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Title: Early Quaker education in Pennsylvania

Author: Thomas Woody

Release date: December 10, 2023 [eBook #72371]

Language: English

Original publication: New York: Teachers college, Columbia
university, 1920

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY
QUAKER EDUCATION IN PENNSYLVANIA ***

MAP OF SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA SHOWING LOCATION OF PRINCIPAL
MEETINGS

EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION
IN PENNSYLVANIA

By
THOMAS WOODY, Ph.D.
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CONTRIBUTIONS TO EDUCATION. No. 105

Published by
Teachers College, Columbia University
NEW YORK CITY
1920

Copyright, 1920, by Thomas Woody

PREFACE
The purpose of this monograph is to present to the students of education,
especially to those interested in the historical phase of it, some materials
relating to education among the Quakers in Pennsylvania previous to 1800.
Since the greater part of the source material on the subject is almost
inaccessible, it has been thought desirable to incorporate in this work many
reports on schools, such as may be convenient references for others who are
interested in the early educational history of Pennsylvania.
The manuscript records which furnish the most direct light on this study
are found in various depositories in southeastern Pennsylvania. Those that
have been preserved and made accessible to the writer have been examined
by him in person. With the exception of a few cases, the minutes of the
preparative meetings have not been well kept; hence, that source of
information is very limited.
If this work possesses merit, it is by reason of the coöperation of many
men and women. I am obligated to the members of the Society of Friends
who, as custodians of records, have been instrumental in forwarding the
investigation. It is also a great pleasure to acknowledge the friendly
encouragement and assistance given by Albert Cook Myers, of The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. I wish also to thank Professor Paul
Monroe for the initial encouragement and continued interest during the
progress of the investigation.
T. W.
Teachers College, New York
July 11, 1917

CONTENTS
I Origin of the Quakers 1-13
II Meeting Organization: Its Connection with Education 14-25
III Educational Ideals of the Quakers 26-40
IV Education in Philadelphia 41-84
V Schools of Bucks County 85-104
VI Schools of Montgomery County 105-121
VII Schools of Chester County 122-146
VIII Schools of Delaware County 147-166
IX School Support, Organization, and Curriculum 167-203
X Masters and Mistresses 204-227
XI Education of Negroes and Indians 228-267
XII Conclusion 268-271
Bibliography 272-282
Abbreviations 283
Index 285-287

EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION
IN PENNSYLVANIA

CHAPTER I
ORIGIN OF THE QUAKERS
Reforms, discoveries and inventions are, at the outset, [Sidenote: An
essential in leaders]
conceived by individual minds; seldom, if ever, are they
the simultaneous product of several. The original connection is seen and
made by an individual, and afterwards may be accepted by his fellows, who
may appropriate the new idea to themselves and make its applications
manifold. The novel idea or relationship, once seen, thoroughly
comprehended and expressed becomes either the common property of
many, extending far afield from its original source, or is rejected because it
fails to prove attractive to human interests or necessary for the satisfaction
of human needs. By this means changes are wrought in a group or society
of individuals, and the belief or the contribution of one individual becomes
the faith or the possession of a nation. The meaning of the above statement
is at once made clear by mere mention of a few names, such as Luther,
Bacon, Pestalozzi, Confucius, Whitefield, Gœthe and Fox. It is with the
ideas and the formally stated doctrines of the last mentioned that we are in
this connection chiefly concerned.
In a study of education among the Quakers it is [Sidenote: Brief
desirable, if not absolutely imperative, to go back to the study of Quaker
origin of the society and note, at least in part, the tenets beliefs necessary]
of the society and the reasons for its foundation. For this
purpose the best materials are to be found in the life and works of George
Fox, the founder of the Society of Quakers. It would, perhaps, be
unnecessary at present to make any considerable study of beliefs or tenets,
if it were not for the fact that, in times past, some of the expressions of their
belief have been misconstrued. For instance, reference may be made here to
the so-called doctrine of inner light which was promulgated by George Fox
at the very beginning of his work in 1647.[1] It will be of advantage to first
sketch briefly the early life of this exponent of Quakerism.
George Fox was born July, 1624 (old style), at [Sidenote: Fox’s
Drayton-in-the-clay,[2] in Leicestershire, England. His youth and early

father, Christopher Fox, otherwise known as “Righteous education]
Christer,” was a weaver by trade and “an honest man.”
His mother, he says, was of the stock of martyrs.[3]
His earliest life was spent in the home of his parents, under whose
tutelage he received a careful religious training. He says of himself that he
was unusually grave for a youth of his age and that his thought constantly
turned to subjects of religious nature. This characteristic religious
disposition, noticed by his mother, was the cause of a more indulgent
attitude toward him than was granted the other children in the family,
especially in regard to their religious instruction. Of his school education
we have but a meagre account; according to Sewell, his only education was
received in the home and consisted of the bare necessaries such as reading
and writing.[4] The essence of his religious education seems to be
adequately summarized in his own words as follows:

The Lord taught me to be faithful in all things, and to act
faithfully two ways, viz., inwardly to God, and outwardly to man;
and to keep to yea and nay in all things.[5]

As he advanced in years some of his people, being aware of his religious
tendencies, would gladly have had him enter the priesthood, but others
dissenting, he was placed with a man who was a shoemaker, grazier and
dealer in wool.[6] In this employment he seems to have given much
satisfaction to his employer, and, as for himself, he too enjoyed the work of
shepherd, affording, as it did, ample opportunity for close communion with
nature and limiting his connections with the corrupt society of mankind,
from which he sought to free himself.[7]
About the age of nineteen, his dissatisfaction with the [Sidenote:
world and the people about him caused him to leave his Beginning of his
relations and acquaintances and to seek out a more travels]
lonely existence in some place where he was quite
unknown. This decision being made, he journeyed “at the command of
God,” first to Lutterworth, Northampton, Newport-Pagnell, and came
finally, in 1644, to Barnet. During these days he was often in great despair
and questioned whether he had done rightly in leaving his parents and

friends. In these periods of misgiving he consulted often with priests
concerning his condition and sought thereby a remedy, which, however, he
did not find. Driven by sheer desperation he continued to travel, and, after
leaving Barnet, came to London where he remained for a short time only,
having come now to a decision that he should return again to the home of
his parents.[8]
The return to his native village, however, was no cure [Sidenote: His
for his mental ill, though his conscience was thereby return home]
somewhat stilled. He continued his visits to various
priests, especially one Nathaniel Stevens, with whom he was wont to argue
religious questions, and who, after Fox had enunciated certain beliefs,
which will be mentioned later, became one of his most cruel persecutors.[9]
Each succeeding experience with the priests was but a repetition of a former
and it became clear to him that they saw nothing but the externals of his
condition and had not the power to penetrate to the innermost complexities
of his situation. According to his view their recommendations met only the
demands of the ecclesiastics; his need was genuine and he was enabled to
see the narrow limitations which hamper the activity of one man who
attempts to parcel out salvation to another.
George Fox was now in his twenty-second year. It is [Sidenote: Three of
pertinent that mention be made at this place of three Fox’s conclusions;
fundamental beliefs or principles, whose truth, up to this fundamental]
time, had made itself manifest in his mind. The second
of these is the one which, being so often misquoted, has become the basis
for the belief on the part of many, that the Society was opposed to
education.

1. And the Lord opened to me that, if all were believers, then they
were all born of God, and passed from death unto life, and that none
were true believers but such; and though others said they were
believers, yet they were not.
2. The Lord opened unto me, that being bred at Oxford or
Cambridge was not enough to fit and qualify men to be ministers of
Christ; and I wondered at it, because it was the common belief of
the people.

3. At another time it was opened to me, that God, who made the
world, did not dwell in temples made with hands.... But the Lord
showed me clearly that he did not dwell in these temples which men
had commanded and set up, but in people’s hearts; for both Stephen
and the apostle Paul bore testimony that he did not dwell in temples
made with hands, not even in that which he had once commanded to
be built, since he put an end to it; but that his people were his
temple, and he dwelt in them.[10]

These doctrines which he began to promulgate in 1647 were recognized
as fundamental, and their influence is plainly to be seen in the organization
and discipline of the society which finally resulted.[11]
It may well be mentioned here that though these [Sidenote: But not
tenets were incorporated in the foundation principles of untried]
the Quakers, they were by no means new, in the sense
that they had never been accepted, in part, at least, by any other group of
people. J. Brown, writing concerning the Quakers, states that Caspar
Schwenkfeld, a Silesian of high birth, had promulgated the same doctrines
of inner light, direct revelation and the inadequacy of the sacraments at
least two centuries before the time of Fox in England.[12] The dispersion of
Schwenkfeld’s adherents in 1547 led to the spread of their doctrines outside
of Silesia, being embraced by a part of the Mennonite Church of
Amsterdam, whence their entrance was made into England, and found
acceptance in the minds of the Quakers.[13] This view is held also by other
students of Quaker history,[14] and the similarity of doctrine is clearly seen
in the statement of the Mennonite creed, as given by B. L. Wicks, a student
of Mennonite history.[15] Further, it is known that some of the earliest
preachers among Quakers went to Amsterdam and vicinity and found there
a kindly reception by a part of the people, making converts among both the
Baptists[16] and the Mennonites.[17] An instance of their kindly attitude
toward Quakers and also of the recognition given their belief on the part of
the Quakers, is shown in the account by Thomas Chalkley, concerning his
journey of some nine hundred miles in Holland, Friesland and Germany.[18]
[Sidenote: Kindly
reception given to

As I have had great peace and satisfaction in my Quaker ministers]
travels in Holland and Germany, so, for inciting
others under the like exercise, I may truly say that there is
encouragement for faithful ministers to labor in the work of the
gospel. I know not that I ever met with more tenderness and
openness in people than in those parts of the world. There is a great
people whom they call Mennonites, who are very near to truth, and
the fields are white unto the harvest among divers of them,
spiritually speaking.[19]

At Kriegsheim in the Palatinate Quaker exhorters like Ames and Rolfe,
who had been sent out by the direction of George Fox, 1657, succeeded in
winning converts among the Mennonites, though they were received
unfavorably by the magistrates who fined those who offered to give them
any entertainment.[20] It is from this same district that both Quakers and
Mennonites made their voluntary departure and came to settle in
Pennsylvania. Their prompt attention to school affairs on their first arrival is
very similar to that of the Quakers, though in their case it was often the
work of the laity, and not through the church organization.[21]
A still more extensive missionary journey was [Sidenote: Journey
undertaken at a later date, 1677, by several Quakers, of Fox, Penn, Furly,
among them Fox, Penn, Furly, Barclay and Keith. They Barclay and Keith]
visited Brill, Leyden and Haarlem where they held
meetings, preaching to both Quakers and Mennonites.[22] The tour
continued up into the Rhine region where Penn and his party came into
touch with members of the Pietist group. It is doubtless true that this
journey and the impression which was made by Penn must have played an
important part a few years later when he opened his colony to settlers on the
well known liberal principles.
In the presentation of the foregoing material it has been pointed out: (1)
how the doctrines of the Quakers were rapidly spread broadcast by the
itinerant preachers; and (2) that there was a great similarity between Quaker
and Mennonite in doctrine and belief.
The work of spreading the new gospel, as instanced [Sidenote:
by the work of Ames and Rolfe in 1657, was carried Increased number

rapidly forward; as early as 1654, seven years after of ministers]
George Fox had begun to preach, he had enlisted the [Sidenote: The
services of some sixty preachers who travelled number of
continually up and down the country.[23] Such a number adherents
estimated]
of leaders bespeaks a considerable following, though we
have no record of a census of the followers made during
Fox’s lifetime. Brown is apparently willing to accept Barclay’s statement
that by 1675 they numbered ten thousand in London and by the end of the
century, sixty thousand.[24] It does not seem that this is too large an
estimate. It can be estimated from the work of Besse on Sufferings that
between 1650 and 1689 there were approximately fifteen thousand
individual cases of “sufferings.”[25] Since his work is compiled from
“authentic records” it may be considered to be fairly accurate, though the
errors, if any, would likely be to make the number too small rather than too
large. As a matter of fact his collection includes some cases between 1689
and 1700, but the vast majority of them are from the period above stated.
Certainly we must suppose that if such a large number actually came under
the hand of English tolerance, then the total number of adherents very
probably equalled or exceeded the estimate previously mentioned.
Whatever objection may be made to the accuracy of these figures they may
certainly be taken as fairly indicative of the growth of the sect; for that
purpose they are intended.
Just as the church discipline and organization are [Sidenote: Fox’s
traceable to the hand of Fox, so also is the attitude on doctrine the basis in
educational affairs. It has been said that the doctrine of their educational
practice]
the inner light made all education unnecessary, and this
perverted idea has doubtless possessed even some members of Quakers to
the extent that they came to regard learning as an instrument of Satan, a
thing to be carefully avoided. However true this statement may have been
of some members of the group, it certainly is not representative of the belief
and practice of the Quakers as a whole. Some of the more ignorant may
have interpreted the inner light to mean just that thing; but it is certainly
true that such an idea was never expressed by George Fox, nor did it
become the accepted belief of the organization, as is shown by their
practices. The actual practice, educational, among Quakers is to be followed
in this monograph. A later chapter will be devoted to a consideration of the

views on education held by various individuals who have left some tangible
monuments to their beliefs. In the present chapter, however, it is intended to
indicate merely the position assumed by Fox in regard to the question at the
outset of his labors.
As has been previously mentioned (page 2) George Fox had the
advantage of only a limited education. Opposition to the higher education,
if he exhibited such, might find an explanation in this fact, assuming that
not having shared its delights and advantages, he chose to deprecate it
altogether. From a study of his utterances and his actions throughout his
career it seems, however, that the facts point rather to a true appreciation
rather than deprecation of education. The evidence appears to support, in a
very satisfactory manner, the following points:
[Sidenote: Fox’s
1. That he placed a great emphasis on moral and educational creed]
religious training.
2. Education should be of practical value; apprenticeship
education recommended.
3. That the establishment of schools was believed to be necessary.
4. The objection to classical training was its inadequacy to
prepare for a minister of the gospel.
5. That the scope of education was not limited to Quakers alone,
nor even to the Whites, but should include also Negroes, Indians
and the poorer classes of society as well as the rich. The remainder
of this chapter will be devoted to a brief consideration of the
foregoing statements.

First, in regard to moral and religious instruction, it seems hardly
necessary to do more than state simply that he did urge moral education at
all times. His whole life being permeated with the desire to propagate his
newly founded society, it certainly is to be expected that he would
recommend and insist on instruction of that nature. If proof be desired,
however, it may be found in statements made from time to time, which are
quoted below. The system of moral education based on the utterances of

Fox was chiefly a prohibitory one, and it might well be questioned whether
the result would not be passive rather than active virtues.
[Sidenote:
... in warning such as kept public houses for Prohibitions, moral,
entertainment, that they should not let people have social and
educational]
more drink than would do them good; and in
testifying against their wakes and feasts, May games, sports, plays
and shows, which trained up people to vanity and looseness and led
them from the fear of God: ... in fairs also, and in markets I was
made to declare against their deceitful merchandise, cheating and
cozening; warning all to deal justly, to speak the truth, to let their
yea be yea and their nay be nay: ... I was moved also to cry against
all sorts of music, and against the mountebanks playing tricks on
their stages, for they burdened the pure life and stained the people’s
mind to vanity. I was much exercised, too, with schoolmasters and
schoolmistresses, warning them to teach their children sobriety in
the fear of the Lord, that they might not be nursed and trained up in
lightness, vanity and wantonness. Likewise I was made to warn
masters and mistresses, fathers and mothers in private families, to
take care that their children and servants might be trained up in the
fear of the Lord; and that they themselves should be therein
examples and patterns of sobriety and virtue to them.[26]
I was to bring them off from all the world’s fellowship and
prayings and singings, which stood in forms without power: ...[27]

These prohibitions and many others that were [Sidenote: Kept
enunciated from time to time in his speaking and prominent place in
writing, were to be in time a part of the discipline of the the church]
organization, and were as religiously imposed on all
members as the ardor of the meeting and the difficulty of the task would
permit. The cases coming up before the monthly meetings for discipline are
largely composed of infringements of the regulations, which grew out of
Fox’s recommendations. These are, without question, of very ascetic nature.
One instance which illustrates the incorporation of these ideals in the
discipline of the organization may be cited in this connection.

