation four of the canoes approached us, containing thirty
Indians, or thereabouts. We showed them necklaces of blue glass beads,
small mirrors, and green imitation corals. At the sight of the latter they
appeared quite delighted; for they thought them to be chalchihuis stones,
which are highly esteemed in their country.
Our captain then told them, by means of our interpreters, that we came from
a distant country, and were the subjects of a great emperor, whose name was
Don Carlos, who had numerous sovereigns and caziques among his vassals:
they should likewise acknowledge this emperor as their lord and master, for
then it would go well with them;—he further desired them to give us fowls
in exchange for our glass beads.
Two of the Indians, one of whom was the chief and the other a papa—this is
a kind of priest, who performs the ceremonies in presence of their idols—
answered and said, "they would bring the provisions we required and
commence a trade of barter with us.—For the rest they had already a
master, and could not help feeling astonished that we, who had but just
arrived and knew nothing of them, should that instant wish to impose a
master on them. We had better consider a bit before we commenced war
with them, as we had with those at Potonchan. That already all the warriors
of the country had been ordered out against us, and two armies, each
composed of 8000 men were ready for action. They certainly had learnt that
a few days ago we had killed and wounded 200 men; but they were more

powerful than the inhabitants of that country, which was the reason why
they first wished to know what our intentions were. Our declaration would
be communicated to the caziques of the numerous districts, who had united
themselves for war or for peace."
Upon this they embraced our commander, in token of peace, who presented
them with necklaces of glass beads, and desired them to return as quickly as
possible with an answer; adding that if they did not return we would enter
their town by main force, though we had no evil intentions whatever.
These delegates communicated with the caziques and papas—the latter
having also a voice in their councils,—and they declared that our offer of
peace was acceptable to them. Provisions were ordered to be sent us, and all
present agreed that they themselves with the neighbouring tribes should
each contribute their quota in order to make us a present in gold to insure
our good friendship, and obviate a recurrence of what had taken place at
Potonchan. From what I subsequently learnt and witnessed I found that it
was customary with the inhabitants of these countries to make each other
presents whenever they were in treaty about peace.
All I have been relating took place on the promontory where the palm trees
stood. About thirty Indians soon arrived, laden with broiled fish, fowls,
fruit, and maise-bread. They also brought pans filled with red-hot embers,
on which they strewed incense, and perfumed us all. After this ceremony
was ended they spread some mats on the ground, over which they laid a
piece of cotton cloth; on this they put some trifling ornaments in gold in the
shape of ducks and lizards, with three necklaces made of gold, which had
been melted into the shape of round balls. All these things, however, were
of an inferior kind of gold, not worth 200 pesos. They next presented us
with some mantles and waistcoats, as they themselves wore, and begged of
us to accept them in good kind; saying they had no more gold to give us,
but that further on towards the setting of the sun there was a country where
it was found in great abundance; hereby often repeating the word Culba,
Culba, and Mexico, Mexico. We however did not understand what they
meant. Although the presents they had brought us were of little value, we
nevertheless rejoiced exceedingly on account of the certainty we had gained
that there was gold in this country. Having handed over the presents to us
with due formality they told us we might now continue our voyage. Our

captain thanked them; presenting each at the same time with some green
beads. We now determined to re-embark, for the vessels were in great
danger on account of the north wind, which in our present situation was
quite contrary. We had, moreover, to go in quest of the country, which,
according to the assurances of the Indians, abounded in gold.

CHAPTER XII.
We come in sight of the town of Aguajaluco, and give it the name
of La Rambla.
Having again re-embarked we continued our course along the coast, and
perceived on the second day a town close to the sea shore, called
Aguajaluco. We could discern numbers of Indians hurrying to and fro with
huge shields made out of large tortoise-shells, which glittered so beautifully
in the sun, that some of our men believed they were made of an inferior
species of gold. The inhabitants appeared to be walking up and down the
shore in great consternation, which induced us to call the village La
Rambla, under which name it stands on the sea charts.
As we proceeded further along the coast we came to a bay, into which the
river Tonola empties itself: it was this same river we entered on our
subsequent voyage. We gave it the name of Sant Antonio, which it still
retains on the maps. We next passed the mouth of the great river
Guacasualco, and would gladly have run into the bay which it forms if
contrary winds had not prevented us. We now came in sight of the great
Snow Mountains—Sierras Nevadas. These are covered the whole year
round with snow. There were also other mountains, nearer the coast, to
which we gave the name of Holy Martin, because a soldier of the name of
San Martino, a native of the Havannah, first descried them. One of the
commanders, Pedro de Alvarado, whose vessel was the fastest sailer of the
whole, being a great way ahead of the others, ran his ship up a river called
by the natives Papalohuna: this we termed the Alvarado, after the name of
the discoverer. Some Indian fishermen of the village Tlacotalpa gave him
fish: we could perceive this, though at a great distance from him. Alvarado
was followed by two more of our ships; we were therefore obliged to wait
until they returned. This digression without the general's leave occasioned
ill blood; and Grijalva forbade Alvarado in future to sail in advance of the
squadron, fearing he might meet with some accident or other before the rest
could possibly come up to his assistance. From this time the four vessels
kept close together. We soon after arrived at the mouth of another river,

which we termed the Bandera's Stream, (Flag Stream,) from the
circumstance that the banks of the river were crowded with Indians bearing
small flags of white cloth attached to their lances. They called out and
invited us to come on shore: but I will relate in the next chapter what further
took place here.

CHAPTER XIII.
How we arrive on the Bandera's Stream, and gain 1500 pesos.
By this time the existence of the great city of Mexico must be known
throughout the major part of the Spanish provinces and the greater part of
Christendom: how, like Venice, it was built in the water; and of the mighty
monarch who resided there, king of many provinces and lord of all these
countries, which in extent were more than quadruple that of Spain. The
name of this monarch was Motecusuma: his power was so great that he
would gladly have extended it to places where it was impossible, and he
wished to know things which he never could learn. He had, however, heard
of our first visit under the command of Cordoba, and of our battle at
Cotoche and Champoton, also of the second engagement we had had at the
last-mentioned spot. He was moreover aware that we had been but a
handful of men in comparison with the multitude of the inhabitants; and
lastly, it had been made known to him that we gladly exchanged our goods
for gold. All this information had, from time to time, been sent him by
means of painted figures or signs, drawn, as is the custom with this people,
on a thick kind of cloth manufactured from the maguey,[6] very much
resembling our linen. Being also informed that we were continuing our
course along the coast, he issued orders to the governors of the several
districts that at every place where we landed they should exchange their
gold for our glass beads, but particularly for the green ones, which so much
resembled their chalchihuis stones; and further he commanded them to gain
every information with respect to our intentions. What made him dwell
more particularly upon the latter was the ancient tradition in the country,
which spoke of a people that would come from the rising of the sun who
would at some future period get the dominion of the country.
For whatever purpose it may have been I will leave, but certain it is that the
powerful Motecusuma had ordered sentinels to be posted along the banks of
the river above mentioned. These sentinels had all small flags attached to
the points of their lances, and called out aloud, inviting us to come to them.
While we were contemplating from our vessels this, to us, so novel a sight,

our commander-in-chief with the other officers and soldiers came to the
determination to inquire their meaning. We therefore lowered two of our
boats and manned them with twenty soldiers, well armed with crossbows
and muskets. The command of this was given to Francisco de Montejo. I
was likewise among the number. Our instructions were to send immediate
information to the commander-in-chief if anything of a hostile nature
should take place and in general to let him know how matters stood. It
pleased God that the weather should be calm, which is seldom the case on
these coasts. We all got safe on shore, and were met by three caziques, one
of whom was a governor under Motecusuma. These were attended by great
numbers of Indians, carrying fowls, maise-bread, pines, sapotas, and other
provisions; they spread some mats in the shade of the trees, on which they
invited us to sit down. All this was done by signs, as Julianillo did not
understand their language. Next they brought pans made of clay, filled with
glowing embers, on which they strewed a species of resin, smelling very
much like our incense, with which they perfumed us.
Francisco de Montejo sent information of all this to our commander-in-
chief, who immediately resolved to run the whole squadron into the bay,
and proceed on shore with all our men.
When the caziques and the governor saw our general on shore, who, they
had been given to understand, was our chief officer, they paid him in their
way the greatest possible respect, and perfumed him most vehemently. We
thanked them kindly, and in return made many protestations of friendship,
also presenting each with white and green glass beads, desiring them at the
same time to bring us gold in exchange for our commodities. Motecusuma's
governor strongly advised the Indians to comply with our request; the
consequence of which was that the inhabitants of the surrounding districts
soon brought us every trinket they possessed in the shape of gold, and
commenced a trade of barter with us. During the six days we stayed in this
spot we obtained upwards of 1500 pesos' worth of gold trinkets, of various
workmanship, but of inferior quality. The historians Francisco Lopez de
Gomara and Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo have also mentioned this
circumstance in their works. They err, however, when they say it took place
in the Tabasco or Grijalva river; for it is a well-authenticated fact that there
is no gold found in the provinces which border on the river Grijalva, and,
upon the whole, very few ornaments of gold. I will not, however, detain my

reader with their account, but rather inform him that we took possession of
this country for his imperial majesty the Emperor, in the name of Diego
Velasquez, the governor of Cuba. This being done, our general told the
Indians that he was now desirous of re-embarking, and presented them with
some Spanish shirts. We took one of the Indians with us, who subsequently
learnt our language and was converted to Christianity, when he took the
name of Francisco. I met with him afterwards at Santa Fé, where he had
settled himself after the conquest of Mexico. Our commander, finding that
the inhabitants brought no more gold, and considering that we had already
been here six days, and that our present anchorage was rather dangerous on
account of the contrary winds, gave orders for re-embarking. Pursuing our
voyage, we came to an island which was quite covered with white sand,
lying above nine miles from the main land. We gave it the name of Isla
Blanca, as it stands on the sea charts. Not far from this lay another island,
nearly five miles from the main land, which offered us a very commodious
landing-place.
Our general, therefore, ordered the boats to be lowered, and landed, with
the greater portion of our men, in order to explore the island. We found two
houses, which were strongly built of stone and lime; both were ascended by
a flight of steps, and surmounted by a species of altar, on which stood
several abominable idols, to whom, the previous evening, five Indians had
been sacrificed. Their dead bodies still lay there, ripped open, with the arms
and legs chopped off, while everything near was besmeared with blood. We
contemplated this sight in utter astonishment, and gave this island the name
of Isla de Sacrificios. Quitting this place, we landed on the neighbouring
continent, where we constructed ourselves huts on one of the large downs,
with some sails and the branches of trees. Numbers of Indians soon made
their appearance, bringing with them small pieces of gold for barter, in the
same way as at the Bandera stream, according to the commands of
Motecusuma, as we subsequently learnt. The inhabitants, however,
approached us in great fear, and what they brought with them was a mere
trifle. Our captain, therefore, soon weighed anchor again. The next place we
landed at was in view of another island, which lay about two miles from the
continent. This at present is considered the best harbour of the country.
What happened to us in this place I will relate in the next chapter.

CHAPTER XIV.

How we came into the harbour of San Juan de Culua.
Having disembarked on a part of the coast where it was very sandy, we
were annoyed by such multitudes of muschetoes that we were forced to
construct ourselves huts on the great downs and in the tops of trees: this,
being done, we carefully examined the harbour in our boats, and were fully
satisfied that it contained a good anchorage, it being moreover sheltered
against the north wind by the island, to which our general now proceeded
with thirty men all well armed. Here we found a temple on which stood the
great and abominable-looking god Tetzcatlipuca, surrounded by four
Indians, dressed in wide black cloaks, and with flying hair, in the same way
as our canons or Dominicans wear it. These were priests, who had that very
day sacrificed two boys, whose bodies they had ripped up, and then offered
their bleeding hearts to the horrible idol. They were going to perfume us in
the same way they had done their gods; and though it smelt like our
incense, we would not suffer them, so shocked were we at the sight of the
two boys whom they had recently murdered, and disgusted with their
abominations. Our captain questioned the Indian Francisco whom we had
brought with us from the Bandera stream as to what was meant by all this,
for he seemed rather an intelligent person; having, at that time, as I have
already stated, no interpreter, our captain put these questions to him by
means of signs. Francisco returned for answer that this sacrifice had been
ordered by the people of Culua; but, as it was difficult for him to pronounce
this latter word, he kept continually saying Olua, Olua. From the
circumstance of our commander himself being present, and that his
Christian name was Juan, and it happening to be the feast of St. John, we
gave this small island the name of San Juan de Ulua. This harbour was ever
after much frequented. Great numbers of ships have been refitted there, and
all merchandise for Mexico and New Spain are here shipped or unladen.
During the time we were encamped on these downs, numbers of Indians
from the surrounding districts, brought us their gold trinkets in exchange for
our goods; but there was so little of it, and that so very inferior in quality,
that we scarcely troubled ourselves about it. We remained, nevertheless,
seven days in the huts we had constructed, though we were constantly
annoyed by swarms of muschetoes, which rendered our stay most
uncomfortable. As we had now been so long at sea, and had fully convinced
ourselves that it was no island, but a continent, we had discovered,

containing considerable towns; as our cassave-bread was become quite
mouldy and unfit for eating; considering, moreover, that our numbers were
too small to think of making any settlement here, particularly as we had lost
ten of our men in consequence of their wounds, besides having four others
dangerously ill,—we determined to forward Diego Velasquez an account of
the state of affairs, and desire him to send us succours; indeed Grijalva had
a great mind to have founded a colony even with the few men we had to
spare. Our captain had throughout shown a magnanimous spirit, and proved
himself a brave soldier, let the historian Gomara say anything to the
contrary he likes. Pedro de Alvarado was selected to go on this mission to
Cuba, with the ship San Sebastian, which had become rather leaky: this
vessel could be refitted there, and return with succours and provisions. He
also took with him all the gold we had bartered for, the cotton stuffs
presented us by the Indians, and our sick. Our principal officers, moreover,
each sent Diego Velasquez a written account, according to their several
views, of all we had seen. We will now leave Pedro de Alvarado to his own
good fortune on his voyage to Cuba, and relate what happened to the vessel
which Diego Velasquez sent in quest of us.

CHAPTER XV.
Diego Velasquez sends out a small vessel in quest of us.
From the very moment in which Juan de Grijalva had quitted Cuba for the
wide ocean, Diego Velasquez became downcast and thoughtful; he was
constantly harassed by the idea that some misfortune would befall us. In the
height of his impatience he at last sent out a small vessel, with seven men,
in quest of us. The command of this was given to a certain Christobal de
Oli, a man of great courage and energy. His instructions were to follow the
same course in which Cordoba had sailed, until he should have met with us.
It appears, however, that Christobal de Oli, while riding at anchor near the
coast, was overtaken by a violent storm, and found himself compelled, in
order to save his vessel from being cast ashore, to cut the cables; at least he
had no anchor left on his return to Santiago de Cuba, nor had he been able
to bring the governor any information respecting us.
Diego Velasquez now despaired more than ever. The arrival of Pedro de
Alvarado with the gold and other things, fortunately set his anxiety at rest,
who, moreover, detailed to him the discoveries we had made. His joy was
excessive when he saw the gold, and how it was worked into various
shapes; from which very circumstance it appeared to him and others who
happened to be present on business, of much greater value than it really
was; nor were his majesty's officials, who had to take the fifth part, less
astonished at the riches of the countries we had discovered. Pedro de
Alvarado, who knew how to humour Diego Velasquez, afterwards related
that the governor had continually embraced him,—that festivities and
tournaments were celebrated for eight successive days. If the fame of the
riches of these countries had been rumoured abroad before, it was now, on
account of the gold we had sent, the more so; it soon spread through all the
islands, and the whole of Spain.
I shall have occasion to speak of this hereafter, and will also leave Diego
Velasquez to his festivities, and return to our vessels at San Juan de Ulua.

CHAPTER XVI.
What befell us on our coasting voyage along the Tusta and
Tuspa mountains.
After Pedro de Alvarado had set sail for Cuba, our general and other
officers held a consultation with the pilots, when it was determined that we
should continue our course along the coast, and push our discoveries as far
as possible. As we sailed along, we first came in view of the Tusta, and, two
days after, of the more elevated mountains of Tuspa, both of which take
their names from two towns lying close to the foot of these mountains. On
the whole, we saw numbers of towns lying from six to nine miles inland,
now the province of Panuco. At last we arrived at a large stream, to which
we gave the name of Canoe river, and dropped anchor at its mouth.
While our vessels were lying at anchor here, and our men had become less
careful than usual, sixteen large canoes full of Indians, all equipped for
battle, with bows, arrows, and lances, came down the stream and made
straight for our smallest vessel, commanded by Alonso de Avila, which lay
nearest the shore. They greeted our men with a shower of arrows, wounding
two of the soldiers, and then lay hold of the vessel as if they meant to carry
her off, after they had cut one of the cables. We now hastened to the
assistance of Alonso, who was still bravely repelling his assailants, and had
capsized three of their canoes. We were well armed with crossbows and
muskets, and very soon wounded at least above a third of our enemies, who
speedily retreated to where they had come from, not exactly in the best of
spirits. Upon this we weighed anchor and continued our course along the
coast until we arrived at a wide projecting cape, which, on account of the
strong currents, we found so difficult to double that we considered our
further course now impeded. The chief pilot, Alaminos, here told our
commander that it was no longer advisable to sail on at a venture, for which
he gave us many plausible reasons. This matter being duly considered in
council, it was unanimously agreed that we should return to Cuba.

To this step we were, moreover, induced by the approach of winter, scarcity
of provisions, and the bad condition of one of our vessels which had
become very leaky. To this may also be added the disagreement between
our commanders; for Juan de Grijalva persisted in his opinion that they
should make an attempt to leave a colony behind, while Francisco de
Montejo and Alonso de Avila, on the contrary, maintained that any such
attempt would be fruitless, considering the multitude of warriors which
inhabited these countries: to all this may be added that our men were
heartily sick of the sea. We therefore turned our vessels about, hoisted all
the sails, and arrived in a few days, being greatly assisted by the currents, in
the wide waters of the Guacasualco river. We could not make any stay here
on account of the boisterous state of the weather, and therefore continued
our course along the coast until we arrived at the mouth of the river Tonala,
to which we gave the name of St. Antonio. We ran up this river and
careened the leaky vessel, which had struck there several times against the
rocks.
While we were busily engaged at this work, numbers of Indians came up to
us from the harbour of Tonala, which lay about four miles from this place,
bringing with them maise-bread, fish, and fruits, which they readily gave
us. Our commander was particularly kind to them, and presented each with
white and green glass beads, giving them at the same time to understand by
signs that they should bring us gold in exchange for our goods. They soon
complied with our wishes, but their gold was of a very inferior quality, for
which they received imitation corals. As soon as the inhabitants of
Guacasualco and the neighbouring districts had learnt that we offered our
goods for barter, they brought us all their golden ornaments, and took in
exchange green glass beads, on which they set a high value. Besides
ornaments of gold, every Indian had with him a copper axe, which was very
highly polished, with the handle curiously carved, as if to serve equally for
an ornament as for the field of battle. At first we thought that these axes
were made of an inferior kind of gold; we therefore commenced taking
them in exchange, and, in the space of two days, had collected more than
600, with which we were no less rejoiced as long as we were ignorant of
their real value, than the Indians with our glass beads. One of our sailors,
who had by stealth bought seven of these axes and was secretly
congratulating himself on this piece of good fortune, was betrayed to our

commander-in-chief, who, ordering the man in his presence, commanded
him to deliver up his treasure. Still of opinion that these axes were of gold,
the poor fellow, though forced, reluctantly parted with them. This brings to
my mind what befell one of our men, named Bartolome Prado: this fellow
had managed to get inside of a temple, called by the Indians a cue,[7] which
stood upon an elevated spot, and had found in it numerous idols, and some
copal, which is the incense of the Indians; also knives made of hard flint,
with which they cut their meat offerings, and otherwise make use of in their
sacrifices. Besides these things, he found two small wooden boxes, filled
with golden trinkets which are worn about the head and neck; also small
idols, and other ornaments somewhat resembling our pearls. The idols he
brought to his commander, but took care to keep the gold himself. It seems,
however, that some one had been watching him all the time, who reported
what he had seen to our captain. We all felt concerned at this, and spoke a
good word for him, as he was a kind-hearted being: we begged hard of our
commander that he might be allowed to retain his treasure, minus the fifth
part claimed for the emperor, which being granted, the man had nigh upon
eighty pesos left for himself. In this place I must also acquaint my readers
how I sowed some orange seeds close to one of these temples. On account
of the numbers of muschetoes which swarm along this river, I had, being
tired, laid myself down to rest on the summit of a high temple: in gratitude
for the quiet slumber I enjoyed there, I sowed, at the foot of this building,
eight orange seeds which I had brought with me from Cuba. These seeds
grew very fast, and when grown to small plants, were most probably
watered and preserved from the ants by the papas, as soon as they perceived
the new plant. I have merely related this in order to acquaint my reader that
these were the first orange seeds that were planted in New Spain.
Subsequent to the conquest of Mexico and friendly subjection of the Indian
tribes on the Guacasualco, this province, being excellently situated, was
considered of greater importance than any other, no less on account of its
mines than for its beautiful harbour. The country, moreover, abounded in
gold, and contained fine pastures for sheep, which was the reason why the
most illustrious of the conquistadores[8] of Mexico settled themselves there;
among which number was myself,—and I did not forget to look for my
orange trees, which, indeed, I transplanted, and they afterwards flourished
uncommonly.

I am well aware that it will be said, such old tales as these are quite out of
character here; I will not, therefore, say another syllable on the subject, but
merely acquaint the reader that the inhabitants of these districts were all
very much pleased with us, and embraced us at our departure. We set sail
for Cuba, and arrived there in the space of forty days, during which time the
weather was sometimes favorable and sometimes boisterous. We were most
friendly received by the governor Diego Velasquez, who was highly
delighted with the additional gold we brought him. Altogether it was well
worth 4000 pesos; so that with the 16,000 brought over by Alvarado, the
whole amounted to 20,000 pesos. Some make this sum greater, some less;
but one thing is certain, the crown officials only took the fifths of the last-
mentioned sum. When they were about to take this also of the Indian axes,
which we had mistaken for gold, they grew excessively angry on finding
them to be merely of a fine species of copper; nor did this circumstance fail
to produce the usual laughter at the expense of our trade of barter. Diego
Velasquez, however, appeared perfectly satisfied, though not so with his
relative Grijalva. This was wrong on his part, for it originated solely in the
misrepresentations of Alonso de Avila, a man of a bad disposition, who did
all he could, backed by Montejo, to lower Grijalva in his eyes. All this—
rumour spread—was done in order to fit out another armament, and select a
new commander.

CHAPTER XVII.
Diego Velasquez despatches one of his officials to Spain.
My readers may perhaps think, that what I am now about to relate does not
exactly belong to this history; but in the course of it they will readily
perceive that I have been obliged to notice many circumstances before I
could introduce them to the captain, Hernando Cortes. They ought also to
bear in mind, that it often happens that two or three things take place at the
same moment; in which case there only remains for the historian to treat of
one circumstance after the other, and begin with that which lies nearest at
hand. In this place the following comes first under our consideration.
After the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado with the gold which we had made in
the newly-discovered country, Diego Velasquez began to fear that some one
at court, who might have received private information of all this, would
anticipate him, in forwarding his imperial majesty the first news of our
important discovery, and so rob him of the reward. He, therefore,
despatched one of his chaplains, named Benito Martinez, a thorough man of
business, to Spain, with letters and a few of the valuable things, to Don Juan
Rodriguez Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, and archbishop of Rosano. He wrote
at the same time to the licentiate Louis Zapata, and the secretary Lope
Conchillos, who at that time had the conduct of all Indian affairs under the
archbishop.
Diego Velasquez was quite devoted to these gentlemen, and had presented
them with considerable Indian villages in Cuba, with the inhabitants of
which they worked their gold mines. But he took particular care to provide
well for the archbishop, troubling himself very little about his majesty, who
was at that time in Flanders.
He sent moreover to these, his patrons, a great portion of the gold trinkets
which Alvarado had brought with him; for everything that was determined
in the imperial council of India depended upon these gentlemen. Diego
Velasquez therefore sought, by means of his chaplain, to obtain unlimited
permission to fit out armaments at any time he might think proper to make

voyages of discovery, and to found colonies in the new countries as well as
in those that might subsequently be discovered: in the accounts he
transmitted to Spain, he spoke of the many thousands of gold-pesos which
he had already spent in like undertakings; thereby giving such a favorable
direction to the negotiations of his chaplain, Benito Martinez, that his
expectations were more than fulfilled, who even obtained for him the
additional title of Adelantado of Cuba. This latter appointment, however,
did not arrive until the new expedition under Cortes had left. I will not
make any further remarks on these matters at present, but rather say a few
words respecting Francisco Lopez de Gomara's History of the Conquest of
New Spain and Mexico. His history fell into my hands while I was writing
my own, and I soon foresaw that I should have to contradict him in many
instances. My intention is to give a faithful account, and that in due order,
of every circumstance; this will greatly differ from his narrative, which is
quite at variance with truth.

CHAPTER XVIII.
Of some errors in the work of Francisco Lopez de Gomara.
While busily engaged writing this narrative, the eloquent History of the
Conquest of Mexico and New Spain, by Gomara, fell into my hands; and
when I perceived the elegance of his style, and considered the rudeness of
my own, I laid down my pen, ashamed at the very thoughts of its being read
by men of distinction. With my spirits thus damped, I once more undertook
to go through his history; it was then I, for the first time, discovered how
mistaken this author was with respect to the occurrences which had really
taken place in New Spain. He is equally bad whenever he writes about the
magnitude of the towns and number of the inhabitants; in which, whenever
it suits him, he does not, for instance, hesitate a moment to put 8000 for
eight. In the same way he mentions the extensive buildings we were stated
to have commenced, though, in fact, we were only 400 in number when we
first went out to war, and had sufficient work to defend ourselves and
prevent the victory from going over to our enemies. Though the Indians
may have been timid, we were, nevertheless, guiltless of such wholesale
slaughter and other barbarities as Gomara would lay to our doors. On the
contrary, such was our situation, and I hereby seal my words with an oath
when I state, that we daily offered up our prayers to God and the Holy
Virgin to preserve us from destruction.
Alaric was certainly a most courageous monarch, and Attila a soldier whose
excessive pride would not allow him to shrink back from anything; yet they
never slaughtered such multitudes of human beings on the Catalonian plains
as we do in the book of Gomara!
In the same way he mentions what numbers of towns and temples we either
burnt or destroyed. I am speaking of the Indian temples, called by the
inhabitants cues. This latter circumstance would certainly be most pleasing
to his readers; but he never gave it a thought, when he was writing, that the
conquistadores themselves, and those better informed, would detect his
errors and falsehoods. Even in his other works, whenever he speaks about

New Spain, he immediately commits blunders. In one place he praises a
commander far above his merits, for which very reason he in another most
unjustly diminishes that of a second. In another place again, he gives many
a one a command who was not even in the army during the conquest: he
gives, for instance, the chief command at the battle fought near the town
afterwards called Almeria, to Pedro d'Irico, when, in fact, it was Juan de
Escalante who commanded on that occasion, and was killed with seven of
his men. Again he says, that Juan Velasquez de Leon founded the colony of
Guacasualco, although it was Gonzalo de Sandoval, of Avila. There is as
much truth in his account when he says that Cortes ordered the Indian
Quezal Popoca, one of Motecusuma's chiefs, to be burnt, together with the
village in which it was stated he had hid himself. Equal reliance may be
placed in his description of our entry into the town and fortress of Anga
Panga, where everything happened exactly contrary to what he has stated.
In his narrative of our proceedings on the downs, when we had appointed
Cortes captain-general and chief justice, he has allowed himself to be
deceived by false information, while he has totally misrepresented our
taking of the town Chamula, in the province of Chiapa. A still greater
blunder he commits when he states that Cortes issued his orders secretly for
the destruction of the eleven vessels which had brought us to New Spain,
for it is perfectly well known that the ships were run on shore by our
unanimous consent, and in presence of us all, in order that the sailors might
also be armed and accompany us on our march.
In like manner he lowers the merits of Juan de Grijalva, although he had
proved himself such a worthy officer; while he passes by Hernandez de
Cordoba in silence, though he was the first who discovered Yucatan: of
Francisco de Garay he says, that he had accompanied us on the previous
expedition under Grijalva, though he first visited New Spain during this last
expedition. In the account he gives of the arrival of Narvaez, and the victory
we gained over him, he is certainly more faithful, and has been well
informed of all the circumstances; but, with respect to the battles with the
Tlascallans, up to the time when peace was concluded with them, he has
again diverged from the truth. Concerning the battle we fought in the city of
Mexico itself, in which we were worsted and beaten back with the loss of
860 of our troops, of whom a great portion was sacrificed to the idols,—I
repeat, where above 860 of our men were killed, for out of 1300 soldiers

who had marched into the town to the relief of Pedro de Alvarado, which
made out the united forces of Narvaez and Cortes, only 440 escaped, and
even these were all wounded,—of this great and important deed of arms he
speaks as if it were a mere nothing. He says as little of the subsequent
conquest we made of the great city of Mexico, or the manner in which we
accomplished it, and omits to mention the number of our killed and
wounded; as if this undertaking had merely been a jolly marriage-
procession. But why should I continue to enumerate all these particularities
one by one, it is a mere waste of ink and paper! I can only say that it is a
great pity if Gomara pursues the same course in all his works; for in the
beautiful style in which he writes, he ought to make truth perceptible, and
distinguish himself therein. But enough of Gomara; I have sufficiently
proved, to the sorrow of his readers, how far he has gone beside the truth. I
will now return to my history, and strive to act up to the advice of wise
men, who say that honesty and truth are the true ornaments to history.
Indeed, my rude style of writing would be insupportable without truth, and
therefore I was determined to put my trust in it, and continue my narrative
in the way I had begun, that it might go to the press, and publish to the
world the conquest of New Spain, as it really took place. In this way his
imperial majesty will also learn the great services which we, the true
conquistadores, have rendered to the crown; how small our numbers were
when we first arrived in this country, under the command of our highly-
favoured and faithful captain, Hernando Cortes; what dangers we had to
brave; and, lastly, how we conquered this kingdom, which forms a great
part of the New World, and for which reason his majesty, our most christian
king and master, has so often ordered that we should be rewarded.
However, I will not say anything further on this head, though much might
be said. In resuming my pen I will, like a careful pilot who throws out the
lead when he is in danger of shallows, search after truth, where the historian
Gomara flies away from it. I will not, however, detain my readers by
entering into minute particulars, but always keep the whole in view, in order
that the costs of gathering the leasings may not amount to more than the
value of the full vintage. If other historians should further swell out my
narrative, and bestow on Cortes, our commander, and on the brave
conquistadores in this great and holy expedition, their just measure of
praise, I can at least say that I have witnessed for the truth. These, indeed,
are not stories about strange countries, or dreams, or contradictory

statements; everything I relate, if I may so say, happened but yesterday, and
the whole of New Spain can test these representations, and judge how far
those are correct who have written on the same subject. I will relate that of
which I myself was an eyewitness, facts which I know to be true, and will
pay no attention to the contradictory statements of those who merely write
from hearsay, for truth is a sacred thing. I will therefore say no more on this
head, though I could, if I liked, say a good deal; and merely add, that there
are good grounds for believing that when Gomara was writing his history,
he had been deceived by false information: with him, every circumstance is
made to turn to the glory and honour of Cortes, while no mention is made
of the other brave officers and soldiers; but, the partiality of this author is
sufficiently seen from the circumstance of his having dedicated his work to
the present Marquis del Valle, son of Cortes, and not to his majesty the
king. But, alas! these untruths and errors are not peculiar to Francisco
Lopez de Gomara, but have also been the means of leading many other
writers and historians who had followed his work into like error, as for
instance, Doctor Illescas and Paulo Jovio, who have exactly copied
Gomara's account, without adding or taking away a single word. For all
their blunders they are indebted to Gomara.

CHAPTER XIX.
How another armament was fitted out for a voyage to the newly
discovered countries. The command of which was given to
Hernando Cortes, afterwards Marquis of the Vale of Oaxaca;
also of the secret cabals which were formed to deprive him of it.
Immediately after the return of Juan de Grijalva from our last voyage of
discovery, in the year 1518, Diego Velasquez issued orders for the fitting-
out of a more considerable armament than the foregoing. For this purpose
he had ten vessels lying in the harbour of Santiago de Cuba, at his disposal.
Among these were the four vessels in which we had just returned with
Grijalva, which had been immediately refitted and careened. The six others
had been collected from the different ports of the island. The vessels were
provided with sufficient provisions, consisting in cassave-bread, tobacco,
and smoked bacon, to last us on our voyage to the Havannah, where they
were to be fully equipped, for at that time there was neither beef nor mutton
to be had in Cuba. In the meantime, however, Diego Velasquez could not
make up his mind to whom he should intrust the command. Some cavaliers
certainly mentioned Vasco Porcallo, a captain of great renown, and related
to the earl of Feria, who, it was said, would shortly arrive to take the
command. This man, however, did not suit Diego Velasquez; he feared his
daring spirit, and was apprehensive that once having the armament under
his command he would declare himself independent of him. Others again
spoke of Augustin Bermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino
Velasquez, who were all three relatives of Velasquez. We soldiers, however,
would not hear of any other than Juan de Grijalva, who, besides being a
brave officer, bore an unblemished character; a man moreover who fully
understood the art of commanding. While such like rumours were afloat,
the affair was secretly settled, by two confidants of Diego Velasquez,
Andreas de Duero, secretary to the governor, and Almador de Lares, the
royal treasurer, with Hernando Cortes. Cortes was a cavalier of rank, a
native of Medellin, and son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, and of Catalina
Pizarro Altamirano, both descendants of two ancient noble families of
Estremadura, though then in rather straitened circumstances. Cortes had an

Indian commendary in Cuba, and had been recently married to Doña
Catalina Suarez Pacheco, daughter of the late Diego Suarez Pacheco of
Avila, and of Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; and sister to Juan Suarez
Pacheco, who, subsequent to the conquest of New Spain, took up his abode
in Mexico, where he had a commendary. This marriage proved very
expensive to Cortes, and had even occasioned his imprisonment. Diego
Velasquez favoured the family of Cortes's wife, who had been averse to the
match: but I must leave this for others to expatiate upon, and rather confine
myself to the principal subject in this place, which is, to acquaint my reader
that the above-mentioned confidants of Diego Velasquez did all in their
power to obtain the appointment of commander-in-chief for Cortes; who, on
the other hand, had promised to share equally with them all the profits
arising from the gold, silver, and jewels, which pending this expedition
should fall to his share, which might turn out very considerable, since the
real design of Diego Velasquez, in fitting-out this expedition, was not to
make settlements, but that a trade of barter should be carried on with the
natives. Duero and the royal treasurer, therefore, employed all their cunning
with the governor. They took every opportunity of placing Cortes in the
most favorable light—extolling his great courage, in a word, declared him
to be the most proper person whom he could intrust with the command. In
him he might place implicit confidence, the more so since he himself had
been present as a witness at Cortes's marriage, and given the bride away,
and was thus spiritually related to him. Their endeavours were indeed
crowned with success, by Diego Velasquez conferring the appointment of
captain-general of the expedition on that gentleman. The secretary Duero
did not fail on this occasion, as the saying is, to write out the commission
with the best of ink, to word it agreeably to Cortes's wishes, and finish it in
all haste. When the appointment became known to the public, some
approved of it and others not.
On the Sunday following, as Diego Velasquez was on his way to church,
accompanied by the principal personages in the town, as was due to him in
his capacity of governor, it happened that he did Cortes the honour of
placing him on his right side; on the road they were met by a jester, nick-
named the fool Servantes: this fellow kept in front of the governor, cutting
all manner of ridiculous figures and playing all sorts of pranks. "Well-a-day,
friend Diego, (commenced this jack-pudding,) what manner of a captain-

general have you appointed? He of Medellin and Estremadura! A captain
who wants to try his fortune in no small way. I am afraid he will cut his
sticks with your whole squadron; for he is a terrible fellow when he once
begins, this you may read in his countenance." As he was chattering on in
this strain for some time and growing more severe in his observations,
Andreas de Duero, who was walking by the side of Cortes, hit him a good
blow on the head, crying out at the same time, "begone you drunken fool! I
am sure these scandalous pleasantries never emanated in your brain." The
buffoon, however, took no notice of this, but commenced a-new. "Long live
my friend Diego and the bold captain Cortes! Upon my life, master Diego, I
must really go myself with Cortes to those rich countries, in order that you
may not repent of the bargain you have made!" Nobody doubted for a
moment that it was Velasquez, the governor's relative, who had feed the
jester with a few pesos to utter these complaints, all emanating from a bad
feeling. Everything this fool had predicted, however, took place to the very
letter, and only proves that fools often speak the truth. It is nevertheless
certain that the appointment of Hernando Cortes was pleasing in the eyes of
God, a blessing to our holy religion, and of the first importance to his
majesty, as will be clearly proved in the sequel.

CHAPTER XX.
Of the designs and plans of Hernando Cortes after he had
obtained the appointment of captain.
After Hernando Cortes had thus been appointed captain, he immediately set
about to collect all manner of arms and ammunition, consisting of
matchlocks, crossbows, powder, and the like; in the same way he took care
to provide a large stock of goods for barter, and other necessaries requisite
for our expedition. He was now also most particular in adorning his
outward person, more than ordinarily: he stuck a bunch of feathers in his
cap, to which he fastened a golden medal, which gave him a very stately
appearance. Notwithstanding all this he was at that time greatly pinched for
money to purchase the things he required, being, in addition, head and ears
in debt: for, though his commendary was a lucrative one, and his gold
mines very productive, he required it all for his own person and the dress of
his young wife. For the rest his countenance was most winning, his
conversation agreeable, while he was beloved by every one. He had been
twice Alcalde of Santiago de Boroco, where he resided, which is esteemed a
great honour in these parts. When, therefore, his friends among the
merchants, Jaime Tria and a certain Pedro de Xeres, heard of his
appointment, they lent him 4000 gold pesos and other merchandise, upon
the income arising from his commendary. With this money he bought a state
robe with golden trains, ensigns bearing the arms of our sovereign the king,
on each side of which was the figure of a cross, beneath this a Latin
inscription, the meaning of which was: "Brothers, let us in true faith follow
the cross, and the victory is ours!" He then made known by sound of drum
and trumpet, in the name of his majesty and Diego Velasquez the governor,
that all those who felt inclined to accompany him to the conquest and
colonization of the newly-discovered countries, should have a share in the
gold, silver, and jewels they might gain; also that, when any one settled
himself there, he should be presented with an Indian commendary, the
distribution of which his majesty had confided to Diego Velasquez.