All Friends, train up your children in the fear of God; and as they
are capable, they may be instructed and kept employed in some
lawful calling; that they may be diligent, serving the Lord in the
things that are good; that none may live idle and be destroyers of the
creation, and thereby become burdensome to others, and to the just
witness in themselves.[28]

Second, the emphasis placed on the values to be [Sidenote:
derived from a practical education, to be gotten, to a Apprenticeship
large degree, through a careful system of apprenticing education
recommended]
the children of members to people, members if possible,
who would also be careful in regard to their moral instruction, is
unmistakable. The practice as recommended, indicated below, became the
general rule in Quaker communities, as is adequately evidenced in the
meeting records. In this connection, however, it should be kept in mind that
apprenticeship education could be legally enforced.
Being in London, it came upon me to write to Friends throughout the
nation, about putting out poor children to trades. Wherefore I sent the
following epistle to the quarterly meetings of friends in all counties:

My Dear Friends,
Let every quarterly meeting make inquiry through all the monthly
and other meetings, to know all Friends that are widows, or others
that have children fit to put out to apprenticeship; so that once a
quarter you may set forth an apprentice from your quarterly
meeting; and so you may set forth four in a year in each county, or
more, if there be occasion. This apprentice, when out of his time,
may help his father or mother, and support the family that is
decayed; and in so doing all may come to live comfortably. This
being done in your quarterly meetings you will have knowledge
through the county in the monthly and particular meetings, of
masters fit for them, and of such trades as their parents or the
children are most inclinable to. Thus, being placed out with Friends,
they may be trained up in truth; and by this means in the wisdom of
God, you may preserve Friends’ children in the truth, and enable

them to be strength and help to their families, and nurses, and
preservers of their relations in their ancient days.... For in the
country you know, you may set forth an apprentice for a little to
several trades, as bricklayers, masons, carpenters, wheelwrights,
ploughwrights, tailors, tanners, curriers, blacksmiths, shoemakers,
nailers, butchers, weavers of linen and woolen stuffs and serges,
etc., and you may do well to have a stock in your quarterly meetings
for that purpose. All that is given by any Friends at their decease
(except it be given to some particular use, person or meeting) may
be brought to the public stock for that purpose. This will be the way
for the preserving of many that are poor among you, and it will be
the way of making up poor families. In several counties it is
practised already. Some quarterlies set forth two apprentices; and
sometimes the children of others that are laid on the parish. You
may bind them for fewer or more years, according to their
capacities....[29]
G. F.
London, 1st of 11th month, 1669.

The following lines, taken from the meeting records, are sufficient proof
of the working out of this recommendation concerning apprenticeship
education.
[Sidenote: And
It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting, executed in various
that the meeting take care of all Friends’ children meetings]
that are left as orphans and unsettled, to inspect and
see that all such be taken care of and settled in the best and
suitablest manner, according to their capacity, that thereby they may
discharge their duty and all such be eased by taking such due care.
[30]

Third, the establishment of schools was believed to be necessary; for a
proof of this attitude may be cited his action in regard to the establishment
of schools at Waltham and Shacklewell.

Then returning towards London by Waltham, I [Sidenote:
advised the setting up of a school there for teaching Establishment of
school advised]
boys; and also a girls’ school at Shacklewell, for
instructing them in whatsoever things were civil and
useful.[31]

This statement would certainly indicate a liberal attitude towards
education. Fox himself makes no further comment on what the nature of the
school was to be. His interest in these schools, it is asserted, never flagged,
and many visits were made in behalf of their prosperity.[32]
Fourth, the popular idea that has at times prevailed, [Sidenote: But
that Quakers objected to giving an education such as classical education
not the first
was enjoyed by other sects, was probably founded on a essential for
misunderstanding of certain statements made by Fox ministers]
with regard to education. Let us examine some of these
statements, and seek to learn his intended meaning.

I saw that to be a true believer was another thing than they looked
on it to be; and I saw that being bred at Oxford or Cambridge did
not qualify or fit a man to be a minister of Christ; what then should I
follow such for? So neither these, nor any of the dissenting peoples
could I join with, but was a stranger to all, relying wholly upon the
Lord Jesus Christ.[33]
I was to bring people off from Jewish ceremonies and from
heathenish fables, and from men’s inventions and worldly doctrines,
by which they blew the people about this way and the other way,
from sect to sect; and from all their beggarly rudiments, with their
schools and colleges for making ministers of Christ, who are indeed
ministers of their own making but not of Christ; ...[34]
They could not know the spiritual meaning of Moses; the
prophets and John’s words, nor see their paths and travels, much
less see through them, and to the end of them into the kingdom,
unless they had the spirit of Jesus; nor could they know the words of
Christ and of his apostles without his Spirit.[35]

Then we came to Durham, where was a man come from London
to set up a college there, to make ministers of Christ, as they said. I
went, with some others, to reason with him and to let him see that to
teach men Hebrew, Greek and Latin, and the seven arts, which were
all but the teachings of the natural man, was not the way to make
them ministers of Christ.[36]

These statements represent a small selection from many similar ones, and
may be fairly taken as indicative of his position concerning this one point.
They are the most drastic prohibitory statements made on the subject in all
of his works. But even here we fail to find either (1) a condemnation of
general or ordinary education or (2) a wholesale condemnation of classical
education; indeed we read no objection to a minister’s possessing a
knowledge of classical authors, such as was the case of both Penn and
Barclay, provided he possess also the “light.” His statements may be
summarized as follows:
[Sidenote:
1. Classical training is inadequate as a preparation Summary of
for ministers of the gospel. educational
statements]
2. Divine guidance is the one requisite for their
preparation.
3. There is no objection to the classical learning if it be added to
the qualification under (2).

Fifth, their conception of the scope of education did [Sidenote:
not limit it to their own people alone, but extended it Education not
limited to Friends]
rather to all peoples, Negroes and Indians, the rich and
the poor. This is made perfectly plain in his address sent
to the Governor of the Barbados in 1671.

Consider, Friends, it is no transgression for a master of a family
to instruct his family himself, or for some others to do it in his
behalf; but rather it is a very great duty incumbent upon them.... We
declare that we esteem it a duty incumbent on us to pray with and
for those in and belonging to our families; ... and to teach, instruct

and admonish them; ... now Negroes, Tawnies and Indians make up
a very great part of the families in this island; for whom an account
will be required by him who comes to judge both quick and dead, at
the great day of judgment, when every one shall be rewarded
according to the deeds done in the body, whether they be good or
whether they be evil.[37]

The effect of the above statements must tend to convince even the
skeptical that any statement or belief, to the effect that the founder of
Quakerism was opposed to education, is chiefly a myth based on either
ignorance or gross misunderstanding.

SUMMARY

The origin of the Quakers and the organization and discipline of the
Society are due almost entirely to the influence which first came from the
founder, George Fox. He extended his belief in his native country and even
into foreign countries by (1) preaching, (2) letters, (3) extensive travels on
his own part, and (4) through the agency of many capable men whom he
attracted to his service. For this service the leading of the inner light was
deemed the only preparation which was absolutely necessary. The society
experienced a rapid growth in numbers and, due to the policy of its founder,
laid great stress on the moral and practical education of their youth. A great
similarity existed between the beliefs of Quakers and those of the
Mennonites, both of which came to form a large part of the population of
the colony of Pennsylvania. The Mennonite beliefs are thought, by some
special students of their history, to have been the determining influence in
forming those of Friends; but this is not clearly proven. It is pointed out, by
certain references to utterances of George Fox, which to a great extent
formed the basis for Quaker practices, that the common belief in their
objection to education is erroneous. The system of moral education was
exacting and full of sweeping prohibitions, and, in those respects, according
to modern ideals, quite inadequate.

CHAPTER II
MEETING ORGANIZATION: ITS CONNECTION WITH
EDUCATION

The organization of meetings in the Society of Friends [Sidenote: An
was based almost entirely on the recommendation of its organization
founder, and still obtains without many variations from developed]
the type which was thus early begun. The organization
thus planned was not developed completely at one time, but depended
rather on the growth of the society in this or that section of the country.
Meetings, as at first established, were not so specialized in their functions
as they came to be later; there were those for worship and sufferings, the
latter becoming in due time a specialized part of the yearly meeting, and for
taking action in regard to poor members. The time was further occupied in
disciplining those members who were not faithful to the doctrines of the
church.
It is of particular importance for us to understand the [Sidenote: The
ordinary arrangement of the meetings and their relation place of
to each other, since it was by virtue of this organization organization in the
establishment of
of the church that its schools were set up. Perhaps no schools]
other factor played so important a part in the success
which was met with in setting up schools, as that through the organization
of the meetings all localities were kept in closer touch with each other than
would otherwise have been possible at that time. As it was, the local
meetings were literally forced to listen to the school-proposition, even
though they were in the backwoods of America, or inhabited the Barbados.
The chief means of communication established were church letters,
travelling ministers, representatives from the constituent meetings, and
reports of general meetings which were distributed to all those belonging
thereunto.[38]
Originally the purpose of the church organization [Sidenote: Purposes
seems to have been twofold. It was realized that among of the organization]

those who became members some would be less constant in their behavior
than others; hence some sort of oversight was necessary to keep each and
every one in line. In the second place, there were many adherents in limited
circumstances and the Quakers’ belief made it imperative that these people
be taken care of in the best manner possible.[39] Realizing the existence of
these conditions among members, it was clear to Fox that a definitely
organized meeting was necessary whereby (1) the necessary assistance
could be extended to those in need, (2) discipline could be enforced for the
maintenance of the religious life of the organization, and (3) new meetings
could be officially established when and where they became necessary.
The earliest mention that is made of a meeting [Sidenote: Early
established for these purposes is in the case of Balby, in meetings
established]
Yorkshire, in 1658.[40] This statement is not exactly
accurate, it seems, for we have also mention made of a
general meeting, or what came to be known as a yearly meeting, as early as
1654 when one was held at Swannington in Leicestershire.[41] The meeting
at Balby seems to have been of considerable importance and is frequently
mentioned as one of the stopping places of George Fox. He recounts a
meeting held at that place in 1660 “in a great orchard of John Killam’s
where it was supposed some thousands of people and Friends were gathered
together.”[42] The business of the yearly meeting seems to have been to
devote some time to the affairs of the church; at any rate, this idea is
expressed by Fox in writing of a similar meeting held at Skipton in 1660.[43]
The characteristic of these meetings, that is always mentioned, is that they
were attended by representatives from various towns and counties. The
yearly meeting is still a representative body.
The smaller meetings for worship were, of course, the [Sidenote: Meetings
first established. Aside from the question of worship, develop from larger
however, the development of the organization was from to the smaller]
the larger unit to the smaller. We have noted above the
beginning of the general or yearly meeting. As the sect grew in numbers,
and the labor of caring for these, sometimes in a physical sense and again in
the religious, increased, it became necessary to have a finer organization,
the smaller units of which would reach the smallest communities. By 1665
there were established (1) the yearly and (2) the quarterly meetings, and in

1666 Fox recommended the establishment of a smaller unit, the monthly
meeting, saying:

Then I was moved of the Lord to recommend the setting up of
five monthly meetings of men and women in the City of London
(besides the women’s meetings and the quarterly meetings) to take
care of God’s glory, and to admonish and exhort such as walked
disorderly or carelessly, and not according to the truth. For whereas
Friends had had only quarterly meetings, now truth was spread, and
Friends were grown more numerous, I was moved to recommend
the setting up of monthly meetings throughout the nation. And the
Lord opened to me what I must do, and how the men’s and the
women’s monthly and quarterly meetings should be ordered and
established in this and other nations; and that I should write to those
where I did not come, to do the same.[44]

Immediately after this, there is mentioned the [Sidenote: Number
establishment of monthly meetings in Essex, Suffolk and of monthly
Norfolk, Huntingdonshire, Nottinghamshire, meetings set up]
Leicestershire and Warwickshire and many others.[45]
Three years later (1669) he reports fourteen monthly meetings in the county
of York.[46] The rapid increase in the number of meetings and the extent of
territory covered by them is a fair indication of the phenomenal growth of
the society.
Following his resolve and subsequent exertions toward setting up of
monthly meetings, during which he made very extensive campaigns, there
came the great step which was taken to organize all under the general
leadership of a yearly meeting, that of London. This was accomplished in
1672.[47] This general meeting of ministers drew up a resolution or minute
to this effect:
[Sidenote: London
It is concluded agreed and assented to by Friends Yearly Meeting
present that for the better ordering, managing and established]
regulating of the public affairs of Friends relating to
the Truth and the service thereof, there be a general meeting of

Friends held at London once a year, in the week called Whitsun-
week, to consist of six Friends for the City of London, three for the
city of Bristol, two for the city of Colchester and one or two from
each of the counties of England and Wales respectively.[48]

The meeting convened in the year following, in accordance with the
above resolution. Many of the duties performed by the General Meeting of
Ministers were transferred to the representatives of the various meetings.
The ministers, though in fact subject to the approval or disapproval of
monthly meetings, did not relinquish their oversight of each other.
The smallest unit in the organization was the [Sidenote: The
particular or preparative meeting. This meeting is not preparative meeting
mentioned in all localities, though it is clear from Fox’s the smallest unit]
statements that he recognized this as a part of the
organization, for in a letter of 1669 he writes concerning the representatives
of the quarterly meetings that,

none that are raw or weak and are not able to give a testimony of the
affairs of the church and Truth, may go on behalf of the particular
meetings to the quarterly meetings, but may be nursed up in your
monthly meetings.[49]

This statement is given here merely for the purpose of [Sidenote: Details
pointing out how completely the ideas of Fox were of organization
embodied in even the smallest unit of church worked out by Fox]
organization. There is adequate proof of their existence
in all sections occupied by the Quakers in Pennsylvania, and of their great
importance in carrying out the details both of relief work for the poor, and
in the establishment of schools.[50]
There have been noted different phases of the development of the
meeting organization. When finally it was complete in all its parts, there
existed a hierarchy of meetings, the lower and smaller units of which were
subject to and under the direction of the higher. This resultant organization
may be made somewhat clearer by means of a diagrammatical
representation.

The above diagram represents the relation of the [Sidenote:
Functions of yearly
various kinds of meetings in the organization of the meeting]
Society of Friends. The yearly meeting (Fig. 1, Y) is the
general head of the entire organization. Its functions are of a general
directive nature and its influence of very wide extent. For example, it will
be shown a little later that the Yearly Meeting of London issued, very early,
certain communications concerning education which were sent to each
meeting belonging to the London Yearly Meeting. In the same manner it
exercised its influence along other lines than education. There is no special
virtue in the number of meetings represented above; for example, the three
Q’s do not mean that each and every yearly meeting had three quarterly
meetings under its care. The number is not specified. In the case of the
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting there are at present nine quarterly meetings
and two half-yearly meetings.[51] The same variation is also true in the
number of monthly meetings in a quarter, Caln Quarterly having only one
monthly meeting, while Western Quarterly has six.[52] The same is true as to
the number of preparative meetings.
The quarterly meeting is representative of the monthly [Sidenote:
meetings which comprise it. Its functions are chiefly Functions of the

directive and advisory, though it may often occur that a quarterly meeting]
bad case of discipline may be turned over to it by the
monthly meeting. In the case of school regulations, its chief concern was to
pass on the recommendations of the yearly meeting to the monthly meetings
and to repeat them frequently, that the lower meetings might be stirred up to
action.[53] It was also through the quarterly meetings that the reports on the
conditions of schools in the monthly meetings were collected and sent to
the yearly meeting. It was also quite customary for the monthly units to
pass any of their decisions on a matter up to the quarterly unit for its formal
approval or disapproval. Especially is this marked in educational affairs,
and particularly in the Philadelphia Quarter.[54] This is most marked in the
earliest years after establishment, and is due, no doubt, to a lack at that time
of a very close differentiation in the functions of the meetings.
The monthly meetings are primarily the business units [Sidenote: Monthly
of the organization. Before them come all cases of care meeting the
for the poor, apprenticing of children, enforcement of business unit]
discipline, establishment of schools, requests for
permission to marry, to remove to a new location and still many others.
They may settle some of these finally, or they may act in connection with
their superior meeting as mentioned above.
The preparative meeting is the smallest organization [Sidenote: Function
unit and has its finger on the pulse of the local of the preparative
meeting]
community at all times.[55] Officially it acts as the agent
of the monthly meeting in carrying out the details of any
piece of work that must be done, and which the monthly meeting is willing
to delegate thus far.[56] Thus in the case of Horsham, for instance, the
business of the schools in the scope of the preparative meeting is turned
over to it and their organization and maintenance are under the care of its
school committee.[57] The preparative meeting is at all times cognizant of
breaches of discipline among its members and responsible to report such to
the monthly meeting for settlement. One might go to great length to
enumerate and explain all the detailed duties of each of these branches of
the organization, but it is believed sufficient has been said of them, to make
their action in educational matters intelligible.

We have noted, somewhat briefly to be sure, the organization and
interrelation of the meetings in the Society of Friends. It is now necessary
to point out what connection existed between this organization and the
program put forward for the establishment of schools. This will be done by
the presentation of certain extracts from meeting records which seem in all
cases to have been responsible for kindling an interest in education in near
and distant meetings, and keeping that interest alive by virtue of many
advices until some material results were forthcoming. The selections
presented are not continuous; they are chosen because they are
representative and illustrative of the point in question.
The Yearly Meeting of London was established (see [Sidenote: Attention
page 17) in 1672. Consistent with the purpose of its of yearly meeting to
establishment, as then stated, it began at once to busy education in 1690]
itself with certain important problems of the church.
Among the first that received a considerable amount of attention was the
education of the youths of members in the society, which was, of course,
soon extended to include others. For instance, in 1690, there is given out
this educational advice.

And, dear Friends, it is our Christian and earnest advice and
counsel to all Friends concerned (so far as they are able or may be
capable) to provide schoolmasters and mistresses who are faithful
Friends, to teach and instruct their children, and not to send them to
such schools where they are taught the corrupt ways, manners and
fashions of the world and of the Heathen in their authors and
manners of the heathenish gods and goddesses....[58]

And again in the year following we find the following advice:
[Sidenote: 1691]
We are glad to hear that care is taken in some
places, according to former advices, for the providing of
schoolmasters and mistresses who are faithful Friends to instruct
Friends’ children in such method as Truth allows. And we desire that
Friends may go on in the care to provide such education and
schools, for the advantage of their children and posterity.[59]

More specific instructions follow in 1695.
[Sidenote: 1695]
And it is desired ... to take special care for the
good education and order of Friends’ children in God’s holy fear, ...
and also to see that schools and schoolmasters who are faithful
Friends, and well qualified, be placed and encouraged in all
counties, cities and great towns, or places where they may be
needed; and that such schoolmasters, as much as may be, sometimes
correspond with one another for their help and improvement in such
good and easy methods as are agreeable to the Truth and the
children’s advantage and benefit; and that care be taken that poor
Friends’ children may freely partake of such education, in order to
apprenticeship.[60]

At a much later date, 1745, very similar instructions are found among
those issued.
[Sidenote: and
And, dear Friends, though frequently and repeated 1745]
advices have been given from this meeting,
respective of the education of our youth in sobriety, godliness and
Christian virtues; yet, this being a matter of very great moment for
the welfare of the present and future generations, we think it our
incumbent duty again to recommend an especial care therein.... We
also recommend to schoolmasters and mistresses, to educate the
children committed to their charge, in the frequent reading of those
sacred writings and such other good books as tend to their
instruction in true Christianity; whereby their minds are in danger of
being corrupted and led aside from the way of truth and holiness.[61]

A casual reading of the above statements, or any of numerous others like
them, will suffice to point out to what great extent they are similar to the
statements of Fox and other Quakers who were interested in education.[62]
For convenience, the content of these extracts from the yearly meeting
minutes may be summarized in something like the following:

1. To educate morally, according to Friends’ standards.
2. To train the individual in some practical employment.

They are accompanied by: [Sidenote: A
summary of
important points in
1. Select schools. the extracts]

2. Teachers of approved morality.
3. Selected subject matter.
4. Apprenticeship training.
5. Schools to be in all communities, the stronger assisting the
weaker.[63]

The influence of these fundamental ideas about [Sidenote:
education is clearly reflected in the type of schools that Exemplified in
were first set up in England. Those recommended by schools set up]
Fox at Waltham and Shacklewell in 1667, for both boys
and girls, represent the first attempt.[64] At a later date, 1702, Clerkenwell
was established under the oversight of London and Middlesex Quarterly
Meetings, and in the latter part of the century the Ackworth School,
founded by John Fothergill in 1779.[65] In all the schools established, of
which those mentioned are representative, there is always found this
primary emphasis on moral and useful training.[66]
The great influence of English Quaker education on [Sidenote: Influence
that in America was made secure by virtue of the very exerted by means of
intimate relation between the meetings in both countries; ministers,
and tracts]
epistles

this relation being constantly maintained through the
traveling ministers, and tracts and epistles sent out by the yearly meetings.
The same alertness, characteristic of London Yearly Meeting in these
affairs, was likewise assumed by the Burlington and Philadelphia Meetings,
from whence came numerous advices. As concrete evidence of this close
relation existing, and the consequent communications, a few extracts
thereof are inserted.

There was brought to this meeting (Middletown Monthly) the last
London printed epistle, which was read, containing sundry weighty
advices and exhortations with some comfortable account of the
prosperity of the Truth in divers places, as also the extracts of our
last yearly meeting (Philadelphia) wherein is recommended amongst
other things, a half collection for the next year, and some proposals
concerning the settling of schools in the country....[67]

That these letters of advice were not mere formalities but were really
seriously considered and acted upon favorably or unfavorably, as in the first
case below, is shown adequately in the following:

This meeting taking into consideration the proposals of last yearly
meeting concerning the settling of schools in the country, are of the
opinion that the method proposed will not answer for the Friends
who live remote from each other in the country....[68]

In the case of Darby Monthly Meeting, later in the [Sidenote: Had
century, there is an instance in which the definite results]
recommendations of the yearly meeting (1778) are
followed most minutely in the reorganization.

In consideration of improving our school, agreeable to the
recommendations of the last Yearly Meeting in 1778, and
subsequent advices down to this time having been spread in this
meeting and so and several remarks made thereon, pointing out the
advantages which may arise therefrom to the present rising and
succeeding ages, and the loss sustained for the want thereof, tending
to animate a desire to pursue the interesting prospect. It is therefore
now agreed that in future five Friends be appointed and called the
overseers of the Darby School, three of whom shall be deemed a
sufficient number to transact any business within their appointment,
viz.: to have the oversight of and visit the school, examine the
progress the scholars make in their learning, remark thereon as
appears to them necessary; inspect the teachers’ conduct, and from
time to time as occasion may be, with the approbation of the

meeting, agree with and employ a teacher or teachers, and on
sufficient cause appearing, discharge any such teacher or teachers,
as also any unruly scholars who cannot be brought to submission to
the rules and orders of the school; hear and determine upon all
differences relative to the school which may arise between any
teacher and employer, take into consideration and endeavor out after
some eligible plan for raising a fund for the benefit of the school
and as way shall open for it, pursue the same accordingly, and every
matter and thing tending to promote a settlement for a school
agreeable to the recommendations before cited; and as some of our
deceased brothers have made donations to this meeting for the
benevolent purpose of schooling children of the poor, therefore, the
aforesaid overseers are hereby empowered and directed to receive
and collect from the trustees thereof for the time being, the interest
arising from the said donations, dispose thereof agreeable to the
intentions of the Donors, and when necessary, advise and assist the
trustees in taking better securities for the principal, and as future
donations may be made for the benefit of the school, the overseers
are directed to extend care therein, as the same shall become
necessary, and keep fair minutes of all moneys received and
expended and other matters of importance which come before them,
to be produced in this meeting when called for, and preceding the
quarterly meeting in the 8th month annually make to this meeting a
clear statement of the amount received, expended and remaining in
hand and outstanding and of the capital under their care; what
donations made within the year past and for what purposes; and of
such other matters as they may judge needful to enable this meeting
to transmit the true estate of the school to the Quarterly Meeting,
and as a fundamental of their proceedings they transcribe a copy of
their minutes, together with such other writings as are necessary for
their government in what is now constituted their cares.[69]

A committee was accordingly appointed and directed to choose their
officers, that their business might be begun at once and properly performed.
In addition to the advices sent out in the form of [Sidenote: Works of
letters from the yearly sessions, the meeting also Penn, Barclay,
Sewell, Turford,

furthered regularly the distribution of books, tracts and and others
distributed]
pamphlets, usually the expression of prominent Friends,
such as, for example, Penn’s Advice to His Children,
Barclay’s Apology, Sewell’s History of Quakers, Barclay’s Catechism,
Turford’s Grounds of a Holy Life, and many others of similar nature. Works
of this kind were frequently sent over in lots, sometimes for free
distribution, or to be sold to members; as witness the following:

Joseph Kirkbride and Walter Faucit, having been lately in London
upon the service of Truth, did subscribe for 100 of Barclay’s
Apologies on behalf of this yearly meeting, which the said meeting
approves of; and agreed that Samuel Carpenter pay for them out of
the yearly meeting stock and distribute them to each meeting
according to their proportion of books that they usually receive, that
so they may be given away by the several meetings for the service
of truth.[70]
Sam Nixon informs the meeting that he brought from last
quarterly meeting ten small books, entitled Reflections and Maxims,
wrote by William Penn and printed for the use of schools, which he
desired us to take the care of and to apply to the use intended as
occasion may require.[71]
Produced at this meeting, 6 Barclay’s Apologies, 12 Richard
Davis’ Journals, 7 Daniel Stanton’s Journals, 4 Hugh Turford’s
Grounds of a Holy Life, 8 Barclay’s Catechisms; 37 books under
care of Thos. Pickering, Thos. Watson, and Robert Kirkbride—to
lend to the poor or others, as they think useful.[72]

The foregoing presentation of conditions within the church organization,
their method of interaction, has been made so that the reader may
understand that whatever activities may be later noted among the Quakers
in Pennsylvania in connection with the establishment of schools, were
intimately connected with and were in fact the result of the English
influence.

SUMMARY

The form of organization of the meeting in the Society of Friends was
due to the needs then existing, and was planned, even to the smallest unit,
by the founder of the society. The chief purposes of the organization, when
first begun, were (1) moral and religious discipline of members, (2)
assistance to the poor among their number, and (3) to protect themselves
against the oppression of outsiders (function of the meeting on sufferings).
The functions of the higher meeting (yearly) were chiefly advisory in
character, while those of the lower meetings (preparative) were to work out
the details. Educationally, the yearly meeting exercised an influence very
early by its frequent recommendations and the literature sent to the smaller
individual meetings. This rôle was likewise assumed by the Burlington and
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting.[73] This close relationship between the
meetings of different order and the educational influence is in part shown
by extracts taken from the meeting records.

CHAPTER III
EDUCATIONAL IDEALS OF QUAKER LEADERS

Any institution one may name has its adverse critics. [Sidenote: Criticism
The basis of their criticism is often ill-defined; it is inevitable;
beneficial]
sometimes fact, sometimes imagination; it may spring
from a knowledge of truth, or possibly from ignorance.
Quakerism has had many critics and the effect of wise [Sidenote: Some
criticism may be seen in some of the changes from the criticism based on
old to the modern Quakerism. Much of that which was misunderstanding]
unjust and without foundation of fact, failed to have any [Sidenote: Certain
effect whatever. But though the effect on the institution doctrines]
may have been nil, it occurs in some cases that the
criticism still lives in the popular mind and is accorded a good degree of
authenticity. By those better informed it may not be so considered. It is with
one of these criticisms, concerning the attitude of Quakers toward
education, that we are chiefly concerned in this chapter. Due chiefly to a
misinterpretation of the doctrine of inner light and its application, which
was mentioned in the first chapter, there arose an erroneous conception of
the Quakers’ attitude towards education. This conception is not always
constant; it varies now to this side, now to that, but does not cease to
persist. In order that this criticism may be put as clearly as possible before
the reader, use is made here of a quotation from the works of S. H. Cox, at
one time a member of Friends, who expresses with clearness the opinion of
a very considerable group of critics.
[Sidenote: The
But there is one feature of the system of Friends criticism offered by
which deserves a recognition here—its inimical S. H. Cox]
regard to classical and scientific learning. I do not
say that all Friends are thus hostile, or that they are all alike hostile
to liberal learning but I charge this hostility on the system. That
such is its character, appears from the denunciation, the
indiscriminate proscription of Barclay, and that not in a few places

in his book. It appears in the general hostility of Friends to all
colleges and seminaries where the elevated branches are thoroughly
taught. Not one young Friend out of five hundred, even in this free
country, ever obtains a liberal education in fact or in name; certainly
never becomes graduated in the arts at any chartered institution, and
where an instance occurs, it is always attended with special
difficulties. They have no college of liberal science in the world!
Some, I know, of the suspected worldly sort in Philadelphia have
proposed and would have forwarded so excellent an object, but they
were always awed into despondency by the unlettered, all-knowing
light within. And in this, their obsequiousness was quite consistent,
for if schools, academies, and universities are all in their nature
wrong, and as such forbidden of God, it is certainly right to desist
totally and at once from the prosecution of their cause! Incidental
evils they will always include, but the system is not chargeable with
these, unless in its nature it approves and fosters them. There will
always be, perhaps, hypocrites at the communion table but
christianity does not make them, and the purest ministry of the
gospel will often become a savor of death unto death, but sinners
themselves and not such a ministry are to blame for the
consequence. And so the best organized system of intellectual
education that the world has seen has often presented the appalling
spectacle of profligate and wicked students perverting its privileges.
But what of that? Shall we burn our colleges? Why not our primary
school houses too? What beneficient institution, what bounty of the
blessed God is not perverted and abused in this naughty world....[74]
I cannot leave this matter without remarking the power of
education especially with Friends. Their mode of education is the
making and the keeping and the secret of their sect. They subdue the
infant conscience with the direct rays of the inward light. They
identify all divinity and right in the associations of their children
with the light within and its friendly fruits. Here the spell
commences that grows with their growth and strengthens with their
strength. Investigation is much akin to skepticism and is devoutly
precluded—but what worse skepticism it is to suppose that
investigation could raze the foundation of our faith. They must take
everything for granted or see it in the light. They must wear a

ridiculous cut and color of clothes, such as are orthodox or common
to the clanship and use the plain language and act like Friends, and
then if they feel awkward or foolish, if their garb appears ridiculous
to themselves, if their manner expose them to jeering and affront, if
they are insolently struck (as I have often) in the street by worthless
boys and cursed as a “Quaker,” if their effeminate holy whine is
profanely mocked, as it often is by saucy passengers, and if a
thousand other inconveniences accrue, especially if they are
sometimes asked for one good reason for such singularity in
gratuitous opposition to mankind, they must just bear it all for
righteousness sake, not be afraid of the cross, but remember early
Friends how much more they endured in the same cause. Now much
of this which they call a guarded education, is just the worst kind of
sorcery. It is a fascination and religious tyrannizing over the
blighted attributes of mind. It is a system exactly calculated to
prostrate every noble, courageous and manly sentiment, and to
transmute a fine ingenuous boy into a sorry, sly, and often
simulating creature in the form of a man.[75]