Although this proclamation was made previous to the return of the chaplain
Benito Martinez, whom Diego had despatched to Spain to procure for him
such authority and other powers, yet it made a deep impression among the
inhabitants of the island. Cortes, also, at the same time wrote to all his
friends, inviting them to join the expedition. Many there were who sold all
they were possessed of, to buy themselves arms and a horse; others
purchased stores of cassave-bread and salted bacon to provision the ships,
and otherwise equipped themselves as well as they could. Our numbers had
increased to 300 soldiers when we left Santiago de Cuba: we were even
joined by some of the principal personages of Diego Velasquez's household;
among the number was Diego de Ordas, his steward. To this he had
certainly been advised by his master, to see that nothing was done opposed
to his interests, as he did not altogether trust Cortes. There was also
Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Herredia, Juan Ruano, Pedro Escudero, and
Martin Ramos de Pares of Biscay, with many other friends and
acquaintances of Velasquez. Myself I speak of last. Though I have merely
enumerated these warriors as they came to my memory; without wishing,
however, to give one any preference above the other. I intend hereafter to
give the names of them all in the proper place.
While Cortes was thus making every exertion to expedite the equipment of
the vessels, the malice and envy of the relatives of Velasquez was not silent,
who felt themselves most grievously neglected that the command should
have been intrusted to Cortes. Velasquez had only shortly beforehand
shown his hatred to Cortes on account of his marriage, and even persecuted
him; they were therefore the more spiteful, and in every way strove to lower
him in the eyes of the governor, hoping thereby to deprive him of the
command. Cortes, who was fully acquainted with this, took care to be
always at Velasquez's side. He took every opportunity of showing his
attachment to him, and spoke of nothing but of the glory of this
undertaking, and of the vast riches it could not fail, in a short time, to bring
his patron Velasquez. Even Andreas de Duero urged Cortes by all means to
hasten the embarkation, as the relatives of Velasquez had already succeeded
in altering his sentiments with regard to Cortes. The latter therefore desired
his wife to send him on board the provisions and other presents which
women under such circumstances are accustomed to give their husbands.
He made known to the masters and pilots of the different vessels the day

and hour of departure, and ordered all the men to be on board by a certain
day.
Everything being now ready for his departure, and all the men on board,
Cortes called upon the governor to take leave of him, and was accompanied
on this occasion by his best friends and companions in arms, Andreas de
Duero, the royal treasurer, Almador de Lares, and the principal inhabitants
of the town. Velasquez and Cortes vowed eternal friendship, and did not
part until they had several times embraced each other.
The next morning early we attended mass, after which we marched to our
vessels accompanied by the governor and a number of cavaliers in
honorable escort.
The weather being very fine, we arrived, after a few days' sail, safely in the
harbour of Trinidad, and landed there.
From what has already been said, and will further be seen in the following
chapter, the reader may easily imagine the various difficulties Cortes had to
struggle with; though, when my narrative is confronted with that of
Gomara, it will be found how greatly they differ. Gomara, for instance, will
have that Andreas de Duero was a merchant, though, as private secretary to
the governor, he had considerable weight in the island; and of Diego de
Ordas, he says, that he accompanied the expedition under Grijalva, though
he never went out until this time with Cortes. But I will leave Gomara and
his miserable history, and relate our doings in the town of Trinidad.

CHAPTER XXI.
Cortes's occupations at Trinidad, and of the cavaliers and
warriors who there joined our expedition, and other matters.
On the first notice of our arrival at Trinidad, the inhabitants came out to
welcome us and our commander Cortes. Among the great body of cavaliers
in this place, every one strove hardest to have Cortes for his guest. Cortes
immediately planted his standard in front of his dwelling, and made the
public acquainted with the particulars of the expedition in the same way as
he had done at Santiago, and further collected whatever he could in the
shape of firearms with other necessaries. Here we were also joined by the
Alvarados, namely, Pedro, who has often been mentioned in this history, his
brothers Gonzalo, Jorge, Gomez, and his natural brother the elder Juan
Alvarado. Further we were here joined by Alonso de Avila of Avila, who
had a command in the last expedition, under Grijalva; Juan de Escalante,
Pedro Sanchez Farsan of Sevilla; Gonzalo Mexia, subsequently treasurer at
Mexico; Vaena, Juanes de Fuentarabia, and Christobal de Oli, who had a
command at the taking of Mexico, and in all the battles fought in New
Spain. Further, Ortiz, the musician, and Gaspar Sanchez, nephew to the
treasurer of Cuba; Diego de Pinedo, Alonzo Rodriguez, who possessed
some lucrative gold mines, and Bartolome Garcia. To which may be added
many other cavaliers whose names at present I cannot remember, all
personages of influence and respectability. From this place Cortes also
wrote letters to Santispiritus, fifty-four miles from Trinidad, and made our
expedition known to the public there. He knew so well how to mix up his
sentences with inviting expressions and great promises, that many of the
first personages of that town were thereby induced to join us. These were
Hernando Puertocarrero, cousin to the earl of Medellin, and Gonzalo de
Sandoval, who had been eight months alguacil-major and governor, and
was afterwards a commander in New Spain; also Juan Velasquez de Leon, a
relation of Diego Velasquez; Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena,
with his brother Juan Lopez, and Juan Sedeño. This latter gentleman was an
inhabitant of Santispiritus, and had joined Cortes because of the two other
Sedeños who were among us. These gentlemen, who were all men of

consequence, had arrived at the same time in Trinidad, when Cortes,
accompanied by the whole of us, went out to meet them. Cannons were
fired, and other rejoicings took place on this occasion, while professions of
esteem and friendship were past from one party to the other. All these men
possessed land in the neighbourhood of this town, where they ordered
cassave-bread to be made, and bacon to be cured, and otherwise collected
all the provisions they possibly could for our vessels. Here also we hired
soldiers, and purchased some horses, which latter, at that time, were very
scarce, and only to be had at exorbitant prices. Alonso Hernandez de
Puertocarrero, whom I had previously known, had not sufficient money to
purchase himself a horse; Cortes, therefore, bought one for him, and paid
for it with the golden borders of the velvet robe he had procured at
Santiago. About this time there also arrived in the port of Trinidad a vessel
belonging to a certain Juan Sedeño, of the Havannah, laden with cassave-
bread and salted meat, which was destined for the mines of Santiago. This
Sedeño, who had called upon our commander to pay his respects, was soon
persuaded, by the eloquence and address of Cortes, to sell him his ship with
the lading and all, and himself to join the expedition. We had now eleven
ships in all, and everything, thanks to Providence, was going on well, when
letters arrived from Diego Velasquez with peremptory orders that Cortes
was to be deprived of the command. But I will detail this matter in the
following chapter.

CHAPTER XXII.
How the governor Diego Velasquez sends two of his officials in
all haste to Trinidad, with full power and authority to deprive
Cortes of his appointment of captain, and bring the squadron
away, &c.
I must now carry my narrative back a few days, in order to relate what
happened at Santiago de Cuba after our departure. We had scarcely set sail
when Diego Velasquez's friends left him not a moment's peace, harassing
him until they had totally revolutionised his sentiments with regard to
Cortes. They now plainly told him that he might consider Cortes as lost to
his interests from his having so secretly sneaked away from the harbour.
Neither had he made any secret of his determination to have the chief
command of the armament, whether Diego might wish it or not; for which
reason he had embarked his men at night-time, that if any attempt were
made to deprive him of the squadron, he would resist it by main force. He,
the governor, had been deceived by his private secretary Duero, and De
Lares the royal treasurer, who had both made some previous agreement
with Cortes to procure him the command. But in particular the relatives of
Velasquez were constantly urging him to cancel the recent appointment of
Cortes, in which they were backed by a certain old man, named Juan
Millan, commonly termed the astrologer, who was considered by many not
to be exactly in his proper senses. This old man repeatedly told the governor
that Cortes would now revenge himself for his having, some time ago,
thrown him into prison: "Sly and artful as he is, he will be the means of
ruining you, if you are not upon your guard."
These hints were not thrown away upon Velasquez; they brought about a
revolution in his mind, which ended in his despatching two trustworthy
persons out of his establishment, with private instructions to his brother-in-
law Francisco de Verdugo, then alcalde major of Trinidad, by which he was
peremptorily commanded, under all circumstances, to deprive Cortes of the
squadron, whose appointment of captain had been withdrawn, and given to
Vasco Porcallo. At the same time he wrote letters to Diego de Ordas,

Francisco de Morla, and to his relations and friends, desiring them, at all
events, to leave the squadron.
As soon as Cortes got information of this, he had a secret interview with
Ordas and all those officers and inhabitants of Trinidad, who, he thought,
might feel inclined to obey the orders of Velasquez. To these he spoke so
feelingly, and in such kind terms, accompanied by such great promises, that
they were all soon gained over to his side. Diego de Ordas even undertook
to advise the alcalde major Francisco de Verdugo not to put these
commands immediately into execution, and to keep them secret; telling
him, at the same time, he had seen nothing in Cortes which gave the
slightest reasons for suspecting him of anything wrong; on the contrary, he
had, on every occasion, given proofs of his adherence to the governor. He
assured him, moreover, that it would be an impossibility to deprive Cortes
of the command of the squadron, in which he had so many friends among
the cavaliers, and Diego Velasquez so many enemies, who would not easily
forgive him that he had neglected to bestow on them more profitable
commendaries. Besides the number of friends Cortes had among the
officers, he could rely upon most of the soldiers, and thus it would be
useless to attempt anything against him. The whole town would become
mixed up in the quarrel, which would be plundered by our men, and even
worse consequences might follow. By these arguments, Ordas prevented all
violent measures; and one of the above-mentioned officials, whom Diego
had sent with despatches to his nephew, named Pedro Laso, even joined our
expedition. The other, Cortes sent back with a letter to the governor, in
which he made use of every kind sentiment, and expressed his utter
astonishment at the resolution he had taken, particularly as he had no other
design than to serve God, his majesty the king, and the governor. He
earnestly advised him not to listen any further to his cousin Velasquez, nor
to allow the kind feeling he entertained for him to be poisoned by such an
old fool as Juan Millan. Cortes, at the same time, wrote to his other friends,
and in particular to his two confederates, the private secretary and royal
treasurer.
The next step he took was to command his men to put their arms into good
repair. Every smith in the town was set to work to fix points to our lances,
and the gunners were ordered to search every magazine for arrows. He at
last even persuaded the very smiths to join the armament.

We remained altogether twelve days at Trinidad, and thence sailed for the
Havannah. From the foregoing statement, the reader will readily perceive
how differently all this has been related by Gomara, who even makes
Velasquez confer the chief command on Ordas; the latter, he says, invited
Cortes to dine with him on board his vessel, had him seized while at dinner,
and taken off prisoner to Santiago. I could cite many similar errors from
Gomara's history, and thereby convince the reader that it is better to believe
an eyewitness than an author who writes about things he never saw.
However, enough of Gomara; let us return to our subject.

CHAPTER XXIII.
Cortes embarks with all his cavaliers and soldiers in order to
sail along the south side of the island to the Havannah, and
sends off one of the vessels to go around the north coast for the
same port.
Cortes, finding that he had nothing further to do at Trinidad, acquainted his
officers and men with the hour of departure, leaving it to each one's choice
either to proceed to the Havannah by sea, or march thither overland, under
the command of Pedro de Alvarado, who would be joined by some men
from one of the colonies, on his road. Alvarado was a kind-hearted man,
who knew best how to deal with soldiers; wherefore I myself, with fifty
other military men, gladly joined him; our numbers were, moreover,
increased by all our horse. Cortes also sent a vessel, under the command of
Juan de Escalante, which was to shape its course around the north coast to
the Havannah. Cortes then embarked, and proceeded, with the whole
squadron, for the same port. The transport ships must, however, have
missed the vessel of our commander-in-chief in the night, as they all arrived
safe at the Havannah without it. The troops under Pedro de Alvarado also
arrived in good time, and the vessel under the command of Escalante,
which had sailed around the north coast.
Cortes alone remained behind; nor could any one account for his delay, or
what could possibly have detained him. Five days passed away without our
obtaining the least tidings of him, and we already began to fear that he had
been shipwrecked off the Jardines,[9] which lie from thirty to thirty-six
miles from the Havannah, near the Pinos isles, where the sea is very
shallow: we therefore determined to send out our three smaller vessels in
quest of her; but what with the fitting-out of these vessels, added to the
manifold opinions and advices, two more days elapsed, and Cortes still
remained behind. All manner of artifices were now had recourse to, as to
whom the command should be given, until some certainty was gained
respecting the fate of Cortes, in which Diego de Ordas, in his capacity of

steward over the household of Velasquez, and secret observer of our
movements, was most active.
The following misfortune had befallen Cortes. When his vessel, which was
of considerable tonnage, had arrived off the Pinos isles on the shallows of
the Jardines, there was not sufficient depth of water to carry her, and she
consequently got aground. The ship had now to be unladen, which was an
easy matter, on account of the nearness of the shore. As soon as she was set
afloat again and brought into deeper water she was reloaded and pursued
her voyage to the Havannah. The joy among the officers and soldiers was
very great as soon as she became visible in the horizon, to those excepted
who had prized themselves with the command, to whose machinations,
however, there was now an end. We accompanied Cortes to the house of
Pedro Barba, Velasquez's lieutenant at Trinidad, where quarters had been
got ready for his reception. He immediately hoisted his standard in front of
his dwelling, and by public proclamation invited the inhabitants to join the
expedition.
It was here that Francisco de Montejo first joined us, of whom I shall often
have to speak in the course of this history: subsequent to the conquest of
Mexico he became adelantado and governor of Yucatan and the Honduras.
Here we were also joined by Diego de Soto of Toro, namely, who
afterwards was Cortes's steward in Mexico; further, Angula and Garci Caro,
Sebastian Rodriguez, Pacheco, Gutierras, Royas (this is not he commonly
called the wealthy); also by a young fellow of the name of Santaclara; the
two brothers, Martinez del Frexenal and Juan de Najara—not the deaf one
of the tennis-court at Mexico: all of whom were men of rank and quality.
There were also other soldiers who joined us, whose names I have
forgotten.
When Cortes, therefore, beheld all these cavaliers together, his heart leaped
with joy, and he sent off another ship for a further supply of provisions to
the promontory of Guaniguanico, where Velasquez had landed property.
Here was a village where cassave-bread was made, and quantities of swine's
flesh cured. He gave the command of this vessel to Diego de Ordas, who, as
Velasquez's steward, ordered matters on his master's property as he liked.
Cortes wished to keep him out of the way, having learnt that Ordas had not
spoken in very favorable terms of him during the dispute as to whom the

command should be given, when he was detained off the Pinos isles.
Ordas's instructions were to remain in the harbour of Guaniguanico, after he
had taken in his lading, until the arrival there of the vessel which was to sail
around the north coast, with which he was then to proceed to the island of
Cozumel, provided he received no further instructions by Indian canoes.
Francisco de Montejo and other cavaliers of the Havannah likewise
furnished quantities of cassave-bread and cured bacon; there being no other
kind of provisions to be had. In the meantime Cortes ordered all our heavy
guns, consisting in ten copper cannons and a few falconets, to be brought on
shore and given in charge of an artilleryman, named Mesa, a certain
Arbenga who traded to the Levant, and Juan Catalan, to prove them, and
otherwise put them into good repair; also to furnish for each the right-sized
balls and proper quantity of powder. He also gave them an assistant, named
Bartolome de Usagre, and furnished them with vinegar and wine to polish
the copper pieces. In the same way all our crossbows were inspected, and
their strength ascertained by shooting at the target. Cotton being very
plentiful here we constructed ourselves cuirasses with it, which form the
most efficient protection against Indian arrows, pikes, and slings. Here it
was also that Cortes put his establishment on a much superior footing, and
had himself served as a person of the first quality. He took for his butler a
certain Guzman, who was subsequently killed by the Indians; he must not,
however, be confounded with Christobal de Guzman, who afterwards
became his steward, and was the man whom took the king Quauhtemoctzin
prisoner, during the battle in the suburbs of Mexico. Rodrigo Rangel he
appointed his chamberlain, and Juan de Caceres his house-steward, who
after the conquest of Mexico was considered a man of great wealth. Having
ordered all these things, he commanded us to hold ourselves in readiness for
embarking, and to distribute the horses among the vessels, for which the
necessary quantity of maise and hay had been provided.
For memory's sake I will here likewise describe the horses and mares which
we took with us on our expedition. Cortes had a dark chesnut stallion,
which died afterwards at St. Juan de Ulua. Pedro de Alvarado and Hernando
Lopez d'Avila had jointly an excellent brown mare, which had been broken-
in for the field of battle as well as for tournaments. After our arrival in New
Spain, Alvarado bought Lopez's share, or perhaps took forcible possession
of it. Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero had a grey-coloured mare, which

Cortes had purchased for him with the golden borders of his state-robe, it
was capitally trained for the field of battle. Juan Velasquez de Leon's mare
was of the same colour, a noble and powerful animal, full of fire and eager
for battle: we commonly termed it the "short tail."
Christobal de Oli had a dark brown fine-spirited horse. Francisco de
Montejo and Alonso de Avila had between them a sorel-coloured horse, but
of little use in battle. Francisco de Morla had likewise a dark chesnut
stallion, one full of fire and wonderfully swift. The light-coloured horse of
Juan de Escalante was not worth much. The grey-coloured mare of Diego
de Ordas, which would never foal, was neither very swift. Gonzalo
Dominiguez had a small dark-brown nag, a very swift and noble animal.
Also the brown-coloured horse of Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo was a swift
animal. Moron, who was a native of Vaimo, had a small horse which was
pretty well trained. Vaena, of Trinidad, had a darkish-coloured horse,
though a bad leaper. The light-coloured chesnut galloway of De Lares was,
on the other hand, a splendid animal and a capital runner.
Ortiz, the musician, and a certain Bartolome Garcia, who had applied
himself to the art of mining, had between them a very good dark-coloured
horse, which they named the Arriero (mule-driver,) and was one of the best
animals of the whole corps. Juan Sedeño, of the Havannah, had a fine
chesnut mare, which foaled on board. This Sedeño was considered to be the
most wealthy man amongst us; for he had a ship of his own, a horse, a few
negroes to attend upon him, and his own lading of cassave and cured bacon.
Just about this time horses and negroes were only to be purchased for very
high prices, which accounts for the small number of the former we had with
us on this expedition.
However, I will stop here, and relate in the next chapter what happened as
we were just about to embark.

CHAPTER XXIV.
Diego Velasquez sends one of his officials, named Gaspar
Garnica, with full authority to take Cortes prisoner, whatever
might be the consequence; and what further happened.
In order that my history may be perfectly intelligible to my readers, I must
sometimes recur to prior events. In this place I have to return to Diego
Velasquez, who, when he learnt that his brother-in-law, Francisco Verdugo,
sub-governor of Trinidad, had not only confirmed Cortes in his appointment
over the squadron, but even, conjointly with Diego de Ordas, lent him every
possible assistance, fell into such a rage that he roared like a wild beast. He
accused his private secretary Andreas de Duero, and the royal treasurer
Almador de Lares, of a conspiracy to cheat him, adding, that Cortes had run
off with the whole squadron. Nor did Velasquez stop here, but despatched
one of his officials with imperative commands to Pedro Barba, sub-
governor of the Havannah, at the same time writing to all his relatives in
that town, to De Ordas and to Juan Velasquez de Leon, who were his special
confidants, requiring them to swear, by the friendship they bore him, not,
under any pretence whatsoever, to allow the squadron to depart, but to send
Cortes prisoner to Santiago. As soon as Garnica, the bearer of these
despatches, arrived, it was immediately guessed for what purpose he came.
Cortes was even apprized of it by means of the very bearer himself: for one
of the brethren of Charity, who was much in company with Velasquez, and
greatly in favour with him, had forwarded by this same Garnica a letter to a
brother of the same order, named Bartolome de Olmedo, who had joined
our expedition. By means of this letter, Cortes was apprized of the whole
posture of affairs by those interested with him, Andreas de Duero and the
royal treasurer. Ordas, as we have above seen, having been sent off in quest
of provisions, Cortes had now only to fear opposition from Juan Velasquez
de Leon; but even him he had half gained over to his side, not being on the
best of terms with his relative the governor, who had only presented him
with a very poor commendary. Thus it was that the design of Velasquez was
frustrated by those very persons to whom he had written. Indeed, from that
very moment, these personages only united themselves the closer to Cortes,

particularly the sub-governor Pedro Barba, the Alvarados, Puertocarrero,
Montejo, Christobal de Oli, Juan de Escalante, Andreas de Monjaraz, and
his brother Gregorio, who, with all of us, were ready to stake our lives for
Cortes. Had the orders of Velasquez been kept secret in Trinidad, they were
now the more so in this place; and Pedro de Barba despatched Garnica to
Diego Velasquez with the information that he durst not venture to take
Cortes into custody, as he was too powerful and too much beloved by the
soldiers; fearing, if he should make the attempt, that the town would be
plundered, and the whole of the inhabitants forcibly dragged away. For the
rest, he could assure Diego Velasquez that Cortes was quite devoted to him,
and did nothing that could be said to militate against his interests. Cortes
himself also wrote a letter couched in those smooth terms he so very well
knew how to employ, assuring Velasquez of the unabated friendship he
entertained for him, and that he was going to set sail the very next day.

CHAPTER XXV.
Cortes sets sail with the whole squadron for the island of
Cozumel, and what further took place.
Cortes deferred the review of his troops until we should have arrived at the
island of Cozumel, and gave orders for the embarking of our horses. Pedro
de Alvarado, in the San Sebastian, which was a very fast sailer, was ordered
to shape his course along the north coast, and his pilot received strict orders
to steer direct for the cape of St. Antonio, where all the other vessels would
meet and set sail for Cozumel: like instructions were forwarded to Diego de
Ordas. Mass having been said, the nine remaining vessels set sail, in a
southerly direction, on the 10th of February, 1519. There were sixty soldiers
on board the San Sebastian, under Alvarado, among which number I was
myself. Camacho, our pilot, took no notice of the orders he had received
from Cortes, but shaped his course direct for Cozumel, so that we arrived
two days earlier there than the rest. We landed our men in the same harbour
I before mentioned in our expedition under Grijalva. Cortes had been
detained on his passage by the breaking of the rudder of Francisco de
Morla's vessel, which had to be replaced from what they had at hand.
Our vessel, as I have stated above, arrived two days earlier at Cozumel than
the rest, and the whole of the men proceeded on shore. We did not meet
with a single Indian in the village of Cozumel, as all the inhabitants had fled
away. Alvarado, therefore, ordered us to another village at about four miles
distance from the latter. Here the inhabitants had likewise fled to the woods,
without, however, being able to carry off all their property, so that we found
numbers of fowls and other things; of the former, Alvarado would not
permit us to take more than forty. Out of a temple near at hand we took
several cotton mats, and a few small boxes containing a species of diadem,
small idols, corals, with all manner of trinkets made of an inferior sort of
gold. We also took two Indians and a female prisoners, after which we
returned to the village near which we had landed.

In the meantime Cortes had arrived with the remaining vessels. He had
scarcely stepped on shore when he ordered our pilot Camacho to be put in
irons, for having followed a contrary course to what he had been ordered.
But his displeasure was still greater when he learnt that the village was
quite deserted, and that Alvarado had taken away, besides the fowls, the
religious implements and other matters, though of little value, being half
copper. Having shown no lenity to Camacho, he now also gave Alvarado an
earnest reproof, telling him that it was not the way to gain the love of the
inhabitants by beginning to rob them of their property. He then ordered the
two Indians and the female whom we had taken prisoners to be brought into
his presence, and put several questions to them. Melchorillo, whom we had
captured at the promontory of Cotoche, (Julianillo had since died,) and
taken with us, perfectly understood the language of this country, and
interpreted on the occasion. Cortes sent the three Indians to the cazique and
the inhabitants, desiring them to state that they had nothing to fear from us,
and to return to their village. He also restored to them the religious
implements, with the golden trinkets, and gave them glass beads in
exchange for the fowls, which we had eaten: besides this, he presented each
of them with a Spanish shirt. They faithfully executed Cortes's commission;
for the very next day the cazique returned with the whole of the inhabitants,
and so confidently did they converse with us as if they had known us all
their lives: indeed, Cortes had given peremptory orders that they should in
no wise be molested. It was here also that Cortes began strict discipline, and
set to work with unremitting assiduity, to which Providence lent his
blessing; for everything in which he concerned himself went well,
particularly with regard to making peace with the tribes or inhabitants of
these countries. This the reader will find fully confirmed in the course of
my history.

CHAPTER XXVI.
Cortes reviews his troops, and what further happened.
On the third day after our arrival at Cozumel, Cortes reviewed the whole of
his troops. Without counting the pilots and marines, our number amounted
to 508 men. There were 109 sailors, and sixteen horses, which were trained
equally for tournaments or for war. Our squadron consisted of eleven
vessels of different tonnage; among these, one was a kind of brigantine, the
property of a certain Gines Nortes. The number of crossbow men was
thirty-three, and of musketeers thirteen: add to this our heavy guns and four
falconets, a great quantity of powder and balls. As to the precise number of
crossbow men I cannot exactly swear, though it matters not whether there
were a few more or less.
After this review, Cortes ordered the artillerymen Mesa, Bartolome de
Usagre, Arbenga, and a certain Catalonier whose name I forget, to keep all
our firearms bright and in good order, to see that each cannon had its right-
sized ball, to prepare the cartridges, and distribute the powder properly. The
chief care of our gun department he confided to a certain Francisco de
Oroze, who had proved himself a brave soldier in the Italian wars. Juan
Benitez and Pedro de Guzman had to inspect the crossbows, and see that
they were supplied with two or three nuts and as many cords. They had also
to superintend the exercise of shooting at the target, and the breaking-in of
our horses, particularly to accustom them to the noise of our firearms. I
have now said sufficient of our armament: indeed, Cortes was most
particular with the merest trifles in these matters.

CHAPTER XXVII.
Cortes receives information that two Spaniards are in the power
of the Indians at the promontory of Cotoche: the steps he took
upon this news.
As Cortes paid attention to every circumstance, he ordered myself and
Martin Camos of Biscay into his presence, and asked us what our opinion
was of the word Castilan, Castilan, which the Indians of Campeachy had so
often repeated when we landed there, under the command of Hernandez de
Cordoba.
We again informed him of every circumstance that had there taken place.
He said, he had often turned this matter over in his mind, and could not help
thinking but that the inhabitants must have some Spaniards among them,
and he thought it would not be amiss to question the caziques of Cozumel
upon this head. This Cortes accordingly did, and desired Melchorejo, who
by this time had gained some little knowledge of the Spanish, and perfectly
understood the language of Cozumel, to question the chiefs about it. Their
several accounts perfectly corresponded; and they satisfactorily proved that
there were several Spaniards in the country, whom they had seen
themselves; that they served the caziques, who lived two days' march
inland, as slaves, and that it was only a few days ago some Indian
merchants had spoken with them.
We all felt overjoyed at this news. Cortes told these chiefs that he would
send the Spaniards letters, which they call amales in their language, in
which he would desire them to come to us. The cazique and other Indians
who undertook to forward these letters were most kindly treated by Cortes,
who gave them all kinds of presents, and promised them more on their
return. Upon which the cazique remarked to Cortes, that it would be
necessary to send a ransom to the chiefs whom the Spaniards served as
slaves before they would let them go. Various kinds of glass beads were
therefore given to the messengers for this purpose, and Cortes sent two of
the smaller vessels, armed with twenty crossbow men and a few

musketeers, under command of Diego de Ordas, to the coast of Cotoche,
with orders to remain there for eight successive days with the larger of the
two vessels, and to send him information from time to time by the other
vessel, while the messengers brought letters to and fro; for the distance to
the promontory of Cotoche from this place was only nine miles, the whole
appearing, moreover, to form but one country. The following were the
contents of the letter which Cortes wrote to the Spaniards:
"Dear Sirs and Brothers,—Here, on the island of Cozumel, I received
information that you are detained prisoners by a cazique. I beg of you to
come here to me on the island of Cozumel. To this end I have sent out an
armed ship, and ransom-money, should it be required by the Indians. I have
ordered the vessel to remain stationary off the promontory of Cotoche for
eight days, to wait for you. Come as speedily as possible; you may depend
upon being honorably treated by me. I am here with eleven vessels armed
with 500 soldiers, and intend, with the aid of the Almighty and your
assistance, to proceed to a place called Tabasco, or Potonchon; etc."
With this letter the two Indian merchants embarked on board our vessel,
which passed this narrow gulf in three hours, when the messengers with the
ransom-money were put on shore.
After the lapse of a couple of days they actually handed over the letter to
one of the Spaniards in question, who, as we afterwards learnt, was called
Geronimo de Aguilar, and I shall therefore in future distinguish him by that
name. When he had read the letter and received the ransom-money we had
forwarded, he was exceedingly rejoiced, and took the latter to the cazique
his master to beg for his liberation. The moment he had obtained this he
went in quest of his comrade, Gonzalo Guerrero, and made him acquainted
with all the circumstances; when Guerrero made the following reply:
"Brother Aguilar,—I have united myself here to one of the females of this
country, by whom I have three children; and am, during wartime, as good as
cazique or chief. Go! and may God be with you: for myself, I could not
appear again among my countrymen. My face has already been disfigured,
according to the Indian custom, and my ears have been pierced: what would
my countrymen say if they saw me in this attire? Only look at my three
children, what lovely little creatures they are; pray give me some of your

glass beads for them, which I shall say my brethren sent them from my
country."
Gonzalo's Indian wife followed in the same strain, and was quite displeased
with Aguilar's errand. "Only look at that slave there, (said she,) he is come
here to take away my husband from me! Mind your own affairs, and do not
trouble yourself about us."
Aguilar, however, afterwards made another attempt to induce Gonzalo to
leave, telling him to consider that he was a Christian, and that he ought not
to risk the salvation of his soul for the sake of an Indian woman. Moreover,
he might take her and the children with him if he could not make up his
mind to separate himself from them. Aguilar, however, might say what he
liked, it was all to no purpose; he could not persuade Gonzalo to
accompany his heretofore companion in good and ill fortune. This Guerrero
was most probably a sailor, and a native of Palos.[10] He remained among
the Indians, while Geronimo de Aguilar alone took his departure with the
Indian messengers, and marched towards the coast where our ship was to
have waited for them: but she had left; for De Ordas, after staying there the
eight days, and another in addition, finding that no one appeared, again set
sail for Cozumel. Aguilar was quite downcast when he found the ship was
gone, and he again returned to his Indian master.
Ordas, however, did not meet with the best of reception when he returned
without the ransom-money or any information respecting the Spaniards, and
even without the Indian messengers. Cortes said to him, with great
vehemence, he expected he would have fulfilled his commission better than
to return without the Spaniards, and even without bringing him any
information respecting them, although well aware they were staying in that
country. Cortes had, moreover, just that moment been greatly put out by
another circumstance. A soldier, called Berrio, had accused some sailors of
Gibraleon of having stolen from him a couple of sides of bacon, which they
would not return. They positively denied that they had committed the
robbery, and even took an oath to that effect; however, after a good search,
the bacon was found among their clothes. There were seven sailors who had
been concerned in the robbery, and Cortes, notwithstanding their officers
interceded in their behalf, ordered them to be severely whipped.

The island of Cozumel, it seems, was a place to which the Indians made
pilgrimages; for the neighbouring tribes of the promontory of Cotoche and
other districts of Yucatan, came thither in great numbers to sacrifice to some
abominable idols, which stood in a temple there. One morning we perceived
that the place where these horrible images stood was crowded with Indians
and their wives. They burnt a species of resin, which very much resembled
our incense, and as such a sight was so novel to us we paid particular
attention to all that went forward. Upon this an old man, who had on a wide
cloak and was a priest, mounted to the very top of the temple, and began
preaching something to the Indians. We were all very curious to know what
the purport of this sermon was, and Cortes desired Melchorejo to interpret it
to him. Finding that all he had been saying tended to ungodliness, Cortes
ordered the caziques, with the principal men among them and the priest,
into his presence, giving them to understand, as well as he could by means
of our interpreter, that if they were desirous of becoming our brethren they
must give up sacrificing to these idols, which were no gods but evil beings,
by which they were led into error and their souls sent to hell. He then
presented them with the image of the Virgin Mary and a cross, which he
desired them to put up instead. These would prove a blessing to them at all
times, make their seeds grow and preserve their souls from eternal
perdition. This and many other things respecting our holy religion, Cortes
explained to them in a very excellent manner. The caziques and priests
answered, that their forefathers had prayed to their idols before them,
because they were good gods, and that they were determined to follow their
example. Adding, that we should experience what power they possessed; as
soon as we had left them, we should certainly all of us go to the bottom of
the sea.
Cortes, however, took very little heed of their threats, but commanded the
idols to be pulled down, and broken to pieces; which was accordingly done
without any further ceremony. He then ordered a quantity of lime to be
collected, which is here in abundance, and with the assistance of the Indian
masons a very pretty altar was constructed, on which we placed the image
of the holy Virgin. At the same time two of our carpenters, Alonso Yañez
and Alvaro Lopez made a cross of new wood which lay at hand, this was set
up in a kind of chapel, which we built behind the altar. After all this was

completed, father Juan Diaz said mass in front of the new altar, the caziques
and priests looking on with the greatest attention.
Before I close this chapter, I have to remark that the caziques on the island
of Cozumel, like those on the land of Potonchan, are likewise termed
Calachionies.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
The manner in which Cortes divides the squadron. The officers
whom he appointed to the command of the several vessels. His
instructions to the pilots; the signals which were to be made
with lanterns at night, &c.
The following were the officers which commanded the several vessels.
Cortes himself commanded, in the principal vessel, over the whole
squadron. To the San Sebastian, which was a very capital sailer, he
appointed Alvarado and his brother. The other vessels were severally
commanded by Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Francisco de Montejo,
Christobal de Oli, Diego de Ordas, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Juan de
Escalante, Francisco de Morla, and Escobar the page. The smallest vessel, a
kind of brigantine, was commanded by its owner, Gines Nortes.
Every vessel had its own pilot, who received his instructions, and also the
signals with the lanterns from Alaminos.
As soon as Cortes had ordered these matters he took leave of the caziques
and priests, commended them most emphatically to the image of the holy
Virgin and to the cross, desiring them to pray before it, not to damage either
but continually to decorate them with green boughs. He assured them that
thereby they would derive great benefit. They promised to comply with all
his wishes, presented him with four more fowls and two jars of honey, and
then took leave of us under the most friendly embraces. It was some day in
the month of March, in the year 1519, when we again set sail; we were
pursuing our course with the most favorable of winds, when on the very
first day at ten o'clock in the morning, signals of distress were made on
board one of our vessels, both by flags and the firing of guns. As soon as
Cortes saw and heard this, he looked over the poop of his vessel, and found
that the ship commanded by Juan de Escalante was making straight again
for the island of Cozumel. What is the matter there? What does all this
mean? cried out Cortes to the vessel nearest him. A soldier, named Zaragoza
replied, that the vessel of Juan de Escalante, laden with cassave-bread, was

sinking fast. God forbid! cried Cortes, that any misfortune should befall us
here, and desired our chief pilot, Alaminos, to make signals for all the
vessels to return to the island Cozumel. So we again put into the harbour we
had just left: we unloaded the cassave-bread; and found, to our great joy,
that the image of the holy Virgin and cross were in the best condition, and
that incense had been placed before them. It was not long before the
caziques and priests again made their appearance, and asked what had
caused us to return so speedily. Cortes told them that one of our vessels was
leaky and had to be repaired, begging of them to assist us with their canoes
in unloading our cassave-bread. This they most readily complied with, and
it took us four more days to repair the vessel.

CHAPTER XXIX.
How the Spaniard Geronimo de Aguilar, who was in the power
of the Indians, came to us when he learnt that we had again
returned to the island of Cozumel, and what further happened.
When the Spaniard, who was in the power of the Indians got certain
information that we had again returned to the island Cozumel, he rejoiced
exceedingly and thanked God with all his heart.
He immediately hired a canoe, with six capital rowers, for himself and the
Indians who had brought him the glass beads. The former being richly
remunerated with these, so valuable in their estimation: they performed
their work so well, that the channel between the island and mainland, a
distance of about twelve miles, was soon crossed. After they had arrived off
the island and stepped on shore, some soldiers who were returning from the
chase of musk swine, informed Cortes that a large canoe had just arrived
from the promontory of Cotoche. Cortes immediately despatched Andreas
de Tapia with a few men to learn what news they had brought. As Tapia
with his men approached the shore, the Indians, who had arrived with
Geronimo, evinced great fear and ran back to their canoe in order to put off
to sea again. Aguilar, however, told him in their language they need have no
fear; for we were their brothers. Andreas de Tapia, who took Aguilar also
for an Indian, for he had every appearance of one, sent to inform Cortes that
the seven Indians who had arrived were inhabitants of Cozumel. It was not
until they had come up to them and heard the Spaniard pronounce the words
—God, holy Virgin, Sevilla, in broken Spanish, and ran up to Tapia to
embrace him, that they recognized this strange-looking fellow. One of
Tapia's men immediately ran off to inform Cortes that a Spaniard had
arrived in the canoe, for which news he expected a handsome reward.
We all greatly rejoiced at this information, and it was not long before Tapia
himself arrived with the strange-looking Spaniard. As they passed by us
many of our men still kept inquiring of Tapia which among them was the
Spaniard? although he was walking at his very side, so much did his

countenance resemble that of an Indian. His complexion was naturally of a
brownish cast, added to which his hair had been shorn like that of an Indian
slave: he carried a paddle across his shoulder, had one of his legs covered
with an old tattered stocking; the other, which was not much better, being
tied around his waist. An old ragged cloak hung over his shoulders, his
maltatas was in a much worse condition. His prayerbook, which was very
much torn, he had folded in the corner of his cloak.
When Cortes beheld the man in this attire, he, as all the rest of us had done,
asked Tapia where the Spaniard was? When Geronimo heard this, he
cowered down after the Indian fashion, and said: "I am he." Upon this
Cortes gave him a shirt, a coat, a pair of trousers, a cap and shoes, from our
stores. He then desired him to give us an account of the adventures of his
life, and explain how he had got into this country.
He said, though still in broken Spanish, that his name was Geronimo
d'Aguilar, and was a native of Ecija. About eight years ago he had been
shipwrecked with fifteen men and two women, on a voyage between Darien
and the island of St. Domingo, which they had undertaken on account of a
lawsuit between a certain Enciso and a certain Valdivia. They had 10,000
pesos on board, and papers relating to the lawsuit. The ship struck against a
rock, and they had not been able to get her off again. The whole of the crew
then got into the boat, in the hopes of making the island of Cuba or Jamaica,
but were driven on shore by the strong currents, where the Calachionies had
taken them prisoners and distributed them among themselves. The most of
his unfortunate companions had been sacrificed to their gods, and some had
died of grief, of which also both the women pined away; being soon worn
out by the hard labour of grinding, to which they had been forced by the
Indians. He himself had also been doomed as a sacrifice to their idols, but
made his escape during the night, and fled to the cazique, with whom he
had last been staying, whose name, however, I cannot now remember. Of all
his companions, he himself and a certain Gonzalo Guerrero, were only
living. He had tried his best to induce him to leave, but in vain.
When Cortes heard this, he returned thanks to the Almighty, and told the
Spaniard that he hoped, with the blessing of God, he would never find
reason to regret the determination he had taken. He then put some questions
to him about the country and its inhabitants. Aguilar said he was not able to

give him much information about either, as he had been treated like a slave,
having been merely employed to fetch wood, water, and to work in the
maise-plantations. It was only upon one occasion he was sent on some
business to a distance of about twelve miles from his village, but, owing to
a heavy burden he had to carry and the weak state of his body, he had not
even been able to reach that distance; for the rest, he had been given to
understand that the country was very thickly populated. With regard to his
companion Alonso Guerrero, he had married an Indian woman, and was
become the father of three children. He had in every respect adopted the
Indian customs,—his cheeks were tattooed, his ears pierced, and his lips
turned down. He was a sailor by profession, native of Palos, and was
considered by the Indians to be a man of great strength. It might have been
about a year ago that a squadron, consisting of three vessels, had touched at
the promontory of Cotoche, (probably the expedition under Hernandez de
Cordoba,) when Guerrero advised the inhabitants to commence hostilities,
who, in common with the caziques of a large district, commanded on that
occasion. Cortes here remarked, that he very much wished to get the man
into his power, for his staying among the Indians would do us no good.
The caziques of Cozumel showed Aguilar every possible friendship when
they heard him speak in their language. Aguilar advised them always to do
honour to the image of the holy Virgin and cross we had set up, as they
would prove a blessing to them. It was also upon his advice they begged of
Cortes to give them letters of recommendation to other Spaniards who
might run into this harbour, in order that they might not be molested by
them. Cortes readily complied with this request; and, after mutual
protestations of friendship had passed between us, we weighed anchor, and
set sail for the river Grijalva.
For the rest, I can assure the reader that what I have related of Aguilar is all
the man told us himself, although the historian Gomara gives a very
different account; which, however, should not excite our surprise, as he
merely thereby intended to divert his readers with some strange story.