It is not necessary to discuss directly the views set [Sidenote: Contrast
forth in the above quotation, as they are stated clearly Cox’s statements
enough in the author’s own language. However, in the above with those of
early Quakers in
following pages, there will be presented the views on regard to education]
education of as many prominent Friends as space will
permit, that in so doing they may be considered in connection with the
remarks of their critics and a just comparison made. In presenting the views
of Quaker educators reference may be made to salient points in the
criticism, which seem out of keeping with the ideas set forth and without
foundation as matters of fact.
There are quite a number of men, in the brief period [Sidenote: Only a
studied, who stand out clearly and express themselves few of the leaders’
definitely in favor of education, though they do not statements to be
considered]
consider it the first requisite for a minister of the gospel.
[76]
From this number it will be feasible to select only a few for the chief
consideration, relegating the remainder to a place of comparative
unimportance and incidental notice. The work of George Fox, though he

was poorly educated, had a remarkable effect on the educational work of
the society. But it is not necessary to review that in the present chapter as it
has been presented in the first.[77]
By far the most familiar of all characters in Quaker history is that of
William Penn. And to his influence must be attributed largely the hearty
interest in education shown, not only in Philadelphia, but also in the
surrounding communities. He was well educated, but it is not desired to
make a case for or against him on the basis of his education; let us judge by
his written or spoken expression and actual procedure in practice. No
attempt is made to prove or disprove his contentions as to what was right or
wrong, necessary or unnecessary in education. The questions asked in his
case and the others that follow is: What did they approve or disapprove of
in education?
Not only in works that might be called strictly [Sidenote: Penn
educational did Penn give educational advice, valuable recommends
alike to youth and to parents, the directors of youth. His practical virtues]
advice to his children on the value of diligence and its
necessity for success, and the propriety of frugality, even in the homes of
the rich, embodies many of the most essential principles in education at any
time. It is especially applicable to the education of the man of business,
emphasizing the importance of the practical duties in life. Some pointed
statements are especially worthy of repetition.
[Sidenote:
Diligence ... is a discreet and understanding Diligence]
application of onesself to business; ... it loses not, it
conquers difficulties.... Be busy to a purpose; for a [Sidenote:
Frugality]
busy man and a man of business are two different
things. Lay your matters and diligence succeeds them, else pains are
lost.... Consider well your end, suit your means to it, and diligently
employ them, and you will arrive where you would be....[78]
Frugality is a virtue too, and not of little use in life, the better way to
be rich, for it hath less toil and temptation.... I would have you
liberal, but not prodigal; and diligent but not drudging; I would have
you frugal but not sordid.[79]

This bit of philosophy is educational in its bearing in very much the same
way as that of Benjamin Franklin.
In the letters to his wife and children, referring to the care for their
education, he is more specifically concerned with actual school education.
[Sidenote: School
For their learning, be liberal. Spare no cost, for by education
such parsimony all is lost that is saved; but let it be recommended; the
useful emphasized]
useful knowledge such as is consistent with truth and
godliness, not cherishing a vain conversation or idle mind; but
ingenuity mixed with industry is good for the body and the mind
too. I recommend the useful parts of mathematics, as building
houses, or ships, measuring, surveying, dialing, navigation; but
agriculture especially is my eye. Let my children be husbandmen
and housewives; it is industrious, healthy, honest and of good
example, ...[80]

His preference, as might be expected from an [Sidenote: Private
Englishman of that time, was for a tutorial system of tutors desired]
education. His reasons therefore seem to have been
based chiefly on moral grounds.

Rather have an ingenious person in the house to teach them, than
send them to schools; too many evil impressions being received
there.[81]

The above quotation alone would seem to be adequate proof that Penn
did not oppose education, but urged it for others and in his own family. But
still more convincing and irrefutable evidence is found in the preamble to
this school charter, whence an extract is taken.
[Sidenote: Public
Whereas, the prosperity and welfare of any people education essential
depend in great measure upon the good education of for the welfare of a
people]
youth, and their early instruction in the principles of
true religion and virtue, and qualifying them to serve their country
and themselves, by breeding them in writing and reading and

learning of languages, and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their
sex, age and degree; which cannot be effected in any manner or so
well as by erecting public schools for the purposes aforesaid,
therefore....[82]

If, as must be admitted, the previous statement points [Sidenote: His
out the lack of any opposition to the ordinary ideals expressed in
rudimentary education that is necessary for the everyday action]
walks of life, the last one certainly does the same in [Sidenote: Yearly
reference to his attitude towards a higher classical meeting
education. Moreover, this is not a mere skeleton of recommend French,
High and Low
words never clothed with the flesh of action. The Dutch, Danish, etc.]
principles set forth in the charter were actually
incorporated in the work of the schools established in Philadelphia, and we
find them maintaining a classical school for languages and higher
mathematics.[83] The practical elements received the just emphasis which
belonged to them; it was necessary that the boys and girls be made able to
earn a living and be at least ordinarily intelligent citizens. The example of
Philadelphia was followed by other communities; practical needs were
given the first consideration and a higher classical education offered when it
became possible. Not only were these studies, which we would term higher
education, mentioned by Penn and other writers among Quakers, but they
were taken up and recommended by the yearly meeting. For example, in
1737, the minutes recommend that as opportunity can be found, children
should be privileged to learn “French, High and Low Dutch, Danish,
etc.”[84] This particular recommendation was made by the meeting because
of a felt need.[85] If then in case of a need for a particular subject, they were
willing to recommend that it be taught, can it be truly said that they opposed
all education?
It may be well to examine Barclay, since it is with him [Sidenote: Barclay’s
and his writings that Cox takes issue. In his Apology for position defined]
Christian Divinity Vindicated is to be found a very clear
statement of his position on the subject, and he voices it as the principle of
the whole society as well. He seems to be answering some critic, who has
taken him to task for his educational views:

He goes on after his usual manner saying, I [Sidenote: In his
inveigh against all human learning that has been Apology]
made use of any ways in Theology; but where he
finds this asserted I know not, whether the words he would declare
it from, to wit: that man hath rendered the plain and naked truth
obscure and mysterious by his wisdom, will bear such a
consequence is left to the reader’s judgment. But he thinks he has
found out our secret design of being against learning and schools of
learning, which is neither our affirmation nor our principle, but his
own false supposition. We would, saith he, have all those banished,
that we might more easily prevail with our errors. But methinks the
man should be more wary in venting his own false imaginations,
unless he would bring some ground for them; for his assertion is so
far untrue, that if he had been rightly informed, he might have
known that we have set up schools of learning for teaching of the
languages and other needful arts and sciences,[86] and that we never
denied its usefulness; only we denied it be a qualification absolutely
necessary for a minister, in which case alone we have opposed its
necessity.[87]

Another character of very great importance in this [Sidenote:
connection is Anthony Benezet. Born, 1713, at St. Benezet’s early life
Quentin in France, of “an ancient and respectable and education]
family” he spent his early years in France and then in
Holland, whither his father had fled for refuge.[88] A few months were spent
in Rotterdam and the family then moved to London where the father
entered into the mercantile business and retrieved to some extent his fallen
fortunes. This enabled him to give Anthony sufficient education to qualify
him for that business, for which, however, he seemed to evince but little
taste. Being of a very religious nature, he became a member of Friends at
about fourteen years of age, and in that society found the field of his whole
life’s activity, which was chiefly educational.[89] Considerable space will be
devoted to his work in respect to the education of Negroes, so that will be
entirely omitted in this place.[90] He was a voluminous writer, producing
chiefly tracts and letters, and a great majority of these have a definite
educational bearing. Because of the great number of them it is impossible

really to do them justice, but an attempt will be made to state a few brief
theses for which he unchangingly stands.
First, education is a religious and social duty.[91] It is [Sidenote:
exceedingly interesting to notice that he looks upon Education a
function of
education as in the first place a governmental function, if government, but
the governments of this world were influenced by true often neglected as
wisdom, they would make the proper education of youth such; hence
individual effort
their first and special care;[92] but since governments necessary]
have neglected to do this, it occurs to him that it is a
service for which Quakers are remarkably well fitted. It is a service for
which the wage is very small and which secures no return of special social
favors for the laborer. But they, being a quiet people, not wishing to gain
great wealth or to shine in social positions, can find their sphere of activity
in the education of the youthful members of society.
Second, a special care in the education of the poor is [Sidenote: Children
urged.[93] This should become the duty and secure the represent “capital”;
they must be
interest of the well-to-do public spirited man, for if the educated]
upper class does not safeguard it, they cannot be
educated. The poor child represents so much unimproved property, the
owner being unable to improve it, which, if taken over by philanthropists,
may become of some consequence to himself and perform great services for
society at large. Such a movement would, besides being a great aid to the
poor and uneducated, be also a worthy occupation for those who at present
have nothing but time and money to spend. It would help them to realize
that there is something real in the world, something greater than wealth and
broader than religious denominations. The heart of Benezet knew no
bounds; in his philanthropy he included all classes.
Third, a definite stand is made for higher standards for teachers.

I do not know how it is amongst you, but here any person of
tolerable morals, who can read and write, is esteemed sufficiently
qualified for a schoolmaster; when indeed, the best and wisest men
are but sufficient for so weighty a charge.[94]

He endeavors to show that the work of a teacher is pleasant and should
interest a better class of masters than it has in the past. The experiences of
Benezet in the school work were of most pleasant nature. Not only by his
own statement, but judged also by the accounts given in his memoirs by
Robert Vaux, it seems that he was unusually kind and sympathetic as a
master, which won him the greatest respect of his pupils.[95] The tasks of
schoolteaching are only unpleasant when being performed merely for the
sake of the wage obtained. Those who attempt to teach large numbers for
the sake of a large income find it disagreeable; they form the class of
teachers against whom he would discriminate.[96] Add to these three
principles, his great contribution toward the freedom and education of the
Negroes, his long life of service, and we have all for which he lived. It is
stated that he had no private life; at any rate it sinks into oblivion in
comparison with his interest and active work in public philanthropies.[97]
The educational influence of John Woolman in regard [Sidenote: John
to Negro and Indian education will be mentioned in Woolman, his
position in regard to
another chapter,[98] but concerning education generally education]
he was equally outspoken, and being a member of some
consequence he was able to make his influence felt. Like [Sidenote: The
Benezet, he regarded education as a social duty, both to responsibility of
tutors and parents]
each individual and to the community of individuals.
This duty could not be performed by immoral tutors and schoolmasters, for
the pupil could be made to rise no higher than the master; so the result
would be an immoral society.[99] The responsibility, in the last analysis, for
the right conduct of schools falls upon the parents. If they are indifferent,
nothing can be accomplished for the schools, for the whole community is
no better or more insistent in its demands than the individuals constituting
it. For this reason he urges individual philanthropy to come to the aid of the
schools, which are badly neglected; those who possess wealth can do no
better, for, as he says:

Meditating on the situation of schools in our provinces, my mind
hath, at times, been affected with sorrow, and under these exercises
it hath appeared to me, what if those that have large estates were
faithful stewards, and laid no rent or interest nor other demand,
higher than is consistent with universal love; and those in lower

circumstances would under a moderate employ, shun unnecessary
expense, even to the smallest article; and all unite humbly in
seeking the Lord, he would graciously instruct and strengthen us, to
relieve the youth from various snares, in which many of them are
entangled.[100]

If to this list of advocates of education, it is necessary [Sidenote: Tuke,
to add others, mention should be made of Henry Tuke, Whitehead, Crouch
George Whitehead, and William Crouch. In defending as advocates of
education]
certain differences between the Quaker doctrine and that
of other denominations, the former discusses this one, in not considering
human learning essential to a minister of the gospel.[101] The reasons
adduced are chiefly biblical; the knowledge of human literature is not
recommended by the New Testament as being necessary for a minister, and
this is considered conclusive proof. Moreover, it is pointed out that Paul,
though a well educated man, disclaimed the value of his education for that
service, and wished always to appear to the people as an unlettered man of
God.[102] But Tuke goes on to explain that though it is not essential for a
minister, learning is not unesteemed nor its usefulness slighted.[103]
Members are desired to direct their attention to education, for a right use of
it may promote religion and benefit civil society.[104] That the use of Latin
and Greek is not decried may be seen in the work of Penn and Whitehead,
who were both scholars, and whose works are full of classical references
and illustrations. In one instance their chief argument against swearing is
produced from certain references to the works of Socrates and Xenocrates,
pointing out that the Greeks were aware of a higher righteousness excelling
that of the legal Jews.[105] The same point of view with reference to a
knowledge of the classics is taken by William Crouch, as is understood at
once by this statement:

They acknowledge the understanding of languages, especially of
Hebrew, Greek and Latin, formerly was and still is very useful, yet
they take them not therefore to be necessary to make a minister nor
so profitable as that one unacquainted with them must be styled an
idiot, illiterate and of no authority.[106]

Moreover, from various sources one is assured that a [Sidenote: The
classical education was not abhorred by the Quakers of Latin School of
Philadelphia. The work offered in the classical school Philadelphia
exemplifies
was for any one who had the ability to do it and its contention of those
attainment was encouraged by Friends. The higher quoted above]
education was for girls as well as for boys, as we may
[Sidenote:
judge from reading the journal kept by Sally Wister (or Education an asset;
Wistar), a Quaker girl of the days of the Revolution.[107] but apt to be
perverted]
She attended the school kept by Anthony Benezet,[108]
which was one of the highest class, moral and literary, and patronized by
the best classes of the citizens. Extracts from her Journal indicate that her
education had not been limited to the mere rudiments, but that she enjoyed
also an elementary knowledge, at least, of Latin and French.[109] This sort
of education was clearly not uncommon among Friends and it was not the
object of opposition on their part. It must, however, be kept in mind that the
Quakers never confused education necessarily with true Christianity.[110]
Religion in this life and the salvation of one’s soul in the next was a
problem which concerned the poor as well as the rich, the untutored as well
as the learned. How could the demands be greater for one than the other; the
same tests had to be met and passed by all, the educated one received no
favors though more might be expected of him.[111] Education was looked
upon as an asset which might be turned to great use for Christianity, but the
lack of it was never a bar to Christianity.[112] On the other hand, education
might easily become, according to the Quakers’ views, a definite hindrance
to Christianity.[113]
It would be quite improper in connection with this [Sidenote: Scheme
subject to fail to mention the scheme, Utopian in that of education
day, which was conceived in the mind of Thomas Budd, suggested by
Thomas Budd]
for the development of a system of education for
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. At the very outset it seems more
comprehensive than anything suggested by any other leader, and in fact it
embodied so much that it was quite beyond the limit of expectation for
either of the colonies. Thomas Budd, though not at first a member of
Friends, became convinced of the justice of their principles and joined the
society before the year 1678.[114] He was a man of affairs and became
greatly interested in the colonization of Pennsylvania and New Jersey,

whither he soon came as a colonist himself. At that time it was equally true,
as at the present, that if a scheme or undertaking was to be put through, it
must be made as attractive as possible to the prospector. The attempt to do
this called forth a considerable exercise of individual initiative, and one
result was the educational plan outlined by Thomas Budd and published in
Philadelphia in 1685. The details of the scheme as outlined are deemed of
sufficient interest and importance to warrant their reproduction here.
[Sidenote: Children
1. Now it might be well if a law were made by the to be in public
Governors and General Assemblies of Pennsylvania school seven years
or more]
and New Jersey, that all persons inhabiting the said
provinces, do put their children seven years to the Public School, or
longer, if the parent please.

2. That schools be provided in all towns and cities, [Sidenote: To
and persons of known honesty, skill and receive instruction
understanding be yearly chosen by the Governor and in the arts and
sciences and to
General Assembly, to teach and instruct boys and learn a trade]
girls in all the most useful arts and sciences that they
in their youthful capacities may be capable to understand, as the
learning to read and write true English and Latin, and other useful
speeches and languages, and fair writing, arithmetic and
bookkeeping; the boys to be taught and instructed in some mystery
or trade, as the making of mathematical instruments, joinery,
turnery, the making of clocks and watches, weaving, shoemaking or
any other useful trade or mystery that the school is capable of
teaching; and the girls to be taught and instructed in spinning of flax
and wool, and knitting of gloves and stockings, sewing, and making
of all sorts of useful needlework, and the making of straw work, as
hats, baskets, etc., or other useful art or mystery that the school is
capable of teaching.

3. That the scholars be kept in the morning two [Sidenote: Eight
hours at reading, writing, bookkeeping, etc., and hours per day
allotted to studies
other two hours at work in that art, mystery or trade and chosen trade]
that he or she most delighteth in, and then let them

have two hours to dine, and for recreation and in the afternoon two
hours at reading, writing, etc., and the other two hours at work at
their several employments.

4. The seventh day of the week the scholars may [Sidenote: Regular
come to school only in the forenoon, and at a certain school work five
hour in the afternoon let a meeting be kept by the and one-half days
per week; moral
schoolmasters and their scholars, where good instruction on
instruction and admonition is given by the masters to Saturday]
the scholars and thanks returned to the Lord for his
mercies and blessings that are daily received from him, then let a
strict examination be made by the masters, of the conversation of
the scholars in the week past, and let reproof, admonition and
correction be given to the offenders, according to the quantity and
quality of their faults.

5. Let the like meetings be kept by the school [Sidenote: Similar
mistresses, and the girls apart from the boys. By arrangement for
strictly observing this good order our children will girls educated
separately]
be hindered from running into that excess of riot and
wickedness that youth is incident to, and they will be a comfort to
their tender parents.

6. Let one thousand acres of land be given and [Sidenote: Land
laid out in a good place, to every public school that endowment for
schools]
shall be set up, and the rent or income of it to go
towards the defraying of the charge of the school.

7. And to the end that the children of the poor [Sidenote: Indians
people, and the children of Indians may have the like and the poor to be
good learning with the children of the rich people, educated
cost]
free of

let them be maintained free of charge to their
parents, out of the profits of the school, arising by the work of the
scholars, by which the poor and the Indians as well as the rich, will
have their children taught, and the remainder of the profits, if any be
to be disposed of in the building of the schoolhouses and

improvements on the thousand acres of land, which belongs to the
school.[115]

The author does not claim to be entirely original in his [Sidenote: The
scheme, having been influenced, he says, by a similar industrial and
thing described by Andrew Yarenton in a book, commercial values
to be derived are
England’s Improvements by Sea and Land.[116] His chief pointed out]
interest seems to be in the benefit to be derived for the
commercial life of the colonies, and for that reason there is accordingly a
great stress on the industrial education. By this introduction of the industrial
schools, spinning for example, in the larger cities and the preparation of
children at an early age for participation in that great occupation, the
production of linen cloth could be made equal not only to the domestic
demands but also a considerable margin for the foreign trade.[117] It is
pointed out that the colonial consumer pays twice as much for his purchase
as its cost of production in France or Germany, and that he pays this extra
cost into the coffers of the English merchants. This profit should accrue to
the home merchants.
The educational and also the industrial scheme is to [Sidenote: Scheme
receive the backing of the colonial government. It is to be encouraged by
recommended that laws be passed for the the government]
encouragement of linen manufacturers and that farmers [Sidenote: Essential
“that keep a plow” should sow an acre of flax and two of points urged in the
hemp, with which to supply the manufacturers.[118] scheme]
Educational support by the government was not secured, [Sidenote: The lack
as is amply evidenced by the unsurpassed development of governmental
of private and parochial schools of all denominations. support; supplied
through meetings of
The churches were the sponsors for education. It is Quakers]
worthy of note, however, that the elements emphasized
by Budd, (1) education in the arts and sciences for all those capable of it,
(2) industrial education for a trade for every one, (3) moral and religious
training, and (4) equal educational opportunities for poor and rich or
otherwise unfavored classes, are the same as those urged officially by the
Quakers.[119]

Far from receiving governmental support, it was necessary that the
schools be supported by individual or small group enterprise. The society
recognized this, and it is stated in the organization of the church that the
duty of the monthly meeting is to provide for the subsistence of the poor
and for their education.[120] Furthermore it is recommended that all special
bequests of Friends be kept as a distinct fund for the purpose originally
intended by the donor, and that if expended for any other purpose, it must
be again made up by the quarterly meeting.[121] One of the most frequent
uses designated, judging from the records, seems to have been the
educational.[122]
The reader may have perused the foregoing pages [Sidenote: Have
with more or less interest; a curiosity may have been Quaker schools
aroused concerning the present-day attitude of Friends, kept pace with the
public?]
educationally. Have they experienced any considerable
change? The institutional evidences of their continued interest are familiar
enough to the educationist. But what is the attitude within the schools: Is
instruction stiff and more formal there than in the public schools, and what
can be said of the progress among the teachers? To answer all of these
questions and similar ones is not the purpose of this present work. And in
the following excerpt, taken from an expression drawn up by a body of
teachers, it is not hoped to find conclusive proof of this or that, but perhaps
it may be taken as a fairly reliable indication of the present professional
attitude.
[Sidenote: The
The teachers’ subjects are not Mathematics, nor pupil as an
Latin, nor Scripture, nor Quakerism—they are boys individual to be
emphasized]
and girls. The information imparted is, in a sense, a
minor matter: the growth of the mind that assimilates [Sidenote: Well-
it is all-important—growth in keenness, efficiency equipped teachers
needed; and their
and power.... academic freedom
essential]
To the Society at large we would put forward this
view that the principles urged above are deserving of
careful consideration in making any forward move. The quality of
the teaching given in our schools is in a measure in the hands of
Friends; they have raised admirable buildings in many places—
these are a small matter compared with the character of the staff.

The freedom of the teacher, which is an indispensable condition of
excellence is a gift they can grant or withhold. And that we who are
responsible for the term of school life may have the best chance and
the best reward, we would press upon Friends the need of laying
foundations and awakening interest in the days of childhood, and of
turning to best account the powers of those who go forth from our
schools.[123]

SUMMARY

This chapter treats of the attitude of Friends towards [Sidenote:
education. At the beginning there is presented a criticism Summary of Cox’s
of S. H. Cox, which is a concrete example of the type of position]
criticism referred to in these pages. Following this there
are presented the educational views of several Friends,—Penn, Barclay,
Benezet, Woolman, Whitehead, Crouch, Tuke, and Thomas Budd, in order
that the reader may judge of the truth or error presented in the criticism. The
chief points made in Cox’s criticism are: (1) hostility of the Quaker system
to classical education, (2) general hostility of the Friends to colleges and
seminaries of learning, and (3) that the “light within” was sufficient without
any education.
From the material next presented it is shown that: (1) [Sidenote:
Penn recommended both practical and higher education, Summary of points
(2) useful arts and sciences are recommended to be maintained by
certain Quaker
taught in public schools, (3) the classics were introduced leaders]
as a part of the curriculum in the Penn Charter School,
and also in other schools established by the society, (4) Barclay explains
that the society holds a classical education not absolutely necessary for a
minister, though it is useful, (5) the learning of languages is recommended
by the London Yearly Meeting, (6) education is advocated by Benezet as a
religious and social duty; the education of the poor and unfortunate classes
and races is urged; a higher education for schoolmasters is recommended,
(7) Woolman urges the education of Negroes and Indians as a social duty;
the responsibility is placed on the individual, (8) Crouch states that Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin are recognized as useful and are not opposed when taught
for that purpose, (9) Budd, one of the early Quakers in Pennsylvania,

introduced a very comprehensive and Utopian scheme for (a) industrial
education and (b) higher education, proposing to organize it under the
control of the General Assembly, and (10) indications are that progress,
within the teaching body in Friends’ institutions, is quite comparable with
that of other institutions, though there is no attempt to produce conclusive
evidence either to that effect or the contrary.

CHAPTER IV
EDUCATION IN PHILADELPHIA[124]

On ye 27th day of October, 1682, arrived before ye Towne of
New Castle from England, William Penn, Esqe., whoo produced
twoo deeds of feofment for this Towne and twelve myles about itt,
and also for ye twoo lower counties, ye Whoorekills and St. Jones’s
—wherefore ye said William Penn received possession of ye Towne
ye 28th of October, 1682.[125]

It is probable that Penn reached Philadelphia in the [Sidenote: The date
latter days of October or the early part of November,[126] of Penn’s coming
disputed]
though no student of Philadelphia history has yet been
able to settle the question of the day absolutely.
Tradition says he came up the river in an open boat and landed at the
landing on Dock Street near the new tavern, the Blue Anchor, which had
just been erected by George Guest, a Quaker.[127] The formal ceremony of
transferring the territory which had been arranged between Penn and the
Duke of York before leaving England,[128] was accomplished with the
Duke’s commissioners, Moll and Herman,[129] and the official debut of
Pennsylvania in colonial society was no longer a hope but a reality.
The foundation of the colony’s educational [Sidenote:
institutions had, however, not been delayed till the Education provided
formalities of “making” a colony were over. Education for in first Frame of
Government]
received early consideration in the Frame of
Government which was drawn up from England by Penn and agreed to on
April 25, 1682, before he prepared to depart for Pennsylvania.[130] In that
document it is clearly set forth that education was the function of the civil
authority, though the intentions of the author were not realized fully for
more than a hundred and fifty years.[131] The same idea is present in each of
the three Frames of Government which were drawn up; the first, April 25,
1682;[132] the second, April 2, 1683;[133] and the third, November 7, 1696,

[134]
under Governor Markham. The instrument drawn on April 2, 1683,
contained in part the following stipulations, which bear the impression of
the Quaker ideal of education.
[Sidenote: The
Tenth. That the Governor and the Provincial provisions]
Council shall erect and order all public schools and
encourage and reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable
inventions in the said provinces and territories thereof.
Eleventh. That one-third of the Provincial Council residing with
the Governor from time to time shall, with the Governor, have the
care and management of public affairs relating to peace, justice,
treasury and improvement of the province and territories, and to the
good education of the youth, and sobriety of the manner of the
inhabitants therein aforesaid.[135]

The plan for education as above set forth was not [Sidenote: Quaker
destined to be the one followed consistently for more Council provides a
than a century and a half of development, though school]
throughout the first decades the relations between the
schools of Friends and the governing Council were very close.[136] It is
significant that the first school was actually ordered by the Council, in
keeping with Penn’s provisions. About one year after Penn’s arrival in
Philadelphia the educational problem came to the attention of the Council
and received decided recognition, as the following witnesses:

The Governor and Provincial Council having taken into their
serious consideration the great necessity there is of a schoolmaster
for the instruction and sober education of the youth in the town of
Philadelphia, sent for Enock Flower, an inhabitant of said town,
who for twenty years past has been exercised in that care and
employment in England, to whom having communicated their
minds, he embraced it upon the following terms: to learn to read
English 4s by the quarter, to learn to read and write 6s by the
quarter, to learn to read, write and cast accounts 8s by the quarter;

for boarding a scholar, that is to say, diet, washing, lodging, and
schooling, ten pounds for one whole year.[137]

Thus the first impetus to education in Pennsylvania [Sidenote:
came through properly constituted governmental Additional
authority. The Council records show that the interest in provisions
books]
or

educational affairs was maintained for some time. In the
month following a law was proposed for making several [Sidenote: Charter
sorts of books for the use of persons in the province, and of 1701 does not
refer to education as
also recommended that care be taken about “Learning did the former ones]
and Instruction of youth, to witt: a school in the arts and
sciences.”[138] This interest in, and the close relation of the Council to,
education were not long continued however; for this there is no satisfactory
explanation, though it is very clear that the attitude on the part of the
government did change.[139] This change is evidenced in the policy as
outlined by the Charter of 1701, in which there is no reference made to
education or the responsibility of the Governor or Council therefor.[140] To
the writer it seems that the withdrawal of the Council from any very active
participation in the affairs of education may have been due to two reasons:
first, the willingness evinced by private interests to establish schools and
thus take over to themselves the duties of educators (evidenced by the
establishment of Keith’s school by Friends in 1689 without the assistance or
advice of the Council);[141] and second, the urgent details of establishing a
new government, which occupied their first attention.
If further proof of the withdrawal of the colonial government from the
active establishment of schools, and of the fact that they did accept and
recognize the assistance of private agencies is desired, it is to be found in
various acts of legislation of the first half century. Specific instances of such
permissive legislation were the acts of May 28, 1715,[142] and also of
February 6, 1730-1.[143] This legislation is chiefly concerned with granting
privileges to purchase and hold land and erect buildings for the use of
institutions stated therein, among which schools are mentioned. In this
connection the statute of 1715, which evidences the facts stated above, is
quoted.

Be it enacted by Charles Gookin, Esq., by the royal approbation
Lieutenant-Governor, under William Penn, Esq., Proprietary and
Governor-in-Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, by and with the
advice and consent of the freemen of the said provinces in General
Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that it shall and
may be lawful to and for all religious societies or assemblies and
congregations of Protestants, within this province, to purchase any
lands or tenements for burying grounds, and for erecting houses of
religious worship, schools and hospitals; and by trustees, or
otherwise, as they shall think fit, to receive and take grants or
conveyances for the same, for any estate whatsoever, to and for the
use or uses aforesaid, to be holden of the lord of the fee by the
accustomed rents and services. And be it further enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that all sales, gifts or grants made to any of the
said societies, or to any person or persons in trust for them, or any
of them, for or concerning any lands, tenements or hereditaments
within this province, for and in any estate whatsoever, to and for the
use and uses aforesaid, shall be and are by this Act ratified and
confirmed according to the tenor and true meaning thereof, and of
the parties concerned therein. And where any gifts, legacies or
bequests have been or shall be made by any person or persons to the
poor of any of the said respective religious societies, or to or for the
use or service of any meeting or congregation of the said respective
societies, the same gifts and bequests shall be employed only to
those charitable uses, or to the use of those respective societies or
meetings, or to the poor people to whom the same are or shall be
given or intended to be given or granted, according to what may be
collected to be the true intent and meaning of the respective donors
or grantors.