CHAPTER XXX.
How we re-embark and sail for the river Grijalva, and what
happened to us on our voyage there.
On the 4th of March, 1519, the day after we had had the good fortune to
obtain such an excellent and trustworthy interpreter, Cortes gave orders for
re-embarking. This took place in the same way as before, and similar
instructions were issued with regard to the night signals with the lanterns.
For some time we had the most favorable weather imaginable; when,
towards evening, it suddenly changed, the wind blowing most violently
against us, so that all our vessels were in danger of being cast on shore.
Towards midnight, it pleased God the wind should abate, and, when
daylight broke forth, our vessels again joined each other; one only was
missing, that namely of Velasquez de Leon, which occasioned a good deal
of anxiety, for we concluded she had been wrecked off some of the
shallows. We did not discover her loss until midday; and as night was now
fast approaching, and the vessel still nowhere to be seen, Cortes told our
principal pilot Alaminos that we ought not to continue our course without
gaining some certain knowledge as to her fate: signals were, therefore,
made for all the vessels to drop anchor, to give the missing ship time to
come up with us, on the supposition it had been driven into some harbour
and there retained by contrary winds. Alaminos, still finding she did not
make her appearance, said to Cortes, "You may be sure, sir, that she has run
into some harbour or inlet along this coast, where she is now wind-bound;
for her pilot Manquillo has twice before visited these seas, once with
Hernandez de Cordoba, the second time under Grijalva, and is acquainted
with this bay." Upon this it was resolved that the whole squadron should
return to the bay which Alaminos was speaking of, in search of the vessel:
to our great joy we indeed found her riding there at anchor, and we all
remained here for one day. During this time, Alaminos, with one of our
principal officers named Francisco de Lugo, went on shore in two boats;
they found the country inhabited, and saw several regular maise-
plantations: they likewise met with places where salt was manufactured,
and saw four cues, or large temples, with numerous figures, mostly in the

shape of women, and of considerable height; whence this promontory was
called la punta de las Mujeres, (the promontory of women.) Aguilar
observed that this was the spot where he was once a slave among the
Indians; here his master had found him sunk beneath the weight of the
heavy burden which he had forced him to carry: neither was the township
far off where Alonso Guerrero had settled himself. Every inhabitant
possessed gold, but in small quantities; he would show us the way, if we
were desirous of going there. To which Cortes said, laughingly, he had not
gone out for the sake of such trifles, but to serve God and his king. In the
meantime he despatched Escobar, one of our commanders, with a fast-
sailing vessel of small tonnage, to the Terminos bay, there to examine the
country and search for a secure spot to found a colony; also to inform us
whether game really was so abundant there as had been represented. All this
was done according to the advice of our chief pilot, to save the trouble of
running in there with the whole fleet on our passing by. Escobar, when he
had explored the harbour, was merely to leave some sign on both sides of
the entrance, either by felling trees or by leaving something in writing, from
which we should know that he had entered safely, or that, having fully
explored the harbour, he was tacking about until we fell in with him again.
With these instructions Escobar set sail, and ran into Terminos bay, where
he executed the commands he had received: he likewise found the
greyhound which had run away from us when we landed there with
Grijalva. It was quite glossy and fat, and immediately knew the ship again
as it entered the bay, wagging its tail, and jumping up against our men as it
followed them on board. Escobar now quitted the bay, and intended laying-
to until the rest of our vessels should come up, but was driven a
considerable way out to sea by a strong south wind. We must now return to
our squadron, which we left at the punta de las Mujeres. Having left this
spot next morning with a stiffish breeze blowing from the land, we arrived
at the entrance of Terminos bay, without, however, seeing anything of
Escobar. Cortes ordered a boat to be lowered, armed with ten crossbow-
men, to run into the bay, or search whether Escobar had left any sign or
written paper as desired. Some trees were found cut down, and near them a
small paper, on which was written, that both the bay and country round
about were charming, that the spot abounded with game, and that they had
found the dog. Our principal pilot here remarked to Cortes that it would be

most advisable for us to continue our course, for the south wind had no
doubt obliged Escobar to hold out to sea, though he could not be far off, as
he must have sailed in a slanting direction. Cortes, however, still
apprehended some accident must have befallen him: nevertheless, he
ordered the sails to be set, and we very soon came up with Escobar, who
related all he had seen, and explained what had prevented him from waiting
for us. In this way we arrived in the waters off Potonchan, and Cortes
ordered Alaminos to run into the inlet where Cordoba and Grijalva had met
with such disastrous treatment. Alaminos, however, declared that it was a
dangerous station for the vessels, as the waters were very shallow off the
coast, and we should be forced to anchor six miles from the land. Cortes's
intention was to punish the inhabitants severely, and many of us who had
been present at those engagements begged of him to run in that we might
revenge ourselves upon them. But Alaminos and the other pilots said we
should lose more than three days by running in, and, if the weather became
unfavorable, we might be detained there above eight: the wind, moreover,
being now most favorable to reach the Tabasco river, which was our chief
object, and where we might arrive in a couple of days. We accordingly put
out to sea, and reached the Tabasco after three days' sail.

CHAPTER XXXI.
How we arrive in the river Grijalva, called in the Indian
language the Tabasco; the battle we fought there; and what
further took place.
On the 12th of March, 1519, we arrived with our whole squadron in the
mouth of the Tabasco. As we had experienced, under the expedition with
Grijalva, that no vessels of any considerable burden could enter the mouth
of the river, our larger ones anchored out at sea, while the smaller ones only,
followed by our boats, carrying the whole of our men, sailed up the river, in
order to disembark at the promontory where the palm trees grew, about four
miles from the town of Tabasco; the same spot where Grijalva had landed.
We perceived numbers of Indians, all under arms, lurking between the
almond trees along the shore. This circumstance greatly astonished those
among us who were here before with Grijalva. Besides this, more than
12,000 men, all armed after their fashion, had assembled at the town itself
in order to attack us. This town was very powerful at that time, many others
being subject to it. These warlike preparations were occasioned by the
following circumstances: The inhabitants of Potonchan, of Lazaro, and
other neighbouring tribes, had accused the Tabascans of cowardice, for
having given Grijalva their gold trinkets mentioned above: they reproached
them the more because their population was more extensive, and their
warriors much more numerous than those of the tribes just mentioned, who
had courageously attacked and killed fifty-six of our men. It was owing to
these reproaches that they now likewise took up arms against us. Cortes
observing these preparations, desired our interpreter Aguilar, who perfectly
understood the language of Tabasco, to ask some Indians who were passing
by in a large canoe, what the meaning was of all this noise? we had not
come to do them any harm; on the contrary, we were disposed to treat them
as our brethren, and share our victuals with them: they should be careful
how they went to war with us, for they would certainly have to repent it.
This and many other things were told them by Aguilar, to incline them to
peace, but the more he said the more insolent they became, threatening to

destroy us all should we dare to set foot on their territory or in their town,
which they had fortified by means of heavy trees felled for the purpose, and
a strong stone wall. Aguilar, however, made another attempt to bring about
peace, and obtain us permission to take in fresh water, barter for provisions,
and incline them to listen to the disclosures we came to make in the name of
our God. They, however, persisted we should not pass beyond the palm
trees; if we did, they would kill us all.
When Cortes found that all attempts to make peace were fruitless, he
ordered the small vessels and boats to prepare for battle. Three pieces of
cannon were put on board of each of the former, the crossbow-men and
musketeers being equally distributed among them. We remembered, during
the expedition under Grijalva, that a narrow road ran from the palm trees
along some quagmires and wells to the town. Cortes here posted three
sentinels to watch whether the Indians went home at night, if so, to send
him immediate notice. Information was soon brought in the affirmative. The
rest of the day was now spent in reconnoitring the territory, and fitting out
the vessels. The next morning early, after we had attended mass and well
armed ourselves, Cortes despatched Alonso de Avila with one hundred men,
among whom were ten crossbow-men, along the narrow road above
mentioned, leading to the town, which, as soon as he should hear the firing
of cannon, he was to attack on one side, while we did the same from the
other; Cortes himself, with the rest of our officers and men, moving up the
river in the small vessels and our boats.
When the Indians, who were standing under arms along the coast between
the palm trees, saw us approaching, they leaped into their canoes and
stationed themselves where we were going to land, in order to prevent us.
The shore was covered with warriors armed with all kinds of weapons,
while a terrible noise assailed our ears from their twisted shells, drums, and
fifes. Cortes ordered us to halt for a few moments and not to fire as yet. As
he was very particular in doing everything in proper form, he desired the
royal secretary, who was with us, and Diego de Godoy, once more to
request the inhabitants to allow us to come peaceably on shore to take in
fresh water. Aguilar acted as interpreter. They were also to give them some
notion, if possible, of the Lord God, and his imperial majesty, and explain
to them, that if they attacked us, and we in defending ourselves killed any
of their men, the guilt would be upon their heads, not ours. The Indians,

however, continued their defiances, threatening to destroy us all if we came
on shore. Indeed the battle now soon began, for immediately after they
commenced pouring forth showers of arrows, the drummers to give signals
for the other troops to fall upon us in a body, and in an instant they rushed
bravely forward. They completely surrounded us with their canoes, and shot
off their arrows so quickly, that many of us were soon wounded, we being
moreover compelled for a length of time to fight up to our waists, and
sometimes even higher in the water. The place where we were attempting to
land was disadvantageous in another way, for the ground was composed of
mud and clay, in which it was impossible to move very fast, particularly as
at the same time we had to defend ourselves against the enemy's arrows and
the thrusts of their lances. Cortes himself, while fighting in this way was
obliged to leave one of his shoes sticking in the mud in order to get on firm
land. We had all, indeed, hard work to do before we could gain the dry
ground; but having once obtained this we fell so furiously upon our
enemies, under the cry of our patron St. Jacob! that they began to retreat,
but immediately again drew themselves up in order of battle behind the
wood and the trees they had cut down. Here they made an obstinate
resistance, until we likewise drove them from this place, having forced
some passages leading to the town, which latter we entered fighting our
way in. The battle now continued in the streets, until our progress was
impeded by another barricade of fallen trees, defended by a fresh set of
men. Here the conflict was continued with renewed obstinacy, the Indians
incessantly crying out: ala lala, al calachoni, al calachoni! meaning in their
language, kill the commander-in-chief. While we were thus busily engaged,
Alonso de Avila appeared with his men, who had marched along from the
palm-trees. He had been detained by the morass and pools of water which
lay in his road. This delay now proved an advantage to us, as we had also
lost time in striving to make peace with the enemy by means of our two
parliamentaries, and the difficulty we had had to fight our way on shore.
With our united troops we now beat the Indians from this strong post;
though, like brave warriors, they set vigorously upon us with their arrows
and lances, which latter had been hardened in the fire; nor did they turn
their backs, until we had forced our way into a large courtyard, adjoining
which were several spacious apartments and halls. Here also stood three
temples, but the Indians had carried off all the religious implements with
them.

The enemy being now put to flight, Cortes ordered his men to halt, that we
might take formal possession of the country, in the name of his majesty. He
performed this ceremony by drawing his sword, and giving therewith two
deep cuts into a large ceiba tree, which stood in the courtyard, crying out at
the same time, that he would defend the possession of this country with
sword and shield against any one who should dare dispute it. The whole of
us who were present gave our assent to these proceedings, swearing we
would support him in its defence; all of which was formally registered by
the royal treasurer. The adherents of Diego Velasquez alone were not
pleased because the name of the latter had not at all been mentioned therein.
In this engagement fourteen of our men were wounded, I myself was of the
number, being wounded by an arrow in the thigh, though not severely. The
Indians lost, altogether, eighteen men. We passed the night in this spot,
having taken the precaution to post sentinels in different places, so
necessary did we deem it to be upon our guard here.

CHAPTER XXXII.
How Cortes despatches two of our principal officers, each with
one hundred men, to explore the interior of the country, and
what further took place.
The next day Cortes despatched Alvarado with one hundred men, among
whom were fifteen crossbow-men and musketeers, to march six miles
inland, in order to explore the country. He was to take along with him
Melchorejo, of the punta de Cotoche, but he could nowhere be found. He
had most probably gone off in a canoe the night before with the inhabitants
of Tabasco. We conjectured this at least, because the day previous he had
left all his Spanish clothes behind him hanging in a tree. Cortes was greatly
vexed at his escape, as he might betray many things to the inhabitants that
would do us no good.
I will, however, leave the fugitive to his own fate, and continue my
narrative.
Cortes also sent out a second of our chief officers, named Francisco de
Lugo, with another hundred men; among whom were twelve crossbow-men
and musketeers, with similar instructions as to Alvarado, but to take another
direction and return to head-quarters towards evening.
Francisco de Lugo may have reached the distance of about four miles when
he fell in with vast numbers of Indians, commanded by their several chiefs.
They were armed as usual, immediately advanced towards our men, whom
they surrounded on all sides, and began pouring forth a shower of arrows.
The Indians, indeed, were in too great numbers for our small detachment.
They first threw in their lances and the stones from their slings, then fell
upon our men with sharp swords, which they wield with both hands.
Though De Lugo and his men defended themselves bravely, they were
unable to drive back such overwhelming numbers. They therefore began to
retreat in the best order possible to our head-quarters, having first
despatched an Indian of Cuba, who was a swift runner, to inform Cortes of
their situation and beg of him to send a reinforcement. During all this time

De Lugo and his troops, particularly the crossbow-men and musketeers
bravely withstood the whole body of the enemy.
In the meantime Alvarado had marched about four miles in the direction he
was commanded to take, when he came to an inlet which he was unable to
pass. Here the good Lord fortunately gave him the thought to return in a
direction which led to the spot where De Lugo was fighting with the
Indians. The firing of the muskets, the noise of the drums and trumpets,
with the yelling of the Indians, soon convinced Alvarado that the latter had
again commenced hostilities; he therefore marched in a direct line to the
place whence the noise came, and found De Lugo in the heat of an
engagement with the enemy, of whom five were already killed. Both
detachments now fell with their united forces upon the Indians, who were
speedily dispersed, yet they were unable to put them totally to the rout; on
the contrary, they would certainly have followed us to our head-quarters, if
Cortes had not come up with the rest of our troops, when, after some sharp
firing and heavy blows, they were obliged to fall back. Cortes, on receiving
information of De Lugo's dangerous position, had immediately repaired to
his assistance with the whole of his men, and came up with the two
commanders at about two miles from our head-quarters. In this engagement
we did not escape without some loss, for two of De Lugo's detachment were
killed and eight wounded; Alvarado had only three of the latter. Having
arrived at our head-quarters, we dressed the wounds of our men, buried the
dead, and posted sentinels in proper places, that we might not be fallen
upon unawares. In this battle, the enemy lost fifteen men killed, and three
were taken prisoners, of whom one appeared to be a chief. Our interpreter
Aguilar asked them what madness could have induced them to attack us?
One of the Indians returned for answer, that Melchorejo, whom we brought
with us from the punta de Cotoche, had come over to their camp the night
previous, advising them to fall upon us, and continue to do so night and day,
for, in the end, they would, no doubt, be able to conquer our small numbers:
so that Cortes's apprehensions with respect to the flight of this fellow were
verified.
We now despatched one of our prisoners to the caziques with green glass
beads, and offers of peace: this personage, however, never returned to bring
any answer. We also learnt from our two other prisoners, who were closely
questioned by Aguilar, that the day previous all the caziques of the

neighbouring districts had been under arms to fall upon us, and that the next
day they would return to storm our head-quarters. All this was likewise
done by the advice of Melchorejo.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
Cortes issues orders that we should hold ourselves in readiness
to march against the Indians on the following day; he also
commands the horses to be brought on shore. How the battle
terminates we fought with them.
Cortes being now certain that the Indians would renew the attack,
immediately ordered all our horses to be brought on shore, and every one,
our wounded not excepted, to hold himself in readiness. When our horses,
which had been such a length of time at sea, now stepped on firm ground
again, they appeared very awkward and full of fear; however, the day
following, they had regained their usual liveliness and agility. There were
also six or seven of our men, all young and otherwise strong fellows, who
were attacked with such severe pains in the groins that they could not walk
without support. No one could guess the cause of this; it was only said they
had lived too freely at Cuba, and that the pain was occasioned by the heat,
and the weight of their arms; Cortes, therefore, ordered them again on
board. The cavaliers, who were to fight on horseback, were commanded to
hang bells around their horses' necks, and Cortes impressed on their minds
not to rush at the Indians with their lances before they had been dispersed,
and then even to aim at their faces only. The following men were selected to
fight on horseback: Christobal de Oli, Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso
Hernandez Puertocarrero, and Juan de Escalante. Francisco de Montejo and
Alonso de Avila were to use the horses of Ortiz the musician, and of a
certain Bartolome Garcia, though neither were worth much. Further, there
were Velasquez de Leon, Francisco de Morla, and one of the Lares, (for
there was another excellent horseman among us of that name,) and Gonzalo
Dominiguez, both superior horsemen; lastly, there were Moron de Bayamo
and Pedro de Truxillo. Then comes Cortes, who placed himself at their
head. Mesa had charge of the artillery, while the rest of our men were
commanded by Diego de Ordas, who, though he knew nothing of the
cavalry service, excelled as a crossbow-man and musketeer. The morning
following, which was the day of annunciation to the holy Virgin, we
attended mass very early, and arranged ourselves under our ensign Antonio

de Villareal. We now put ourselves in motion, and marched towards some
extensive bean fields, where Francisco de Lugo and Pedro de Alvarado had
fought the previous battle. There was a village in this neighbourhood called
Cintla, belonging to the Tabascans, which lay about four miles from our
head-quarters. Cortes, on account of the bogs which our horse could not
pass, was obliged to take a circuitous route. Our other troops, however,
under Diego de Ordas, came up with the Indians near Cintla, where they
had arranged themselves on the plain: if they felt equal ardour for the
combat as we did, they could now satisfy themselves,—for this was a battle
in every sense of the word which we here fought, fearful in the extreme, as
will be seen.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
How we are attacked by all the caziques of Tabasco, and the
whole armed force of this province, and what further took place.
The Indians were already moving forward in search of us, when we came
up with them: every one had a large bunch of feathers on his head, a cotton
cuirass on, and their faces were daubed with white, black, and red colours.
Besides having drums and trumpets, they were armed with huge bows and
arrows, shields, lances, and large broadswords; they had also bodies of
slingers, and others armed with poles hardened in the fire. The Indians were
in such vast numbers that they completely filled the bean fields, and
immediately fell upon us on all sides at once, like furious dogs. Their attack
was so impetuous, so numerous were the arrows, stones, and lances with
which they greeted us, that above seventy of our men were wounded in no
time, and one named Saldaña, was struck by an arrow in the ear, and
instantly dropt down dead. With like fury they rushed at us with their pikes,
at the same time pouring forth showers of arrows, and continually
wounding our men. However, we fully repaid them with our crossbows,
muskets, and heavy cannon, cutting right and left among them with our
swords. By this means we forced them to give ground a little, but only that
they might shower forth their arrows at a greater distance, where they
thought themselves more secure from our arms. Even then our artilleryman
Mesa made terrible havoc among them, standing as they did crowded
together and within reach of the cannon, so that he could fire among them
to his heart's content. Notwithstanding the destruction we made among their
ranks, we could not put them to flight. I now remarked to our commander
Diego de Ordas that we should rush forward upon the Indians and close
with them. My motive for advising this was, because I saw that they merely
retreated from fear of our swords, but still continued to annoy us at a
distance with arrows, lances, and large stones. De Ordas, however,
considered this not expedient, as the enemy's numbers were so vast that
every single man of us would have had to encounter 300 of the enemy at
once.

My advice, however, was at length followed up, and we fell so heavily upon
them that they retreated as far as the wells. All this time Cortes still
remained behind with the cavalry, though we so greatly longed for that
reinforcement: we began to fear that some misfortune might also have
befallen him. I shall never forget the piping and yelling which the Indians
set up at every shot we fired, and how they sought to hide their loss from us
by tossing up earth and straw into the air, making a terrible noise with their
drums and trumpets, and their war-whoop Ala lala.[11]
In one of these moments Cortes came galloping up with the horse. Our
enemies being still busily engaged with us, did not immediately observe
this, so that our cavalry easily dashed in among them from behind. The
nature of the ground was quite favorable for its manœuvres; and as it
consisted of strong active fellows, most of the horses being, moreover,
powerful and fiery animals, our small body of cavalry in every way made
the best use of their weapons. When we, who were already hotly engaged
with the enemy, espied our cavalry, we fought with renewed energy, while
the latter, by attacking them in the rear at the same time, now obliged them
to face about. The Indians, who had never seen any horses before, could not
think otherwise than that horse and rider were one body. Quite astounded at
this to them so novel a sight, they quitted the plain and retreated to a rising
ground.
Cortes now related why he had not come sooner. First, he had been delayed
by the morass; then again he was obliged to fight his way through other
bodies of the enemy whom he had met, in which five men and eight horses
were wounded.
Having somewhat rested from our fatigue under the trees which stood on
the field of battle, we praised God and the holy Virgin, and thanked them
with uplifted hands for the complete victory they had granted us: and, as it
was the feast of the annunciation to the holy Virgin, the town which was
subsequently built here in memory of this great victory, was named Santa
Maria de la Vitoria. This was the first battle we fought under Cortes in New
Spain.
After this pious solemnity we bandaged the wounds of our men with linen,
which was all we had for that purpose. Those of our horses we dressed with

melted fat, which we cut from the dead bodies of the Indians. We likewise
took this opportunity of counting the number of killed left by the enemy on
the field of battle. We found above eight hundred, numbers still showing
signs of life. Our swords had done the most carnage among them, though
many were killed by our cannon. Wherever the cavalry made its appearance
the enemy had most work to do. The fighting lasted about an hour; and our
enemies maintained their ground so well, that they did not quit the field of
battle until our horse broke in among them. There were two caziques among
the five prisoners we made.
As we were quite fatigued and hungry we returned to our quarters, buried
the two soldiers, one of whom had been shot in the neck and the other in the
ear, posted strong watches, then ate our supper and retired to rest.
Francisco Lopez de Gomara, in his account of this battle, says, that previous
to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalry, the holy apostle St. Jacob or St.
Peter in person had galloped up on a gray-coloured horse to our assistance.
I can only say, that for the exertion of our arms and this victory, we stand
indebted to our Lord Jesus Christ; and that in this battle every individual
man among us was set upon by such numbers of the enemy, that if each of
them had merely thrown a handful of earth upon us we should have been
buried beneath it. Certain it is, therefore, that God showed his mercy to us
here, and it may, indeed, have been one of the two glorious apostles St.
Jacob or St. Peter who thus came to our assistance. Perhaps on account of
my sins I was not considered worthy of the good fortune to behold them;
for I could only see Francisco de Morla on his brown horse galloping up
with Cortes, and even at this very moment, while I am writing this, I can
fancy I see all passing before my eyes just as I have related it; although I, an
unworthy sinner, was not considered worthy of beholding one of the
glorious apostles face to face: yet again I never heard any of the four
hundred soldiers, nor ever Cortes himself, nor any of the many cavaliers,
mention this wonder, or confirm its truth. We should certainly have built a
church, and have called the town Santiago, or San Pedro de la Vitoria, and
not Santa Maria de la Vitoria. If, therefore, what Gomara relates is true,
then we must indeed have been bad Christians not to have paid greater
respect to the assistance which God sent us in the person of his holy
apostles, and for having omitted to thank him daily for it in his own church.
Nevertheless, I should feel delighted if this historian has spoken the truth,

although I must confess that I never heard this wonder mentioned before
reading his book, nor have I ever heard any of the conquistadores speak of
it who were present at the battle.

CHAPTER XXXV.
How Cortes assembles all the caziques of this province, and
what further happened.
I have above related that in this battle we took five prisoners, among whom
were two chiefs. Aguilar, who understood their language, often discoursed
with them, and from some remarks which they made, concluded that we
might employ them as delegates to their countrymen. Having
communicated his thoughts to Cortes, he proposed they should be set at
liberty, and despatched with a message to the caziques and other inhabitants
of the district. To this Cortes assented, ordering both the prisoners to be
presented with blue glass beads, while Aguilar told them many things which
he knew would please the inhabitants and prove advantageous to us. He
assured them, that after this battle, which had been entirely of their own
seeking, they had nothing further to fear from us, and commissioned them
now to assemble all the caziques of the district, for we were very desirous
of communicating with them. Everything Aguilar said was done with the
view of inclining the Indians to make peace with us. The prisoners most
willingly complied with our wishes, which they communicated to the
caziques and principal personages among the inhabitants, telling them how
we longed to become their friends. This message was in so far successful,
that they resolved to send us fifteen of their Indian slaves with fowls, baked
fish, and maise-bread. These slaves had their faces blackened, and were
completely covered with ragged cloaks. When these personages appeared in
the presence of Cortes he received them very friendly: Aguilar, on the
contrary, asked them in an angry tone, why they had come with such
painted faces—appearing rather to seek war than peace? If they were
desirous of making peace, continued he, persons of rank should be deputed
to us, not slaves. This they were to communicate to those who had sent
them. We, however, treated these black faces very kindly, presenting them
moreover with blue beads in token of peace, and in order to gain the good
wishes of the inhabitants. And sure enough the very next day above thirty of
the principal Indians, well dressed, appeared in our quarters, bringing with
them, fowls, fruits, and maise-bread, and begged permission of Cortes to

burn and bury the bodies of their fallen countrymen, in order that they
might not create a pestilence in the air, or become a prey to the lions and
tigers. This being granted, they brought along with them a great number of
Indians to burn the bodies, and bury them according to their custom. Cortes
himself went to watch their proceedings, when they assured him they had
lost above 800 killed, without counting the wounded; adding, that at present
they durst not enter into any treaty with us, as the day following all the
chiefs and principal personages of the district would assemble to take our
offers of peace into consideration.
Cortes, who profited by every circumstance, said smilingly to us: "It
appears to me, gentlemen, that the Indians stand in great awe of our horses,
and imagine that these and our guns alone fight the battle. A thought has
just struck me which will further confirm them in this notion. You must
bring here the mare of Juan Sedeño which foaled on board a short time ago,
and fasten her here where I am now standing. Then bring also the stallion of
the musician Ortiz, which is a very fiery animal, and will quickly scent the
mare. As soon as you find this to be the case, lead both the horses to
separate places, that the caziques may neither see the horses, nor hear them
neigh, until I shall be in conversation with them." All this was accordingly
done. He likewise ordered our largest cannon to be heavily loaded with
gunpowder and ball.
A little after midday, forty caziques arrived in great state and richly clothed
according to their fashion. They saluted Cortes and all of us, perfumed us
with their incense, begged forgiveness for what had happened, and
promised to be friendly for the future. Cortes answered by our interpreter
Aguilar, reminding them, with a very serious look, how often he had wished
them to make peace with us, and how, owing to their obstinacy, we were
almost upon the point of destroying them with the whole of the inhabitants
of this district. We were vassals of the mighty king and lord the emperor
Charles, he further added, who had sent us to this country with orders to
favour and assist those who should submit to his imperial sway, which we
would assuredly do if they were amicably inclined towards us. If, however,
they were not so, the tepustles (so the Indians called our cannon) would be
fired off, which were already embittered against them in some measure on
account of the attack they had made upon us. Cortes, at this moment, gave
the signal for firing our largest cannon. The report was like a sudden clap of

thunder, the ball whizzing along the hills, which could be distinctly heard as
it was midday and not a breath of air stirring. The caziques who had never
seen this before appeared in dismay, and believed all Cortes had said; who,
however, desired Aguilar to comfort and assure them he had given orders
that no harm should be done them. At this moment the stallion was brought
and fastened at a short distance from the spot where Cortes and the caziques
were holding the conference: as the mare was likewise near at hand, the
stallion immediately began to neigh, stamp the ground and rear itself, while
its eyes were continually fixed on the Indians who stood in front of Cortes's
tent, as the mare was placed behind it. The caziques, however, thought the
animal was making all these movements against them and appeared greatly
agitated. When Cortes found what effect this scene had made upon the
Indians, he rose from his seat, and walking to the horse, took hold of the
bridle, and desired his servant to lead it away. Aguilar, however, was to
make the Indians believe that he had ordered the horse not to do them any
injury.
While all this was going on above thirty Indian porters (whom they term
tamemes) arrived with fowls, baked fish, and various fruits: these porters,
on account of their loads, had perhaps not been able to follow the caziques
fast enough. A lively discourse was now kept up between Cortes and the
caziques, who in the end left us perfectly contented, with the assurance that
the following day they would return with a present.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
How all the caziques and calachonis of the river Grijalva arrive
with presents, and what happened after this.
On the following morning, it was one of the last days in March, 1519, a
number of caziques, with the principal personages of the Tabasco district
and surrounding neighbourhood arrived. They paid us profound reverence,
and brought a present, consisting in four diadems, some lizards, ear-rings,
four ducks, figures like dogs, others with Indian faces, two sandals with
golden soles, and various other trifling trinkets of gold,[12] whose value I
have forgotten. There were also cloaks as the Indians wear them, which are
very commodious. The present altogether was of little value, (most likely
the province altogether possessed few riches,) and was certainly not to be
compared to the twenty females with which they presented us, among
whom one was a very fine woman, who subsequently became a convert to
Christianity, and was named Doña Marina. Cortes was vastly pleased with
this present, and held, by means of Aguilar, a long discourse with the
caziques, telling them among other things, that their present was very
acceptable; but he had something further to beg, namely, that they should
again return to their dwellings with their wives and children. He should not
consider the peace really concluded unless within the space of two days all
the inhabitants had returned to the village. The caziques upon this issued the
necessary orders, and in a couple of days all the families had returned. They
showed the same readiness to comply with Cortes's wishes when he desired
them to do away with their idols and human sacrifices. He likewise, as well
as he could, gave them some idea of our holy Christian faith, and how we
only adored one God. We also showed them a very pious figure,
representing the mother of God holding her blessed Son in her arms, and
explained to them how we paid reverence to this figure, and by it to the
mother of God who was in heaven. Hereupon the caziques answered, that
they were much pleased with this great Tecleciguata, and that they should
much like to keep it in their village. In their language, Tecleciguata means a
woman of distinction. Cortes promised them they should have it, and for
this purpose ordered a pretty altar to be built. In the same way our

carpenters, Alonso Yañez and Alvaro Lopez, were desired to construct a
very high cross.
Cortes also further asked the caziques, why they had thus for the third time
commenced war with us, though we had always sought to be at peace with
them? They answered, that they were sorry enough for it, and we had
forgiven them; for the rest it was at the instigation of their brother, the
cazique of Champoton, who had previously accused them of cowardice for
not having attacked us when we arrived off the coast with four ships under
another commander, meaning most probably Grijalva. The same advice was
also given them by our Indian interpreter, who had run away from us in the
night-time, telling them not to leave us any peace day or night, as we were
but few in number. Cortes desired that he should be delivered up to us, but
they declared they did not know what had become of him, as on the
unfortunate termination of the battle he had immediately took to flight.
This, however, was an untruth, as we were well aware how dearly the poor
devil had paid for his advice, as shortly after the battle he was seized and
sacrificed to their gods.
On being questioned as to where they got their gold and the trinkets, they
answered from the country towards the setting of the sun, and pronounced
the words Culhua and Mexico. As at that time we did not comprehend the
meaning of these words, we paid little attention to them. We, however,
questioned our other interpreter Francisco, who remained with us from our
former expedition under Grijalva, but he knew very little of the Tabasco
language, being only acquainted with the Culhuan, that is to say the
Mexican. He told Cortes, partly by signs, that Culhua lay at a great distance
before us, at the same time continually mentioning the word Mexico,
Mexico. We were then still ignorant what he wished to convey to us.
The day following the cross and altar were erected, and the figure of the
holy Virgin being placed thereon: we all fell down upon our knees before it,
while father Bartolome de Olmedo read mass. The caziques and chief
Indians were present. On this occasion also the village of Tabasco was in all
solemnity named Santa Maria de la Vitoria; and father Olmedo, with the
assistance of Aguilar, said many excellent things to the twenty females who
were presented to us, concerning our holy religion; that they should
abandon their belief in idols, and no longer bring them sacrifices, for they

were not gods but evil spirits; they had up to this moment lived in gross
error, and should now adore Christ, our Lord. After this address the women
were baptized, and she of whom I have already spoken was named Doña
Marina. This was a lady of distinction, the daughter of a powerful cazique
and a princess who had subjects of her own, which, indeed, you might see
from her appearance. The circumstances which occasioned her being
brought into our power I will relate hereafter. The names of the other Indian
females who were baptized I cannot now bring to mind; but these were the
first who were converted to Christianity in New Spain, and were distributed
among Cortes's chief officers. Doña Marina, who was the prettiest, the most
active and lively of the number, was given to Puertocarrero, who was a
stout cavalier and cousin to the earl of Medellin. When he subsequently left
for Spain, Cortes took Marina unto himself, and had a son by her, who was
named Don Martin Cortes, and became Comptoir of Santiago.
We remained five days in this spot, partly to cure our wounds, partly for the
sake of those who suffered from pain in the groins, but who soon recovered
here. Cortes employed these days in useful conversation with the caziques,
and talked to them about the emperor, our master, of his numerous lordly
vassals, and the advantage they would gain by having subjected themselves
to him; as, for the future, in all their difficulties they would only have to
apply to him, and wherever he might be he would come to their assistance.
The caziques thanked him for this offer; they solemnly declared themselves
to be vassals of our great emperor, and these were the first among the
inhabitants of New Spain who subjected themselves to his majesty. As the
day following was Palm Sunday, Cortes desired them to come early in the
morning to pray before the holy mother of God and the cross. He also sent
for six Indian carpenters to assist ours in making a cross on a high ceiba
tree,[13] near the village of Cintla, where the Lord had granted us the great
victory. This cross was made in a manner so as to be very durable, for the
bark of the tree, which always grows to again, was so cut as to form that
figure. Lastly, Cortes desired the Indians to bring out all their canoes in
order to assist us in re-embarking, for we were desirous of setting sail on
that holy day, as, according to our pilots, our present station was not secure
from the north winds.

Early the next morning the caziques and the principal personages, all with
their wives and children, made their appearance in the courtyard, where we
had erected the altar and cross, and collected the palm branches for our
procession. Upon this Cortes, with the officers and all our men, rose and
made a solemn procession. Both our priests, the father Bartolome de
Olmedo, belonging to the order of the charitable brethren, and Juan Dias,
were dressed in their full canonicals, and read mass. We prayed before the
cross and kissed it, the caziques and Indians all the while looking on. After
the ceremony was finished the principal Indians brought ten fowls, baked
fish, and all kinds of greens, which we enjoyed very much. We now took
our leave, and Cortes repeatedly recommended them to take care of the
image of the holy Virgin and the cross, and to hold the chapel in due
reverence, in order that salvation and blessings might come upon them.
We all embarked in the evening, and on Monday morning we set sail with a
good wind. We always kept close to the shore, and steered in the direction
of San Juan de Ulua. As we coasted along, the weather being most
favorable, we who had been here with Grijalva, and were well acquainted
with these parts, pointed out to Cortes La Rambla, which the Indians call
Aguajaluco; further on, the coast of Tonala or San Antonio, the great river
Guacasualco, the elevated snow mountains (sierras nevadas), and those of
San Martin. We also showed him the split rock forming two points, which
stretch out into the sea, and somewhat resemble the figure of a chair. We
then showed him the river Alvarado; further on the river Banderas, where
we made the 16000 pesos; the Isla Blanca and Isla Verde, also the Isla di
Sacrificios, where, under Grijalva, we found the idols with the Indians who
had been recently sacrificed.
In this way we pretty quickly arrived at San Juan de Ulua, which we
reached on Holy Thursday about noon. I shall never forget how Alonso
Hernandez Puertocarrero just about this time remarked to Cortes:
"Methinks we are now certainly arrived in that country, of which those
gentlemen who have been here twice before, sung:[14]

'Cata Francia, montesinos!
Cata Paris, la Ciudad,
Cata las aguas de Duero,
Do van a dar en la mar!'

"I tell you, only look at this rich country, and keep strict command over us."
Cortes, who well knew what he meant, said in return: "If God will only
grant us that good fortune in arms which he gave to Roland, the Paladin,
then with your assistance and that of the other gentlemen cavaliers, we shall
succeed in everything else." This happened just at the moment when Cortes
was entering the river Alvarado, which circumstance is also mentioned by
Gomara.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
How Doña Marina herself was a caziquess, and the daughter of
distinguished personages; also a ruler over a people and
several towns, and how she came to Tabasco.
Previous to going into any details here respecting the powerful
Motecusuma, his immense kingdom of Mexico, and its inhabitants, I must
relate what I know of Doña Marina. She was born a ruler over a people and
country,—for her parents had the dominion of a township called Painala, to
which several other townships were subject, lying about twenty-four miles
from the town of Guacasualco. Her father died when she was very young,
and her mother married another young cazique. By him she had a son, of
whom it appears they were both very fond, and to whom, after their death,
they designed to leave their territories. In order, however, that the daughter
of the first marriage might not stand in his way, she was conveyed secretly
during night-time to an Indian family in Xicalango, they spreading the
rumour she had died, which gained further belief from the circumstance that
a daughter of one of her female slaves happened to die at the time. The
Indians of Xicalango did not keep the young girl themselves, but gave her
to the inhabitants of Tabasco, by whom she was presented to Cortes. I knew
her mother and half-brother myself, the latter having already reached
manhood, and governed the township jointly with his mother. When they
were subsequently both converted to Christianity, the latter was named
Martha and her son Lazaro. I was well acquainted with the whole of this
circumstance; for in the year 1523, when Mexico and several other
provinces had been subdued, and Christobal de Oli had rebelled in the
Higueras, Cortes came to Guacasualco, and on that occasion visited
Marina's birth-place. Most of the inhabitants of Guacasualco accompanied
Cortes on this expedition; I myself was also among the number. As Doña
Marina, in all the wars of New Spain, Tlascalla, and at the siege of Mexico,
had rendered the greatest services in capacity of an interpretress, Cortes
carried her everywhere with him. During this journey it also was that he
married her to a cavalier of the township of Orizava, named Juan
Xaramillo. Among others, there was present as a witness a certain Aranda

of Tabasco, through whom this circumstance became immediately known.
These are the true particulars of the whole case, not, however, as related by
Gomara. For the rest, Marina had the most extensive influence in New
Spain, and did with the Indians what she pleased.
While Cortes was staying in Guacasualco, he ordered all the caziques of the
province to assemble, and advised them to adopt our holy religion. On this
occasion the mother and brother of Doña Marina also made their
appearance with the other caziques. They recognized each other
immediately; the former, however, appeared to be in the greatest anxiety,
thinking that they had merely been called there to be killed. Doña Marina,
however, desired them to dry away their tears, and comforted them by
saying they were unconscious of what they were doing when they had sent
her away to the inhabitants of Xicalango, and that she freely forgave the
past. By this means God certainly directed everything for her best, turned
her away from the errors of heathenism, and converted her to Christianity.
Thus destined, she likewise bore a son unto her master Cortes, and then
married a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. All this I consider of much
greater importance than if she had been presented with the sole dominion of
the whole of New Spain. She likewise gave presents to her relatives on their
return home. What I have related is the strict truth, and can swear to it.
Gomara's account respecting this is wholly erroneous, and he adds many
other circumstances which I shall leave without comment. This, however, is
certain, that the whole affair reminds one of the history of Joseph and his
brethren in Egypt, when they came into his power. After this diversion into
matters which subsequently took place, I must relate how we first managed
to understand Doña Marina. She was conversant with the language of
Guacasualco, which is the Mexican, and with that of Tabasco. Aguilar,
however, merely understood the latter, which is spoken throughout the
whole of Yucatan. Doña Marina had, therefore, first to make herself
understood to Aguilar, who then translated what she said into Spanish. This
woman was a valuable instrument to us in the conquest of New Spain. It
was, through her only, under the protection of the Almighty, that many
things[15] were accomplished by us: without her we never should have
understood the Mexican language, and, upon the whole, have been unable
to surmount many difficulties.

Let this suffice respecting Doña Marina; I will now relate how we arrived in
San Juan de Ulua.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

How we arrive with our vessels in San Juan de Ulua, and what
we did there.
On Holy Thursday, in the year of our Lord 1519, we arrived with our whole
squadron in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua. As Alaminos well
remembered this spot from the expedition under Grijalva, he brought our
ships to anchor in a place where they were sheltered from the north wind.
We had scarcely lain here half an hour when we espied two large canoes,
which are called here pirogues, filled with a number of Indians, making
straight for Cortes's vessel, which, from the large flag hanging from the
mast-head, they recognized as our commander's ship. They climbed on
board without any ceremony, and inquired for the Tlatoan, which, in their
language, means master. Doña Marina understood their question, and
pointed to Cortes; they, therefore, turned to him, paying him great reverence
after the Indian fashion, and bid him welcome. Their master, they said, who
was a servant of the great Motecusuma, had sent them in order to ascertain
who we were and what we came to seek in his country. We had only to
inform them of what we wanted for our ships, and they would see that it
was provided.
Cortes thanked them for their kindness, through Aguilar and Doña Marina,
presented them with some blue glass beads, and ordered some meat and
drink to be placed before them. After they had taken some refreshment, he
told them we were merely come here to make their acquaintance, and open
a trade with them: we had not the remotest intention of doing them an
injury, nor need they apprehend anything from our arrival. The ambassadors
now returned, well contented, to their homes. The following morning, Good
Friday, we disembarked our horses and cannon near some sand-hills which
here run along the whole coast. Our artilleryman Mesa placed the cannon
on a very advantageous spot, and we erected an altar where mass was
immediately performed: for Cortes and the other chief officers huts were
constructed of green boughs; the rest of us likewise constructed huts, and
slept three together: the horses also were well provided for. The whole of
Good Friday was spent in this work; and on the Saturday many Indians
arrived, who had been sent by a man of distinction, named Quitlalpitoc,
governor under Motecusuma: this personage was afterwards christened
Ovandillo. They had axes with them, and cut off an additional quantity of

branches to make a better finish to Cortes's hut, which they then overhung
with large pieces of cloth, to keep out the heat, which was already very
great. They also brought along with them fowls, maise-bread, and plums,
which were then nice and ripe; also, if I rightly recollect, they had with
them some gold trinkets. All these things they handed over to Cortes,
adding, that the governor himself would come the next day and bring with
him a further supply of provisions. Cortes joyfully accepted of these
presents, and ordered various kinds of toys we had brought for barter to be
given them, with which they were uncommonly delighted. On Easter day,
the governor indeed appeared in person, as had been assured us. His name
was Teuthlille, and he was one of the farmer generals of the Mexican
empire. He was accompanied by another person of distinction, called
Quitlalpitoc. We subsequently learnt that both these personages were
appointed governors over the provinces Cotastlan, Tustepec, Guazpaltepec,
and Tlatateteclo, and other townships recently subdued. They were
followed by a great number of Indians, carrying the presents, consisting of
fowls and greens. Teuthlille having ordered the others to stand back a little,
walked up to Cortes, and made him three most reverential bows, after the
Indian fashion, which he repeated on turning to us who stood nearest.
Cortes bid both welcome, then embraced them, and desired them to wait a
little, as he would afterwards give them a more circumstantial answer. In
the meantime he ordered the altar to be fitted up as prettily as possible.
Francisco Bartolome and father Juan Diaz performed mass. Both the
governors and the principal personages of their suite were present during
the ceremony, after which Cortes sat down to dinner with them.
After the table had been cleared, Cortes, with the assistance of Aguilar and
Doña Marina, entered into conversation with the Mexican officials and the
caziques, telling them we were Christians, and subjects of the greatest
monarch of the world, whose name was emperor Charles, and that he had
many great personages among his vassals and servants. We had come by his
command to their country, of which and its powerful monarch who now
reigned over it, his majesty had heard long ago. As far as regarded himself,
he was desirous of becoming his friend, and had to disclose many things to
him, in the name of his emperor, which he would listen to with delight. In
order that a good understanding might be established between him and his
subjects, they should acquaint him with the place where their monarch

resided, that he might pay his respects to him, and make the necessary
disclosures. To which Teuthlille answered in a rather imperious tone, "Since
you are but just arrived, it would be more fitting that you, previous to your
desiring an interview with my monarch, should accept this present, which
we have brought you in his name, and disclose your wishes to me." He then
brought forth, out of a species of box, a quantity of gold trinkets, of
beautiful and skilful workmanship, besides more than twenty packages of
stuffs very prettily worked of white cotton and feathers. These they
presented to Cortes, with various other costly things, which, owing to the
number of years which have since elapsed, I cannot now remember, besides
provisions, consisting in quantities of fowls, fruits, and dried fish. Cortes
accepted all this with a joyful countenance, presenting these gentlemen in
return with glass beads resembling brilliants, and other things we brought
from Spain. He begged of them to desire the inhabitants of the different
districts to commence trading with us, as we possessed various articles
which we were desirous of exchanging for gold; this they promised to do.
Cortes then ordered an arm-chair to be brought, beautifully painted and
adorned with inlaid work, some pieces of precious stones, wrapt in cotton
cloth, perfumed with musk, a necklace of imitation pearls, a scarlet cap,
with a medal, on which was represented the holy St. George on horseback,
with lance in hand, killing the dragon. Cortes addressed Teuthlille, and said,
that he presented this chair to his monarch Motecusuma, that he might sit in
it when he should pay him a visit, and the string of pearls to wind around
his head on the same occasion; all of which were presents from the emperor
our master, who had sent these things to his monarch in token of friendship
and as a proof of the esteem in which he held him: he ought now to inform
us where and when he could personally wait upon him. Teuthlille accepted
the presents, and said, in return, that his master Motecusuma, as he was also
a great monarch, would on his side be equally delighted to learn something
about our great emperor: he would hasten to lay the presents before him,
and return with his answer.
Teuthlille had with him very clever painters, for there were such in Mexico,
and he ordered them to sketch the likeness and whole person of Cortes, with
the dress he wore; also all the other chief officers, the soldiers, our vessels,
horses, Doña Marina, and Aguilar; even our two dogs, the cannon, the balls;
in short, everything they could fix their eyes on belonging to us: these

paintings they took along with them to show to their monarch. In order,
however, to convey to him a still greater idea of our power, Cortes ordered
our cannon to be heavily laden with powder, so as to produce a very loud
report, commanding also Alvarado and the other cavaliers to mount their
horses, to hang bells around the necks of the latter, and to gallop up in full
speed in presence of Motecusuma's ambassadors. Cortes also mounted his
horse, and said to the others, "It would be capital if we could gallop across
these sand-hills at full speed; but, as we should so easily stick in the sand, it
will be better for us to ride two and two along the sea-shore at low water."
He then gave the command of the horse to Alvarado, whose brown mare
was a spirited animal, and very swift. All this was done in presence of the
Mexican ambassadors; but, that they might likewise see the cannon fired,
Cortes, under the pretence of having something further to communicate,
took them and several other principal personages to a spot where they might
have a good view of it. The weather was perfectly calm; and when the
cannon was fired, the stone balls flew with a tremendous crash along the
sand-hills, re-echoing for a length of time. The Indians were terribly
startled, and ordered their painters to represent this likewise, to them so
novel a sight, that they might show it to Motecusuma.
One of our men had on a casque, which was partly gilt; Teuthlille, who was
much more enlightened than any of his companions, remarked, when his
eye fell upon it, that it bore a great resemblance to a helmet which belonged
to their most ancient forefathers, and now adorned the head of their warrior-
god Huitzilopochtli. Motecusuma, he further added, would certainly be
uncommonly pleased if he could likewise see this casque. Cortes, on
hearing this, ordered the casque to be presented to him, thereby expressing
the wish, that he should like to satisfy himself that the gold of this country
was similar to what we find in our rivers. If they would send him the casque
full of gold dust, he would send it to our great emperor. Upon this Teuthlille
took leave of Cortes and all of us, promising to return speedily, while
Cortes, under the most tender of embraces, made him every profession of
friendship.
After this personage had taken his departure, we learnt that he was not
merely a distinguished statesman, but also the most nimble pedestrian at
Motecusuma's court. He did, indeed, use the utmost expedition to bring his
monarch information, and hand over to him the paintings and presents. The

great Motecusuma was vastly astonished at everything he heard and saw,
and yet he was pleased. But, when at last he espied the casque, and
compared it with that of the idol Huitzilopochtli, he no longer doubted for
an instant that we belonged to that people, whom his forefathers had
prophesied would, one time or other, come and subdue the country.
Concerning these things Gomara has adduced much of which he had been
ill informed; I will not, however, detain myself by contradicting him, but
continue my narrative.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
How Teuthlille makes his report to Motecusuma, and gives him
our presents; as also what further took place in our camp.
After the departure of Teuthlille with the presents which Cortes sent to his
monarch, Motecusuma; the other governor, Quitlalpitoc, remained behind in
our camp. He took up his quarters in a kind of hut, at a distance from ours,
and ordered Indians to bake maise-bread, procure the fowls, fruits, and fish,
which the province had to furnish, for the table of Cortes and his officers.
We other soldiers, if we wished to get our bellies full were compelled to
catch shell and other fish ourselves. In the meantime numbers of Indians
arrived from the above-mentioned provinces, over which the two officials
sent by Motecusuma were governors, bringing with them some gold trinkets
of small value, and fowls, which they gave us in exchange for our goods,
consisting in glass pearls and such like; with which we were all provided,
having experienced the value of these during the expedition under Grijalva.
Six or seven days may have thus been spent, when Teuthlille returned in the
morning with more than a hundred Indian porters, all heavily laden,
accompanied by a great Mexican cazique, who both in countenance, stature,
and deportment, greatly resembled Cortes, and on that account only had
been selected by his monarch to accompany the deputation; for, as was
related, when Teuthlille brought forth the picture representing Cortes, all the
grandees who were present with their monarch Motecusuma, immediately
observed that he resembled a person of distinction named Quintalbor. This
was the same person who now accompanied Teuthlille, we therefore called
one the Cortes of this place, and the other the Cortes of that place. We must
now, however, learn what the ambassadors did when they came into the
presence of Cortes. First of all they touched the ground at his feet with the
hand, they then perfumed him and all the Spaniards who were present, with
pans made of clay. Cortes gave them a most cordial reception, and desired
them to sit down at his side. The cazique Quintalbor was commissioned to
discuss matters jointly with Teuthlille. Both, therefore, told Cortes he was
most welcome in their country; and after a good deal of talking on both

sides, they produced the presents and spread them out on a mat, over which
they had first thrown some cotton cloths. The first was a round plate, about
the size of a waggon wheel, representing the sun, the whole of the finest
gold, and of the most beautiful workmanship; a most extraordinary work of
art, which, according to the account of those who weighed it, was worth
above 20,000 gold pesos. The second was a round plate, even larger than
the former, of massive silver, representing the moon, with rays and other
figures on it, being of great value. The third was the casque, completely
filled with pure grains of gold, as they are found in the mines, worth about
3000 pesos, which was more to us than if it had been ten times the value, as
we now knew for certain there were rich gold mines in the country. Among
other things there were also thirty golden ducks, exactly resembling the
living bird, and of splendid workmanship; further figures resembling lions,
tigers, dogs and apes; likewise ten chains with lockets, all of gold, and of
the most costly workmanship; a bow with the string and twelve arrows, and
two staffs five palms in length, like those used by the justices, all cast of the
purest gold; further, they brought small cases containing the most beautiful
green feathers, blended with gold and silver, and fans similarly worked;
every species of game likewise cast in gold. In short such a number of
objects, which from the many years since elapsed I cannot now altogether
remember.[16] There were alone above thirty packages of cotton stuffs,
variously manufactured and interworked with variegated feathers. When the
great cazique Quintalbor and Teuthlille handed over these presents to
Cortes, they begged of him to accept of them in the same friendly
disposition with which their monarch sent them, and to distribute them
among his Teules. Upon this they began to unfold what their monarch had
in particular commissioned them to say, which was as follows: "He,
Motecusuma, was delighted with the arrival of such courageous men in his
states, as we, according to the accounts he had received and judging from
the occurrence at Tabasco, certainly must be. He wished very much to see
our great emperor, who was such a powerful monarch, of whom, although
residing at such a vast distance, he had already gained some knowledge,
and he would send him a present of some valuable stones. He was likewise
ready to furnish us with everything we might require during our stay. But as
for Cortes calling upon him, we had better give up all thoughts of that, as it
was not necessary, and would be accompanied with great difficulties."

Cortes thanked them most sincerely for their kindness, gave to each a
couple of shirts made of holland, blue beads, and other trifles, begging of
them to return to their great monarch Motecusuma, and tell him that our
emperor and master would take it very unkind, after we had come from
such distant countries and crossed such vast seas, merely with the intention
of paying our respects to Motecusuma, if we returned without fulfilling this
object. He wished, therefore, to proceed to his residence and himself to
receive his commands. The ambassadors answered, that they would
mention all this to their monarch, but that any waiting upon him would be
superfluous. Cortes upon this gave them out of our poverty a cup, of
Florentine workmanship, gilt and surrounded with a quantity of relieved
foliage, besides those shirts made of holland, and other things; all these
were to be presented to Motecusuma, and he desired them to take his
answer to him. Both the delegates then departed, while Quitlalpitoc
remained alone behind in our camp, commissioned, it appeared, by the two
other officials of Motecusuma, to provide provisions for us out of the
neighbouring districts.

CHAPTER XL.
How Cortes goes in search of another harbour and a good spot
to found a colony, and what further happened.
After the Mexican ambassadors had again taken their departure, Cortes
ordered two vessels to sail further on and explore the coast. The command
of these was given to Francisco de Montejo, with orders to follow the same
course taken by Grijalva. He was to sail on for the space of ten days, and
search for a good harbour and convenient spot to form a settlement; for in
the sandy region we were now staying it was impossible to live, on account
of the gnats; the inhabited districts, moreover, being too far distant.
Alaminos and el Manquillo who were already acquainted with these waters,
piloted the vessels. Montejo departed and arrived in the waters of Rio
Grande, near Panuco, as far as we had gone with Grijalva, but on account of
the heavy currents there he could proceed no further; he, therefore, returned
to San Juan de Ulua, bringing us no other news than that they had seen at a
distance of about thirty-six miles further on a town, which to all appearance
was fortified. This place was called Quiahuitzlan, having a harbour, which,
according to the opinion of Alaminos, was secure from the north wind. Ten
or twelve days were spent by Montejo in this expedition out and home.
Quitlalpitoc, who had remained to furnish us with provisions, soon ceased
to do so altogether, which, of course, created a great scarcity of food: our
cassave-bread had likewise become quite mouldy and swarmed with
worms, so that we had nothing to eat if we did not procure ourselves
shellfish. In the commencement the Indians had certainly brought us gold
and fowls for our goods, but now they no longer came in such great
numbers as at first, and those who did come appeared quite shy and
reserved. We, therefore, anxiously awaited the return of the two
ambassadors from Mexico.
After some days had elapsed Teuthlille indeed returned with a great number
of Indians. They observed the same courteous behaviour as on the previous
occasion, perfuming Cortes and all of us, and then brought forth their
presents, consisting in ten packages of mantles, richly worked in feathers;

further, four chalchihuitls, a species of green stone of uncommon value,
which are held in higher estimation with them than the smaragdus[17] with
us; lastly, there were also all kinds of gold trinkets, which I heard valued at
3000 pesos. The great cazique Quintalbor had fallen ill on the journey, and
consequently remained behind. Teuthlille and Quitlalpitoc, therefore, alone
fulfilled Motecusuma's commission, and assured us that he had most
graciously accepted of our present. Regarding the four chalchihuitls they
observed, that those were intended as a present to our emperor, as each of
them was worth, more than a load of gold. For the rest it was unnecessary to
send any more messengers to Mexico, neither was there any further
mention to be made of a personal interview between their monarch and
Cortes.
Although, it was very unpleasant to the latter that his visit to Motecusuma
should thus be declined in dry words, yet he thanked them most kindly; and
added to some of us who were present: "Really this Motecusuma must be a
great and rich gentleman; nevertheless, if God be willing, we shall one day
visit him in his palace!" "We only wish, (returned we soldiers,) that we were
once nicely engaged with him."
All this took place just about the hour of Ave Maria; the bell, therefore,
announced that we should assemble ourselves around the cross, which we
had erected on an elevated sand-hill. While we were all on our knees before
it, and repeating the Ave Maria, Teuthlille and Quitlalpitoc inquired why we
thus humbled ourselves so greatly before that pole.
Cortes immediately turned to Bartolome de Olmedo, and remarked to him:
"This is a good opportunity, father, to give these people some notion of our
holy religion through our interpreters." This father Olmedo accordingly did
in a manner which would have done honour to the greatest of theologians.
He first of all explained that we were Christians, and then expatiated on the
whole substance of our belief; he then proved that their idols were useless
things, evil spirits, which fled away from the presence of the cross. On such
a cross, he continued, the Lord of heaven and earth suffered death, we
believed in him only, and prayed to him as the only true God, Jesus Christ,
who suffered death for the salvation of the human race; who rose again on
the third day, and ascended into heaven, that he would again appear to hold
judgment over the living and the dead. Upon this followed everything that

was edifying, which the Indians comprehended well, and which they
assured us they would relate to their monarch.
Cortes then explained to them, that among the many reasons which had
induced our great emperor to send us here, one was that they should
abandon for ever the religion of their cursed idols, abolish human sacrifices,
and abstain from kidnapping. He, therefore, must beg of them to erect
crosses like this in their towns and on their temples, and also the figure of
the holy Virgin, with her most excellent Son, then God would bestow great
blessings on them. In short, there were many expressions replete with
excellent feeling, which I am unable wholly to report, and therefore will
rather leave in my pen.
Our men now commenced to barter with the Indians, who had arrived with
Teuthlille for what they had brought, and obtained various kinds of things,
all of inferior gold, which we gave to our sailors for catching us fish; this
was the only means we had of stilling our hunger. Cortes was well aware of
this, and secretly enjoyed the idea; however, the creatures of Diego
Velasquez drew his attention to it, and thought he ought not to permit such a
species of traffic. We shall further see what happened on this account.

CHAPTER XLI.
What happened on account of our bartering for gold, and of other things
which took place in our camp.
This bartering for gold being continued with the Indians, the adherents of
Diego Velasquez remonstrated with Cortes, and asked him how he could
suffer such a thing? Diego Velasquez, they added, had not sent him hither,
that the soldiers should put most of the gold in their pockets. It ought to be
made known, that henceforth no one but Cortes himself should barter for
gold, and that every one should render an account of the gold in his
possession, in order that the emperor's fifths might be deducted therefrom.
It was, moreover, necessary to appoint a treasurer. Cortes confessed they
were in the right, and allowed them to choose a treasurer themselves. But,
not until their choice had fallen on one Gonzalo Mexia, did he show what
his real intentions were; then he said to them with a heavy frown on his
brow: "Only consider, gentlemen, how hard our comrades have to fare,
since provisions totally fail! In order that they might not hunger, I have up
to this moment overlooked this system of bartering, and indeed it produces
but a mere trifle. I hope, with the assistance of God, that our affairs will
take a better turn by and bye. Everything has its two sides to be looked at,
and as we have now, in compliance with your wishes, ordered that no more
bartering for gold shall be allowed in future, we have to see whence we are
henceforth to obtain provisions."
Gomara is in the wrong, when he relates, that Cortes issued that order, on
this occasion, to make Motecusuma believe we cared little about gold. This
monarch knew very well how the matter stood on this point, from the time
of our arrival under Grijalva in the Bandera stream; he might also easily
guess what we were after, when we begged of him to send us the casque full
of golden grains, and our daily bartering for that metal. The Mexicans,
indeed, are not the kind of folks to be thus imposed upon.
However this may be, one fine morning the Indians, who had resided near
us in the huts and were accustomed to furnish us with provisions and bring

gold for barter, had all secretly left with Quitlalpitoc. This, we subsequently
learnt, was done by the commands of Motecusuma, who had forbidden all
intercourse with Cortes, which he had been induced to do from his
attachment to his idol-gods. These were named Tetzcatlipuca and
Huitzilopochtli, the former being the god of hell and the latter the god of
war, to whom Motecusuma daily sacrificed some young children, that they
might disclose to him what he should do with us. His intention was to take
us prisoners if we would not re-embark, and employ some to educate
children, while others were to be sacrificed. For his idol-gods, as we
afterwards discovered, advised him not to listen to Cortes, and to take no
notice of what we had sent him word concerning the cross and the figure of
the blessed Virgin. This was also the reason why his men had gone away so
secretly.
Affairs having assumed such a posture, we now daily expected that
hostilities would break out, and were particularly on our guard. It was
during one of these days that I was standing sentinel on the sand-hills with
another soldier, when we espied five Indians approaching along the shore.
Not to alarm our camp with such a trifle we allowed them to come up. They
all appeared very good humoured, made their obeisance to us after their
fashion, and begged of us, by signs, to conduct them to our camp. Upon
which I said to my companion, I will take them there, while you remain
where you are, for at that time my legs were not so infirm as they are now,
in my old age. When I presented them to Cortes, they paid him the
profoundest respect, and continually repeated the word, Lopelucio,
Lopelucio, which in the Totonaque language means Lord, great God. In
dress and language this people differed entirely from the Mexicans, whom
Motecusuma had sent to our camp. They had large holes bored in their
under-lips, in which they wore pieces of blue speckled stone, or thin plates
of gold; the holes in their ears were still larger in size, and adorned with
similar ornaments. Neither Aguilar nor Doña Marina understood their
language; but the latter inquired of them whether there was any Naëyavatos,
or interpreter, among them? Upon which two of them answered that they
understood the Mexican language, and now the discourse immediately
commenced. They bid us welcome, and stated that their ruler had sent them
hither to inquire who we were, and that he would be delighted to be of any
use to such powerful men as we were. They would have waited upon us

earlier if they had not shunned the people of Culhua, namely, the Mexicans
(meaning as much as villains,) who had been with us. Most probably these
people had heard of our battles at Tabasco and Potonchan; they at least
knew that the Mexicans had secretly departed from us three days ago.
Cortes learnt from them many things which were of the greatest importance
to him, particularly respecting the enemies and opponents of Motecusuma:
Cortes, therefore, was most friendly to these people, gave them various
kinds of presents, and desired them to return to their ruler and acquaint him
that he would visit him shortly in person. From this moment we called these
Indians by no other name than Lopelucios. However, it was impossible for
us to remain on these sand-hills, on account of the long-legged and small
gnats, which they call chechenes, and are the worst of all: we could get no
sleep for them. Moreover, we had no kind of provisions left; our cassave-
bread was quite mouldy and uneatable, on account of the worms, with
which it swarmed: it was, therefore, no wonder that several of our men,
who had Indian possessions in the island of Cuba, should wish to return
home, which was in particular the case with all the friends and creatures of
Velasquez. Cortes, observing this disposition, gave orders for our departure
to Quiahuitzlan, which had been seen by Montejo and Alaminos, and where
the vessels would be secure from the north winds, being sheltered by the
rock above mentioned.
While preparations were making for our departure, the whole of Diego
Velasquez's adherents united to remonstrate with Cortes. They asked him
how he was to commence the march without provisions; it was, indeed,
quite impossible to proceed further on by sea. Already thirty-five of our
men had died either of the wounds they received at Tabasco, of sickness, or
of hunger. The country we were now in was extensive, the population
numerous, and the inhabitants would, no doubt, attack us in a few days. It
was, therefore, most advisable to return to Cuba, and render an account to
Diego Velasquez of the gold we had bartered for, of which we possessed a
good deal: to this might be added the presents sent by Motecusuma, the
golden sun, silver moon, the casque full of gold dust, and all the other
precious things, which I have above mentioned. To which Cortes answered,
"that he did not consider it advisable to return without having even seen the
country. Up to this moment we had no reason to complain of ill luck; on the
contrary, God had everywhere lent us his support. If we had lost any of our

men, such things were to be expected in warlike undertakings. We should
first explore the country more thoroughly; and with regard to provisions,
there was sufficient maise in the country, with which we must make a shift
for the present."
By these arguments Cortes succeeded in quieting the partisans of Diego
Velasquez; yet it was of short duration, for they held secret meetings, and
commenced setting all manner of intrigues on foot to bring about our return
to Cuba: how far they succeeded we shall presently see.

CHAPTER XLII.
How we elected Hernando Cortes captain-general and chief
justice until we should receive the emperor's commands on this
head; and what further happened.
I have already remarked how the relatives and friends of Diego Velasquez
united to stop our further progress, and bring about our return to Cuba.
Cortes, on his part, however, was no less active, and managed with his
friends to get himself appointed our captain-general. In this the following
personages acted the chief part: Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Pedro de
Alvarado, with his four brothers Jorge, Gonzalo, Gomez, and Juan; further,
Christobal de Oli, Alonso de Avila, Juan de Escalante, Francisco de Lugo,
myself, and many other cavaliers and officers.
Francisco de Montejo soon perceived what our intentions were, and kept a
sharp look-out upon everything that was going on. I was drawn into this
affair in the following manner: at midnight, Puertocarrero, Escalante, and
De Lugo, to whom I stood somewhat related, both of us, moreover, being
born at the same place, called upon me in my quarters, and said, "Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, take your arms and follow us: we are to accompany
Cortes, who is going to make the rounds." When we had arrived at some
distance from my hut, they again commenced, "We have something to tell
you, sir, but you must keep it a secret, for it is of great importance, and
those of Diego Velasquez's partisans who mess with you must know nothing
about it. We are of opinion that Cortes does not act rightly towards us. At
Cuba he made known that he was going out to found a colony, and now we
hear that he was not empowered to do so, but was merely sent out to barter
for gold, and then to return to Cuba with all we should make. If this takes
place, we are altogether ruined men, and Diego Velasquez will himself
comfortably pocket the gold, and keep it, as he has on previous occasions.
Do but reflect, sir, that this is the third expedition of the kind which you
have accompanied, that you have spent your whole in them, and undergone
so many fatigues, risked your life, and suffered from wounds, all for
nothing. This we cannot allow. We cavaliers are sufficient in number, your

friends one and all, and we must insist that Cortes founds a colony here, in
the name of his majesty; we must also find means to acquaint our sovereign
immediately with this. Promise that you also will be one of us. We have
united to elect Cortes our captain-general. It would, indeed, be rendering
God and our king a great service."
To all this I answered that I considered it equally inadvisable to return to
Cuba, and that I was quite ready to give my consent towards electing Cortes
captain-general and chief justice, until his imperial majesty should have
communicated his wishes to us on that point. As this plan went round from
one to another, the partisans of Diego Velasquez, who were much more
numerous than we, soon got wind of it, and boldly asked Cortes what
intrigues had been set on foot to form a colony here? and why he should
shirk from rendering the account which was due to him by whom he had
been appointed head of the expedition? Diego Velasquez would certainly be
ill pleased with such proceedings: we could not do otherwise than re-
embark: all his intrigues with the men were useless: to found a colony, we
were in want both of provisions, men, and everything else to ensure
success. Cortes, without showing the least irritability, answered, that he was
quite of their opinion, and had not the remotest intention to act contrary to
the instructions and wishes of Diego Velasquez, and immediately issued
orders that every one who had come with him should repair on board by the
next day.
As soon as we others, who had confederated, heard this, we declared to
Cortes that he was doing wrong in thus wishing to deceive us. At Cuba he
had publicly announced that he was going out to found a colony, and now it
appeared it was merely for the sake of trafficking. We begged of him, for
the sake of God and our king, not to break his word, but to found a colony,
as was required of us, to promote the interests of his majesty and the service
of God. It would be impossible for us to return here at any future time, as
the inhabitants would certainly not permit us to land: but, if a colony was
once founded, soldiers from every island in these parts would come
flocking hither in order to assist us. Diego Velasquez had deceived us when
he falsely announced that he was empowered by his majesty to found
colonies: we were, therefore, determined to found one, and left it to the
choice of the others if they wished to return to Cuba. Cortes at first refused

to comply, and only submitted after much begging and entreating; as the
saying goes,

What you desire
Is my wish.

He, however, made the condition that we should nominate him chief justice
and captain-general, and, what was worse, that a fifth part of the gold
should fall to his share which remained after deducting the fifths for his
majesty: concerning all which and everything else, the royal secretary
Godoy was to draw up a formal deed. Upon this we resolved that a town
should be built, and called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, as we arrived off this
coast on Holy Thursday, and stepped on land on Good Friday. The addition
of Villa Rica (rich town) was owing to what Puertocarrero had some time
previous said to Cortes, "He might look upon these rich countries,—he
would know how to govern them;" meaning to say thereby, that he wished
Cortes to be appointed captain-general.
After the ceremony of laying the first stone of the town was ended, we
nominated the alcaldes and regidors. The chief alcaldes were Alonso
Puertocarrero and Francisco de Montejo: Cortes purposely appointed the
latter because he was not on the best terms with him. To give all the names
of the regidors would be superfluous, and it must suffice to mention their
names as they appear in the course of this narrative. We also erected a
pillory inside the town, and a gallows outside. Pedro de Alvarado was
appointed city-major; Christobal de Oli, colonel; Juan de Escalante,
alguacil-major; treasurer, Gonzalo Mexi Mexia; book-keeper, Alonso de
Avila; standard-bearer, a certain Corrar, as Villareal, who first filled this
post, had got into disgrace with Cortes about an Indian female of Cuba, and
was obliged to relinquish it. Achoa of Biscay and Alonso Romero were
nominated alguacils of the camp.
The reader will wonder that I have not yet mentioned the name of one of
our principal men, Gonzalo de Sandoval, though he was such a renowned
officer, being second to Cortes only, and particularly distinguished by our
emperor himself. There is no other reason than that Sandoval was still very
young, and that we did not make so much of him and other brave officers
then as we did subsequently, when we saw all his real qualities developed in

a manner that drew forth unbounded praise from Cortes and every soldier:
indeed he was considered equal to Cortes himself.—Gomara has likewise
related a good deal respecting these matters, of which he has been ill
informed. I could not leave this unnoticed, however beautiful his style of
writing may be, in which his strength really lies.

CHAPTER XLIII.
How the partisans of Diego Velasquez would not acknowledge
the power we had conferred upon Cortes, and what further took
place.
The partisans of Diego Velasquez, finding we had elected Cortes captain-
general, and appointed the other officers just mentioned, were terribly
annoyed and vexed. They armed themselves in small troops, and threw out
the most insolent language against Cortes and those among us who had
chosen him captain-general. All this they considered should not have been
done without the consent of the whole of the officers and soldiers. Diego
Velasquez had merely empowered Cortes to barter with the natives. In
short, their dissatisfaction rose to such a pitch, that our party was afraid
matters would be carried much farther, and end in hostilities. Cortes now
secretly desired Juan de Escalante to intimate that we should demand the
instructions to be produced which he had received from Velasquez. This
was accordingly done, and Cortes pulled them out from under his waistcoat,
handing them over to the royal secretary to be read aloud. And sure enough
the words were, After you have bartered for as many precious things as
possible, you shall return home. This document was signed by Velasquez,
and countersigned by his private secretary Andreas de Duero. Upon this we
desired of Cortes that these instructions should be entered into the
appointment we had given him, and announced by a public crier, as had
been done at Cuba, in order that his majesty might convince himself of the
true state of things, and that everything was done to further his sovereign
interest only. This step was most agreeable to our purpose, as the bishop of
Burgos, Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, was wrongly informed respecting
these proceedings, and only laboured to ruin us, as we subsequently learnt.
The partisans of Diego Velasquez, however, were not to be silenced by this;
and as the election had been made without their knowledge, they considered
it illegal, and maintained that they were not called upon to obey his
commands, but were determined to return to Cuba. Cortes answered, that he
would not compel them to remain, but would discharge any one who might
wish it, even if he himself should, in the end, remain alone behind. By this

some were silenced. Juan Velasquez de Leon, (who was closely related to
Velasquez,) Diego de Ordas, Escobar, (whom we commonly termed the
page,) Pedro de Escudero, and others of Velasquez's party, still continued
refractory, and things at last came to such a pass, that, in the end, they
formally refused to obey Cortes. In such a state of affairs it was necessary
to adopt some stronger measure, which was carried into execution with our
consent. We seized the persons of the above-mentioned refractory officers,
bound them in chains, and kept watch over them as if they had been
prisoners.
Respecting these circumstances Gomara has again been misinformed, and
not a word is to be credited of anything he says on the subject.

CHAPTER XLIV.
How Pedro de Alvarado was ordered to make an excursion into
the interior of the country, in order to procure maise and other
provisions; and what further happened.
It was now resolved that Pedro de Alvarado should make an excursion into
the interior to explore the country, gain further knowledge of some
townships which we knew by name, and procure maise and other
provisions, of which we were in the greatest want. For this purpose 100
men were selected, among whom were fifteen crossbow-men and six
musketeers; above half, moreover, were adherents of Velasquez: the rest of
us, on whom Cortes could fully depend, remained with him, in order that no
conspiracy might be set on foot against him.
Alvarado, during this expedition, visited some small townships which were
subject to a greater one, called, in the Aculhua language, Costatlan.[17*]
This language is that of Mexico and Motecusuma; and when we speak of
persons of Aculhua, we must always understand subjects of his empire.
Alvarado nowhere met with any inhabitants, but found sufficient proofs in
the temples that boys and full-grown people had very recently been
sacrificed; for the altars and walls were covered with drops of fresh blood.
The flint knives with which the unfortunate victim's breast is cut open to
tear the heart away, and the large stones on which they are sacrificed, still
lay in their proper places. Most of the bodies thus seen by our men were
without arms or legs, which, according to the accounts of the Indians, had
been devoured. Our men were perfectly horror-struck at such barbarities:
however, I will not waste another word on the subject, for we found the
same thing over again in every district we visited in this country. Alvarado
found these districts well stocked with provisions, but so completely
deserted by the inhabitants that he could only find two Indians to assist the
men in carrying maise: every soldier, therefore, was compelled to take a
load of greens and fowls, and in this way the detachment returned to our
camp with a good supply of provisions, and without having encountered
any disaster. This was all the damage our men did, although they had so

many opportunities of doing more, Cortes having most strictly forbidden
any wanton outrage, that there might not be a repetition of what happened
on the island of Cozumel.
We were overjoyed with the provisions; for when man can satisfy his
appetite, he forgets half his sufferings. Gomara mentions another expedition
in this place, which, he says, Cortes himself undertook, with 400 men, to
explore the interior of the country: but here again he must have been
misinformed; for there was no other made than the one I have just
mentioned. In the meantime Cortes was not inactive, but did all in his
power to gain the adherents of Diego Velasquez: one was presented with
some of the gold we had made,—for with gold mountains are removed;
another was silenced by considerable promises. He likewise set the whole
of them at liberty, excepting Juan Velasquez de Leon and Diego de Ordas,
who were lying bound in chains on board a vessel: however, both these
were also shortly after released, and they became true friends to him, of
which they subsequently gave sufficient proofs. Gold, indeed, was not
spared on this occasion, for they were only to be tamed by that means. As
soon as greater union was thus restored, it was resolved that we should
march for the township Quiahuitzlan, which I have above mentioned. Our
vessels were also at the same time to set sail and run into the harbour, lying
about four miles from the latter place.
Our march lay along the coast, and on our route we killed a large fish which
had been thrown on shore; we then came to a pretty deep river, on whose
banks the town of Vera Cruz at present lies: this we crossed by means of
some old canoes we found here, and by ferryboats; I, however, swam
across. On the opposite bank of the river lay several small townships,
subject to one more extensive called Sempoalla. This was the home of the
five Indians who came to Cortes in the character of ambassadors, and who
were called by us Lopelucios. We found the idol-temples stained with spots
of blood, the apparatus for perfuming and sacrificing, a quantity of parrot
feathers, and several packages of paper stitched one over the other,
resembling our Spanish linen. We nowhere met any Indians; for as they had
never before seen people like unto us, nor any horses, they had all run away
from fear, so that we were forced to go hungry to bed. The next day we
marched inland in an easterly direction: of course we had not the least
knowledge of the road we were taking, and we turned at a venture into a

beautiful meadow, where we found wild deer grazing. Pedro de Alvarado
chased one of these on his brown mare, and managed to wound it with his
lance; but the animal escaped over some heights.
In the meantime twelve Indians made their appearance, inhabitants of the
district, where we were encamped for the night, bringing with them some
fowls and maise-bread, which, they told Cortes, by means of our interpreter,
had been sent us by their cazique, who had likewise desired we should visit
his township, which lay at a distance of one sun, say a day's march, from
our present station. Cortes returned them sincere thanks for their great
kindness, and we marched on until we came to a small township, where a
short time previous several human beings had been sacrificed. As the kind
reader would be disgusted with hearing of the numbers of male and female
Indians we found butchered along every road and in every village we
passed through, I will be silent on that head, and merely add that a supper
was provided for us in the small village where we had arrived. Here we also
learnt that the road to Quiahuitzlan, which latter lay on a hill, passed
through Sempoalla, where we next arrive.