On “11th month, 9th, 1682,” the Friends met and [Sidenote: The first
enacted business relating chiefly to the sick, a meeting meeting of record]
house, purchase of books and such other details of
[Sidenote: The
importance, but made no reference to schools or the probable length of
education of youth.[144] This remained true for all Flower’s tenure as
teacher]
meetings till 1689,[145] the chief part of business in the
meantime having to do with either (1) strictly religious

affairs or (2) raising money for the poor and the orphans. The absence of
any remarks or any plans for schools from 1682 to 1689 is more easily
understood when it is recalled that the school under Enock Flower was set
up in 1683.[146] There is no evidence to prove definitely that Flower
continued as schoolmaster during the whole of this time, but (1) the absence
of any record of change, (2) no record of schools kept by the Friends
Meeting, (3) the fact that he was a teacher of long experience (twenty years)
and probably as satisfactory as any to be found, and (4) the absence of keen
competition on the part of neighboring places to draw him away, would lead
one to believe it probable that he remained there for the greater part of the
period at least.
In 1689 Friends determined to establish a school, designed to meet the
demands of rich and of poor,[147] which does not seem at all strange since
they were known to have been supporting their poor and the orphans by
subscriptions since their first establishment.[148] The transaction of the
business relating thereto was performed in the monthly meeting and
referred to the quarterly meeting (higher) for its approval. The following
extract from the records of the meeting gives the result of their decision:
[Sidenote: Friends
Friends being to encourage a school in this town, school set up under
and in order hereunto they have agreed with George Geo. Keith]
Keith to assure him a certain salary of 50 pounds per
year to be paid quarterly, with house rent, convenient for his family
and school, with the profit of his school for one year, and for two
years more to make his school worth to him 120 pounds per year, if
he shall think fit to stay in this place, the said George also promiseth
to teach the poor (which are not of ability to pay) for nothing. The
abovesaid Keith having heard the proposals of Friends, readily
assented and agreed thereto, his salary beginning from the time
school begins. It is agreed that it be also mentioned to the next
Quarterly Meeting for their concurrence with the same, as also
agreed that Anthony Morris give notice to the several monthly
meetings in this county.[149]

The number of children who attended this school is [Sidenote: A larger
not known, but it is clear that it grew rapidly. In January,

succeeding the first establishment, the new master school needed]
complained of the “inconvenience and straitness” of his [Sidenote: Makin
school and Anthony Morris and Samuel Carpenter were hired as usher]
appointed to consult with Robert Turner for a more
convenient situation.[150] The first interpretation of “straitness” would
undoubtedly be that it was crowded, and that might well have been true
without there having been an increase in the size of the school; more
conclusive proof of the rapid increase in numbers is to be found in the fact
that Thomas Makin was hired as usher to assist Keith,[151] probably about
February, 1690.[152] A more convenient room for the school was arranged
for with John Fuller at thirteen pounds per year, three pounds more than
was paid for the first.[153]
In the 3rd month, 1691, Keith made known his [Sidenote: Thomas
intention of leaving the school,[154] whether because of Makin
recommended by
dissatisfaction with the school itself or the beginning of Keith to be master]
the feeling against the Quakers which resulted in his
rupture with them,[155] it is not known, and [Sidenote: Makin
chosen]
recommended to the meeting the appointment of his
usher, Thomas Makin, to take his place.[156] It was
Keith’s desire to leave on 4th month, 10th and he may have discontinued
teaching at that time, but it appears that his account against the meeting was
not settled until the eleventh or the twelfth month, 1691.[157] According to
his suggestion concerning Makin, the meeting appointed a committee to
consult with him,[158] the outcome of which was a satisfactory agreement. It
would appear from numerous references to the subject, that the matter of
getting the subscriptions and keeping them paid was a chief source of
trouble, which required their constant energies and attention.[159] In 1693
Thomas Makin brought in a bill against the meeting for £12/15/7, which
was still owing for his services as usher in 1690.[160]
The last four years of the century saw greater strides [Sidenote: Penn
made in the better establishment of education as a said to have written
system. In 1696 it was agreed that there should be letter to Lloyd
about the school]
established four meetings a year, the chief function of
which was the religious education of the youth in the principles of Friends.
[161]
Steps were shortly taken for the establishment of the so-called “free

school.” Penn had written to Thomas Lloyd, President of the Council, in
1689, advising that a grammar school be set up (that of George Keith)[162]
and it was this same school which in 1697 the meeting desired to make a
“free school.” On 10th month, 31st, 1697:

A paper for the encouragement of a free school was this day read,
whereupon Samuel Carpenter and James Fox are desired to treat
with Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin concerning the same, and
—they desire the Friends of the town to meet together this day
week, about the 1st hour at this meeting house to consider further of
it, and that Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin be present.[163]

In the month following (11th month) Samuel [Sidenote: Pastorius
Carpenter reported to the assembly that the committee and Makin in the
had met with Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin and school]
agreed to pay each of them forty pounds per year for
keeping school.[164] The means of support was the familiar subscription
blank, Samuel Carpenter and James Fox being the first appointed to take
them. School was to begin the first of the following month, in the room
over the meeting house, which had been prepared for that purpose.[165] In
the 12th month a petition was sent to the Governor and Council, requesting
the ordaining and establishment of the “Public School.” The text of the
petition is as follows:
[Sidenote: Petition
The humble petition of Samuel Carpenter ... in to Council to
behalf of themselves and the rest of the people called incorporate the
school]
Quakers, who are members of the Monthly Meeting,
... showeth that it has been and is much desired by many that a
school be set up and upheld in this town of Philadelphia, where poor
children may be freely maintained, taught and educated in good
literature, until they are fit to be put out as apprentices, or capable to
be masters or ushers in the same schools. And forasmuch as in the
laws and constitution of this government it is provided and enacted
that the Governor and Council shall erect ... public schools ...
reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions ...
therefore, may it please the Governor and Council to ordain and

establish that in the said town of Philadelphia a public school may
be founded, where all children and servants, male and female,
whose parents, guardians and masters be willing to subject them to
the rules and orders of the said schools, shall from time to time with
the approbation of the overseers thereof for the time being, be
received and admitted, taught and instructed; the rich at reasonable
rates, and the poor to be maintained and schooled for nothing. And
to that end a meet and convenient house or houses, buildings and
rooms may be erected for the keeping of the said school, and for the
entertainment and abode of such and so many masters, ushers,
mistresses and poor children, as by orders of said meeting shall be
limited and appointed from time to time. And also that the members
of the aforesaid Meetings ... make choice and admit such and so
many persons as they think fit, to be masters, overseers, ushers,
mistresses and poor children of the said school, and the same
persons ... to remove or displace as often ... as they shall see fit. And
that the overseers and the school aforesaid, may ... be ... in name
and deed, a body politic and corporate, to have continuance forever
by the name of the Overseers of the Public School founded in
Philadelphia at the request of the people of God called Quakers.
And that they, the said overseers, may have perfect succession, and
by that name they and their successors may hold and enjoy, all
lands, tenements and chattels, and receive and take all gifts and
legacies as shall be given, granted or devised for the use and
maintenance of the said school and poor scholars, without any
further or other license or authority from this Government in that
behalf; saving unto the chief Proprietary his quitrents of the said
lands. And that the said overseers by the same name shall and may,
with consent of said meeting, have power and capacity to devise and
grant by writing, under their hand and seal and of said lands and
tenements and to take and purchase any other lands ... for ...
advantage of said school. And to prescribe such rules and ordinance
for the good order and government of the same school ...
successively, and for their and every of their stipends and
allowances, as to members of the said Meeting for the time being ...
shall seem meet; with power also to sue and to be sued, and to do
and perform and execute all and every other lawful act and thing,

good and profitable for the said school, in as full and ample manner,
as any other body politic or corporate more perfectly founded or
incorporated, may do.[166]

This request was immediately granted by the Council, [Sidenote: The
[167]
and the school thus incorporated in 1697.[168] In petition granted and
charter issued by
1701 Penn confirmed its incorporation by the following Penn in 1701]
charter:

William Penn True and absolute Proprietary and Governor in
Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania and territories thereunto
belonging. To all to whom these presents shall come sendeth
greeting. Whereas Charles the Second, late King of England by his
letters patents bearing date the fourth day of March in the three and
thirtieth year of his reign did grant unto me my heirs and assigns the
said Province And Absolute Proprietary thereof with full power to
me by the assent of the freemen there to make laws for the good and
happy government of the same with divers other powers
preheminsures jurisdictions, privileges and immunities therein
specified. And Whereas I with a great colony of the People of God
called Quakers for the free enjoyment of liberty of our consciences
in matters of religion as of other privileges and advantages in the
said patent granted as well to me the said Proprietary and Governor
as also to the said people did transport ourselves unto the said
Province and at our own risk costs pains and charges settled and
planted the same the soil also of the said Province being first by me
purchased of the Indian Natives. And forasmuch as by the laws of
the said Province since enacted the Governor and Council have
power to erect and order all public schools of literature and science.
And Whereas Samuel Carpenter—Edward Shippen—Anthony
Morris—James Fox—David Lloyd—William Southby and John
Jones in behalf of themselves and the rest of the said people called
Quakers Members of their Monthly Meeting at Philadelphia in the
said Province by their petition to the Governor and Council of the
said Province and territories at Philadelphia the tenth day of the
twelfth month Anno Domini one thousand six hundred ninety seven

(eight) set forth that it was the desire of many that a school should
be set up and upheld in the said town of Philadelphia where poor
children might be freely maintained taught and educated in good
literature until they should be fit to be put apprentices or capable to
be masters or Ushers in the said school requesting the Governor and
Council in the said petition to ordain that at the said town of
Philadelphia a Public School might be founded where all children
male and female whose parents guardians or masters might be
willing to subject them to the rules and orders of the school should
from time to time with the approbation of the overseers thereof for
the time being be received or admitted taught and instructed the rich
at reasonable rates and the poor to be maintained and schooled for
nothing. And that to that end a meet and convenient house or houses
buildings or rooms might be erected for the keeping of the said
school and for the entertainment and abode of such and so many
Masters Ushers Mistresses and poor children as by the order and
direction of the said Monthly Meeting should be free from time to
time limited and appointed and also that the members of the
aforesaid meeting for the time being might at their respective
monthly meeting from time to time make choice of and admit such
and so many persons as they should think fit to be Overseers
Masters Ushers Mistresses and poor children of the said school and
the same person or any of them to remove and displace as often as
the said meeting shall see occasion, and that the overseers and
school aforesaid might forever thereafter stand and be established
and founded in name and in deed a body politic and corporate to
have continuance forever by the name of the Overseers of the Public
School grounded in Philadelphia at the request cost and charges of
the people of God called Quakers. And that the said Overseers
might have perpetual succession, and by that name they and their
successors forever, have hold and enjoy all the lands tenements and
chattels and receive and take all gifts and legacies that should be
given granted or devised for the use and maintenance of said
schools and poor scholars without further or other license or
authority from the government on that behalf. Saving unto the Chief
Proprietary his quit rents out of the said lands and that the said
Overseers by the same name might with consent of the said Meeting

have power and capacity to demise and grant by writing under their
hand and common seal any of the said lands and tenements and to
take and purchase any other lands and tenements and hereditaments
for the best advantage of the said schools and to prescribe such rules
and ordinances for the good order and government of the said
school and of the masters ushers mistresses and poor children
successively and for their and every of their stipends and allowances
as to them members of the said monthly meeting for the time or the
major part of them should seem meet, with power also to sue and be
used and to do perform and execute all and every other lawful act
and thing good and profitable for the said school in as full and
ample manner as any other body politic and corporate more
perfectly founded and incorporated might do and by the said
petition which I have seen may more fully appear whereupon my
then lieutenant Governor and Council did grant and order that the
said schools should be founded and erected with the incorporation
privileges and powers as desired. Now forasmuch as those of the
said petitioners that are living have made fresh application to me in
Council for confirming the said lieutenant Governor and Councils
order and grant upon the said petition which being well weighed and
considered by me I greatly favor the good inclinations and just and
laudable desires and conscientious regards of the said petitioners
and people for the education instruction and literature of their
children and posterity and more especially their care and concerns
for the poor on that behalf....
Therefore Know Ye that pursuant to the powers to me granted as
aforesaid and to the laws of the said Province already enacted I have
(by and with the consent of my Provincial Council) granted and
confirmed all and every request matter and thing ... contained in the
said petition and do by these presents for me my heirs and assigns
grant ordain and establish that the said Public School shall be
erected and founded, and I do grant, ordain and found the same to
be kept forever hereafter in the said town of Philadelphia or in some
convenient place adjacent as the overseers of the said school for the
time being shall see meet and I do likewise grant and ordain that in
the said school all children and servants as in the school petition
requested shall from time to time (with approbation of the said

Overseers) be received admitted taught and instructed as in the same
petition is mentioned and desired and to the end that all meet and
convenient houses, rooms, chambers and buildings may be erected
for keeping of the said schools and entertainment of the masters
ushers mistresses and poor children to be therein admitted as
hereinafter mentioned. I do by these presents for me my heirs and
successors grant and ordain that from the day of the date of these
presents forever hereafter the members of the Monthly Meeting of
the said People called Quakers in the town of Philadelphia for the
time being shall have full and absolute power and authority and the
same power is hereby given unto them in their respective monthly
meetings from time to time to make choice of and admit such and so
many persons as they shall think fit to be Overseers Masters Ushers
Mistresses and poor children of the said school and the same
persons or any of them to remove and displace as often as the said
Meeting shall see occasion and likewise that the said Overseers
shall have like powers and authority (with the direction and consent
of the said Meeting) from time to time to frame and erect or cause
or procure to be framed and erected such and so many houses and
buildings as they shall see meet for the use and service of the said
schools. And moreover I do by these presents for me my heirs and
successors grant and ordain that the overseers and schools aforesaid
shall forever hereafter stand and be established and founded and are
hereby founded erected and established in name and in deed a body
politic and corporate to continue forever by the name of The
Overseers of the Public School founded in Philadelphia at the
request cost and charges of the People of God called Quakers. And
also that they the said overseers shall have perpetual succession and
by the said name they and their successors shall forever have hold
and enjoy (to the use of the said school) all the messuages lands
tenements hereditaments goods and chattels and receive and take all
gifts and legacies already given granted and devised or that shall be
hereafter given granted or devised to the use and maintenance of the
said school and masters ushers mistresses and poor scholars thereof
without further or other leave license authority or power whatsoever
from me my heirs or successors or from this government or any
therein on that behalf saving unto me my heirs and successors the

respective quit rents and other duties and payments out of the said
messuages lands tenements and hereditaments and every of them
reserved and payable in and by their several original grants and
patents and furthermore I do by these presents for me my heirs and
successors give and grant unto the said Overseers by the name
aforesaid full power license and authority to give grant bargain sell
alien enfeoff or demise with the consent of the said meeting by
writing under their hands and common seal (or the hands and said
seal of so many of them as shall make a quorum) to such person or
persons his or her heirs or their heirs executors administrators and
assigns as shall be willing to purchase or rent the same all or any of
the aforesaid messuages lands tenements and hereditaments goods
and chattels and likewise to purchase receive and enjoy all or any
other messuages houses lands tenements and hereditaments for the
best advantage of the said school. And also to frame make and
prescribe such rules orders and ordinances for the good order and
government of the said school and of the masters ushers mistresses
and poor children thereof successively and for their and every of
their stipends salaries and allowances as to the members of the said
Monthly Meeting for the time being or the major part of them (in
their respective meetings) shall seem meet with power also to the
said overseers by the name aforesaid to sue and be sued and to do
perform and execute and suffer to be done all and every other lawful
act and thing good and profitable for the said school in as full and
ample manner as any other body politic or corporate more perfectly
founded and incorporated may and can do. And I do for me my heirs
and assigns ordain and grant that the said school and the masters
ushers members officers and scholars and all other persons placed or
to be placed in the said school shall forever hereafter be accepted
and freed from all visitation punishment and connection to be had
used or exercised by any person or persons whatsoever other than
the said Overseers for the time being and their successors. In
Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand cause the Great Seal
to be affixed dated at Philadelphia the five and twentieth day of the
eighth month in the thirteenth year of the reign of William the third
over England etc. King etc. and the one and twentieth of my

government Anno Domino one thousand seven hundred and one
1701. Recorded the 5th 10th 1701.[169]
Wm. Penn.
For Aaron K. Dunkel, Sec’y of Internal Affairs,
W. B. Huston.