CHAPTER XLV.
How we marched into Sempoalla, which at that period was a
very considerable township, and what we did there.
After we had slept in the village, where the twelve Indians had quartered us,
and accurately ascertained the road we were to take to Quiahuitzlan, we left
very early in the morning for that place. Cortes sent six of the Indians
before us to acquaint the caziques of Sempoalla that we were approaching,
and to beg permission to visit them. The six other Indians remained behind
as our guides. The whole of us marched forward in the best order, while our
cannon and other arms were ready for use at a moment's notice; besides this
sharp-shooters were always in advance, all strong active fellows, whom as
well as the horse no one could elude.
We were not further than three miles from Sempoalla, when we were met
by twenty Indians who came to welcome us in the name of their cazique.
These carried in their hands pine-apples, most deliciously scented, and of a
deep red colour, which they presented to Cortes and the others who sat on
horseback, adding that their ruler awaited us in his quarters, for on account
of his corpulency he had been prevented from coming out to meet us
himself. Cortes thanked them kindly for their attentions, and we marched
forward. As we passed along the houses of the town we were greatly
surprised, for a town of such magnitude we had not yet met with. And when
we saw that all around had the appearance of a luxurious garden, and that
the streets were filled with people of both sexes, we returned most fervent
thanks to God for having allowed us to discover such a country. The
vanguard of our horse was naturally very much in advance, and had arrived
in the great square and up to the dwellings where our quarters were
prepared. As the walls a few days previous had been newly plastered with
lime, (which these Indians prepare uncommonly well,) and the sun was
shining full upon them at the time, one of our horse soldiers came galloping
up to Cortes at full speed to inform him that the walls here were built of
silver. Aguilar and Doña Marina immediately saw that this was lime fresh
laid on; which of course created abundance of laughter. We never omitted

on subsequent occasions to remind the man of it, joking him that everything
white appeared to him like silver.
When we arrived at our quarters the fat cazique came out in the courtyard to
receive us. The man was, indeed, excessively corpulent, wherefore I shall
always distinguish him thereby. He paid Cortes the greatest respect, and
perfumed him according to the custom of the country, who then embraced
him in return. After these welcomes we were shown into our quarters,
which were very comfortable, and so spacious that there was sufficient
room for us all. Food was next set before us, among which there was maise-
bread and several basketsful of plums, of which there were great quantities,
these being just then in season. As we were greatly famished, and had not
for a length of time seen such quantities of provisions at once, some of us
called the place Villariciosa (luxurious town), and others Sevilla. Cortes
gave strict orders that the inhabitants should not be molested in the slightest
degree, and also that none of us should leave our quarters.
It being announced to the fat cazique that we had finished dining, he sent
word to Cortes that he was desirous of paying him a visit, and immediately
after he arrived with a considerable number of distinguished personages,
who wore heavy golden ornaments and richly-worked mantles. Cortes rose
to meet them at the entrance of our quarters, and received them most kindly.
After the first compliments were passed the fat cazique handed a present to
him which he had brought, consisting in golden trinkets and cotton stuffs,
but of little value. The cazique constantly repeated: "Lopelucio, Lopelucio,
accept this in favorable kind; if we had more to give we should have
brought it."
Cortes desired Doña Marina and Aguilar to acquaint him how grateful he
was for so much kindness, and he had merely to inform him in what way he
in return could be of service to him and his people. We were the vassals of
the great emperor Charles, who had dominion over many kingdoms and
countries, and who had sent us out to redress wrongs wherever we came,
punish the bad, and make known his commands that human sacrifices
should no longer be continued. To all this was added a good deal about our
holy religion.

After the fat cazique heard this he sighed deeply, and complained most
bitterly about Motecusuma and his governors. It was not long ago that he
had been subdued by the former, and robbed of all his golden trinkets. His
sway was so excessively oppressive, that he durst not move without his
orders; yet no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, as he possessed
such vast towns and countries, such numbers of subjects and extensive
armies. Cortes answered that he would relieve him of the oppression under
which he groaned, but for the present moment he could not occupy himself
with such matters. He had first of all to pay a visit to his acales, (so ships
are termed in their language,) and prepare our quarters in Quiahuitzlan,
where they would further talk the matter over. The fat cazique said he was
perfectly satisfied with this, and the next morning we left Sempoalla. Four
hundred Indian porters, who, in this district, are termed tamenes, were sent
to accompany us. Each of these porters is capable of carrying a weight of
fifty pounds to a distance of twenty miles. We were all highly delighted that
each of us had a man a piece to carry our baggage; for previously every one
had to carry his own knapsack, the five or six Cuba Indians we had with us
being of little use. Doña Marina and Aguilar said that according to the
custom of this country the caziques were bound in times of peace to lend
their porters to any one who required them. From this moment we always
demanded them wherever we came. After the first day's march we staid the
night at a small township not far from Quiahuitzlan. It was wholly
uninhabited, and the people of Sempoalla furnished us with food for supper.
Gomara allows Cortes to pass several days at Sempoalla, and then form the
confederacy and rebellion against Motecusuma. This, together with the
account he gives of the number of Cuba Indians we were said to have
brought with us, is wholly false; for, as I have stated, we left Sempoalla
immediately on the following morning after our arrival. Where and what
caused the different tribes to revolt I will afterwards relate. For the present
we shall make our entry into Quiahuitzlan.

CHAPTER XLVI.
How we march into Quiahuitzlan, which was a town with
fortifications, and were most friendly received.
The next morning about ten o'clock we arrived in the principal township
Quiahuitzlan, which is built on the steep declivity of a rock, and would
certainly be difficult to take if defended. We put no trust in the peace which
reigned through the country, and marched in the best order with the greatest
precaution. Our troops were preceded by the cannon, that it might be ready
at hand if required. Here it was that Alonso de Avila, a severe and haughty
man, ran a soldier named Alonso of Villanueva, who had only one arm,
through the empty sleeve of his coat, with the point of his lance, because he
marched out of the ranks. From that moment we termed the man the one-
armed of Villanueva. However, I shall likewise be accused of marching out
of the ranks, if I relate such trifles: I cannot deny it, and will, therefore,
immediately fall in again. We arrived in the midst of the town without
meeting any one, and were not a little surprised at this circumstance, as the
inhabitants had left that very morning, when they found we were
approaching their dwellings. On the most elevated point of the fortress there
was an open space in front of the cues and large houses of their idols; and
here we first met with fifteen well-dressed Indians, who were carrying
perfuming pans. With these they went up to Cortes, perfumed him and all
who were near at the time, bid us welcome, and most humbly begged
forgiveness for not having come out to meet us, and confessed that fear of
ourselves and horses had prevented them, and that they had first wished to
know who we were. We had now only to make ourselves comfortable, they
added, and that very evening they would see that all the inhabitants returned
to their houses.
Cortes thanked them most kindly for their good reception, and told them
many things about our holy religion and our great monarch, as was
customary with us wherever we came. He also presented them with a few
green glass beads and other trifles we had brought from Spain; they
supplying us with fowls and maise-bread in return.

While the first welcomings were going on it was announced to Cortes that
the fat cazique of Sempoalla was approaching in a sedan, supported by
numbers of distinguished Indians. Immediately upon his arrival he renewed
his complaints against Motecusuma, in which he was joined by the cazique
of this township and the other chief personages. He related so much of the
cruelties and oppression they had to suffer, and thereby sobbed and sighed
so bitterly that we could not help being affected. At the time when they
were subdued, they had already been greatly ill used; Motecusuma then
demanded annually a great number of their sons and daughters, a portion of
whom were sacrificed to the idols, and the rest were employed in his
household and for tilling his grounds. His tax-gatherers took their wives and
daughters without any ceremony if they were handsome, merely to satisfy
their lusts. The Totonaques, whose territory consisted of upwards of thirty
townships, suffered like violence.
Cortes consoled them as well as he could by means of our interpreters. He
promised and assured them that he would put an end to such oppression and
ill usage. It was particularly for this object that his majesty had sent us to
their country; they should, therefore, keep up their spirits, and they would
soon see what he was about to do for their good. This in some measure
seemed to comfort them; though Cortes was unable wholly to allay the fear
in which they stood of the great Motecusuma.
We soon had proof of this on the very spot; for, during our discourse with
these caziques, some Indians belonging to the district announced that just
then five Mexican tax-gatherers had arrived. At this information the
caziques turned quite pale with fear; they left Cortes and hastened to
receive the unexpected guests, for whom an apartment was immediately
cleared and dinner set on table. Cacao in great quantities was in particular
served up to them, which is the principal beverage of the Indians. As the
house of the cazique was in the neighbourhood, the Mexicans passed by our
quarters; but behaved with such reserve and so haughtily, that they neither
addressed Cortes nor any of us. They wore richly-worked mantles and
maltatas similarly manufactured, which were then still in fashion among
them. The hair of their head was combed out quite glossy and tied up in a
knot in which were stuck some sweet scented roses. Every one carried a
stick with a hook, and had an Indian slave with a fan to keep off the flies.
They were accompanied by a great number of distinguished personages

from the country of the Totonaques, who remained around them until they
arrived in their quarters and had sat down to dinner. After this was finished
they sent for the fat cazique and the other chiefs of the townships, and
scolded them under severe threats for having received us. They had no
business with us, added they; this was by no means the wish of their master
Motecusuma, without whose command and permission they ought not to
have provided us with quarters, nor given us any golden trinkets. They
would have to pay dearly for all this; at present, however, they must find
twenty Indians and an equal number of females, in order that by sacrificing
them they might appease the gods for the evil service which had thus been
rendered.
Cortes, who observed how restless every one appeared, desired Doña
Marina and Aguilar to explain the reason of all this, and who the strange
Indians were. Marina knew all that had passed, and told him accordingly;
upon which he sent for the fat cazique, with the chiefs of the townships, and
questioned them himself as to who the strangers were whom they treated so
ceremoniously? They answered, that these were tax-gatherers of the great
Motecusuma, who had remonstrated with them for having received us
without his previous permission, and now required twenty persons, of both
sexes, for a sacrifice to the god of war, in order that he should grant them
the victory over us. They had likewise been assured, that Motecusuma
would take us prisoners and turn us into slaves.
Upon this Cortes consoled and bid them take courage, assuring them he
would punish the Mexicans for it, as both he himself and his troops were
willing, and had the power to do so.

CHAPTER XLVII.
How Cortes ordered the five Mexican tax-gatherers to be
imprisoned, and no further obedience to be paid Motecusuma,
nor tribute to be exacted; and of the rebellion which was now
excited against this monarch.
Cortes further said to the caziques, they were aware he had already assured
them that the emperor, our master, had specifically commissioned him to
punish all those who did evil, and in particular, no longer to suffer
kidnapping nor human sacrifices.
As the Mexican tax-gatherers now required human beings of them for those
sacrifices, he would take and keep them prisoners until Motecusuma should
learn the reason why he had done so, and was made acquainted with the
other violent measures they were accustomed to commit against them, their
wives and daughters.
The caziques were excessively alarmed that Cortes should require this at
their hands, and durst not venture to lay hands on the tax-gatherers of the
mighty Motecusuma. But Cortes exhorted them for such a length of time
that they at last took courage, seized their persons, and fastened them, in
their fashion, to long poles, by collars, which went round the neck, so that
they could not even move themselves. One of them, who made resistance,
was whipped into the bargain.
Upon this Cortes commanded the caziques no longer to obey the mandates
of Motecusuma, nor to pay him tribute, and to make these his wishes known
to all those tribes with whom they were allied and friendly, adding that they
should inform him, whether there were tax-gatherers in other districts, that
he might also send to take them prisoners.
The rumour of all this quickly spread through the whole country, as the fat
cazique despatched messengers to that end, while the chiefs, who had
accompanied the Mexican tax-gatherers, hastened back to their townships
to relate the wonderful news. When the Indians learnt this astounding, and

to them so important an occurrence, they said to one another, that, such
great things could not have been done by men, but only by teules, which
sometimes mean gods, sometimes demons, here in the former sense; which
was the reason they termed us teules, from that moment; and I beg the
reader to observe, that whenever in future I speak of teules in affairs
relating to us, that we are meant thereby.
All the caziques were of opinion that we should sacrifice the prisoners, that
they might not return to Mexico and relate what had befallen them. Cortes,
however, strictly forbade this, and placed a strong watch over them. About
midnight he ordered the sentinels into his presence, and said to them: "Pay
particular attention to what I say. Take two of the most active of the
prisoners, now in our hands, and bring them into my quarters. This must be
done with great circumspection, so that the Indians of this township may
know nothing of it."
When the two men were brought before Cortes, he did as if he was
unconscious they were Mexicans, and questioned them, by means of
interpreters, as to whence they came, and why they had been taken
prisoners? To which they answered, "that the caziques of Sempoalla, and of
this township, had seized upon their persons in secret understanding with
us." Cortes, however, positively assured them, that he was totally ignorant
of the whole matter, and was very sorry it should have happened. He
immediately ordered food to be given them, and otherwise to be kindly
treated, and commissioned them to acquaint their monarch, Motecusuma,
that we were all his sincerest friends and most devoted servants. That they
might not suffer any further ill treatment, he added, they should be set at
liberty and he would severely reprimand the caziques, by whom they had
been imprisoned. He was ready to render them any service in his power, and
he would likewise release their three companions; they themselves,
however, had better get out of sight as quickly as possible, that they might
not be retaken by the inhabitants and killed. Both the prisoners said, they
should be very thankful for their liberty, but were afraid of falling again into
their enemies' hands, as they were compelled to pass through their country.
Cortes therefore ordered six sailors to take the Mexicans in a boat to a
certain point on the coast, twelve miles distant, where they would be out of
the Sempoallan territory. All this was dexterously managed, and when
daylight appeared the caziques and other chiefs were not a little surprised to

find only three prisoners remaining. These they insisted should be
sacrificed, but Cortes feigned to be highly incensed at the escape of the two,
and said he was determined to guard the others himself. To this end he
ordered chains to be brought from our vessels, with which the prisoners
were bound, and in that way taken on board, where their chains were taken
off again. They received the kindest treatment, and were assured they would
be sent back to Mexico in a very short time.
The caziques of Sempoalla, Quiahuitzlan, and those from the country of the
Totonaques, now assembled and explained the position in which they were
placed at present, as no doubt Motecusuma, upon the first intelligence of
the imprisonment of his tax-gatherers, would put his army in motion and
fall upon them, the consequence of which would be their total extirpation.
But Cortes assured them, with the most pleasing smile on his countenance,
that he and his brothers who were with him would be their protection, and
he who should dare to molest them, should forfeit his life. Upon this the
caziques, one and all, promised to unite their whole armed force to ours
against Motecusuma and his allies. On this occasion Diego de Godoy drew
up a formal deed of their subjection to the sceptre of his majesty the
emperor, and notice was sent of this to the different townships of the
province. As there was no further talk of tribute, and tax-gatherers no longer
made their appearance, these people were almost out of their senses for
excessive joy in having shaken off the Mexican yoke.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
How we resolved to found Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz and
construct a fortress on the low meadows, in the neighbourhood
of some salt springs and the harbour, where our vessels were
anchored; and what further happened.
After we had thus formed an alliance with the thirty townships of the
Totonaque mountains, which had revolted from Motecusuma and submitted
of their own free will to the sceptre of our sovereign, we immediately
hastened to profit by the circumstance and found Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.
The spot we made choice of lay at about two miles distance from the
fortress of Quiahuitzlan, in the valley beneath. We first of all marked out the
ground for the church, the market, the magazines and other public buildings
belonging to a town. We then set off part of the ground to form a fortress,
and nothing could exceed the assiduity with which the walls of the
foundation were carried up, the woodwork completed, the turrets and
loopholes constructed with the parapets. Cortes himself put the first hand to
it, carried a basket filled with stones and earth on his shoulders, and worked
at the foundations. The caziques and all of us followed his example, and
every part of the work was carried on with like vigour. Some were mixing
mortar, fetching water, burning chalk, baking bricks and tiles, others
prepared the food and cut wood. The smiths hammered hard at the nails and
other ironwork. In short, from the highest to the lowest showed the greatest
activity, while the Indians lent us such efficacious aid, that in a short time
the church and other buildings were quite finished, and the fortress nearly
so.
In the meantime Motecusuma received the intelligence at Mexico, that his
tax-gatherers had been imprisoned by our allies; that the latter had
renounced obedience to him, and that all the Totonaque townships had
revolted. He was excessively enraged against Cortes and the whole of us,
and ordered one of his powerful chiefs to make war upon the tribes which
had revolted, and extirpate them to a man. Against us he would march in
person at the head of an immense army, commanded by many generals.

While preparations for this purpose were being made, the two prisoners
whom Cortes had liberated arrived in Mexico. When Motecusuma learnt
that Cortes had restored them to liberty, and himself sent them to Mexico
with the commission to offer his services to their monarch, the Almighty
softened down the hardness of his heart, and he resolved to make inquiries
as to what our intentions were. To this end he despatched two of his young
nephews, accompanied by four aged men, who were caziques of distinction,
to our quarters, sending with them a present consisting in gold and cotton
stuffs. These men were commissioned to thank Cortes for the liberation of
his two tax-gatherers, but at the same time to make heavy complaints
respecting these tribes who had presumed to revolt from him, merely
because we had taken them under our protection, and now refused all
further obedience and to pay tribute. At present he was merely withheld
from putting his threat into execution of exterminating them totally, out of
consideration for us, since we inhabited their dwellings; for, in our persons
he recognized that people whose arrival in this country had been foretold by
his ancestors, and who were of the same lineage with himself. However,
they would not long rejoice in their treachery, and he should know how to
deal with them at some future period.
Cortes received these messengers very kindly and accepted their present,
which was worth above 2000 pesos. He assured them that he as well as all
the rest of us were friendly disposed, and ready to serve Motecusuma, and
that it was in this spirit we had taken the three other tax-gatherers under our
protection, who were now immediately brought forth from our vessels,
clothed and delivered up to the ambassadors. Neither did Cortes on his part
suppress the complaints he had to make against Motecusuma, for he told
them, that Quitlalpitoc, his governor, had passed a night in our quarters, and
had been uncourteous enough not to call upon him. He was, certainly,
convinced that such behaviour had not been commanded by Motecusuma,
but had emanated from the natural ill-breeding of the man. Honorable
treatment, however, had so much worth in our estimation, that for this
reason only had we paid a visit to the townships where we now were.
Motecusuma, therefore, ought to pardon the people for our sakes. But as to
their complaints respecting the refusal to pay tribute, it was to be imagined
that they could not serve two masters at once, as they had, during our stay
here, sworn allegiance to our emperor. For the rest, he and his companions

would shortly wait upon Motecusuma himself, when these matters could be
altogether amicably adjusted.
After this and other declarations, Cortes presented both these distinguished
young personages and their four venerable companions, who were men of
the first consequence, with blue and green coloured beads, paying them the
greatest possible respect.
As the meadows in this neighbourhood were well adapted for cavalry
exercise, Cortes desired Alvarado, who had an excellent brown mare, and
our other good riders, to go through the different manœuvres, by which we
quite won the hearts of these messengers, who returned highly satisfied to
Mexico. About this time Cortes lost his horse; for which reason Ortiz, the
musician, and Bartolome Garcia, the mountaineer, gave up their dark brown
horse to him, which was one of the best among the whole troop.
For the rest, our allies in the mountains and the inhabitants of Sempoalla
had stood in no little awe of Motecusuma, as they believed nothing less
than that he would instantly invade their country with a great army to
extirpate them. But, when they found that even several of his relatives
arrived, bringing presents, and that they comported themselves so
submissively to Cortes, they began more and more to fear us, and the
caziques said to one another, these must necessarily be teules, as even
Motecusuma himself stood in awe of us and sent us presents. If they had
previously formed a great idea of our power, it was now vastly augmented
by this unexpected circumstance.

CHAPTER XLIX.
How the fat cazique and other chief men of the country come
and complain to Cortes, that a garrison of Mexicans had been
thrown into the strong fortress of Tzinpantzinco, committing
great depredations; and what further took place.
After the Mexican messengers had taken their leave, the fat cazique with
several other distinguished personages from among our allies called upon
Cortes, and begged of him to repair to a township called Tzinpantzinco, two
days' journey, or about from thirty-two to thirty-six miles from Sempoalla;
as a number of Mexican warriors had assembled there, destroying their
fields and plantations, falling upon their subjects, and doing all manner of
mischief. Cortes manifested great sympathy for them, but scarcely knew
what answer he should give, as he had promised them every assistance. He,
therefore, desired them to retire, until he should have considered the matter
a little.
After he had bethought himself for a short time, he turned smilingly round
to us who were standing near him and said: "Methinks, gentlemen, we
already pass here for great heroes; indeed, after what has happened with the
tax-gatherers these people must look upon us as gods, or a species of beings
like their idols. Now, I am of opinion it is best to strengthen them in this
notion; and that they may think that one single man of us is sufficient to
dislodge the Mexicans from the fortress of Tzinpantzinco, we will send
thither old Heredia of Biscay. The malignancy of his features, his huge
beard, his half-mangled countenance, his squinting eyes and lame leg,
constitute him the most fitting person for this object, besides which he is a
musketeer."
Cortes then sent for the man and said to him: "You must go with the
caziques to the river which flows about a mile from this spot. When you
have arrived there do as if you were thirsty, and wished to wash your hands;
then fire off your musket. This shall be a signal for me to send some one
after you, who will, in my name, desire you to return. All this is done in

order that the Indians may suppose us to be deities, and as you have not one
of the most pleasing countenances, I trust they will take you by preference
to be some idol."
Heredia, who had served many years in Italia, perfectly well knew how to
perform his part, and gladly undertook this matter. Cortes now ordered the
fat cazique, and the other chief Indians who were expecting succours from
us, into his presence again, saying to them: "I send this my brother with you
to drive the Mexicans out of the fortress, and to bring those whom he does
not kill prisoners to me."
When the caziques heard this they stood in utter amazement, not knowing
whether Cortes was in earnest; but finding he did not change countenance,
they began to convince themselves that this was really his intention, and
marched away in company of Heredia. When he had arrived between the
mountains he loaded his musket and shot it off in the air, that it might be
heard by every Indian in the district. The caziques themselves sent notice to
the different townships, that they had a teule with them, and were marching
to Tzinpantzinco in order to kill the Mexicans there.
I have mentioned this laughable circumstance, that the reader may see what
artifices Cortes employed to throw dust into the eyes of the Indians. Of
course, when Heredia arrived at the river he was recalled; the caziques
returning with him, to whom Cortes said, he had formed a different plan.
His friendship for them was so great, that he would accompany them
himself with some of his brothers, in order to take a survey of the country
and the fortress. They had only to furnish four hundred porters to convey
the cannon, and to return to us next morning early. All this was accordingly
done, and as soon as daylight had broken forth, we moved forward, four
hundred in number, with fourteen horse and a sufficient number of
matchlocks and arquebuses.
On this occasion some of Diego Velasquez's adherents again began to
murmur, declaring that Cortes might proceed further with those who wished
to follow him; but as for themselves they were determined to return to
Cuba.
How this matter terminated we shall see in the following chapter.

CHAPTER L.
How some of Diego Velasquez's adherents refused to take any
further part in our proceedings, and declared their
determination to return to Cuba, seeing that Cortes was
earnestly bent upon founding a colony, and had already
commenced to pacify the inhabitants.
Next morning when our petty officers went round to our different quarters
and called upon the men to march out with their arms and horses, the
partisans of Velasquez insolently answered, that they would take no further
part in any expedition, but wished to return home to their possessions in
Cuba. They had already lost enough, by allowing themselves to be led away
by Cortes to join him in the first instance; they now, however, would desire
him to fulfil the promise, which he had made in the camp on the downs,
namely, to grant those their discharge who wished to return to Cuba, and
provide them a vessel and the necessary provisions.
Seven men now declared they were positively determined to return home;
Cortes, therefore, desired they should be brought before him, and asked
them, "Why they wished to play him such a vile trick?" They answered in
rather an angry tone, "That they could not help feeling astonished, he
should think of founding a colony with a handful of men in a country full of
towns possessing many thousands of inhabitants. They were suffering from
indisposition, quite tired of roving about, and desired to return to their
settlements in Cuba; he ought, therefore, to grant them their discharge
according to promise."
To this Cortes answered, in the mildest manner possible, that he had made
such promise indeed; but, that they would be acting in a manner forgetful of
their duty to desert the standard of their captain at a time when he was
meditating an expedition: at the same time he commanded them to embark
themselves immediately, and provided them with a vessel, cassave-bread, a
bottle of oil, a quantity of vegetables, and such things as ships generally
take on distant voyages. One of these men, a certain Moron of Delbayamo,

had a well-trained horse, and exchanged it most profitably with Juan Ruano
for some valuable property the latter had at Cuba.
When these men were about to set sail, the rest of our troops, headed by the
alcaldes and regidors of the town of Vera Cruz, repaired to Cortes and
begged of him to issue an order that no one should leave the country, an
order which both the service of God and his majesty required, declaring that
they considered every one merited death who could think of such a thing,
surrounded as we were by such numerous enemies, nor could we look upon
them in any other light than men who wished to desert their commander and
his standard in the midst of battle and in the moment of the greatest danger.
Cortes, nevertheless, did as if he was desirous of discharging the
malcontents, but soon after countermanded this order. All they got for their
pains was contempt and disgrace, while Moron in the bargain was done out
of his horse, which Juan Ruano had no wish to return him. Upon this Cortes
gave orders for our march, and we arrived without any accident in
Tzinpantzinco.

CHAPTER LI.
What happened to us at Tzinpantzinco, and how, on our return
to Sempoalla, we destroyed all the idols; likewise of other
matters.
The first day we marched twenty miles, and arrived at Sempoalla, where we
passed the night: here 2000 Indian warriors, divided into four troops, stood
ready to join us. The second day, towards nightfall, we arrived at the
plantations in front of Tzinpantzinco, and took the road leading into that
fortress, which wound up between large and steep rocks. The inhabitants
were most likely apprized of our approach; for immediately eight Indians of
distinction and several papas came out to us, making signs of peace, and
asked Cortes, with tears in their eyes, why we were going to kill them, as
they had done nothing against us? We bore the character of doing good only
wherever we might come, and of putting a stop to the oppression of nations,
and for that reason had even imprisoned the tax-gatherers of Motecusuma:
between the warriors of Sempoalla, who accompanied us, and themselves
there existed an inimical feeling, already of ancient date, respecting a
dispute of territory and boundaries, and these people had no other object in
view than to plunder and destroy them, under our protection: there was,
indeed, generally speaking, a Mexican garrison in their township, which,
however, had returned home, upon the news that we had imprisoned the
tax-gatherers; they, therefore, begged of us not to proceed any further, and
to be merciful towards them.
When these representations were made known to Cortes through our
interpreters, he immediately ordered Alvarado and Christobal de Oli, with
us who were nearest to him, to march off to the Sempoallans and command
them not to advance any further. Though we used the utmost expedition to
fulfil these orders, yet we already found them plundering the plantations.
This made Cortes excessively angry; he ordered the chiefs of the
Sempoallans into his presence, and severely remonstrated with them for
such behaviour: he commanded them, with heavy threats, to bring him all
the plunder, and not to set a foot into the town. They had trumped up a false

story to us, he told them, merely to be enabled, under our protection, to
plunder their neighbours and then to sacrifice them, whereby they had
deserved death. Our emperor had not sent us to this country to commit such
crimes, and they had better mind not again to fall into such guilt, as none of
them would escape alive if it happened again.
After this earnest reproof, the caziques and chiefs of Sempoalla brought the
prisoners and the turkey-fowls they had captured: the first, Cortes ordered
to be set at liberty, and the latter were restored to their owners; upon which
he commanded the Sempoallans, in a very angry tone, to return to their
camp and there remain for the night.
The caziques and papas of Tzinpantzinco, with other inhabitants of the
surrounding neighbourhood, having witnessed this act of justice, and seeing
altogether how friendly Cortes was disposed, and the good deeds which he
manifested, were the more susceptible of the things he told them about our
holy religion,—respecting the abolishment of their human sacrifices and
kidnapping, the discontinuation of other abominations and obscenities, with
other matters salutary to their well being. They appeared so well inclined
that they assembled the inhabitants of the surrounding districts, and
formally declared themselves vassals of the emperor, our master. On this
occasion, likewise, numerous complaints were made against Motecusuma,
which all terminated with instances of his oppression similar to what we
had heard from the Sempoallans and Quiahuitzlans.
The next morning very early Cortes sent for the chiefs and caziques of the
Sempoallans. In fear and anxiety had they passed the while, in consequence
of his anger for having attempted to deceive us with a pack of lies. He
brought about a reconciliation and good understanding between them and
the inhabitants of Tzinpantzinco, which was never afterwards interrupted.
Upon this we again put ourselves in motion, and marched back to
Sempoalla, but took a different route over two townships friendly with the
Tzinpantzincans, where we rested ourselves, as we were greatly fatigued,
and the sun was excessively hot. In one of these townships, a certain Mora,
of Ciudad-Rodrigo, took some fowls out of an Indian hut, which so greatly
incensed Cortes that he ordered a rope to be tied around the fellow's neck,
and would have had him hung up if Alvarado, who was standing next to

Cortes, had not cut the rope in two with his sword, and thus released the
poor devil, who had the fear of death before his eyes.
I have merely mentioned this trait to convince the curious reader how
exemplary Cortes acted, and of the necessity of being strict under similar
circumstances. Mora subsequently lost his life in a battle we fought on a
mountain in the province of Guatimala. After we had left these two
townships in peace, we found the fat cazique with the chiefs of Sempoalla
in some huts which they had constructed for us, where they were waiting
our arrival with various kinds of provisions which they had brought with
them. Although Indians, they readily perceived what a good and holy thing
is justice, and that Cortes' declaration of our having come into these
countries to put an end to all oppression, perfectly agreed with his conduct
on our entry into Tzinpantzinco; they, therefore, became the more united to
us. We passed the night in these huts, and returned next morning, in
company of our Indian friends, to Sempoalla. Indeed, the only wish of the
Sempoallans was now, that we should never leave their country again,
fearing Motecusuma would send an army about their ears; they, therefore,
proposed to Cortes, since such a close and friendly alliance now subsisted
between us, and we could look upon each other as brothers, that we should
choose wives from among their daughters and relatives, that our posterity
might descend from one and the same stock. In order that this more intimate
connexion might be brought about, they immediately made a good
beginning by presenting us with eight females, all daughters of caziques:
one of these, the niece of the fat cazique, was given to Cortes, and
Puertocarrero was presented with the daughter of another powerful cazique,
whom they called Cuesco. All these young women were finely dressed out
after the fashion of the country: they wore beautiful shifts, had golden
chains about their necks, golden rings in their ears, and had other Indian
females to wait upon them.
When the fat cazique presented these, he said to Cortes, "Tecle, (which
signifies sir, in their language,) these seven women are intended for your
chief officers, and this my niece, who herself holds dominion over a country
and a people, I have destined for you." Cortes joyfully accepted of the
young women, and returned thanks to the chiefs, remarking, at the same
time, that he should gladly recognize in these women, the bonds of
brotherly union between us. But now they should likewise renounce their

idols, and no longer bring them human sacrifices. It grieved him sorely
whenever he reflected on the monstrous heresy in which they lived;
henceforth he would neither see nor hear of these abominations, of human
sacrifices and unnatural offences: then only could a permanent and
brotherly union subsist between us. Above all things the women must be
converted to Christianity, before we could think of taking them. Further, all
unnatural crimes must be put a stop to, and young men must cease to go
about in female garments, to make a livelihood by such cursed lewdness.
Indeed, hardly a day passed by that these people did not sacrifice from three
to four, and even five Indians, tearing the hearts out of their bodies, to
present them to the idols and smear the blood on the walls of the temple.
The arms and legs of these unfortunate beings were then cut off and
devoured, just in the same way we should fetch meat from a butcher's shop
and eat it: indeed I even believe that human flesh is exposed for sale cut up,
in their tiangues, or markets.
"All these atrocities," added Cortes, "must cease from this moment; then
only could our union be sincere, and should we be able to make them lords
over additional countries." To this the caziques, the papas, and all the other
personages answered, "That it would be impossible to abolish their idols
and the human sacrifices: for everything that was good they received from
these idols; they made their seeds grow and granted them all necessaries;
but with regard to the unnatural crimes, they would strive in future to put an
end to them."
This unsatisfactory answer made a most disagreeable impression on Cortes
and all of us; for, indeed, we could no longer bear to look upon their
barbarities and the dissolute life which they led. Cortes spoke a long time to
us upon the subject; he brought many holy and useful lessons to our mind,
and observed "That we could do nothing which would be more beneficial to
this people, and more to the glory of God, than to abolish this idolatry with
its human sacrifices. It was certainly to be expected that the inhabitants
would rise up in arms, if we proceeded to destroy their idols: we should,
however, make the attempt, if even it were to cost us our lives."
Upon this we all arrayed ourselves as if we were preparing for battle, and
Cortes acquainted the caziques that we were now going out to destroy their
idols. When the fat cazique heard this he ordered the other chiefs to call out

the warriors in their defence, and when we were about to mount up a high
temple where the sacrifices were made,—I forget now how many steps led
to the top,—he and the other chiefs became outrageously furious. They
went menacing up to Cortes, and asked him, "Why he was going to destroy
their gods? such an insult they would not suffer; it would be their and our
destruction."
Cortes now also lost patience, and answered, "He had already told them
several times they should not sacrifice to these monsters, who were nothing
more than deceivers and liars. There was now, therefore, no alternative left
him than to lay violent hands on them himself, and hurl them from their
bases. He must look upon them as his worst enemies, and not as friends,
since they would put no faith in his advice. He was well aware what design
their chiefs and armed warriors had in hand; his forbearance was at last
exhausted, and any opposition would cost them their lives."
These threats were most intelligibly interpreted to the Indians by Doña
Marina, who also put them in mind of Motecusuma's army, which every
moment might fall upon them. They, therefore, turned the question another
way, and declared, "That they were not worthy of laying hands on their
gods. If we durst venture to do so, they supposed we must, for we could not
resist the temptation; but they would never give their consent."
They had scarcely done speaking when more than fifty of us began to
mount the steps of the temple. We tore down the idols from their pediments,
broke them to pieces, and flung them piecemeal down the steps. Some of
these idols were shaped like furious dragons, and were about the size of
young calves; others with half the human form; some again were shaped
like large dogs, but all were horrible to look at.
When the caziques and papas thus beheld these monsters lying crumbled on
the ground, they set up a miserable howl, covered their faces, and begged
forgiveness of the idols in the Totonaque language, as they were unable to
protect them against the teules, nor durst they attack us for fear of
Motecusuma. It did not, however, end here, for their armed warriors who
had now come up began to fly their arrows at us. Finding matters had taken
such a turn, we seized the fat cazique, six papas, and several of the chief
personages; and Cortes declared to them, that if the attack was not instantly

staid they should all forfeit their lives. Upon this the fat cazique
commanded his men to desist, and when quiet was somewhat restored they
began to negotiate about terms of peace, which was concluded as shall
shortly be related.
In this place I have only further to add, that our march to Tzinpantzinco was
the first expedition Cortes made towards the interior of New Spain, and that
it turned out greatly to our advantage. The historian Gomara here again tells
his fables of the many thousands of human beings we destroyed at
Tzinpantzinco; the curious reader, however, may sufficiently convince
himself from my account what little faith is to be placed in his history,
however beautiful the style may be in which it is written.

CHAPTER LII.
How Cortes erects an altar, and places thereon the image of the
blessed Virgin with a cross; after which mass was said, and the
eight Indian females baptized.
After peace had been restored between us, the caziques, papas, and other
chiefs, Cortes ordered the fragments of the idols we had destroyed to be
carried away and burnt. These orders were executed by six papas who came
forth from a particular house, into which they carried the broken pieces and
burnt them. The dress of these priests consisted in a long black cloak, white
cassock, without sleeves, which hung down to the feet, and in a species of
hood, which some wore greater, some less in size. Their dress was
completely clogged together with blood, with which they were besmeared
from head to foot, and impeded in their walk: they likewise smelt most
offensively of sulphur and putrid flesh. We subsequently learnt that these
papas were sons of distinguished personages. They were forbidden to
marry, but were wholly given to unnatural offences, and fasted on certain
days. Generally speaking, I never saw them eat anything else than the seeds
of the cotton tree; they may, however, have partaken of other food for all I
know.
When the idols were burnt, Cortes said everything that was edifying to the
Indians by means of our interpreters. "Now," he said, "we could look upon
them as our true brothers, and lend them every powerful assistance against
Motecusuma and the Mexicans, he having already acquainted the former
that he was no longer to make war upon them, nor to exact tribute. Instead
of their idols, he would give them our own blessed Virgin and Sainte, the
mother of Jesus Christ, in whom we believed, and to whom we prayed, that
she might intercede and protect them in heaven."
The Indians listened with great good nature to this and many other things,
which Cortes explained to them, concerning our holy religion. Every mason
in the town was now set to work to bring chalk, which was in great
abundance here, to clean away the blood from the walls of the cues, and

plaster them well over. The day following this work was finished and an
altar erected, which was covered with cotton cloth. The Indians were
likewise ordered to bring a quantity of their splendid and sweet-scented
roses with small branches of trees. Of these a garland was plaited, which
was constantly to be renewed, that the place might remain pure and
undefiled. Four papas were selected by Cortes to take charge of this; but
their hair was previously shorn off, which they wore, as I have before
remarked, very long and bristly; their dirty cloaks were taken off, and white
ones put on, which, with the other part of their dress, they were in future to
keep perfectly clean. In order, however, that they might have some one to
look over them in their new occupation, Cortes nominated Juan de Torres,
an old lame invalid of Cordova, to dwell near the altar, in the capacity of
anchorite. The carpenters likewise made a cross which we erected on an
elevated base, well plastered over with lime.
The next morning early father Olmedo said mass. A regulation was also
made that in future the copal of this country should be used instead of our
usual incense, and the inhabitants were taught to make wax candles from
the wax of the country; of which, up to this moment, they had made no
manner of use: these candles were always to be kept burning on the altar.
The principal caziques of the district and village attended mass. But the
chief ornaments there were the eight Indian females, who in the meantime
had remained with their parents and relatives. These were now baptized
after an edifying discourse had preceded the ceremony. The niece of the fat
cazique, a very ugly woman, was named Doña Catalina, and presented to
Cortes, who accepted her with every appearance of delight. The daughter of
Cuesco, on the other hand, was most beautiful for an Indian female, and
received the name of Doña Francisca, and fell to the lot of Puertocarrero.
The six remaining young women, whose names I have totally forgotten,
were given to some other of our soldiers.
The mass and baptismal ceremony being concluded, the caziques and
principal personages took their leave, and from this moment the best feeling
subsisted between us, for they were highly delighted that Cortes had
accepted their daughter. We, therefore, returned to our new town Vera Cruz
amidst the most joyous professions of friendship, and we shall soon see
what happened there.

The good reader, however, may feel assured that nothing of any
consequence further took place at Sempoalla than what I have related, and
that herein Gomara and the other historians have completely erred.

CHAPTER LIII.
How we arrived in our town of Vera Cruz, and what happened
there.
We arrived at Vera Cruz, in company of the most distinguished personages
of Sempoalla, on the same day that a ship had run in there from Cuba. The
captain's name was Francisco de Saucedo, but we always called him the
gallant, from his extravagance in beautifying his outward person, being
altogether a perfect fop. He was said to have been at one time butler to the
admiral of Castile, and was born at Medina de Rioseco. Along with him
were ten soldiers, and a certain Luis Marin, a most distinguished officer,
who afterwards became one of our chief commanders in the Mexican
campaigns. Both the former had horses, one a stallion, and the other a mare.
These men brought us intelligence that Diego Velasquez had obtained
authority from Spain to trade and found colonies wherever he liked, and
was appointed adelantado of Cuba. All this pleased his adherents
excessively, in particular the latter preferment.
The building of the fortress having solely occupied us for a length of time,
and now in such a forward state that we could lay the woodwork, we began
to grow tired of doing nothing. Almost the whole of us, therefore, addressed
Cortes in a body: representing to him, that we had now been three months
in this country, and high time we should just convince ourselves how much
truth there was in the boasted power of Motecusuma, of which so much had
been said: we would gladly risk our lives in it, and therefore begged he
would make preparations for this expedition. But, previous to commencing
our march, we ought first to give some proof of our most humble
submission to his majesty our emperor, by forwarding him a complete
account of everything that had befallen us since our departure from Cuba.
We also proposed that all the gold we had bartered for, and the presents sent
by Motecusuma, should be forwarded to his majesty.
In answer to which Cortes said, that our ideas accorded exactly with his
own, and that he had already spoken to the same effect to several of the

cavaliers. There was merely one circumstance which caused him to hesitate,
namely, that if each person took the portion of gold which fell to his share,
too little would remain to be worthy of his majesty's acceptance. For this
reason he commissioned Diego de Ordas and Francisco de Montejo, who
were thorough men of business to see what they could make out of those
men whom they might expect would demand their share. This was
accordingly done, and they represented to every one that we were desirous
of sending his majesty the emperor a present in gold, which, considering it
was the first, ought indeed to be something valuable. In order, however, to
make this possible, nothing remained but that each one should give up his
share of the gold which had been made up to this moment. A great number
of officers and soldiers had already signed their hands to that effect; yet
every one was at liberty to act herein as he thought proper. Here was the
paper, which every one who chose could put his hand to.
Every one, without exception, signed his name to the document, and agents
were chosen to be despatched to Spain. These were Alonso Puertocarrero
and Francisco de Montejo, to whom Cortes himself had already given
above two thousand pesos. The best vessel of our squadron, furnished with
the necessary provisions and manned with fifteen sailors, was selected to
convey them. The charge of the vessel was given to two pilots, one of
whom was Anton de Alaminos, from his being so well acquainted with the
passage through the Bahama channel, and the first who had ventured that
road. Upon this all of us, in common, drew up an account of our adventures
expressly for his majesty, relating everything that had happened to us, and
Cortes himself, as he assured us, likewise wrote a very circumstantial
narrative, which, however, was not given us to read.[18] The account was
signed by all the authorities of the new town and ten soldiers, of which I
myself was one. But there was likewise another account drawn up by all the
officers and soldiers, the contents of which will be fully explained in the
following chapter.

CHAPTER LIV.
Concerning the account of our adventures, with the letter, which
we sent his majesty the emperor, through Puertocarrero and
Montejo, the letter being attested by some officers and soldiers.
This account very properly opened with those distinguished marks of
respect which were due to our great emperor and master. Then followed a
complete account of our expedition, from the day of our departure from
Cuba up to our arrival on the coast of Mexico, and the day the account was
drawn up. We did not omit to state that we had merely been induced to join
the expedition from a promise that we were going to found a colony, and
how Diego Velasquez had given Cortes secret instructions merely to confine
himself to the trade of barter. That Cortes, conformably to this, had indeed
wished to return to Cuba with the gold we had made; that, however, we had
compelled him to remain here and found a colony, for which purpose we
had elected him captain-general and chief justice, until we should receive
his most gracious majesty's pleasure on this head. We had, moreover,
promised him a fifth part of all the gold that should remain after deducting
the fifths for his majesty. We then mentioned the name of Francisco
Hernandez de Cordoba, as the first discoverer of this country; the
expedition which followed upon that under Juan de Grijalva; of our landing
on the island of Cozumel, and of our fortunate discovery of Geronimo de
Aguilar, and other things. We described our negotiations with the great
Motecusuma, mentioning his power and riches, of which the things he had
given us to present to his majesty, consisting in the sun of gold and moon of
silver, and the casque of gold dust, as it is found in the mines, as also the
other articles of solid and manufactured gold, were small proofs.
After this we spoke about the extent of the country, its population, the arts,
customs, and religion of the inhabitants, of whom we sent four as a sample,
whom we had liberated from a wooden cage at Sempoalla, where they were
being fattened for a sacrificial feast. We then mentioned something about
ourselves; how we were in all 450 armed men in the midst of so many
warlike tribes; how our expedition had merely for its object to serve God

and his majesty; and, in the position we were now placed, how much
depended upon a man being at our head who was acquainted with the
country, and in whom we could repose all trust. We most humbly begged of
his majesty not to confer the command of this country upon any one of his
officers; from its extent and vast riches, it was worthy of being ruled by a
royal prince or some other great personage. We all feared that the
archbishop Don Rodriguez de Fonseca, whom his majesty had intrusted
with the government of Indian affairs, had destined the command to one of
his own creatures, namely, a certain Diego Velasquez, who was then viceroy
of Cuba; this favour, however, was entirely owing to the presents which the
bishop received from Velasquez, consisting in the most valuable townships
of his imperial domains wherever any gold was to be found. As his
majesty's most humble and faithful servants, we could not neglect to bring
this under his imperial notice, and we had resolved to wait until our agents
had thrown themselves at his majesty's feet to hand over our letters, and his
majesty should have acquainted them with his imperial wishes, which we,
whatever they might be, would honour in the very dust. If the archbishop
Fonseca in the meantime sent any one to take the command, we should not
obey him until we had informed his majesty of it, wherever he might be. We
begged of his majesty, for the present, to confer the command on Cortes.
This prayer we accompanied by such high-flown praise of Cortes,—how
faithful and devoted he was to his majesty; that we elevated him to the very
skies. This closed the letter, which was drawn up with great discernment,
and divided into chapters. This letter was signed by all the officers and
soldiers who belonged to Cortes' party. We also took the precaution of
keeping other copies.
After the letter was quite finished, Cortes desired to read it, and when he
found how faithfully the account was drawn up, and himself so highly
praised, he was vastly pleased, returned us hearty thanks, and promised us
golden mountains. He, however, observed, that it would be better to make
no allusion to the fifth part of the gold which we had promised him; also to
suppress the names of the first discoverers of the country. Indeed, we
subsequently learnt that Cortes, in his account, never mentioned a word
either about Cordoba, or of Grijalva, but reserved all the honour and merit
to himself.

Nevertheless the men were not wanting among us who answered the
objections made by Cortes, saying it was our bounden duty to narrate every
circumstance to his majesty as it had really taken place.
Our agents took charge of the letters, and were bound down by a promise
not to touch at the Havannah under any pretence whatever, nor run into the
harbour of El Marien, where Francisco de Montejo had possessions. This
was done that Velasquez might receive no intelligence of our doings. They
certainly promised, but neglected to observe these orders, as will be seen.
Everything being now ready for their departure, father Olmedo said mass,
and we commended them to the guidance and protection of the Holy Ghost.
On the 26th of July, 1519, they set sail from San Juan de Ulua, and arrived
pretty soon at the Havannah. Here Francisco de Montejo left our chief pilot
Alaminos no peace, persuading him to sail along the coast in the direction
of his settlement, where he pretended he would take in a fresh supply of
cassave-bread and bacon. Puertocarrero was greatly displeased with this
conduct; however, the landing was effected. The night following a sailor
swam secretly on shore, and forwarded Diego Velasquez letters from his
adherents, giving him an account of all that had passed. We afterwards
learnt that Montejo himself had sent this man, who, besides this, spread the
news everywhere along the route he journeyed. We shall now see what steps
Velasquez took upon this.

CHAPTER LV.
How Diego Velasquez is informed by his agents that we had sent
messengers with letters and presents to our king, and what
further took place.
Diego Velasquez received intelligence of everything we had done, partly by
the letters which had been secretly conveyed to him, and were said to be of
Montejo's own writing, and partly from the sailor, who swam on shore for
that purpose. When he heard of the valuable present which we sent to his
majesty, and of the agents we had selected for the purpose, he grew
excessively angry, and threw out the most heavy curses against Cortes,
against his own private secretary Duero, and the treasurer Almador de
Lares. He then immediately ordered two small but very swift sailing vessels
to be fitted out, and furnished with as great a number of men and firearms
as could be got together at the moment. These vessels were given in
command of two officers named Gabriel de Rojas and Guzman, who were
ordered to repair to the Havannah, and to capture the vessel which
conveyed our agents and the gold.
Both vessels arrived, after two days' sail, in the Bahama roads, and made
every inquiry of the fishermen and coasters whether they had seen a ship of
considerable tonnage pass that way. All the accounts they received went to
show that she must have left the roads, as the wind had constantly been
favorable: they, therefore, tacked up and down a considerable time, but,
discovering no trace of her, they returned to Santiago.
If the first accounts had made Diego Velasquez dispirited, he was now the
more so when he found the ship had escaped. His friends now advised him
to send some one to Spain to lay his complaints before the president of
Indian affairs, with whom he stood in great favour. Velasquez also laid a
formal accusation against Cortes and all of us, in the royal court of audience
at Santo Domingo, and also before the Hieronymite brethren, who were
viceroys of that island. These brothers were then three in number, father
Luis de Figueroa, father Alonso de Santo Domingo, and father Bernardino

de Mancañedo: they lived together in the cloister of Mejorada, eight miles
from Medina del Campo. The answer they gave Diego Velasquez was not
very consoling; for, when they found, from our papers, what great things we
had done, they declared that no reproach could be made either to Cortes or
his troops: we had merely addressed the emperor our master, and sent him a
present of such considerable value as had not been seen in Spain for a
length of time, (this they might say in all justice, for Peru was then still
unknown;) on the contrary, we had merited a most noble remuneration at
his majesty's hands.
Besides coming to this decision, the Hieronymite brothers commissioned
the licentiate Zuazo, who was either purposely sent to Cuba for this
purpose, or at least had arrived there only a few months previous, to
examine into this affair of Velasquez on the spot itself. The turn which this
matter had taken completely prostrated his spirits for many days together.
At last he again aroused himself, and gave orders to fit out every ship in the
island, and to enlist officers and men: his intention was to send out such a
powerful fleet as would soon overcome Cortes and the whole of us: indeed
he spared no trouble; he travelled himself from place to place, and from one
settlement to another, and where he could not call in person, he at least sent
letters, and invited all his friends to join the armament. In this way he
succeeded, after the space of eleven or twelve months, to fit out a fleet of
eighteen sail, carrying 1300 soldiers and sailors: for, as the affair was
carried on with great party spirit, his relations and every distinguished
person of Cuba, as well as every one who had a commendary, considered
themselves bound to take part in the undertaking. The command of this fleet
was given to a cavalier named Pamfilo de Narvaez, a man of high stature
and great bodily strength, with a voice amazingly powerful, and an
imperious look in his countenance: he was a native of Valladolid, very
wealthy, and had married a widow at Cuba named Maria de Valenzuela,
who possessed several lucrative Indian townships.
For the present, however, we will leave this expedition to itself, and turn to
our agents, who had most favorable weather for their voyage, and arrived
safe at the place of destination, as we shall see in the following chapter. The
good reader will do me the justice to consider, with respect to the irregular
mode of narrating which I appear to pursue, that I am bound to mention the
occurrences in this my history in the order they follow each other.

CHAPTER LVI.
How our agents passed through the Bahama channel with the
most favorable wind, and arrived in Castile after a short
passage; and of our success at court.
Our agents had a most favorable voyage to the Havannah, and thence
through the Bahama roads: their further course was equally prosperous, and
they very soon arrived at the Tercera isles, and from there to Sevilla, where
they hired a carriage and posted to the imperial court residence, at that time
in Valladolid. Here the archbishop Fonseca governed at will, he being,
moreover, president of Indian affairs, and the emperor then still very young,
and residing in Flanders.
Our agents waited upon the archbishop, in the full expectation of being well
received with thanks. They handed over to him the letters with the details of
our adventures, also the presents, with the valuable things, and begged of
him to forward all this to his majesty by a courier, whom they would
accompany themselves. However, instead of meeting with a kind reception,
they were very coolly received, and dismissed with a few dry and harsh
words. They begged of him to mention the great services which Cortes and
his men had rendered his majesty, and repeatedly urged him to send the
letters and presents to the emperor, that he might learn everything as it had
really taken place. He, however, answered in a very haughty tone, desiring
them not to give themselves any further trouble: he would fully inform his
majesty of what had taken place; not, however, according to their story, but
conformably to truth; that, namely, we had rebelled against Velasquez. This
was followed by many other sharp rebukes.
About this time also, Benito Martin, chaplain to Velasquez, arrived in
Valladolid, preferring heavy accusations against Cortes and all of us, which
set the archbishop more and more against us. Francisco de Montejo had not
the courage to step forward and defend our cause; but Puertocarrero, as
cousin to the earl of Medellin, durst presume the more: he therefore took up
the question, and most urgently begged of the archbishop to give them a

quiet hearing, and not to answer them so harshly. They demanded nothing
further of him than to forward the presents to his majesty; they had a right
to ask this, for we were servants of the crown, and merited a remuneration,
but not the remarks he had allowed himself to make.
These words so greatly incensed the archbishop, that he ordered
Puertocarrero to be thrown into prison, on account of some previous affair
which had come to his ears; he having, namely, three years ago, carried off
a married woman, named Maria Rodriguez, of Medellin, and taken her to
India. Such was the first reception which our presents and services met with
in Spain, and nothing remained for our agents but to hold their tongues for
the present, and wait until a more favorable time and opportunity should
present itself. The archbishop now forwarded his account to the emperor,
who was then in Flanders, in which he extolled the merits of his creature
Velasquez to the very skies, saying everything that was bad of Cortes and
all of us; nor did he mention one single word about our letters.
Upon this Puertocarrero, Montejo, Martin Cortes, the father of our general,
the licentiate Nuñez, who was reporter to the royal council, and a near
relation to Cortes, determined to despatch a courier of their own to the
emperor in Flanders. They fortunately possessed duplicates of all our
despatches and letters, as also a list of all the presents we had destined for
his majesty.
With these papers they likewise sent a separate letter to the emperor with
complaints against the archbishop and the whole of his doings with Diego
Velasquez. In this resolution they were backed by other cavaliers who were
at variance with the archbishop, who, upon the whole, had many enemies
on account of his haughty behaviour and the abuse he made of the
important offices he filled. And as the great services we had rendered to
God and his majesty, in whom we had alone reposed our trust, were looked
upon in a favorable light, it also happened that his majesty made the
strictest inquiries into the whole affair. His majesty was so highly pleased
with what we had done, that the dukes, marquisses, earls, and other
cavaliers, for days together spoke of nothing but Cortes, our courageous
behaviour, our conquests, and of the riches we had sent over. It was owing
to this as well as to the unfaithful and distorted account which the
archbishop had drawn up respecting these matters, and particularly because

he had not sent all the presents, but kept the major part to himself, that he
fell from that moment into his majesty's displeasure. In the meantime the
archbishop's agents in Flanders had sent him information of all that had
passed, which vexed him in no small degree, and if previously he had
blackened Cortes and all of us to his majesty, he now boldly accused us of
high treason. But the Lord very soon bridled his rage; for two years after he
received his dismissal, and then in his turn experienced the curse of malice
and contempt. We, on the contrary, were looked upon as loyal men who had
rendered services to the crown, as shall be mentioned in the proper place.
For the present the emperor informed our agents, that he would himself
shortly visit Spain to investigate the matter more closely and reward us. Our
agents, therefore, awaited his majesty's arrival in Spain.
Before I proceed any further with my narrative, I must answer one question,
which several cavaliers have very justly put to me; namely, how it was
possible for me to relate these things, as I was not present myself, but
making the campaign in New Spain, when our agents were despatched with
the letters and presents, and met with this ill treatment from the archbishop
of Rosano? To which my answer is, that our agents forwarded to us, the true
conquistadores, verbatim all that had passed between them and the latter, as
also the favorable decision which the emperor came to in our behalf; of
which Cortes sent copies to all the towns where we happened to be
stationed, to show us how favorably everything had terminated, and what a
great enemy we had in the archbishop. After this digression we will return
to our quarters in New Spain, and see what happened there in the meantime.

CHAPTER LVII.
What took place in our camp after the departure of our agents to
his majesty with the gold and the letters; and the instance of
severity which Cortes was compelled to give.
The suspicions of Velasquez's adherents were again aroused at the departure
of our agents, and the following occurrence took place a few days after. A
conspiracy was set on foot by Pedro Escudero, Juan Cormeño, Gonzalo de
Umbria, a pilot, the priest Juan Diaz, Bernardino de Coria, (who afterwards
became a citizen of Chiapa, and was father of a certain Centeno,) and some
seamen of Gibraleon. All these were excessively embittered against Cortes;
some because he had refused to grant them the promised discharge to return
to Cuba; others because they had lost their share of the gold by the present
which had been sent to the emperor; and the seamen because they could not
forget the lashes which he had given them on the island of Cozumel for
stealing the flitches of bacon. They had determined to seize upon one of our
small vessels, to sail to Cuba, and acquaint the viceroy Diego Velasquez
that he had merely to send to the Havannah and the possessions of Montejo
in order to capture our agents with all the riches. We concluded from this
that the conspirators had been counselled by persons of authority among our
officers, since they knew that Montejo, notwithstanding the strict
injunctions which he had received to the contrary, had landed at his
commendary. The affair was already so far advanced that the conspirators
had sent on board the necessary provisions of cassave-bread, oil, dried fish,
water, and such like, and were about to set sail, when one of them,
Bernardino de Coria, began to repent, called upon Cortes at midnight, and
discovered the whole plot to him.
Cortes first of all made an accurate inquiry into the names and number of
the conspirators, as also into the reasons and the way they intended carrying
out the plot; he then ordered the sails, the compass, and the rudder to be
taken from the vessel which was to have conveyed them. Upon which he
closely examined the conspirators, when they immediately made a full
confession, and mentioned the names of others who were implicated. These

names were for the present very prudently suppressed, and proceedings
were merely taken against those who stood most prominent in the affair. A
council of war having been held with all the usual formalities, Pedro
Escudero and Juan Cormeño[19] were sentenced to be hung; the pilot
Gonzalo de Umbria to have his feet cut off, and the sailors to receive two
hundred lashes each. If father Juan had not been a priest he would likewise
have shared a similar fate; as it was he merely suffered for a time the dread
of suspense which indeed must have been terrible enough. I shall never
forget how Cortes cried out, with a sigh, and deeply affected, at the moment
he signed the death-warrants: "What a fortunate thing if I were unable to
write; then should I neither be able to sign a death-warrant!" This same
exclamation likewise frequently falls from judges who have to decide over
life and death; in which expression, however, they merely repeat the words
of the barbarous emperor Nero, when in the commencement of his reign he
showed so goodly a disposition.
The sentences being executed, Cortes immediately set out for Sempoalla,
having previously ordered that 200 men, with all our horse, should follow
him. The distance to this place was a good twenty miles. Pedro de Alvarado
was absent during this time, having three days beforehand been sent with
200 men into the mountains in search of provisions, which were extremely
scarce. Orders were, therefore, left behind for him to march to Sempoalla
on his return, where arrangements would be made for our further route to
Mexico. Alvarado, consequently, was not present when the executions took
place.

CHAPTER LVIII.
How we came to the resolution of marching to Mexico, and of
destroying all our vessels, which was done with the sanction and
by the advice of all Cortes' true adherents.
While preparations were going on at Sempoalla for our march into the
interior numerous consultations were held with Cortes respecting
everything connected with it, we, his trustworthy adherents, proposed that
all the vessels should be run on shore, in order at once to cut off all
possibility of further mutiny, when we should have advanced far into the
interior of the country. In which case, likewise, the pilots and sailors would
be of greater use to us than by idling their time away in the harbour. I am
well aware that the idea of destroying our vessels originated with Cortes
himself, and that he merely shoved it on our shoulders for this reason, that
if payment for the vessels should be demanded of him, he could throw the
blame on us, and say that all was done at our own request; so that we both
individually and collectively should have to assist in repaying the damages.
This resolution was immediately adopted, and Cortes ordered the alguacil-
major, Juan de Escalante, a young man of very great courage, and who was
a close adherer to him, utterly hating Diego Velasquez because he had
neglected to give him any considerable commendary in Cuba, to take all the
anchors, ropes, sails, in short everything that might be of use to us out of
the vessels, and run the latter all on shore, with the exception of the boats.
The pilots, the old ships' masters, and those seamen who were unable to
make the campaign with us, were to remain behind in the town, and employ
themselves in catching fish with our two drag-nets in the harbour, where the
former were in great abundance.
Juan de Escalante punctually obeyed these orders, and arrived in Sempoalla
with an additional company formed of the sailors, of whom several became
very excellent soldiers. The next thing Cortes did was to call all the
caziques of the mountain tribes together, who had revolted from
Motecusuma, and formed an alliance with us. He gave them to understand
that they were to assist in the building of the church, the fortresses, and

houses of our new town. "This man," continued he, taking Juan de
Escalante by the hand, "is my brother; him you must obey in everything;
and to him you must apply if you require assistance against the Mexicans.
He will himself at all times march out in your defence." The caziques in
reply, said, "They were ready to obey him in everything," and perfumed
Juan de Escalante after their fashion, which I can still well remember he
unwillingly submitted to. For the rest he was a man you could trust in all
matters, and who fully possessed the confidence of Cortes; for which reason
the latter intrusted him with the command of the town and harbour, as one
in whom he could place implicit reliance, in case, during his absence, Diego
Velasquez should set anything on foot against him.
Gomara here relates, that Cortes ordered the vessels to be sunk, and that he
did not disclose his intentions to us of visiting the great Motecusuma
himself at Mexico. But we Spaniards are, indeed, not the people who
require so much pressing to move forward, or who desire to sit quietly
down in a place where neither advantage nor military honour is to be
gained. Gomara also says, that Pedro de Irico was the person left behind in
command of Vera Cruz. This, however, is quite erroneous, for it was Juan
de Escalante who was appointed commander and alguacil-major of New
Spain. Pedro de Irico, indeed, would scarcely have been intrusted with the
command of a company, much less, therefore, with such an important post.
Nothing should be given to a man that does not belong to him, and nothing
should be taken from him to which he is entitled.

CHAPTER LIX.
Of the speech which Cortes made to us after our vessels were
destroyed, and how we prepared for our march to Mexico.
After the vessels had been run ashore before our eyes, and we the officers
and soldiers were one morning after mass all standing around Cortes, the
discourse turned upon various military topics, when he begged our attention
for a few minutes, as he had some proposal to make to us. He then
addressed us at great length, as near as possible, to the following effect. We
already knew of the campaign which was in contemplation. It was of such a
nature, that the aid of Jesus Christ, our Lord, only could bring us forth
victorious from all the battles and engagements which awaited us; but,
notwithstanding all the trust we reposed in God, we should not ourselves be
wanting in courage and activity; should we be worsted, which Almighty
God forbid, considering our small numbers we could expect no other
assistance than from above, and that of our own arms, as we had no longer
any vessels to return to Cuba. Cortes then adduced many beautiful
comparisons from history, and mentioned several heroic deeds of the
Romans. We answered him, one and all, that we would implicitly follow his
orders, as the die had been cast, and we, with Cæsar, when he had passed
the Rubicon, had now no choice left; besides which, everything we did was
for the glory of God and his majesty the emperor.
After this speech, whose penetrating eloquence and charming powers I am
unable to repeat, Cortes ordered the fat cazique into his presence, and
reminded him of the care and reverence which was due from him to the
church and the cross. For himself he was now about leaving for Mexico; he
added, to oblige Motecusuma, for the future to abolish all robbery and the
human sacrifices. He also told him he should require two hundred porters to
transport our cannon, and fifty of his best warriors to accompany us.
When we were about to put ourselves in motion a soldier arrived from Vera
Cruz, whom Cortes had despatched there to fetch more men. He brought a
letter from Juan de Escalante, announcing that a vessel had been seen off

the coast, to which he had made various signals by means of smoke and
other things; had hung out white flags and rode up and down the coast on
horseback dressed in scarlet, to attract the attention of those on board. He
did not doubt for an instant but all this had been observed by the men on-
board, yet they made no signs of running into the harbour. He had made
inquiries along the coast as to where the vessel had put in, and found she
was lying at anchor in the mouth of a small river, at the distance of about
nine miles; he therefore awaited Cortes' orders as to what further steps he
was to take. As soon as Cortes had read the letter he gave the command of
all the troops, then at Sempoalla, to Alvarado conjointly with Gonzalo de
Sandoval. This was the first time Sandoval had been put in command, for
those military qualities, by which he so greatly distinguished himself all the
rest of his life, now began to develop themselves. Properly speaking, the
command ought to have devolved upon Alonso de Avila, which therefore
created ill blood between him and Sandoval. Upon this Cortes mounted
horse, selected four of our cavalry, and fifty of the most nimble-footed men
amongst us, and marched to Vera Cruz, where we arrived that very night.

CHAPTER LX.
How Cortes arrived with us at the spot where the vessel lay at
anchor, and captured six soldiers and sailors of the said vessel,
who had stepped on shore; also what further took place.
As soon as we had arrived at Vera Cruz, Juan de Escalante came up to
Cortes and told him, it would be best to make off for the strange vessel that
very night, otherwise she might heave anchor and steer for the wide ocean.
Cortes himself might take his rest and allow him to manage the affair with
twenty men.
To this Cortes answered, he could not rest as long as there was any thing to
be done, and he was determined to go in person with the men he had
brought along with him. We accordingly set off on our march along the
coast, without even tasting a morsel of food before we left. On our road we
soon captured four Spaniards, who had been ordered to take possession of
the country in the name of Francisco de Garay, viceroy of Jamaica. They
had been sent on shore by an officer named Alonso Alvarez de Pinedo, who
a few days previous had left a settlement on the banks of the Panuco. One
of the four Spaniards, named Guillan de la Loa, had drawn up a formal deed
of having taken possession of the country, which was signed by the three
others.
After the prisoners had made this disclosure to Cortes, he inquired of them
under what pretence Garay had sent them out to take possession of the
country? To which they gave the following answer. In the year 1518, when
the fame of our having discovered this country, under Cordoba and
Grijalva, and of the twenty thousand pesos which it produced Diego
Velasquez, had spread through the whole of the West Indies, Anton de
Alaminos and another pilot who had made the voyage of discovery with us,
persuaded Garay to petition his majesty, that the discovery of all the
countries which might lie to the north of the river St. Peter and Paul might
be granted to him. Trusting to the patrons he had at the court of Madrid, he
despatched his house-steward, Torrolva, to Spain, who managed to obtain

for him the appointment of adelantado, and vice-regent of all countries
north of the river just mentioned. Garay, in consequence of this
appointment, fitted out three vessels with two hundred and seventy men,
besides horses and the necessary provisions. The command of these he
intrusted to an officer named Alonso Alvarez Pinedo, who at present was
lying at a distance of about 280 miles from this place, in the river Panuco,
where he intended to found a colony. For the rest, added the prisoners, they
had merely obeyed the commands of that officer, and were therefore not
answerable for anything they had done. Cortes was very much pleased with
these fellows, on account of the disclosure they had made; he tried to gain
them over to his interest, and inquired of them, if it were possible to capture
the vessel? Guillan de la Loa, the most distinguished of the prisoners,
thought it might be done, and he, with his comrades, would hail the ship's
shallop on shore. This they accordingly tried, but, notwithstanding all their
shouting and signals, no one moved from the vessel. No doubt we must
have been observed by them, for the captain knew all about us, and he had
particularly cautioned his men to be upon their guard, not to fall into the
hands of Cortes. We had now, therefore, no other course left than to try to
entice the shallop on shore by some other stratagem. For this purpose
Cortes desired the prisoners to take off their clothes, and four of our men to
put them on, who were to remain behind. The rest of us marched back along
the road we had come, and halted behind a mountain, as soon as we were
out of sight of the vessel. Here we remained until midnight, when all was
dark around; we then, without the least noise, put ourselves in motion, and
made for the landing-place, in the neighbourhood of which we concealed
ourselves, so as to be invisible to any one excepting our four disguised
soldiers.
As soon as daylight had broken forth, the latter made signals to the vessel
with their cloaks and hats; upon which the shallop put off with six sailors,
two of whom had water-bottles in their hands, and immediately stepped on
shore. We watched until the four others should have done the same. Our
four disguised men were in the meantime washing their hands, and doing
everything else to hide their faces. Those in the shallop cried out, "What the
deuce are you about there? why don't you come on board?" One of our men
then answered, "Come on shore for a few minutes, and see what the place is
like!" They found, however, the voice to be that of a stranger, and put off

with the shallop to the vessel again, notwithstanding all the signals our men
were making. We others were very desirous of sending a few musket-shots
after them, but Cortes would not permit us, saying, we ought to allow them
to go off quietly, and he would communicate with their commander himself.
All the prisoners we made, therefore, were the four above-mentioned, and
the two who had stepped out of the shallop, and we returned to Vera Cruz
without having tasted a morsel of food. Such are the true particulars of the
whole matter, and not as Gomara relates, who even makes Garay himself
present on this occasion, though he did not visit these parts in person until
some time after, having sent the three officers with the vessels before him. I
shall speak more particularly of this in the proper place.

CHAPTER LXI.
How we set out on our march to the city of Mexico, and, upon
the advice of the caziques, take our road over Tlascalla. What
took place here, and of the battles we fought.
After we had got all in readiness for our march to Mexico, we held a
consultation as to the route we should take. The chiefs of Sempoalla
preferred the road through the province of Tlascalla, as the inhabitants were
friendly with them and deadly enemies of the Mexicans. They had likewise
equipped forty of their best warriors to accompany us, who, indeed, proved
of the greatest utility to us on this journey. They also gave us 200 porters to
convey our cannon; for, at that time, we poor soldiers had no other baggage
than our weapons, with which in hand we stood, walked, and slept: we had
not even any other covering to our feet than light shoes, but we were always
ready for battle. It was about the middle of the month of August, 1519, that
we broke up our quarters at Sempoalla. During our march we observed the
strictest order, while our sharp-shooters and a great number of our most
active men were always in advance. On the first day we arrived in the
township of Xalapa, and from there to Socochina, which is very strongly
situated, the access to it being very dangerous, and surrounded by numerous
trained vine trees.[20] Doña Marina and Aguilar told the inhabitants a good
deal about our holy religion, and how we were subjects of the emperor Don
Carlos the Fifth, who sent us out to bring them back from kidnapping and
sacrificing human beings. As they were in friendship with the Sempoallans,
and paid no tribute to Motecusuma, we found them very well inclined
towards us, and we received hospitable treatment. We erected a cross in
every township, and explained its signification to the inhabitants, and what
great veneration was due to it. From Socochina we marched over a high
mountain, through a pass, to Texutla: here, likewise, the inhabitants were
friendly to us, because they refused to pay any further tribute to
Motecusuma. It was from this township that we first arrived into a rugged
and wild mountain district; the population ceased, and, in the very first
night, we had excessive cold, with hail showers; add to which, our
provisions were totally gone, and the wind so keen which blew across the

snow mountains, that we shook again with the frost: indeed, no one can
wonder at this, for we had come so suddenly from the hot climate of Cuba,
the town of Vera Cruz, and the neighbouring coast, into a cold country.
Whatever calamity might befall us, we had only our weapons for protection,
and were, moreover, totally unaccustomed to the cold. From this place we
arrived at another mountain pass, where we found some houses and huge
temples for human sacrifices; near these, heaps of wood were piled up for
the use of the idol-worship. Neither did we here again meet with any food,
the weather continuing bitterly cold.
Our route now lay across the territory of the township Xocotlan. We sent
before us two Indians of Sempoalla to the cazique, to acquaint him of our
approach, and beg of him to give us an hospitable reception. As the
inhabitants of this district were subject to Motecusuma, everything wore a
different aspect, and we marched forward with the utmost precaution and in
close array. For the rest, we were as much pleased with this spot as with
many a Spanish town, on account of the numerous and beautifully
whitewashed balconies, the dwellings of the caziques, and the elevated
temples wholly built of stone and lime. We, therefore, called it Castilblanco,
which name it still retains; for a Portuguese soldier, who was among our
troops, assured us, the place was very like the town of Casteloblanco in
Portugal. The cazique, on receiving information of our arrival, came out to
meet us with the principal inhabitants. His name was Olintecle, and he led
us into his habitation, where he gave us but little to eat, and that with bad
will.
After the repast, Cortes, by means of our interpreters, put all manner of
questions to the cazique respecting the affairs of his monarch. Motecusuma,
and we learnt a good deal about the great armies which were stationed in
the conquered provinces, besides those on the boundaries themselves, and
the provinces which bordered on them. He spoke of the great and strong
city of Mexico, how it lay in the midst of the waters, and that it was only by
means of bridges and canoes that a person could go from one house to
another: every house was provided with a balcony at the top, and was so
completely isolated by means of moats, that they might separately be
considered as so many castles, and, as such, capable of defence. The town
was approached by three roads, each of which was cut through in four or
five several places, to admit the water; across these sections, wooden

bridges were built: it was merely requisite to break down these bridges, and
all access to Mexico was cut off. Lastly, the cazique also mentioned the
great quantity of silver and gold, the numerous precious stones and great
riches of Motecusuma; in fact, there was no end to the praises he bestowed
upon his monarch.
Cortes and all of us were vastly astonished at everything the man related of
Motecusuma's power and greatness. However, instead of being thereby
disheartened, we only the more earnestly desired to try our fortune against
the fortresses and bridges, for such is the very spirit of a Spanish soldier;
while the impossibility of which Olintecle spoke seemed to us a mere
nothing. Mexico was, indeed, strongly fortified, and even more so than
mentioned by the cazique: a person ought to have seen it himself to form an
idea of it,—a description can convey none. For the rest, added the cazique,
Motecusuma is accustomed to obedience from every one, and he feared
Motecusuma's resentment when he should learn that we had entered the
township without his permission, and had been provided with provisions.
Upon which Cortes, by means of our interpreters, spoke to him as follows:
"I give you to understand that we have come here from very distant
countries, by command of our emperor and master Don Carlos, who has
among his numerous vassals many powerful princes, to acquaint your great
Motecusuma that he shall no longer permit kidnapping and human
sacrifices, nor conquer any more territories, and that he must obey the
commands of the emperor our master. In the same way I also declare to you
Olintecle, and the other caziques now present that you must relinquish those
human sacrifices, no longer eat human flesh, and abstain from committing
unnatural offences and other abominations customary with you; for such are
the commandments of the God in whom we believe, and whom we adore,
from whom come life and death, and who will once receive us into his
heaven."
As the Indians made no answer to all this and many other things he said of
our holy religion, Cortes turned to us, and said, "I think, gentlemen, we can
do nothing further here than erect a cross:" to which father Olmedo
answered, "I think, sir, that even this would be doing too much at present,
for these people, as subjects of Motecusuma, are neither afraid nor shy of
us, and would undoubtedly destroy the cross. What we have disclosed to

them concerning our religion is sufficient until the time they shall be
susceptible of understanding more of it."
In compliance with this advice, no cross was erected here.
On this expedition we had a large dog with us, the property of Francisco de
Lugo. As the animal did nothing but bark the whole night, the caziques
asked our friends of Sempoalla whether it was a lion or a tiger which we
employed for the purpose of tearing the Indians to pieces? The Sempoallans
answered that we indeed let it loose upon those who attacked us. They gave
similar answers to questions concerning our cannon, telling them we loaded
these with stones, and killed every one therewith at whom we shot: that our
horses were as nimble as deer; that they galloped against whomsoever we
desired. "Certainly these must be teules!" said Olintecle and the other
chiefs. "That they are indeed as you see them now before you, (continued
the Sempoallans,) therefore take great care not to arouse their displeasure.
Whatever you may do, they are sure to know: they penetrate your very
thoughts, and have even imprisoned the tax-gatherers of your great
Motecusuma, and commanded the inhabitants of the mountains and us of
Sempoalla not to pay any more tribute. They have likewise torn down our
teules from the temples, and placed theirs there instead. The tribes of the
Tabasco and Tzinpantzinco were conquered by them; and, however
powerful Motecusuma may be, he nevertheless sent them presents. Now
they have visited you, and you have given them nothing; therefore you
cannot too speedily correct the mistake you have made."
From this it may be seen that our confederates perfectly understood how to
boast of us: nor was it long before the caziques brought us four chains, three
neck ornaments, and a few lizards, all of gold, though of an inferior quality;
besides this there was a package of cotton cloths, and four women to bake
our bread. Cortes thanked them very kindly for these presents, and offered
to render them services in return.
One certain spot in this township I never shall forget, situated near the
temple. Here a vast number of human skulls were piled up in the best order
imaginable,—there must have been more than 100,000; I repeat, more than
100,000. In like manner you saw the remaining human bones piled up in
order in another corner of the square; these it would have been impossible

to count. Besides these, there were human heads hanging suspended from
beams on both sides. Three papas stood sentinel on this place of skulls, for
which purpose, it was told us, they were particularly appointed.[21]
Similar horrible sights we saw towards the interior of the country in every
township, and even in Tlascalla.
Cortes inquired of the cazique Olintecle, which was the best and most easy
road to Mexico. "That one," answered the cazique, "over Cholulla, which is
a very large town." Our friends of Sempoalla, however, advised us not to
take that road, as the inhabitants of Cholulla were a treacherous people, and
Motecusuma had always a strong garrison in that town. We had better
choose the road over Tlascalla was their opinion; for there the inhabitants
were their friends, and sworn enemies to the Mexicans. This advice was
followed by Cortes, and the Almighty blessed his choice. Before our
departure we required an additional twenty of their best warriors to join our
ranks, which were accordingly granted us by the cazique.
The next morning we commenced our march to Tlascalla, and first arrived
in the small township of Xacatcinco. From this place we sent before us to
the Tlascallans two of the principal men of Sempoalla, who well knew how
to blazon forth our praise, and were upon intimate terms of friendship with
the latter. We gave them a letter to these, although we knew they could not
read it, and a Flanders hat surmounted by a coloured feather, as they were
worn at that time. I will relate in the following chapter what further took
place.