The charter of 1701 was confirmed and enlarged by [Sidenote:
another of 1708,[170] according to which the corporation Rechartered in
1708, and 1711,
was to consist of fifteen persons (Quakers) by the name extended privileges]
of “The Overseers of the Public School, founded in
Philadelphia, at the request of, cost and charges of the [Sidenote: Made a
self-perpetuating
people called Quakers.” The charter of 1711[171] corporation]
contained extended privileges[172] and also provided that
the election of new members of the board of overseers should be the right
of the overseers themselves, thus constituting them a self-perpetuating
corporation.[173] From this the reader might expect that the school at once
became independent of the Friends’ meeting, but this did not occur, since
the original members or overseers were Friends and continued to appoint
Friends as their successors. Reports on the various details of the business of
the school continued to come into the monthly meeting, but it is not to be
considered that we find there a complete story of its existence.[174] In 1699
it was found that the affairs of the school took too much time in meeting
and therefore it was decided that Friends in the care of schools and press
should meet on sixth day before monthly meeting, transact their business
and keep a record thereof in books provided for the purpose.[175]
The affairs of the school continued much the same as [Sidenote:
though no charter had been requested or granted. The Mistresses
records lead one to think that the growth was very rapid. employed
schools]
in

Pastorius and Makin had become the masters in 1697
and by 1699 the indications are that “mistresses” were also employed,
money being turned over to Anthony Morris to “pay the schoolmasters’ and
the mistresses’ salaries.”[176] This is the first mention made of women as
teachers. Pastorius having severed his connections with the school in 1701
steps were taken to fill the vacancy, it being decided that the newcomer

should show his ability by competing with the one remaining master,
Thomas Makin.[177]
[Sidenote:
Griffith Owen ... recommended John Cadwalader Cadwalader to fill
as a person very fit for an assistant in the school, and vacancy made by
Pastorius’ leaving]
it being proposed a good method for the better
improvement of the scholars that they be equally divided between
them for trial to see which of them best discharged their duty, there
having been great complaint of former neglect. The meeting
approves thereof and desires the said Griffith to acquaint John
Cadwalader thereof, and that he may have twenty pounds for a half
year for a trial, as the former master had, and Anthony Morris is
desired to show Thomas Makin this minute for his information in
the matter.[178]

MASTERS AND MISTRESSES FROM 1700 TO 1800

Nothing like a complete or connected story can be [Sidenote: Makin
given with reference to the masters and mistresses of plans to leave
this period, due to a lack of adequate available records. school]
In August, 1701, Thomas Makin announced his intention [Sidenote:
of leaving the school and requested that his accounts be Cadwalader
settled.[179] John Cadwalader, who had been his assistant becomes
headmaster]
since 1700, was interviewed as to his ability to
undertake the headship of the school; intimating if he [Sidenote: Salaries
thought himself fit, he would be further considered.[180] increased]
There is no direct record of how Mr. Cadwalader rated
himself as teacher, but he was continued in the capacity of master. He found
the limited salary[181] almost too small for the support of his family and
upon his request it was soon raised to fifty pounds per year.[182] At the same
time the salary of a mistress, Olive Songhurst, whom we meet for the first
time and with scant introduction, was increased five or ten pounds. The
prospect of a higher salary does not appear to have attracted him much for
we learn of his intended separation from the school in May, 1702. It is not
clear that he did actually sever his connection therewith at that time, for in
June, 1703, it was desired that John Cadwalader, schoolmaster, be paid ten

pounds that was left by Robert Jones for the use of the Public School.[183]
This sum may have been for other services such as copying, which he
frequently performed,[184] but it is more probable that he was convinced of
the advantages of remaining at a salary of fifty pounds per year, with the
additional sums paid for the copying work.[185]
John Every’s connection with the school as usher is [Sidenote: John
first announced in April, 1702, when he made demands Every, usher]
for an increase of salary to thirty pounds, which was
[Sidenote: Makin
agreed to.[186] He remained there nearly two years and returns]
then departed, making a place for Thomas Makin, who
returned at his request, agreeing to accept the salary [Sidenote: Jacob
Naylor suggested
previously paid to Every. These two masters, Makin and for teacher]
Cadwalader, appear to have been employed continuously
until 1706, when they decided the school could not furnish a competent
living for both of them and Cadwalader accordingly left.[187] There were
further suggestions considered at that time and Friends appointed to
endeavor to secure a qualified master from England. So far as the meeting’s
minutes record, it seems that Thomas Makin was the only master employed
from 1706 to 1708, when it was suggested that Jacob Naylor be employed
as a teacher.[188]
The duties of the schoolmasters were by no means [Sidenote: Extra
limited to the routine of the schoolroom. They were school room duties]
required to be careful of their several scholars and often
had to do police duty among them during the meetings on first day.[189] The
master’s only hope for any respite from the imposition of such duties was to
stand firmly for his rights, else he might have been given charge of all the
children in the meeting. John Walby, a master, when asked to perform a
similar service, made answer that “he would take care of his own scholars,
but did not care to undertake any further.”[190] His objection was sustained
and another Friend endeavored to perform the task.
In 1711 William Robbins[191] came to wield the rod in [Sidenote: William
Friends School, having requested permission to keep Robbins]
school in a part of the Friends’ schoolhouse, which was [Sidenote: Richard
“granted for the present.”[192] It cannot be determined Warden]
how long he remained in that capacity, but the following

year it was proposed that Richard Warden be allowed to [Sidenote: Thomas
teach school in one end of the schoolhouse, and it is Makin]
quite probable that he filled the place of Robbins.[193] [Sidenote: Richard
On the other hand, if Robbins did leave at that time he Brockden]
had returned again to the school in 1715.[194] Thomas
Makin had in the meantime severed his connection with the school, but not
permanently. Seven years after the employment of Richard Warden (1719) a
vacancy occurred and a committee was appointed to visit the overseers
requesting them to take action regarding the vacancy.[195] From this it may
be judged that the overseers were at times remiss in their attention to their
trust. The overseers were set in action, and Thomas Makin was secured to
fill the place, provided he would agree to teach six children of the poor and
give up the house when Friends ordered him to do so.[196] He doubtless
filled a minor position at this time, though he was offered a better one, later
in 1722, provided Richard Brockden were willing to leave it, which does
not appear to have met with the said Brockden’s approval.[197] Of Richard
Brockden little is known, save that he had been schoolmaster at Byberry
about 1710 or 1711.[198] In 1724 William Robbins[199] mentioned above as
a teacher some years earlier, applied for a place as master. It was agreed that
he be allowed to teach on the condition that he would agree to teach at least
four children for the use of the house, if ordered to do so.[200]
It is quite probable that for most of the ten years [Sidenote: J.
preceding 1730 the school was under the charge of three Walby]
or four masters just mentioned, Robbins, Brockden,
[Sidenote: Death of
Makin and Warden. They shifted quite often, that is T. Makin]
certain. In 1730 mention is made of a John Walby as
master; but no further account of him is given.[201] Thomas Makin’s career
as teacher very likely came to an end in that period, as he was getting aged,
though he may have taught up to the time of his death. An account of his
death is given in the Weekly Mercury of 1733.[202]
From 1730 there is only an occasional mention made [Sidenote: Anthony
of the masters employed at the public school, until we Benezet employed
1742]
come to the period about 1770 when the names were
occasionally given in committee reports on the condition [Sidenote: Robert
of the schools. However, with the fourth decade came a Willian master in

period of real greatness, for in 1742[203] began the 1748]
services of Anthony Benezet, of whom considerable
mention is made elsewhere, who continued in the public school till 1782.
[204]
He had throughout his life been interested in the Negroes and for
several years previous had cherished a desire to work in their schools. His
request, in that regard, was accordingly granted in 1782, after John
Houghton relinquished that position.[205] He continued to teach the Negro
school, until the time of his death two years later.[206] In 1748 Robert
Willian came from England for the purpose of keeping Friends school, and
was accordingly accepted into their meeting, having produced the
customary certificate from his home meeting at Scarborough in Yorkshire.
[207]
The next mention of a new master in the ranks is concerned with Josai,
who married in 1763.[208] Encouragement was at all times given to women
as teachers, mention having already been made to their employment as
early as 1699.[209] In 1764:
[Sidenote: Ann
The meeting being informed that Ann Brientnall is Brientnall
desirous of keeping a small school for the instruction establishes small
school]
of Friends children only in reading and sewing and
not being at present able to hire a place suitable for the purpose,
requests the use of a vacant lower room in one of the alms-houses,
and Friends approving her proposal, it is agreed that she may make
use of one of these rooms for that purpose until she can
accommodate herself elsewhere, or it may be wanted (for other
purposes).[210]

The recommendations of the Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia in 1778,[211]
produced a very beneficial effect upon the school affairs in all of its
monthly meetings. Thereafter, reports were sent in, bad, good and
indifferent, which were much superior to anything that had been done
previously, though they were still too infrequent and abbreviated in regard
to information contained. A digest of the report of 1779 follows, which
shows the number of teachers in the several schools at that time:[212]

1. The Grammar School was presided over by [Sidenote: Schools
John Thompson who also taught writing and reported in 1779]
arithmetic.
2. John Todd taught reading, English, writing, arithmetic and
some branches of mathematics.
3. Another master was Joseph Yerkes, who taught the same
branches as Todd.
4. George Smith taught reading, writing and arithmetic to the
children of Friends and others.
5. Anthony Benezet at this time was employed in teaching the
Girls’ School in which were received also the children of other
denominations besides Friends.
6. Sarah Lancaster taught the younger children of both sexes the
rudiments of learning, and other branches suitable to girls.
7. Rebecca Jones and Hannah Cathrall taught together in the same
school, which was for girls, a large number of them poor.
8. A school for younger boys and girls of various societies was
taught in Pine Street by Essex Flower.
9. Spelling and reading were taught the younger children by Ann
Rakestraw.

It appears from the meeting’s records that these masters and mistresses
were all Friends, and that the schools which they taught were under the
direction of the overseers of the public school.[213] Five years later another
report was prepared and presented on the state of schools. At the later date
several new names are found among the teachers.[214]
[Sidenote: Schools
1. The Latin and Greek Grammar School is under and teachers
the direction of Robert Proud, the historian.[215] reported in 1784]

2. John Todd still continues in his old place.
3. Isaac Weaver teaches boys reading, writing, and arithmetic.

4. Sarah Lancaster continues in her old position as teacher of
young children.
5. William Brown, engaged in teaching a girls’ school.

The five schools above mentioned were under the direction of the school
corporation of overseers, and poor children were taught there free of
expense. The committee also reported on five other schools, whose masters
and mistresses were either Friends or made the professions of that religious
society.[216]
[Sidenote: Other
1. Mary Harry, teaching in Charters Alley. schools reported]

2. Joseph Clarke, teaching in the girls school.
3. Mrs. Clarke (wife of Joseph).
4. Ann Marsh, teaching about fifty girls.
5. Mary McDonnell, teaching fifteen children.

This report of 1784 is the best during the century [Sidenote: Richard
which gives a clew to the members in the teachers’ Hartshorne
ranks. The growth from a school employing one teacher superintendent
the new school
of

to a system employing ten does not seem great when established at
measured by our present standards of increase, but for Westtown]
that century it is significant of rapid growth. Many of the
teachers were people of no great importance, whose names were probably
never known outside of Quaker circles; others were distinctly well known.
In 1799 we find one other Quaker schoolmaster mentioned, Richard
Hartshorne. The idea of a boarding school for Friends’ children had
received quite an impetus about 1791, due largely to the interest and
influence of Owen Biddle,[217] and by 1799 the school was ready to begin
operations.[218] Richard Hartshorne was chosen to serve as its first
superintendent and with the permission of the Monthly Meeting of
Philadelphia moved to Westtown in 1799.[219]

SUPPORT OF THE SCHOOLS

From the very beginning of the schools in [Sidenote: Three
Philadelphia their primary means of support lay in chief means of
voluntary subscriptions. We have already seen that this support]
was the accepted means of raising money to maintain
the poor and orphans,[220] and also to build their meeting houses; it was
quite the natural way, really about the only way then familiar to them for
maintaining their school system. As the meeting grew and the schools also
increased many members were led to believe that it was advisable to endow
them with legacies. This being in accordance with the recommendations of
the Yearly Meetings of London and Philadelphia,[221] it became quite a
common procedure in Philadelphia, as also in the other monthly meetings.
Their third means of support was the rate which was paid by all children
whose parents were able to bear the expense of their education.
As has been stated, subscriptions were made [Sidenote:
voluntarily, though they might be rigorously solicited, Subscriptions
enough at least to make some feel uncomfortable who urged, but not
compulsory]
did not contribute when they were able. There are
instances which might be considered as mandatory [Sidenote:
though such cases are very rare. One such occurred in Subscription
method not entirely
1701 when, Tobias Dinnock desiring a certificate, the satisfactory]
meeting reported there was nothing to hinder it save that
he had not paid anything toward the school.[222] This does not mean that he
had to subscribe but it was doubtless unpleasant pressure to have brought to
bear on one. Subscriptions were usually made and paid at the subscriber’s
convenience, or on a date which he designated when making the
subscription. Though this was ideally satisfactory it often failed to work out
just at the right time, so it was necessary to appoint a committee to go out
after the subscriber and get that which he had promised to pay. The first
record of a committee appointed on a service of this kind was in 1691. The
work of such committees was continued throughout the century, and the
following extract will indicate very well their function, without further
explanation or reference.