CHAPTER LXII.

How we commenced our march upon Tlascalla, and sent
messengers before us, to obtain the sanction of the inhabitants
to pass through their country; how they took our messengers
prisoners, and what further happened.
On our march from Castilblanco we were, if possible, doubly precautious.
Our sharp-shooters were always in advance, the cavalry kept surrounding
our troops, our muskets were loaded, the matches lighted, and, in short, we
were ready for action at a moment's notice.
We first arrived in the small township of Xacatcinco, where the inhabitants
presented us with a golden chain for the neck, some packages of cotton
stuffs, and two Indian females. As above remarked, we despatched two
distinguished personages of Sempoalla to Tlascalla, who were to announce
our approach, and say we came as friends, and hoped they would receive us
as such. We found it the more necessary to send this message, as we learnt
in Xacatcinco, that the whole of Tlascalla was up in arms against us. They
were already informed of our having left that place, and concluded from the
number of warriors we had with us out of Sempoalla and Xocotlan,
tributary to Motecusuma, that we came with hostile intentions. They had
quite concluded we were going to act like the Mexicans, who always, under
some fraudulent pretence or other, marched into their country when intent
upon plunder.
When, therefore, the messengers arrived with our letter and the Flanders
hat, and were about to deliver our commission, they were even refused a
hearing, and immediately thrown into prison. We awaited their return for
two days, during which time Cortes explained to the inhabitants as usual,
the nature of our holy religion, who our emperor was, the sinfulness of
human sacrifices, and the other abominations they practised. He also
demanded twenty of their warriors to accompany us.
These they readily furnished us, and after we had commended ourselves to
the protection of the Almighty, we broke up our quarters on the third day
and marched for Tlascalla. On our route we were met by our two
messengers, who had been secretly released by their friends. All Tlascalla
was making warlike preparations against us. They appeared quite downcast,
and durst scarcely inform us of what they had seen and heard. Having at last

taken courage, they related how they had been immediately seized and
thrown into prison, and what terrible threats had been thrown out against us
and themselves. "Now we will rise up," it had been told them, "and destroy
those whom yon term teules. We shall soon see whether they are so
courageous as you have mentioned. We will devour both you and them
together, for you are come under fraudulent pretences, and at the instigation
and in the spirit of the traitor Motecusuma."
The messengers might say what they liked in contradiction to this it was all
to no purpose. When Cortes and we others heard this lofty language, and
how they awaited us completely equipped for war, we did not think
altogether so light of the matter; nevertheless, we one and all cried out,
"Well, then, since it cannot be otherwise, forward! for good or ill luck." We
commended ourselves to the protection of God, and unfurled our standard,
which was borne by the ensign Corral. The inhabitants of the small
township, where we passed the night, informed us, that the Tlascallans
would march against us to prevent our entering into their country. Of this
opinion were also our friends of Sempoalla.
As we were marching along, our only discourse was how we should attack
the enemy. Our cavalry was to gallop up three abreast, with lances fixed,
and run the Indians full in the face. At the same time they were to be
particularly upon their guard that the enemy did not lay hold of the lances
with their hands; should such, however, be the case, the rider was to keep
the tighter hold of his lance, give his horse the spur, and either by a sudden
jerk wrest it out of the enemy's grasp, or drag him along with it.
The reader will perhaps ask, why we took these precautions though we had
not yet come in sight of the foe? I can answer this with Cortes' own words,
who spoke to us as follows: "You are aware, gentlemen, of the smallness of
our numbers, we must, therefore, be the more upon our guard, and fancy the
enemy will each moment fall upon us. Nor is this sufficient, we must
imagine ourselves already fighting, as if the battle was begun. Every soldier
is fond of catching hold of the enemy's lance with his hand, but considering
the smallness of our numbers, we must now particularly guard ourselves
against it. For the rest, you are not in need of my advice, for I have always
found that you do things much better than I am able to instruct you."

Under similar discourses we had already advanced about eight miles, when
we came up to an enormous entrenchment, built so strongly of stone, lime,
and a kind of hard bitumen, that it would only have been possible to break it
down by means of pickaxes, and if defended would have with difficulty
been taken. We halted on purpose to inspect this fortification, and Cortes
inquired of the Xocotlans, for what purpose it stood there. They told him
that it was built by the Tlascallans, on whose territory we were now
entering, against the great Motecusuma, with whom they were continually
at war, to protect them against his hostile incursions.[22]
After we had examined this structure for some time, and each expressed his
opinion upon it, Cortes cried out, "Let us follow our standard, gentlemen! It
bears the figure of the holy cross, and in that sign we shall conquer." To
which we unanimously added: "Forward! whatever may happen; for God is
our only strength."
We now continued our march onwards in the cautious manner above
mentioned, and had not proceeded far when our vanguard observed at no
very great distance about thirty Indians, who had been sent out to
reconnoitre; this was immediately communicated to us. They had broad
swords, which are used with both hands, the edges of which are made of
hard flint, and are sharper than our steel swords. They were also armed with
shields, lances, and had feathers stuck in their hair. Cortes ordered some of
our cavalry to go in among them, and try, if possible, to capture one, but not
to inflict any wounds. These were followed at a distance by five others, to
assist them should they fall into an ambush; the rest of our army marched
direct for the narrow pass, but with the utmost circumspection, as our
friends had assured us that we should undoubtedly meet with a large body
of the enemy in some hiding place or other. When the thirty Indians above
mentioned found our cavalry approaching them, and saw how they
beckoned to them with their hands, they began to retreat slowly, and
arranged themselves again in order, whenever our men attempted to take
any of them prisoners. They defended themselves right valiantly with their
swords and lances, wounding several of our horses. The blood of our men
now also began to boil, who, in return, killed five of the Indians. At that
moment a swarm of more than 3000 Tlascallans rushed furiously from an
ambush, pouring forth a shower of arrows upon our cavalry, who now
immediately closed their ranks. At the same time we fired among them with

our cannon, and so at last we obliged the enemy to give ground, though
they fought bravely and with a good deal of manœuvring. On our side we
had four wounded, of whom one died a few days after, if I still remember
rightly. Seventeen of the enemy lay dead, and the number of their wounded
was very considerable. As it was growing very late they continued to
retreat, and we to follow them.
As soon as we had passed over the mountain we came into a plain, and
found numerous plantations of maise and maguey,[23] from which the
inhabitants make their wine. We took up our night's quarters near a brook,
and for want of oil we dressed the wounds of our men with the fat of a
corpulent Indian who had been killed. We made our supper off young dogs,
which we found here in great numbers; for, although the inhabitants had left
all their plantations and taken the dogs with them, these animals during the
night time had come back to their old places again; and we were thus able
to catch a good many, and so procured ourselves some very delicious joints.
The whole of this night we kept a most vigilant look-out. We placed
outposts in all quarters; our horses stood ready saddled and bridled, and the
rounds were regularly made. I will, however, break off here, and relate our
further battles in the next chapter.

CHAPTER LXIII.
Of the terrible battles we fought with the Tlascallans, and what
further happened.
The next morning, after we had commended ourselves to God in prayer, we
broke up our quarters. Each company marched in close order, and our
cavalry were to be particularly upon their guard; were either to advance
suddenly, or fall back upon us, according as circumstances might be, and at
all events to watch that our ranks were nowhere broken, and that no one
strayed from his own company.
After we had marched onwards for some time we came up with two large
bodies of the enemy, amounting to about 6000 men. They set up a most
terrific noise with their drums and trumpets, and yelled awfully. They then
let fly their arrows, threw their lances at us, and upon the whole were most
daringly valiant. Cortes now ordered us to halt, and despatched three
Indians, whom we had made prisoners the day before, to the enemy,
requesting them to stay hostilities, as we were very desirous of looking
upon them as brothers and friends. At the same time he ordered one of our
warriors, Diego de Godoy, who was the royal secretary, to pay particular
attention to everything that should take place, in order that if any reproach
were made us for having destroyed any of the Indians, he might give
evidence, and be able to prove that we on our side had shown every
disposition for peace.
The prisoners went off with this message to the enemy, but not the slightest
notice was taken of it; on the contrary, they attacked us so furiously that we
could no longer look idly on. "Forward! St. Jacob is with us! On to the
enemy!" cried Cortes; and in an instant we greeted the Indians so sharply
with our firearms, that numbers were immediately killed and wounded;
among the former three chiefs. After this first volley they fell back to about
the distance of a musket-shot, where they took up their position. Here an
army of above 40,000 warriors, commanded by their general-in-chief
Xicotencatl, lay in ambush. Their standards bore his colours, white and

variegated. As the ground here was full of deep cavities our cavalry were
completely useless, until by using the greatest precaution they managed to
pass over these. This was not done without considerable risk, for the enemy
plied their bows and lances with great dexterity, having, moreover, the
advantage of the higher ground. The stones from their slings were no less
annoying; but all this only lasted until we had gained the level ground. For
now we richly rewarded them for their pains, and killed great numbers. Yet
we durst not venture to open our ranks; for the instant any one stepped out
to assist any other soldier or officer he was that moment dangerously
wounded. We were, therefore, obliged to keep our ranks firmly closed, and
by degrees had to contend with more than twenty different divisions, which
was, indeed, pretty hot work. Besides all this the Indians kept continually
throwing sand in our faces to blind us. Here, indeed, the great mercy of God
alone could save us. The chief object of the enemy was to capture one of
our horses, in which they did not altogether fail; for, as Pedro de Moron on
his well-trained mare, attended by three others of our cavalry, was
attempting to break through the enemy's ranks, the Indians wrenched the
lance out of his hand, and fell furiously upon him with their broad swords,
wounding him severely. They gave his mare such a terrific cut with the
same weapon in the neck, that the animal instantly fell down dead. If
Moron's three companions had not immediately hastened to his assistance,
he would have shared his horse's fate; for this gave our whole company
time to come up.
I must again repeat, that the worst was, we had to keep ourselves so close
together in order not to run the danger of being cut off, which of course
greatly encumbered our movements. Nevertheless, we were obliged to open
our ranks to rescue the mare and Moron whom they were already dragging
off half dead. The mare we were obliged to relinquish, though we managed
to cut the girth asunder in order at least to save the saddle. In this battle we
had nine wounded. As for the enemy I believe on this occasion we killed
four of their chiefs. We pushed forward shoulder to shoulder, and made
considerable havoc with our swords. The enemy retreated, carrying off the
dead mare, which was subsequently cut into pieces to be sent into every
township of Tlascalla. As we afterwards learnt, the horse's shoes, the
Flanders hat, and the letter we sent them, were brought as an offering to
their idols. The mare belonged to Juan Sedeño, who, on the previous day,

was wounded in three several places, and had, therefore, lent her to Moron.
This Moron was a capital horse soldier, and died a few days after; at least, I
do not remember to have seen him again after this battle.
We had fought for a good hour, and our firearms must have done
considerable destruction among the enemy who stood so crowded together.
Every man among us did his duty, and we fought away like brave warriors,
for in all truth we were placed in greater jeopardy this time than we had
ever been before. Numbers of the Indians lay dead on the field of battle;
among whom were eight of the principal chiefs, all sons of old caziques,
who dwelt together in the chief town of the country. At last our enemies
retreated in good order, which we were glad enough to see, for we could
scarcely stand any longer from over-fatigue, nor durst we think of following
the enemy. Add to which, the ground was greatly to our disadvantage, partly
on account of the number of straggling houses, partly on account of a
species of pits in which many of the inhabitants dwelt. This battle was
fought on the first two days of September, 1519, near the village of
Tehuacacinco, and we returned fervent thanks to God for having rescued us
from such great peril and for the victory we had gained.
After the battle, we fell back to some temples, which were very high, and
large enough to serve us for castles. We dressed the wounds of our men
with the fat of Indians, as we had done on previous occasions. Five of our
horses were wounded, and fifteen men, of whom one subsequently died.
Upon this we took our suppers, and made a good meal off the number of
dogs and fowls which we found in the dwellings. Before, however, we lay
down to rest, we posted our sentinels, and continually patrolled during the
night: not before all these things were properly ordered did we lie down,
and slept till morning.
For the rest, we made fifteen prisoners, among whom were two of the most
distinguished personages; but we could never discover how many we killed
or wounded, as it was customary with the Tlascallans immediately to carry
off the wounded and dead from the field of battle. [24]

CHAPTER LXIV.
How we quartered ourselves in the township of Tehuacacinco,
and what we did there.
As the battles we fought had greatly fatigued us, besides that several of our
men and horses were wounded, we made a day of rest, repaired our
crossbows, and supplied ourselves with arrows. The next morning Cortes
said to us, "It would be no harm if our horse were to gallop up and down the
country a little; the Tlascallans might otherwise think we had had enough of
it in the last battle: we must show them that we are constantly at their
heels." And indeed it was better that we began ourselves than wait until we
should be attacked, that the enemy might not suppose we had been too
greatly weakened, and had lost our courage. Besides this, the country round
about was quite level, and thickly populated. We therefore ordered out
seven horse, some crossbow-men, and several musketeers, in all 200 men,
without including our confederates. Every possible precaution had been
previously made to secure our camp. On our march through the townships
we captured twenty Indians of both sexes, but in no way molested them.
Our allies, however, who were barbarous characters, could not refrain from
setting fire to many houses where they had found quantities of fowls and
young dogs. After we had again returned to our quarters, Cortes ordered the
fetters to be taken off the prisoners, and food to be given them. Doña
Marina and Aguilar then addressed them very affectionately, and gave to
each some glass beads, adding, at the same time, that in future they should
not be so foolish, but make peace with us, as we were very desirous of
looking upon them as brothers, and would protect them as such.
We also set the first two Indians at liberty whom we had captured, and gave
them a letter with the commission to tell the chief of the provinces that we
were not come in any way to injure the Tlascallans, but merely wished to
take the road through their country to Mexico, there to have an interview
with Motecusuma.

Both these delegates punctually followed our orders, and arrived at the
head-quarters of Xicotencatl, which lay, if I remember rightly, about six
miles from our camp, in the township of Tehuacinpacingo. Having, in the
absence of the father, fulfilled our commission to the younger Xicotencatl,
he told them, we had only to come to his father's township, there they
would make peace, after they had satiated themselves with the flesh of our
bodies, and had honoured their gods with the sacrifice of our blood and
hearts. The next morning we should behold his answer with our own eyes.
As the last battles were still fresh in our memories, we did not exactly relish
the haughty answer with which our delegates returned. Cortes, nevertheless,
received them most kindly, perceiving, from their return, that they no longer
stood in awe of us; and with the view that they should once more be
despatched as messengers of peace, he gave them some additional strings of
beads. For the rest he made the most minute inquiries respecting the
commander Xicotencatl, and the number of his troops, and found that the
latter were much more numerous than in the last battle: he had now five
chiefs under him, each of whom commanded 10,000 men. These troops
were enumerated in the following manner: First of all came the 10,000 men
of Xicotencatl's division; next a similar number under another powerful
cazique called Maxixcatzin; then a like number under the distinguished
cazique Chichimeclatecl; 10,000 under the cazique of Topoyanco, named
Tecapaneca; and an equal number under the cazique Quaxobcin;—
altogether thus 50,000 men. Each troop had its standard and arms, the latter
being a large white bird, with outspread wings, as if preparing to fly, and
resembled an ostrich.[25] Besides this, every chief had his particular insignia
of war and colours, in the same way as our Spanish dukes and earls. At first
we did not believe anything of all this, but found afterwards that it was
perfectly true; and since we were human beings, and feared death, we all
confessed to father Olmedo and the priest Juan Diaz, which occupied them
the whole of the night: neither did we fail to offer up fervent prayers to the
Almighty to grant us victory. Under such like occupations the following day
broke forth on which we were to fight the battle, of which I shall speak in
the next chapter.

CHAPTER LXV.
Of the great battle we fought with the Tlascallans, and what
further took place.
It was the following morning, on the 5th of September, 1519, that we
equipped ourselves for battle. Our horse were first arranged in order, then
the foot soldiers, and even our wounded were forced to go along with us, if
only to swell out our numbers, and do what lay in their power. The
crossbow-men received orders that some were merely to load, while others
fired, and this always in platoons. The musketeers received similar orders,
and the remaining portion of our men, who were armed with swords and
shields, were principally to strike at the enemy in the region of the belly, in
order to stop them from venturing so near to us as they had the time before.
Every one was also particularly cautioned not to leave the ranks. It was also
the particular duty of our cavalry not to leave each other in the lurch,
always to attack in full gallop, and only aim at the face and eyes. The
ensign Corral received a guard of four men, and in this way we sallied forth
from our camp, with our standard flying.
We had scarcely proceeded a quarter of a mile when we found the fields
covered with warriors; they had large feather-knots on their heads, waved
their colours, and made a terrific noise with their horns and trumpets:
indeed, the pen that would wish to describe everything we saw here, would
not find it such an easy task! this was indeed a battle of as fearful and
dubious an issue as well could be. In an instant we were surrounded on all
sides by such vast numbers of Indians, that the plain, here six miles in
breadth, seemed as if it contained but one vast body of the enemy, in the
midst of which stood our small army of 400 men, the greater part wounded
and knocked up with fatigue. We were also aware that the enemy had
marched out to battle with the determination to spare none of us, excepting
those who were to be sacrificed to their idols. When, therefore, the attack
commenced, a real shower of arrows and stones was poured upon us; the
whole ground was immediately covered with heaps of lances, whose points
were provided with two edges, so very sharp that they pierced through

every species of cuirass, and were particularly dangerous to the lower part
of the body, which was in no way protected. They fell upon us like the very
furies themselves, with the most horrible yells; we employed, however, our
heavy guns, muskets, and crossbows, with so much effect, and received
those who pressed eagerly upon us with such well-directed blows and
thrusts, that considerable destruction was made among their ranks, nor did
they allow us to approach so near to them as in the previous battle: our
cavalry, in particular, showed great skill and bravery, so that they, next to
the Almighty, were the principal means of saving us.
Indeed our line was already half broken; all the commands of Cortes and
our other officers to restore order and form again were fruitless, the Indians
continually rushing upon us in such vast crowds that we could only make
place with sword in hand to save our line from being broken. Our only
safety was owing to the great number of the enemy itself; for they stood so
closely crowded that each shot we fired must have done great execution
among them. They left themselves altogether no room to manœuvre in,
while many of the chiefs, with their men, were not even able to mix at all in
the engagement. Besides this, disagreements and inimical feelings had
arisen out of the previous battle between the commander-in-chief
Xicotencatl and another chief, the son of Chichimeclatecl. Xicotencatl had
accused the latter of not having done his duty, who, in reply, said, he had
discharged it better than he; so that in this battle neither lent the other any
assistance, and Chichimeclatecl had even commanded Huexotzinco not to
take any part in the combat. To all this must be added, that the enemy had
been taught in the former battle to fear our horse, cannon, swords, and
crossbows, not to forget the courage we displayed. It must likewise be
borne in mind that a merciful God had lent us extraordinary powers during
the engagement. As Xicotencatl met with no obedience from two of his
principal officers,—we, on the contrary, fighting on the more bravely, and
killing great numbers of their men, who, as well as the wounded, were
immediately hurried from the field of battle, so that we never came to see
any of their killed,—the Indians at length grew exasperated against those
two chiefs who had thus left them in the lurch, and now fought with less
vigour. It is, however, probable that one of their chief commanders had
fallen, for they retreated in good order: our cavalry, indeed, pursued them a

short distance in full gallop, but were soon compelled to return, from
fatigue.
As soon as we had got rid of this vast crowd, we returned most fervent
thanks to the Almighty. We had, however, only lost one man, but, on the
other hand, sixty of us were wounded, with all our horses. I myself carried
off two wounds, one of which was on my head from the stone of a sling,
and the other by an arrow piercing my ankle; but neither of them were so
bad as to compel me to leave the battle, or disable me from doing duty.
This, however, was the same case with the majority of my comrades; for, if
a wound was not dangerous, they still continued to perform duty, as the
number of those who came off whole would have been too small to make
head against the enemy. We now returned to our quarters, overjoyed at our
victory, and offered up fervent thanks to God. We buried our dead in one of
the subterranean dwellings, that the Indians might not discover us to be
mortal as well as themselves, but still continue to fancy us gods: we,
therefore, heaped up a quantity of earth over the spot, that even the stench
of the decomposing body might not betray the dead. The fat of the Indians,
as before, served us to dress our wounds. Oh, the distress we suffered here!
We had neither oil for our wounds nor salt to our food. To all this was added
the misfortune of having nothing to shelter us from the keen wind, which
blew across the Sierra Nevada, and made us shake again with cold. We,
nevertheless, kept up our spirits, and this night we slept more soundly than
on the previous one, as we had better regulated our outposts and the patrols.

CHAPTER LXVI.
How we sent a message next day to the caziques of Tlascalla to
bring about peace between us, and the determination they came
to upon this.
In the last battle we had taken three distinguished personages prisoners.
These Cortes sent with the two others whom we had previously taken, and
once before despatched with a message to the caziques of Tlascalla,
desiring them in our name to make peace with us, and allow us to march
through their country to Mexico, as we had before requested of them. If
they still refused, we would exterminate them all. It would, however, grieve
us if they drove us to such extremities, as we were well inclined, and would
gladly look upon them as brothers; nor should we have done thus much if
they themselves had not driven us to it. Besides this, Cortes said many other
kind things to gain their friendship.
The delegates arrived betimes in the chief town of Tlascalla, and delivered
their message in a full assembly of the caziques, whom they found
conversing with several old men and papas. Every one still appeared very
downcast on account of the unfavorable issue of the battle, the loss of their
chiefs, their sons and relations who had fallen; and at first would not even
listen to our messengers. At last they came to the resolution to consult all
the astrologers, papas, and fortune-tellers, a species of conjurors whom they
call Tacalnaguas. These being assembled, they were desired to discover by
their witchcraft and enchantments, what sort of people we were, and
whether it was possible to overcome us if they continued to harass us night
and day. They were also to give a decisive answer as to whether we were
really teules, that is to say evil spirits, as the inhabitants of Sempoalla had
assured them; and lastly, what nourishment we took. All this they were most
minutely to investigate.
The soothsayers, conjurors, and papas, who were in great numbers,
immediately began their exorcisms and enchantments, after their fashion;
and they pretended to have discovered, by means of their art, that we were

human beings made of flesh and bone; that we ate dogs, fowls, bread and
fruits, as they did, if we could get them; and that we did not devour the
Indians, and much less the hearts of those we had slain. Our friends of
Sempoalla, namely, had told them all manner of foolish things about us; not
only that we were teules, but that we devoured the hearts of the Indians; that
the flashes of our bombards, shot off like lightning; that our dog was a tiger
or a lion, and that we let loose our horses upon the Indians when we wished
to kill them. But the worst thing these soothsayers and papas affirmed was,
its being impossible to conquer us excepting during the night-time, for we
were helpless as soon as the sun, from which we received all our strength,
had gone down.
This affirmation seemed a capital hint to the caziques, they therefore sent
orders to their captain-general, Xicotencatl, to fall upon us as soon as
possible with a large force during night-time. This, Xicotencatl did not fail
to do. He drew out ten thousand of his bravest troops, marched towards our
quarters, and fell upon us from three several points at once, with the utmost
fury. They made this attack with perfect assurance, believing they had
merely to show themselves and they should be able to capture us
immediately, and sacrifice us to their idols. But the Almighty had ordered
things differently. For, however silently they approached, they found us
perfectly upon our guard, as the outposts and patrols had come running in at
the first noise they heard and given the alarm. As, moreover, we were
accustomed to sleep in our clothes with our weapons in our hands, the
horses always ready bridled and saddled, and our cannon loaded, we gave
the enemy such a rough reception with our muskets and crossbows, and cut
among them so vigorously with our swords, that they soon had enough of it
and turned their backs. The country before us was quite level, and the moon
shone bright, so that our cavalry were able to follow the flying enemy to a
considerable distance. Next morning we found about twenty of them dead
and wounded, so that their loss must have been considerable, and they
experienced, no doubt, that this fighting at night-time was not exactly so
pleasant. It is also said they were so exasperated against the soothsayers and
papas, that two of them were butchered for a sacrifice. In this night's
combat we lost one of our friends of Sempoalla, and two of our men besides
a horse were wounded. The number of prisoners we made were four. The
kind reader may well conceive that we were not a little overjoyed that this

affair terminated so fortunately. We fervently thanked God for the
assistance he had lent us, buried our friend of Sempoalla, dressed our
wounds, and lay ourselves down to rest for the remaining part of the night;
but not without previously taking every precaution to secure our camp as
usual. It was only the following morning we were able to discover our true
condition. There was not one among us who had not, up to this moment,
received one, two, or three wounds, and all were more or less weakened by
fatigues and hardships. Xicotencatl continued to hover around us, and we
had already lost fifty-five of our men, some of whom were killed on the
field of battle, others had died of disease and from excessive cold. Twelve
of our men were knocked up with fatigue, and even our commander-in-
chief himself and father Olmedo were suffering from fever. But no one can
wonder at this; for among all the hardships we had to undergo, we never
durst for one moment leave our heavy weapons out of our hands; to all
these discomforts was added the severity of the weather, and particularly
our great want of salt, which we could find no means of obtaining. It was
also natural that we should begin to think what would be the final issue of
this campaign, and if we once got out of the present snare where we were
next to bend our steps; for the idea of penetrating into Mexico appeared to
us perfectly laughable, when we considered the great power of that state. If
even we succeeded in making the same good terms with the people of
Tlascalla as we had done with the Sempoallans, what would become of us if
we ever came to an engagement with the great armies of Motecusuma? We
were totally ignorant as to how matters stood in our fortress at Vera Cruz,
and our men there knew as little what had become of us. Certainly there
were among us plenty of valiant cavaliers and soldiers of great courage in
battle, who showed no less wisdom in our councils, nor did Cortes ever
speak or do anything without previously consulting them. With the historian
Gomara it is always thus: Cortes did this, Cortes did that, Cortes was there,
Cortes left there; just as if all this had been a mere nothing. If even, as
Gomara affirms, Cortes had had an iron frame, he could not possibly have
been everywhere, and have done everything himself. What good is it to
make use of such expressions? He could only say, that Cortes was an
excellent captain, as indeed he was, and this would have been enough! I
was forced to make this remark, for besides the protection which the
Almighty lent us in all our undertakings, his blessing was upon the arm of

us soldiers and the advice we gave Cortes, and it was only in this way all
things could have terminated so well.
I will not, however, detain the reader with this preamble of great deeds, for
it has little to do with the principal object of this history. I am more pleased
to relate, that we unanimously swore to protect his person, and begged of
him, that as God had rescued us out of such extreme danger and spared our
lives, to set our prisoners at liberty and send them again to the caziques, and
desire of them to conclude peace with us, adding, that we should pardon
what had taken place, as also the death of the horse.
Neither must I omit to mention the fine manly spirit which Doña Marina,
though one of the daughters of the country, showed upon every occasion.
We heard nothing the whole day long but of being butchered and devoured
by the inhabitants; she had with her own eyes beheld how we had been
completely surrounded by our enemies in the recent battles; how we were
all wounded and suffering from disease; yet she never appeared
disheartened; but, on the contrary, displayed a courage much beyond that of
her sex. When the prisoners were about departing, again to make offers of
peace to the enemy, she and Aguilar gave them every instruction as to what
they were to say; that peace was to be concluded within the space of two
days, otherwise we would march forward, lay waste the whole country,
force our way into their towns, and put every living being to the sword. I
must, however, again return to Gomara, who never mentions a single word
about our killed and wounded, or the hardships we underwent; as if
everything of itself turned to our advantage. Indeed, those who furnished
him with the account must have been badly informed themselves. Did it
never once occur to him, that his work would be highly interesting to all of
us conquistadores, and that we would not repress the truth when we had
read it?
But to return to my narrative, our delegates went straightway to the chief
town of Tlascalla, where the elder Xicotencatl abode. If I still remember
rightly, we sent a letter with them, although we knew the Indians could not
understand it; there was likewise an arrow with the letter. They found the
two chief caziques in council with the other principal personages. I will
give their answer in the following chapter.

CHAPTER LXVII.
How we again sent messengers to the caziques of Tlascalla in
order to induce them to make peace, and the resolution they
came to upon this.
The two chief caziques to whom our messengers addressed themselves
were Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl, father of the captain-general of
the same name, who was commonly termed the younger. They fulfilled
their commission, and the caziques remained for a time silent and
undecided, when the Almighty inclined their hearts to conclude a peace
with us. They called a meeting of all the caziques and chief personages who
had weight in the townships, as also of their friends from the province of
Huexotzinco. All having met in the township of Maxixcatzin and the elder
Xicotencatl, which held the first rank, the latter who were men of good
understanding addressed the meeting to the following effect. Though we
may not, perhaps, give the exact words, yet, from what we afterwards
learnt, it was to this effect: "Brothers and friends! You yourselves know
how often these teules, who are now in our country, ready to fight at a
moment's notice, have offered us peace, and assured us that they have come
as friends to our assistance. Nor can you have yet forgotten the numbers of
prisoners they have taken, though they never do them any harm, but always
restore them to liberty. Thrice have we attacked them with the whole of our
forces, both by day and by night, but we have not been able to conquer
them. On the contrary, they have killed many of our subjects, numbers of
our sons, relations, and chiefs in these battles. They now again request us to
come to terms of peace, and those of Sempoalla who are encamped with
them, assure us they are enemies to Motecusuma and the Mexicans, and
have commanded them and the tribes of the Totonaque mountains not to
pay any more tribute to him. We all very well know that the Mexicans for a
space of more than one hundred years have annually made incursions into
our country. Indeed, they have completely shut us up within our own
territory. We cannot get beyond to fetch salt for our victuals, nor cotton for
our clothing. If any one of us ever ventures beyond the mountains, he very
seldom returns home alive. The treacherous Mexicans and their allies kill

all our people that fall into their hands, or at least make slaves of them. Our
tacalnaguas, soothsayers, and papas have told us their opinion of these
teules; that they are very powerful and courageous we have experienced
ourselves. We feel, therefore, inclined to make peace with them. Whether
they are men or teules, in both cases an alliance with them will be useful to
us. Let us, therefore, despatch four of our chiefs to their camp with good
provisions, and show them love and an inclination to make peace, that they
may assist and protect us against our enemies. We will invite them into our
country, and present them with females from among our countrywomen,
that we may become one people with them; for, according to the assurance
of the messengers whom they have sent to offer us peace, they have women
with them." The caziques upon hearing this proposition all declared they
were agreeable to it, and resolved that a treaty for peace should be set on
foot, and the captain-general Xicotencatl and the other commanders should
be ordered to stay all hostilities; for which end they instantly despatched
messengers. The younger Xicotencatl, however, would by no means listen
to these orders, but evinced excessive grief and used harsh language. "As
affairs stood there was no need of sueing for peace," he said. "Many of the
teules were already killed, besides one of their horses; he would fall upon
us the night following and destroy us all."
When the elder Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, and the other caziques received
this answer, they were so exasperated, that they immediately sent orders
round to all the officers and the whole army not to obey Xicotencatl in
anything which related to an attack upon us, and altogether to stay all
hostilities against us. Neither would Xicotencatl submit to these orders, so
that it was found necessary to send the four old men, who were appointed to
make a treaty of peace between us, the Tlascallans and inhabitants of
Huexotzinco, to these refractory fellows in order to bring them to reason.
These four men, however, stood in such awe of the young hothead that they
neglected to fulfil their commission.
As two or three different occurrences took place at the same time, I must
relate what comes first in order, and give an account of our excursion to
another township which lay in the neighbourhood.

CHAPTER LXVIII.
How we came to the determination of marching to a township in
the neighbourhood of our camp, and what happened upon this.
After two days had passed by without our doing anything worthy of notice,
we proposed to Cortes that we should make an excursion to a township
situated about four miles from our encampment, to the inhabitants of which
we had fruitlessly made overtures of peace. We determined upon taking
them by surprise during night-time; not with the intention of injuring,
killing, wounding, or taking the inhabitants prisoners, but merely to procure
provisions, frighten them a little, and make new offers of peace according
as circumstances might be. This township was called Zumpanzingo, and
was the chief of many smaller ones. The district Tecodcungapacingo, where
we had taken up our quarters, stood likewise under it; the whole country
round about moreover being covered with straggling houses and villages.
Cortes fell in with this proposal, and we accordingly commenced our march
shortly before daybreak with all our men who were best able to bear the
fatigue, six of our cavalry, ten crossbow-men, and eight musketeers. The
command was taken by Cortes himself, although he was suffering from the
tertian ague. For the rest all necessary precautions were taken for our camp.
We had marched to a distance of about six miles before daylight appeared,
and the wind which blew across the snow mountains was so keen, that we
shook again with cold. Our horses likewise felt the frost very sensibly. Two
of them indeed got the gripes and trembled like aspen leaves, at which we
were greatly concerned, for we thought they would have died. Cortes
therefore ordered them back to our camp. We arrived in front of
Zumpanzingo before sunrise. The inhabitants, having observed our
approach, had fled from their dwellings. Their minds full of the most
horrible ideas they had formed of us, they kept crying out to one another to
beware of the teules. They kill all, it was said, and spare neither young nor
old. Finding how greatly they feared us, we halted in a courtyard until
daylight had fully broken forth, that we might not injure any of the people
in the dark. On the summit of the highest temples in the township we

observed some papas and other old men of distinction, who, when they
found we remained quiet without doing the least harm, took courage and
came down to Cortes. They commenced by making excuses for not having
sent us provisions, or any one with offers of peace, though we had
demanded both of them. They assured us that no one was to blame for all
this but the commander Xicotencatl, who had forbidden them, and was at
that moment stationed in the immediate neighbourhood. They could not
help feeling afraid of this man, as he had all their warriors as well as all
those out of the land of Tlascalla under his banners. Cortes answered them
by means of our interpreters, Doña Marina and Aguilar, whom we carried
along with us wherever we went. They were told to allay their fears, and
desire the caziques of the chief township to come and make peace with us,
as war would only bring misfortune down upon them.
This was the message which the papas were to deliver; for we had not yet
received any answer from the other ambassadors whom we had sent to the
chiefs of Tlascalla, neither had their four distinguished personages yet
arrived. Previous to their departure the papas, however, brought us more
than forty fowls and turkeys, besides two women to bake our bread. Cortes
thanked them very kindly for this present, and demanded twenty Indians to
carry them to our camp. These immediately came forward without evincing
any signs of fear, carried the provisions and remained with us until evening.
After presenting them with a few trifles they returned highly delighted to
their homes. As we did no one any injury, the inhabitants greatly extolled
our kind behaviour; the papas and chief personages also informing the
captain-general, Xicotencatl, that they had given us provisions and two
females; which grieved him sorely. The same information was sent to the
elder caziques, who were delighted when they learnt how we could have
destroyed them all during the night, but that instead of doing any harm we
had only made offers of peace. They, therefore, ordered provisions to be
sent us daily, with everything else we might require. The orders to the four
principal personages who were commissioned to make terms of peace with
us were also renewed; they now no longer delayed, but repaired to our
quarters and brought us provisions and other presents. We then returned to
our camp, much pleased with the victuals and the Indian females.

CHAPTER LXIX.
How we found on our return to our encampment that new
intrigues had been set on foot; and the answer Cortes gave to
certain representations which were made to him.
On returning to our head-quarters from Zumpanzingo with a good supply of
provisions, and delighted with the peace we had concluded with the
inhabitants, we met with nothing but complaints and discontent. We heard
of nothing else than the imminent dangers we were daily exposed to in this
campaign; nor did our arrival mend matters. Foremost among the
discontented were those again who possessed settlements and Indian
commendaries at Cuba, nor did they confine themselves to murmuring in
secret, but seven of them, whose names, for honour's sake, I will refrain
from mentioning, confederated together, and repaired to the quarters of
Cortes. One of them was chosen spokesman. He was a man eloquent in
address, and perfect master of the subject he was about to speak on.
He began in the kindly tone of giving advice, and desired Cortes to consider
our wounds, how disabled and knocked up we were by the excessive
hardships we had to undergo day and night, by constant battling, patrolling
the country, standing at the outposts, and reconnoitring about. They had
calculated, he said, that we had already lost fifty-five of our men since our
departure from Cuba. Neither did we know how matters stood with our
garrison at Vera Cruz. Though the Almighty had everywhere granted us
victory, it was merely out of the abundance of his mercy towards us. It was
not right to calculate too long upon his mercy and forbearance, for that
would be tempting him. The pitcher goes to the well until it is broken, and
one morning or other we should undoubtedly be sacrificed to the idols. God
in his mercy might certainly avert this; but then also it was necessary we
should return to Vera Cruz and there remain quiet, where we should be
surrounded by our friends and allies, the tribes of the Totonaque mountains,
until we had fitted out a vessel and sent to Diego Velasquez and to the
islands for a fresh supply of men and other necessaries. What a good thing
if our vessels had been preserved, or at least a couple, in case of accident.

But, alas! he had followed the advice of men who did not consider the
instability of fortune, and who had totally destroyed the last means of
escape.
"May God forbid," said they, "that you and those whose advice it was, may
not yet have to rue it. The measure of our miseries is already full; our
condition begins to be insupportable, and the life we lead is worse than that
of beasts of burden. When these have gone their day's journey, their load is
taken off, food is given them, and they are allowed to take rest; we, on the
contrary, are always under arms, nor do we ever take our clothes off. He
might compare the histories of the Romans, of Alexander the Great, and of
the most celebrated generals," continued they, "and he would find that none
of them ever destroyed a fleet, when similarly situated as we were, a mere
handful of men amidst numerous and warlike tribes. He would have to
answer for his own death and the destruction of us all. He should at least
attempt to save ours and his own life, and march back to Vera Cruz, while
we were still at peace with the country. They would gladly have mentioned
all this earlier to him; but the vast numbers of the enemy by which we had
been daily surrounded had given them no opportunity; this, however, was
now at last presented them by the quiet demeanour of the foe. For the rest,
the enemy would certainly return, the three days which Xicotencatl had
allowed to pass by was merely in expectation of a fresh supply of men. We
could not think of coming to another trial of strength as we had done up to
this moment."
These and other representations they made to Cortes, and held up their
heads pretty high the whole time. As, however, all was said under the guise
of giving good advice, Cortes answered them very mildly, as nearly as
possible in these words: "Much of what you have been representing to me
has not escaped my own notice; but, what I have seen above all things, and
of which I have gained the most convincing proofs, is this, that the whole
world could not produce Spaniards who are so brave, and fight so
courageously, and who could bear hardships as well as we do. Indeed, we
should have been inevitably lost if we had not continually held our weapons
in our hands, kept patrolling and watching day and night, and boldly
encountered all weathers. We are indebted to our safety by having manfully
borne these and other greater hardships. The Almighty certainly lent us his
aid, yet I cannot imagine to myself a greater piece of heroism, when I bring

back to my recollection the vast crowds of the enemy, how they locked us
in on all sides with their troops, and fell upon us with their broad swords,
particularly in that battle where they killed one of our horses. At that critical
moment I learnt more of your noble character than on any former occasion.
And since the Almighty rescued us out of that battle I have gained the hope
that our future endeavours will be crowned with success. I can call you to
witness, that I was never found for an instant to lack courage in any of the
dangers I have shared with you; nor have you, I must add, ever proved
unworthy of the trust I reposed in you."
It was perfectly true what Cortes said of himself, for he was always found
foremost in battle.
"Neither must you forget, gentlemen," continued he, "that up to this
moment the Almighty has lent us his protection, and we may confidently
hope he will not desert us in future, for, from our first arrival in this country
we have announced his holy religion to the different tribes according to the
best of our abilities and destroyed the idols. We may also, in trusting to God
and our mediator the holy apostle Peter, consider the war in this province at
an end, since Xicotencatl and the other chiefs no longer show themselves,
because they fear us on account of the destruction we made among their
troops in the late battles, or it may be they are unable to rally their men
again. The inhabitants of Zumpanzingo willingly furnish us with provisions,
while the surrounding tribes continue peaceably in their villages. With
regard to our vessels, it was, indeed, requisite they should be destroyed, and
if I did not consult all of you on the occasion I had sufficient reason for
pursuing that course after the occurrence on the downs, which, however, I
will not enter into here. The course you advised me to adopt on the former
occasion, and your present discontent, both emanate from the same bad
feeling; but you should remember that there are several cavaliers among our
troops who are not of the same opinion with yourselves, who request and
counsel that we should continue as heretofore to repose our trust in God
alone, and faithfully fulfil our duties in his holy service. You are, however,
perfectly justified in saying that the most renowned generals of Rome even
cannot boast of such military exploits as we can. Future historians will also
have to relate, if God be willing, greater things of us than of them. We shall
continually be reaping harvests of glory, because strict justice and christian
feeling are everywhere our guides, and also because our endeavours are

exerted in the service of God and of our emperor. You cannot, gentlemen,
have weighed the matter well if you suppose we could save ourselves by a
retreat: for the instant these people were to observe this, and though we
should depart from them in profound peace, the very stones of the ground
would be raised up against us. And in the same way the Indians now stare at
us as if we were beings of a superior order, or rather gods, as they term us,
they would then consider us cowards and poltroons. We might, you say,
settle ourselves quietly down among our allies, the tribes of the Totonaque
mountains! To which my answer is, that even they would rise up against us
immediately they perceive we are turning back without marching on to
Mexico; for if we leave them, and they refuse to pay tribute to Motecusuma
as heretofore, he will send his armies against them not merely to subdue,
but to compel them to declare war with us; and if they are not desirous of
being annihilated, what other course could they pursue? In this way, where
we had thought to have friends, we should be preparing ourselves enemies.
What reflections would the powerful Motecusuma make, and what
judgment would he pass upon our previous speeches and the messages we
sent him if we were to turn back? He would think we had been jesting with
him. Thus you see, gentlemen, it looks bad one way and worse another. The
most prudent step we can take for the present is to maintain our ground here
in this thickly populated valley where we can obtain provisions in
abundance. To-day we have fowls, to-morrow dogs, and thus, thank God,
we shall always have plenty of food. Salt and warmer clothing are really at
present the only great privations we suffer. You further state, that we have
lost fifty-five men since our departure from Cuba from famine, cold,
fatigue, disease, and from wounds: that our numbers are very small, and all
of us more or less suffering from ill health. But, on the other hand, you must
remember that God has given us the power of numbers, and that war is ever
accompanied by loss of men and horses. To-day we have provisions, the
next day none. And you must also bear in mind that we are not come into
this country to seek repose, but to fight valiantly about whenever it may be
necessary. I, therefore, beg of you, gentlemen, who are cavaliers, and who
have up to this moment behaved so courageously, and whom despondency
so ill suits, to drive from your minds all remembrance of Cuba and
everything you have left behind there. Show yourselves brave soldiers as
you have hitherto, for next to God, who is our strength, all depends upon
the valour of our arms."

With this answer the deputies repaired to their partisans, who all declared
they could not contradict anything our general had stated, and remarked that
we had certainly departed from Vera Cruz with the full intention of
marching to Mexico; but that at present we were better informed as to the
strength of that city and its numerous troops. The Tlascallans themselves
never mentioned the Mexican name but with terror. We said the
Sempoallans were at peace with us, but we had as few certain proofs of that
as of the state of affairs in Mexico. Up to this moment we had altogether
suffered so much that if we were once again so furiously attacked as we had
been in the late battles, we should be unable to stand against them. Suppose
even they were to remain quiet for the present, our march to Mexico would,
nevertheless, be a monstrous undertaking; and they were surprised at the
man who could desire it and issue commands to that effect. To all this
Cortes replied rather angrily: "Even then it is better to die like a brave
warrior, as the poets say, than to live a coward!" We others who closely
adhered to our general, and had consented to the destruction of our vessels,
and appointed him captain-general, agreed with all he had said, and desired
him in a loud voice not to trouble himself any further about their talk and
complaints, but to order everything, with the aid of God, as circumstances
might require, and to rely on our faithful assistance.
Herewith an end was put to all their cabals. They certainly continued their
murmurings against Cortes, and cursed us who adhered to him, and the
Sempoallans for having proposed this route; making altogether use of
language which little beseemed them; but for the time being they remained
quiet, and obeyed our general even to a wink.
In the meantime the elders of Tlascalla again sent peremptory orders to
Xicotencatl not to attack us, but to send us provisions and repair to our
camp in person to conclude a treaty of peace with us. This was the desire of
all the caziques and principal personages of Huexotzinco and Tlascalla. A
message was at the same time forwarded to each of his officers,
commanding them not to obey him in anything which had not reference to a
conclusion of peace. These orders were despatched no less than three
successive times to Xicotencatl, information having been received that he
was not only determined to lend a deaf ear to these injunctions, but to fall
upon us the very next night, for which purpose he had assembled 20,000
warriors. Thus ever presumptuous and haughty, he now again refused to

listen to their commands, and we shall see in the following chapter how this
terminated.

CHAPTER LXX.
How the captain Xicotencatl assembled 20,000 chosen warriors
to make an attack upon us in our camp, and what happened
upon this.
The caziques, Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl, with all the chief
personages of the principal town of Tlascalla, had now for the fourth time
issued orders to their captain-general not to approach our camp, and
commanded the other officers not to accompany him unless he called upon
us to make peace. Xicotencatl lay in our immediate neighbourhood, and
was terribly exasperated at this; yet he determined to send us forty Indians
with provisions, consisting in fowls, bread, and fruits.[26] This present was
also accompanied by four disgusting old Indian females and a quantity of
copal and parrot feathers.
We, of course, concluded that these people came with peaceable intentions.
They perfumed Cortes when they were brought into his presence, and thus
addressed him, without observing the courtesies customary among them:
"These presents are sent you by the general Xicotencatl, that you may eat,
in case you are teules, as the people of Sempoalla have assured us. If you
require a sacrifice with them, kill these four women, and devour their flesh
and their hearts. As we do not know what your wish is on this head we have
not sacrificed them for you. But if you are human beings, be contented with
the fruit and the fowls; and if you are kind-hearted teules, take the copal and
the parrot feathers as an offering."
Cortes answered, by means of our interpreters, that he was desirous of
making peace, not war, which he had already made known to them. He was
come into their country to beg of them, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and of our great emperor Don Carlos, to abstain from human
sacrifices. We were all human beings made of flesh and bone like
themselves, and not teules, but Christians. We killed no one, excepting
when we were attacked, then, indeed, we destroyed our enemies, whether it
happened to be day or night. He was very thankful for the provisions, but

now they should likewise have the good sense to send us messengers of
peace.
We readily perceived that these people whom Xicotencatl had despatched to
us were spies, who came to gain the necessary information respecting the
accesses to our camp, and the number of our troops, of the horses and the
cannon, and everything else. They remained with us the whole day and
following night. From time to time some returned to Xicotencatl, and others
again arrived in their stead. All this greatly surprised our friends of
Sempoalla, as it was not customary with them to stay night and day in an
enemy's camp without some particular design. This accordingly aroused
their suspicions, which were further confirmed by some hints which fell
from two old men of Zumpanzingo that Xicotencatl stood ready with a large
army to fall upon us unawares. At first they had laughed at the idea,
thinking it a mere piece of bragging, and had, therefore, not mentioned it to
Cortes. Doña Marina, to whom they had made this known, immediately
brought the intelligence to our general, who, to fathom this matter more
deeply, ordered two of the Tlascallans, who appeared to be honest fellows,
to be seized, when they confessed that Xicotencatl had sent them as spies
into our camp. These men were then liberated, and several others seized,
who all gave the same answer, adding, that their commander Xicotencatl
was merely waiting their information to fall upon us the following night
with the whole of his troops.
After Cortes had convinced himself of the true state of affairs, he
commanded us to be upon our guard, and to hold ourselves ready for action;
he also imprisoned seventeen other of the spies, some of whom he ordered
to have their thumbs cut off, others the whole hand, and to be sent back in
that condition to Xicotencatl, with the information, "That this was his mode
of punishing such messengers. He might now come whenever he liked in
the night or by daytime, we would wait for him here two whole days: if we
had not been peaceably inclined, we should ourselves have attacked and
annihilated both his army and himself long before this: it was now,
however, high time he should desist from his folly, and send us a sincere
token of peace."
The unfortunate beings who had thus been dismembered, arrived in
Xicotencatl's head-quarters just as he was on the point of marching off with

his whole army to fall upon us in the dark. When he saw his spies before
him in that condition, and learnt why they had been so treated, his pride and
conceit fell at once. To this was added, that a certain chief, with whom he
had quarrelled on account of the late battles, had left the camp with the men
under his command.

CHAPTER LXXI.
How four chief personages arrived in our camp to negotiate
terms of peace with us, and what further happened.
We now despaired of concluding the peace we so greatly desired, and
therefore began to prepare for battle. We cleaned and sharpened our
weapons, provided ourselves with arrows, and were making other
preparations for an engagement, when one of our outposts came suddenly
running up with the tidings that a number of Indians of both sexes were
advancing along the principal road of Tlascalla, straightway to our quarters,
laden with packages. One of our horse had rode up to watch their
movements more closely, and now also came galloping up with the news
that the procession was fast approaching our camp, and merely halted from
time to time to take a little rest.
Cortes and all of us were highly delighted with this piece of news, for we
hoped they were coming with tidings of peace, which, indeed, was really
the case. He issued orders that no alarm should be sounded, and for all of us
to remain quiet in our huts as if we were unconscious of their approach.
When the Indians had arrived at our camp, four principal personages
stepped forth from among the porters, who had been commissioned by the
elder caziques to conclude a treaty of peace with us. They made the sign of
peace, which consisted in bending the head forwards; they then walked
straightway to the hut which Cortes inhabited. They first touched the
ground with their hands, and then kissed it, bowed themselves three times,
and perfumed with copal. They then began as follows: "All the caziques of
Tlascalla, with their subjects, allies, friends, and confederates, make peace
and friendship with Cortes and his brothers, the teules. They beg
forgiveness for having commenced hostilities, instead of uniting in
friendship with them, which had merely been done under the impression
that we were friends of Motecusuma and the Mexicans, who had been their
most deadly enemies from time immemorial; and what had strengthened
them in this suspicion was, our being accompanied by such numbers of the
tribes who were tributary to that monarch, who was accustomed to fall into

their country under various pretences, and carry off their wives and
children. They had this time again feared some foul stratagem was on hand,
and therefore had put no faith in our ambassadors. They had not
commenced the attack in the first instance when we marched into their
country, neither was it done at their instigation or command, but assured us
it was the Chontal-Otomies, a rude and wild mountain tribe, who imagined
they would have been easily able to overcome our small numbers, carry us
off prisoners, and send our hearts to the Tlascallan chiefs, in order to gain
their good wishes. They now came to beg forgiveness, and would daily
bring us a sufficient supply of provisions. They hoped we would accept of
these they now brought with the same kind feeling in which they were
offered. In the space of two days the chief commander Xicotencatl, with the
other caziques, would call himself, and further prove how fervently the
whole of Tlascalla desired to make peace and friendship with us."
After the chiefs had done speaking, they again bowed themselves, touched
the ground with their hands, and kissed it. Cortes, with great dignity and
earnestness depicted in his countenance, returned them the following
answer through our interpreters: "He had certainly great cause to refuse
them a hearing, or to make any compact of friendship with them; for, upon
our first entering into their country, he had offered them peace, and
announced that he intended to assist them against their enemies the
Mexicans; yet they would not believe him, and had even been upon the
point of killing our ambassadors, and had made three murderous attacks
upon us; and, by way of a finish, had also sent spies into our camp. In the
battle we had fought with them, we could have killed many more of the
troops; and we even grieved for those whose lives had thus been sacrificed,
but we had been driven to it. He had resolved to carry the war into the very
town where the old caziques dwelt; but as they now came to sue for peace,
he was willing to receive them kindly in the name of our emperor, and was
also pleased to accept of the provisions which they had brought. They
should now tell their chiefs to repair hither in person, or send him some
better warranty of peace. If they refused to come, he would put his army in
motion, and attack them at their very doors. They were, moreover, to
approach our camp during daytime only, for if they came at night, we would
put them all to the sword without mercy."

After Cortes had given them this answer, he presented the messengers with
blue beads for the caziques, in token of peace. They then took leave, and
turned off to some Indian dwellings which lay in the neighbourhood,
leaving there the Indian females whom they had brought along with them to
prepare the bread, fowls, and a dinner for us; besides this there were twenty
Indians who furnished the wood and water for cooking; and indeed they
prepared us a most delicious meal. Being now convinced that they earnestly
desired peace, we returned hearty thanks to God, who had thus ordered
things: indeed it was high time, for we were all in a terrible state of
exhaustion, and were sick of a war to which there seemed no end, as the
good reader may well imagine.
With respect to these proceedings, Gomara has again mixed up many
untruths. One time he makes Cortes mount up to the top of a mountain, and
thence look over the township of Zumpanzingo, and yet it lay quite close to
our camp, and he must have been blind indeed who could not see it straight
before him. He also relates that the soldiers said things which I will not
repeat here, though he would make one believe he had all from good
authority. There is not the slightest foundation for all his assertions. There
never was a commander in this world who was so strictly obeyed as Cortes,
nor will it ever again fall to the lot of any man to be so. No such thought
ever entered the minds of our men, excepting on the occasion which I have
related above. Even the representations which were made to Cortes,
mentioned in the preceding chapter, were all given in the tone of advice.
Those who made them did so with a good intention, and imagined they
were in the right, and though they differed with him in opinion, they paid
him strict obedience. Is it, then, any wonder that a general should listen to
good advice from intelligent soldiers, particularly when his troops are so
awkwardly situated as ours were? I am only sorry when I reflect that all
Gomara's untruths will be credited, because his style of writing is so
eloquent.

CHAPTER LXXII.
How ambassadors arrive in our camp from Motecusuma, and of
the presents they brought with them.
After the Almighty, in his great mercy, had granted us the victory in the
battles against the Tlascallans, our fame was spread to every district, and
even reached the ears of the mighty Motecusuma, in the great city of
Mexico. If we had been previously looked upon as teules, or a species of
gods, their idea of our bravery now became the more exalted, and terror
seized the whole country when we had broken the great power of the
Tlascallans with such a handful of men, and compelled them to sue for
peace.
And so it also happened that the powerful king of Mexico, Motecusuma,
either in the great goodness of his heart, or because he began to fear our
approach to his metropolis, despatched five men of distinction to our camp
in the land of Tlascalla to welcome us on our arrival, and to assure us of the
excessive delight he felt at the great victories which we had gained over
such numerous armies. This message was accompanied by a valuable
present in gold trinkets of various workmanship, worth about 1000 pesos,
and of packages of cotton stuffs as much as twenty men could carry. He
likewise wished us to know that it was his desire to become a vassal of our
emperor, and the great pleasure he felt to find that we were so near his
metropolis, that he was every way well disposed towards Cortes and all the
teules his brothers: he likewise wished to know from us what annual tribute
in gold, silver, jewels, and cotton stuffs he was to forward to our great
emperor, which would save us the trouble of coming to Mexico: he should,
indeed, be pleased to see us, but our march there would be a terrible one,
through a sterile and rocky country, and the fatigues which we should have
to undergo grieved him the more when he considered the impossibility to
remove those difficulties out of our way.
To this Cortes answered, that he was very thankful for such kind feeling, as
also for the presents, and the offer to pay tribute, but he must beg of the

ambassadors not to leave again before we had reached the metropolis of
Tlascalla, when he would deliver to them his answers for their monarch.
The real fact was, he did not feel well enough just then, as the day previous
he had taken a purgative of manzanilla,[27] which latter is found on the
island of Cuba, and is very wholesome when its use is rightly understood.

CHAPTER LXXIII.
How the captain-general Xicotencatl arrives in our camp to
negotiate terms of peace; the speech he made, and what further
happened.
Cortes was still discoursing with the ambassadors of Motecusuma, and
about to dismiss them, to retire to rest, for the fit of ague was again coming
upon him, when it was announced that the general Xicotencatl was
approaching, with several caziques. They were clothed in cloaks, white and
parti-coloured, that is, one half of the cloak was white and the other
coloured, for these were their national colours in time of peace. The number
of distinguished personages who accompanied Xicotencatl amounted
altogether to about fifty. When they had arrived in Cortes' quarters, they
paid him the most profound reverence, after their fashion, and burnt a
quantity of copal before him. Cortes received them most friendly, and
desired them to take place near him; upon which Xicotencatl said, "He
came, in the name of his father, of Maxixcatzin, and of all the caziques of
the republic of Tlascalla, to beg of us to admit them to our friendship: he, at
the same time, in their name, came to do homage, and promise obedience to
our emperor and master, and to beg forgiveness for having taken up arms
against us. They had done this because they were ignorant as to who we
were: indeed, they believed we had been sent by their enemy Motecusuma,
who had often before used fraud and treachery to enter their country for the
sake of plunder, and they now thought he contemplated another attack upon
them: they, therefore, considered themselves bound to advance boldly into
the field to protect their persons and their country. They were, however,
very poor, and possessed neither gold, silver, jewels, nor cotton stuffs: they
were in want of salt to savour their victuals, as Motecusuma would not
allow them to stir out of their country to procure it. Their forefathers had
certainly possessed some gold and precious stones, but this had from time
to time been delivered up to Motecusuma, to prevent their total destruction.
All this had happened a long time ago, and now they had nothing left
wherewith to make us a present. It was not their fault, but their poverty, yet
they were well disposed."

After this preamble Xicotencatl brought various other accusations against
Motecusuma and his allies. "The latter," he said, "were all hostile to their
country, and left them no peace. They had certainly, up to this moment,
defended themselves bravely at all times, but found that all their endeavours
were fruitless against us, although they had renewed the conflict three
several times; we were invincible. Hard experience at length taught them
who we were, and they now desired to become our friends, and the vassals
of the great emperor Don Carlos; for, they were convinced, that in alliance
with us, they would be able to live in security and peace with their wives
and children, and not be each moment exposed to the incursions of the
treacherous Mexicans."
Xicotencatl made various other offers of his services in the name of his
country. This Xicotencatl was a tall man, broad shouldered, and well built,
with a large fresh coloured face, full of scars, as if pitted with the smallpox.
He may have been about thirty-five years of age, and was earnest and
dignified in his deportment. Cortes thanked him most sincerely, saying, "he
would acknowledge them as vassals of our emperor, and would, for the
future, look upon them as our friends."
Upon this Xicotencatl begged he would repair to the metropolis of his
country, where all the caziques, elders, and papas were expecting us with
impatience. Cortes answered, that he would comply with his request as soon
as possible; for the present he had still some business to transact with the
ambassadors of Motecusuma, and as soon as he had finished this he would
visit them. He then continued to address them in a harsher tone of voice,
and mentioned the repeated attacks they had made upon us. He would
certainly bear them no malice, and freely forgave all the past, but they must
sacredly observe the peace which he had granted them, and show no
inconstancy in their conduct. If they did he would assuredly destroy their
town and put all the inhabitants to the sword, and no longer listen to them,
but carry on a war of extirpation to the very last. Xicotencatl, and all the
distinguished personages who were with him, assured Cortes they would
faithfully abide by their promise, and that they were ready to offer
themselves as hostages in proof of their sincerity. Upon this followed
various other discourses between Cortes, Xicotencatl, and the principal men
of his suite. We presented them with blue beads for themselves, the elder
Xicotencatl and most of the other caziques, with the assurance that we

intended soon to visit their metropolis, which we desired they would
announce to their countrymen.
The Mexican ambassadors were present during the whole of this interview,
and heard the friendly offers which the Tlascallans made us of their
services; and were not at all pleased with the peace we had concluded, and
easily foresaw it would prove disadvantageous for their country. When,
therefore, Xicotencatl had taken his leave, they remarked rather smilingly to
Cortes, that he should not repose any trust in their assurances of friendship
and kind offers. All this was sheer deceit, and nothing but treachery was
hidden in their sentiments. They merely wished thereby to entice us into
their town, when they could fall upon us unawares and destroy us all. We
should remember how often they had attacked us with their whole army, but
finding open force of no avail, they now, after so many of their numbers
had been killed and wounded, would try their chance with fine words and a
pretended show of peace.
To this Cortes answered with an air of determination, that he no way
troubled himself about their intentions. If their suspicions proved true he
would put the Tlascallans all to death. They might attack him by night or
day, in the open field or in the town, it was all the same to him, and to
convince himself as to how matters really stood he was determined to visit
their metropolis. When the Mexican ambassadors found him thus
determined, they begged of him to remain for at least another six days in his
present quarters, that they might first send messengers to communicate with
Motecusuma, and would return again with his answer in the time specified.
To this Cortes consented, partly on account of his ague, partly because he
thought the warnings the Mexicans had given him might not be altogether
so unfounded as he imagined. In that time he could also gain more certain
proofs of the real intentions of the Tlascallans.
As everything now wore a peaceable aspect, and the whole country from
the town of Vera Cruz up to our present quarters, was inhabited by friendly
tribes and our allies, Cortes ventured to forward a letter to Juan de
Escalante, who had remained behind there in garrison. He desired him to
complete the buildings, and then gave him an account of the great victories
we had gained since our arrival in Tlascalla, and how we had compelled the

inhabitants to sue for peace. He also desired him to make a day of
thanksgiving, and in every way to favour our allies of the Totonaque
mountains. Lastly, he requested him to send two bottles of wine which he
had buried in a certain corner of his quarters there, and some holy wafers,
as we had none left. Escalante sent a speedy answer with the things Cortes
required. It may easily be imagined how joyously this news was received at
Vera Cruz, without my spending many words upon it.
During these days we erected a majestic cross in our quarters, and Cortes
had one of the temples in our neighbourhood cleansed and fresh plastered
by the inhabitants of Zumpanzingo, and some other Indians. But, to return
to our new friends, the caziques of Tlascalla; the postponement of our visit
greatly distressed them, yet they continued to send us fowls and figs,[28]
which were now just in season, and a daily supply of provisions. This they
did with the best of good will, nor would they ever take anything in return;
on the contrary, they daily more earnestly begged of Cortes not to delay his
visit any longer. Our general, however, was desirous of waiting the six days
for the return of the Mexican ambassadors, and he each time put off the
Tlascallans with some friendly excuse.
The Mexicans faithfully kept their word, and at the expiration of the above-
mentioned time six distinguished personages arrived from Mexico with a
rich present from Motecusuma, in value above 3000 pesos, consisting in
gold trinkets of various workmanship, two hundred pieces of cotton stuffs,
interwoven with feathers and other productions of Mexican art.
When they handed over these presents to Cortes they informed him that
Motecusuma was greatly delighted at the successful state of our affairs. For
the rest he requested us most urgently not to bring any Tlascallans into his
dominions, for whatever purpose it might be, and upon the whole not to
trust them. They were merely watching to rob us of our gold and other
valuables, as they were quite poverty-struck themselves, and possessed no
fine cotton cloaks. This evil design they cherished the more fervently, as
they knew that we were on friendly terms with them, and had received
presents in gold and cotton stuffs. Cortes accepted these presents with every
appearance of delight, and thanked them, with the assurance that he would
render Motecusuma good services in return. If he should discover that the
Tlascallans really bore treachery at heart they would have to pay very

dearly for it. He, however, trusted that such thoughts were remote from their
minds, and he would now repair thither in person to see how much truth
there was in their statement.
In the midst of this discourse several messengers arrived from Tlascalla,
bringing Cortes information that all the old caziques of the country were on
their road to pay us a visit, and conduct us into their city. On learning this,
Cortes requested the Mexican ambassadors to stay with us three days before
they departed again to their monarch with his answer; for that, at present, he
was about to grant terms of peace to the Tlascallan chiefs.

CHAPTER LXXIV.
How the old caziques of Tlascalla arrived in our camp and
invited Cortes, and all of us to visit their city, and what further
happened.
The old caziques of Tlascalla finding that we did not arrive in their city,
determined to call upon us themselves, and set out, some on foot and some
in sedans and a species of hand-barrow. Besides those I mentioned above,
(Maxixcatzin and the blind Xicotencatl, the elder,) there were Guaxolacima,
Chichimeclatecl, and Tecapaneca of Topoyanco. Their suite was composed
of several distinguished personages. When they arrived in presence of
Cortes they paid him the profoundest respect, making him and us who stood
around three deep bows. They likewise perfumed with copal, touched the
ground with their hands, and kissed it.
The elder Xicotencatl then addressed Cortes as follows:
"Malinche! Malinche! often have we begged of you to forgive the hostile
attacks we made upon you. We have already explained to you that we
imagined you were in league with Motecusuma. Indeed, if we had known
before what we now do, instead of refusing you admission, we would not
only have marched out to meet you by the shortest route with a quantity of
provisions, but have come to the very coast where your vessels lie, in order
to conduct you hither. But, as you have now pardoned all this, I am come
with all the caziques to beg of you to accompany us immediately to our city,
and to construct in good part the reception which we intend to give you
there according to the best of our abilities. Stay all other business for the
present, Malinche, we beg of you, and go with us now. We greatly deplore
that the Mexicans should have attempted to poison your mind with all
manner of falsehoods respecting us, and that this should alone have
withheld you from paying us a visit. We are quite accustomed to their
slanders. You must not believe them, no, nor even listen to them, for all
their actions and words are full of deceit."

To which Cortes said, with serenity depicted on his countenance, "He knew
years ago that we should one time visit this country. They were a brave
people, and he was astonished they should have treated us as enemies. With
regard to the Mexicans who were now present, they were merely waiting
his commands to return to their monarch Motecusuma. He joyously
accepted of their invitation to visit their city, and thanked them for the
provisions they had sent, and also for all their other kind offers; they might
depend upon our services in return. The reason why he had not visited them
before this was solely owing to our want of men to transport the tepuzques,"
so they termed our cannon. When they heard this, they appeared
exceedingly pleased, and immediately cried out, "How! was it nothing but
this, and you would not tell us?" And, sure enough, scarcely half an hour
elapsed before there were 500 porters on the spot, so that next morning
early we were enabled to set out for the metropolis of Tlascalla. We
marched forward as usual, with the heavy guns, the horse, the crossbow-
men, and musketeers, in close order. Cortes had also requested the Mexican
ambassadors to accompany us, in order that they might convince
themselves that the people of Tlascalla were sincere. To allay their
apprehensions, he assured them they should live in his own quarters, and
not be molested.
Before, however, I proceed with my narrative, I must explain how it
happened that Cortes was termed Malinche by all the tribes through whose
territories we had passed. I myself in future will call him by that name,
excepting there where it would be improper. This name was given to him
because our interpretress Doña Marina was always about his person,
particularly when ambassadors arrived, and in our negotiations with the
several caziques, as on those occasions she interpreted for both parties.
They therefore called him the captain of Marina, and contracted that
appellation in the word Malinche.[29] This name was likewise given to Juan
Perez de Artenga of Puebla, because he always accompanied Doña Marina,
and to Geronimo de Aguilar for a similar reason. The former of these two
even retained the name of Juan Perez Malinche. Our entry into the
metropolis of Tlascalla took place twenty-four days after we had crossed
the confines of the country, the 23d day of September, in the year of our
Lord 1519.

CHAPTER LXXV.
How we marched into the city of Tlascalla, and were received by
the old caziques; of the present they made us, and how they
brought us their daughters and nieces; and what further
happened.
When the caziques found that our baggage was moving forward, they
hastened before us to make the necessary preparations for our reception,
and to adorn our quarters with green boughs. We had arrived within a mile
of their city when they again came out to meet us, accompanied by their
daughters, nieces, and other distinguished personages, in which those of the
same kin or same family or tribe kept together. Without that of Topoyanco,
which held the fifth degree, there were four tribes. The inhabitants of the
other townships also kept flocking up, all distinguished by the national
colours of their respective dresses, which, for want of cotton, were very
prettily and neatly manufactured of coloured nequen. Next came the whole
body of papas, of whom there were great numbers in the temple service.
They carried the pans with glowing embers, and perfumed us. Some of
them had on long white cloaks, after the fashion of surplices with capes, as
worn by our canons. The hair of their heads was long and matted together,
so that it would have been an impossibility to have put it in any shape or
order without cutting it off: besides this, it was completely besmeared with
blood, which trickled down over their ears, for they had been sacrificing
that very day. The nails of their fingers were uncommonly long, and they
held down their heads on approaching us, in token of humility. It was told
us that these men were greatly revered for their religion. The principal
personages now gathered themselves around Cortes' person, and formed a
guard of honour. When we entered the town, the streets and balconies could
scarcely contain the numbers of men and women who had come out to see
us: delight was depicted on every countenance, and twenty baskets full of
roses were brought us, of various colours and sweetly scented, which were
presented to Cortes and the other soldiers whom they considered officers,
and particularly to those who sat on horseback. In this way we gradually
arrived to some spacious courtyards, where quarters had been prepared for

us. Here Xicotencatl the elder and Maxixcatzin took Cortes by the hand and
conducted him into his apartments. For each of us there was a separate bed,
filled with a species of dried grass, and covered with cloaks of nequen. Our
friends of Sempoalla and Xocotlan were quartered in our vicinity in a
similar manner. Cortes then requested that the ambassadors of Motecusuma
might lodge with him. We soon discovered that good-will and friendly
feeling were universal towards us here, and we therefore somewhat relaxed
in our ordinary precautions. The officer whose duty it was to post our
sentinels and order the patrols, remarked to Cortes, that, as everything wore
such a friendly aspect there, our usual watchfulness would not be required.
"This may be very true," answered our general, "yet we will not relinquish
that excellent custom. Though the people here may be very good, we must
not trust too much to this peace, but always be upon our guard as if we
expected each moment to be attacked. Many a general has been ruined by
carelessness and over-confidence. We, who are a mere handful of men, and
have been precautioned by Motecusuma himself, though he may not exactly
have been in earnest, must be ready for action at a moment's notice."
The two chief caziques, the elder Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin, were very
much hurt at the military precautions we took, nor did they strive to hide
their feelings from Cortes, but spoke to him as follows: "Malinche, if we
are to draw a conclusion from the steps you are taking, you either look upon
us as your enemies, or at least you place no confidence in us and the treaty
of peace which has been concluded between us. You post sentinels and
order your men to patrol the streets as formerly, when both armies stood in
hostile array against each other. This you have not done of your own
accord, Malinche, but because the Mexicans have secretly whispered to you
fears of treachery, wishing thereby to estrange you from us. Believe us, you
cannot put any faith in what they say. You are now in the midst of us;
everything we have is at your service—our own persons and our children;
and we are ready to suffer death for you. Ask for as many hostages as you
like, and you shall have them."
Cortes and all of us admired and were moved at the kind and graceful
manner in which the old men expressed themselves. Our captain said he
required no hostages; he had merely to make use of his eyes to convince
himself that all was perfectly safe. These military precautions were ever
customary with us, and they were not to take umbrage on that account. He

thanked them for their kind intentions, and promised to render them great
services in return.
After this explanation, other persons of distinction arrived with a quantity
of provisions, consisting of fowls, maise-bread, figs, and vegetables. We
had, indeed, everything in the greatest abundance during the whole of the
twenty days we lay in this town.

CHAPTER LXXVI.
How mass was said in the presence of a great number of
caziques, and of the present the latter brought us.
The next morning early Cortes ordered an altar to be constructed, and mass
to be said, as we now again had a supply of wine and holy wafers. Father
Olmedo lying ill of the fever, which had greatly weakened him, the priest
Juan Diaz officiated for him: Maxixcatzin, the elder Xicotencatl, and
several other caziques were present.
After mass, Cortes retired to his quarters. Those among us who were always
about his person accompanied him: we were also followed by the old
caziques and our interpreters, who were indispensable in such company.
The elder Xicotencatl now informed Cortes that it was the general wish of
the inhabitants to make him a present, if agreeable to him. Cortes answered
that he should at all times be most happy to receive one: they accordingly
spread some mats on the floor, and over these a few cloaks, upon which
they arranged five or six small pieces of gold, a few stones of trifling value,
and several parcels of manufactured nequen, altogether a very poor present,
and not worth twenty pesos. The caziques, on presenting these things to
Cortes, said to him, with a smile on their countenance, "Malinche! we can
easily imagine that you will not exactly experience much joy on receiving a
present of such wretched things as these; but we have told you before that
we are poor, possessing neither gold nor other riches, as the deceitful
Mexicans, with their present monarch Motecusuma, have by degrees
despoiled us of everything we had. Do not look to the small value of these
things, but accept them in all kindness, and as coming from your faithful
friends and servants." These presents were at the same time accompanied
by a quantity of provisions.
Cortes accepted of all this with every appearance of delight, and assured the
old men that, since these things came from them, and were given with such
great good will, they had more value in his estimation than a whole house
full of gold, and that he accepted of them in that light. These words he

accompanied with numerous other kind sayings and assurances of the
esteem he entertained for them.
The caziques had also agreed among themselves to present us the most
beautiful of their daughters and nieces. The old Xicotencatl, therefore, again
addressed Cortes: "In order, Malinche, that you may have a still clearer
proof of our good feeling towards you, and to show you how glad we are to
do anything which we imagine may please you, we have resolved to give
you our daughters in marriage, that they may have children by you. We
should like to be completely fraternized with such good and brave men as
you are. I myself have a daughter, who is very beautiful, and has never been
married, whom I have destined for you."
Maxixcatzin and most of the other caziques continued in the same strain,
begging of us to take their daughters for our wives. These requests were
accompanied by various other proffers of friendship, and Maxixcatzin and
Xicotencatl passed the whole day with us: the latter was blind with age; in
order, therefore, to form to himself some idea of Cortes, he drew his hand
over his hair, his face, his beard, and the whole of his body.
Cortes answered, with respect to the women, that he himself and all of us
were very grateful for them, and that we should take the first opportunity of
rendering them a kindness in return.
"What is your opinion," said Cortes, turning to father Olmedo, "would this
not be the proper moment to desire these people to abolish their idols and
the human sacrifices? From fear of the Mexicans, they will undoubtedly do
anything we require of them." "It will be time enough," answered the priest,
"when they bring us their daughters: then we shall have the best opportunity
of telling them that we cannot accept of them until they have promised to
abstain from their human sacrifices. If they comply, it is well; if they refuse,
we know what our duty and our religion require of us."

CHAPTER LXXVII.
How the caziques presented their daughters to Cortes and all of
us, and what further happened.
The day following, the old caziques came and brought five young women
with them, who, for Indian females, were in every sense handsome, and
neatly dressed. Each had, in addition, a young woman as maid in waiting,
and all were daughters of caziques. On this occasion, Xicotencatl thus
spoke to Cortes: "Malinche, this is my daughter; she is still a virgin, and has
never been married: take her to yourself, and give the others to your
officers."
Cortes received the young women from his hand, and appeared very
pleased, declaring that he would now consider these females as our own,
but desired that they should, for the present, remain with their fathers. The
caziques inquired the reason of this, when Cortes replied: "I have no other
reason than that I am bound first to fulfil my duty to the God whom we
adore, and to the emperor our master, which is to require of you to abolish
your idols, the human sacrifices, and other abominations practised among
you, and exhort you to believe in him in whom we believe, who alone is the
true God." Besides this, he told them many other things concerning our holy
faith, which Doña Marina and Aguilar explained right well to them. Similar
discourses took place on every occasion: Cortes at the same time showed
them the image of the holy Virgin, holding her inestimable Son in her arms,
and he explained to them how that represented the blessed Virgin Mary: she
was now high in the heavens above, and was the mother of our Lord Jesus
Christ, whom she held in her arms, conceived by the Holy Ghost; that she
was a virgin before, after, and during his birth. She was our mediator with
her heavenly Son, our God.
To this he added many other things concerning our holy religion, and
concluded by saying: "If you are, indeed, our brothers, and you are really
inclined to conclude a lasting peace with us, and if we are to take and keep
your daughters as affectionate husbands should do, they must abandon their