Whereas several of the subscriptions towards the school are
unpaid, the Meeting being engaged for the same, they have
requested Alexander Beardsley, Anthony Morris, Francis Rawles,

John Delavall and Samuel Richardson to use their endeavors to get
what is unpaid of the said subscriptions, and they are desired to pay
what money they receive unto Robert Turner and give account
thereof to the next Monthly Meeting.[223]

The rates paid by parents in the earlier years of their [Sidenote: Rates
colony are seen in the establishment of Flower’s school charged]
in 1683.[224] The next references made to the amounts
paid for instruction, under the rate system, are in the report of the school
committee of the Overseers in 1784.[225] Flower received four shillings per
quarter for teaching reading, six shillings for reading and writing, and eight
for reading, writing and casting accounts; if by the year, then everything
was furnished for ten pounds. In 1784 Isaac Weaver received thirty shillings
per quarter for teaching the same subjects which Flower had taught for
eight.[226] William Brown also received the same amount for the same
subjects which he taught the whole day.[227] Joseph Clarke was teaching for
thirty shillings. For instruction in the three R’s it appears that the general
tendency for the cost in 1784 was about twenty-two shillings higher than it
was in 1683.[228] Small children were taught generally at about fifteen
shillings per quarter, or half the customary price for older pupils whatever
that might be. The general custom was that in cases where the school
corporation sent poor children to a teacher they were admitted for a lesser
rate than the others; if fifteen shillings were paid by others, then ten
shillings might be paid for the poor children, schooled at the trustees’
expense. These prices for teaching among the Quaker masters are quite
comparable with those demanded by other private masters in the city at
about the same dates.[229]
As was cited previously in this work,[230] the practice [Sidenote: Special
of making special donations, bequests and legacies was bequests and
legacies
urged by the yearly meeting as a proper means of recommended and
support for the schools or other institutions. These their probable
recommendations of the yearly meeting which were effect]
written in the form of letters, were transmitted to the
quarterly meetings and through them reached all members of the monthly
and preparative meetings in the compass of the general assembly. It cannot

be doubted that they were a very important means to instill a desire to give
to a worthy cause, and the very similar procedure in all monthly meetings
seems to indicate that they constituted the most effectual means for getting
anything definite done towards establishing any permanent foundation.
Nothing in the way of a complete survey of various [Sidenote: Will of
legacies and donations given to the schools in John Lineham]
Philadelphia will be attempted here, even granting that it
[Sidenote: Legacies
might be interesting enough, but a few of them will be of Wade and
treated briefly. The first example of this individual Richards]
philanthropy came before the monthly meeting in 1699,
when the will of John Lineham was read, by which he proposed to leave
“twenty pounds for the use of the public school.”[231] This sum was not to
be expended at once for present needs but was to be kept as a “stock forever
for that use.” Two members, John Kinsey and Ralph Jackson, were ordered
to pay in the said amount that it might be turned over to Edward Shippen
the treasurer. Other legacies were left by Robert Wade[232] and Mary
Richards.[233] In regard to the former there was trouble about getting it
settled, which lasted for many years.[234] The above names are only a few of
the many who are mentioned by the minutes up to 1700 as having left
donations for the school. There were indeed many others. In that year
(1702) it was considered advisable that an account be kept of all legacies
which had been granted to the use of the public school, as also those
granted for the poor. Isaac Norris was appointed to prepare this account. Its
purpose was probably to straighten out the tangle into which some of them
had fallen (especially that of Robert Wade) and that one man might be held
responsible for the expenditure of funds. No funds were to be paid out for
the use of schools by Norris, except on the order of the overseers. Funds for
the poor might be expended at the order of the monthly meeting.[235]
The appointment of some one to see that an account [Sidenote: Trouble
of legacies be kept, resulted in some investigation of over the R. Wade
those already granted. It appears that that of Robert legacy]
Wade, who probably died before 1686,[236] had not been
paid at all according to the stipulation of the donor, which stated that £5
should be paid yearly for the use of the school. The first record of a
payment of the £5 was in 1699.[237] David Lloyd and John Jones were

accordingly appointed to attend to it.[238] Their success does not seem to
have been very marked as in 1704 the minute again urges them to treat with
John Wade (brother) concerning the legacy.[239] This was done, but their
efforts met with a refusal to pay the money,[240] so a committee of three
Friends was appointed with others to advise whether it should be sued for or
not. Such activity continued without any significant variant features until
1707, when it was proposed by those “concerned,” presumably his brother,
to buy off the legacy. Having been unpaid for several years past, it was
considered best that something be gotten out of it, so a committee of three
of the overseers was appointed to treat with the buyers and make as
satisfactory terms as they could.[241] The minutes point to the fact that it
was not settled to any one’s satisfaction. In 1712 it was still before the
meeting and again in 1727 the overseers are directed to use “their care to
get the legacy left by Robert Wade secured.”[242] Among other legacies,
obtained more easily, was one devised by Jonas Langford, which was
brought to the attention of the meeting in 1711. The amount of it was £50 in
Antigua money.
The Public School, established by charter, was not the [Sidenote: Negro
only recipient of such permanent endowments. The school likewise
Negro School was a popular and proper object of received gifts]
philanthropy and was benefited by bequests very early
after its establishment in 1770.[243] The first donation came in 1771 when
£2, Pennsylvania currency, were given to Israel Pemberton and Anthony
Benezet or their executors to be appropriated for the promotion of the
school for Negroes, and to be paid to such trustees as might be appointed to
the care of the said school.[244] In the year following another legacy of £10
was left for the instruction of the Negroes, and paid to Richard Blackham,
treasurer of that institution.[245] Anthony Benezet at his death left a
considerable sum as a legacy, which, added to the amount of salary which
was still owing him for services in the said school, had amounted by 1800
to £103 and 4s.[246] The amount of other donations to that institution up to
date amounted to £117/5/11.[247]
In addition to the ways already mentioned there was [Sidenote: Funds
also occasional recourse to a bond issue for raising also raised by
bonds, rarely]
funds, but the last was not common, being used only in

emergency cases. The first example of it, which has come to the writer’s
attention, was in 1701, when it had been decided to build a school house
and the work being begun, a lack of funds occurred which prevented
continuing. To meet this emergency it was agreed that the committee having
charge of the financial matters should “take up 100 pounds upon interest for
one year, giving bond jointly for the same and this meeting does engage to
indemnify them for the payment.”[248]

BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS

Various items on buildings and grounds occupy a [Sidenote: Place of
considerable amount of attention on the part of the first school]
monthly meeting though the minutes are usually of
[Sidenote: School
general nature. The place of Keith’s school (1689) was in loft of the
doubtless no more than an ordinary house procured for meeting house]
the use of his family and the school at the same time.
[249]
This proved satisfactory only for a short time, and to remedy Keith’s
complaint (1690)[250] of its “straightness” another more convenient room
was arranged for by the committee with John Fuller for the rent of £13 a
year. The former had cost but ten.[251] It is likely that the school continued
to be held in the same house, others similarly, for about seven years; there
is, at any rate, no mention of change of place or location for that period of
time. At the end of that time the meeting made preparation to receive the
school into the “inner chamber over the meeting house,” the expense of
fitting it up being paid out of the meeting’s stock.[252] It was in this school
in the loft of the meeting house that Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin
first taught the school together.[253] The meeting house served thus as
schoolhouse until early in the year 1698, when property was purchased for
the purpose, the meeting minute of the transaction being as follows:
[Sidenote: Property
Whereas Friends have purchased an house and lot purchased for the
of Lionell Brittain for the service of the public Public School]
schools, according to that has already been agreed to
by this meeting, and the said purchase is approved, and David Lloyd
is desired to draw the writings for confirmation of the same unto

Edward Shippen until he be secured the money, and then he to
reconvey it again for the use aforesaid.[254]

In 1701 we find the first record for building a house [Sidenote: First
for the sole use of the school, presumably on the lot record of house
built for school]
previously purchased by the meeting.[255] Robert
Burrough and Nathaniel Edgcomb were appointed to get
the subscription for the building and pay to Anthony Morris, who was to
agree with suitable workmen for the building.[256] The dimensions, “20 feet
wide by 60 feet long,” were, at first consideration, thought to be
satisfactory, but it was finally decided to build it 24 feet by 60 feet.[257] The
work was at first to be supported by subscriptions, but before its completion
it became necessary to issue bonds for the amount of £100.[258]
The acquisition of property, this time by gift, [Sidenote: Property
continued. In 1701, Daniel Lloyd reported that a deed acquired by gift]
for the lot in High Street, given by Samuel Carpenter to
Friends for the use of the free school, was signed to the said Samuel, and
the meeting directed him to get another drawn to the overseers of the
school.[259] It might easily appear that the new schoolhouse, just proposed,
was to be built on this lot and not that previously purchased of Lionell
Brittain. After due consideration it seems, however, that the greater weight
is in favor of its having been built on the Lionell tract. The minutes show
that as late as 2d month, 24th, 1708, the deed for the lot from Samuel
Carpenter to the meeting had not been drawn up.[260] But as was previously
mentioned, Anthony Morris had been told to engage workmen (3d, 30th,
1701)[261] and the statement that £100 had to be raised by bond to carry on
the work (2nd month, 28th, 1701)[262] would indicate that the work had
actually been begun and was perhaps well towards completion by the end of
that year. It seems quite impossible that any such building program would
have been carried on so long before the transfer of property was properly
drawn up and signed. The years 1704 and 1705 are busy with the details of
getting several pieces of property, purchased and received as gifts,
confirmed by the commissioners of property.[263] Late in 1705 it is stated:

All is done, viz.: a patent for a front lot, a High [Sidenote: Property
Street lot and twenty acres of liberty land and also a confirmed]
patent for a bank lot.... But this meeting house,
ground and schoolhouse ground, being only in the name of Edward
Shippen, in case of mortality, Friends think there is a necessity for a
speedy reconveying thereof to more hands and for the particular use
intended ... desired that the said Edward Shippen may convey them
to Samuel Carpenter, R. Hill and Anthony Morris, being the persons
in whose name the Patents are granted unto, adding the names of all
the overseers of the Free School in the part belonging to the said
school.[264]

Some light is thrown upon the interior arrangement of [Sidenote: Heating
the school. In 1712 Thomas Griffith was ordered to pay facilities]
Christer Thomason 12 for “making” a stove in the
[Sidenote: An iron
schoolhouse,[265] presumably an old fashioned brick stove placed in the
stove, such as a few years later was condemned by school]
William Robbins as being “injurious to many of the
scholars.”[266] Mr. Robbins proposed that a “chimney might be erected,”
and Samuel Preston was appointed to have it done, if not inconvenient or
expensive. He reported that it would be a greater charge than represented
and would hardly answer the end proposed nearly so satisfactorily as an
iron stove, which he had thought necessary and had accordingly had set up,
to be removed however if the meeting did not approve of his action.[267]
The charge for the iron stove was £7.[268] Such items as the foregoing were
brought up in the monthly meeting which appointed some one to attend to
this or that detail; as the schools grew these were left more in the hands of
the school committee or overseers, who reported occasionally thereon.
This tendency on the part of the meeting to turn over [Sidenote:
the details of management to the overseers came to a Overseers assume
greater
head about 1725,[269] when it was agreed by the meeting responsibility]
that all titles to the schoolhouses and other property be
conveyed the overseers of the public schools and a minute be drawn up
relating to such decision.[270] In the month following, the minutes of the
committee’s report were made referring to the transfer:

Anthony Morris, Ebenezer Sorge, Samuel Powell [Sidenote: Titles to
and Jones being appointed by the Monthly Meeting property to be
of Philadelphia the 2-30-1725, to meet with the transferred
overseers]
to the

overseers of the public school, do acquaint them that
the said meeting being concerned for the promotion of the public
school have unanimously agreed that the title of the school house
and ground with the lots, tenements ... now in the tenure of Evan
Owen and Thomas Cannon with all the other titles of real estate and
annuities appertaining to the public school, be vested in the
overseers thereof and desire for the future distinct accounts may be
kept of all legacies and donations made to the said schools in order
that the same may be duly applied pursuant to the intentions of the
donors respectively.

Then follows a minute of the overseers stating their appreciation of the
meeting’s coöperation in the work of the school.
[Sidenote: An
The Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia expressing account of funds to
the same kind inclination to encourage that at first be made]
led them to erect the public school and to procure the
same to be established by the proprietor’s charter, as it is now under
the care of the present overseers, having thought it necessary that an
exact account should be taken of all the benefactions intended by
the several donors for the use of the said school, the moneys or
effects whereof might have come under the direction of the said
meeting. In order thereunto appointed some friends to adjust the
said accounts with the overseers, which being carefully done, it
appears the meeting has received of such benefactions as aforesaid
for the use of the school the sum of £226 ... and that they expended
in the building the school house which was begun, carried on and
finished under their care and direction the sum of £264 and 3d,
whereby the meeting is in disburse for the public schoolhouse,
above what they received in the sum of £37/15/3, which last sum or
balance they were pleased freely to ... grant and release to the said
school, together with the lot belonging to it and all those
(equipages) and tenements now in the occupation of Evan Owen

and Thomas Cannon with their appurtenances and all the rents,
profits and issues thereof, and have accordingly ordered the persons
who are by legal deeds or instruments vested with the right to the
said tenements in trust for the meeting to (grant) and absolutely
convey the said schoolhouse and ... with the lots and grounds on
which they stand and appurtenances to the overseers of the school,
to be held by them and their successors for the use of the public
school founded by charter in the town and county of Philadelphia in
Pennsylvania, forever.[271]

This transfer was at once acknowledged by the [Sidenote: Papers to
overseers in a minute of the same date, and Thomas be executed
Griffiths and John Goodson were desired to execute the conveying
properties]
the

proper papers conveying the properties to the said
overseers of the public schools, which was accordingly done before the next
meeting (4th month, 1725).[272]
By this time (1733) the old building erected in 1701 [Sidenote: New
was badly in need of repairs, but on a closer examination building proposed]
it was decided more economical to pull down the old
and build a new one, more convenient, on the north side of the school lot.
[273]

The work was begun immediately, though a lack of [Sidenote: and
funds hindered its completion for some time.[274] The begun]
demand for an increase of building space seems to have [Sidenote: New
been regular and urgent, indicating a healthy growth of meeting house built
the system. In 1740, when the consideration for a new large to contain
meeting house came up, it was decided to build it large, school rooms]
“with chambers over it commodious for school
rooms.”[275] In 1744 the overseers, finding the old school building
inconvenient in divers respects, requested the monthly meeting to name a
committee to confer with them on a plan, location and dimensions of a new
building. Michael Lightfoot and twelve others were named.[276] The
committee decided to locate the building on the south side of the lot devised
by William Forest, the dimensions to be about 60 feet by 35 feet in the clear
and two stories high, also a cellar under it, rising three feet above the

surface of the ground. This quite pretentious building was not to be finished
entirely at this time. The plan was to enclose all of it and finish the interior
as the size of the school demanded.[277]
For twelve years apparently no further building [Sidenote: New
projects were launched. Then the overseers appealed to school building
the meeting for permission to erect a school on the requested
Fox lot]
on the

middle of the lot left to them by George Fox. This was
agreed to by that assembly and a committee named to [Sidenote:
remove the present incumbent of the lot who had not Tenement buildings
erected on lots as an
paid the rent for some years past.[278] Their next building investment for the
was begun, not for the purpose of a place of instruction, school]
but as investment: It was proposed to the monthly
assembly in 1760 that several houses be erected on the schoolhouse lot
fronting Chestnut Street, expenses defrayed out of the treasury of the
overseers, for the purpose of increasing the yearly income of the property.
[279]
The suggestion was well received and the liberty granted to erect one
or more such houses.[280] In 1767 the accommodations for the Girls’
School, being unsatisfactory, the overseers of the school requested
permission to have the chamber of the meeting house fitted up as a place for
them, which was taken under consideration by a committee of the meeting
appointed for that purpose.[281]
The Negro School, established 1770, was first housed [Sidenote: Building
in a building rented for that use,[282] in which it for negro school
requested about
continued for nearly a year. The plans for a permanent 1771]
school made a building for that purpose desirable, and in
1771 the committee on education of the Negroes requested that a house be
built on the lot where the alms-houses were situated, which was granted.
[283]
This house was occupied by the school until charge of it was assumed
by Anthony Benezet (1782), who held the school in his own house.[284]
In the foregoing pages we have mentioned some of [Sidenote:
the facts of the establishment and development of the Restatement of
school in Philadelphia, with reference to (1) founding, points considered]
(2) support, (3) masters, (4) properties, buildings and
grounds. It is deemed advisable to omit from this chapter any presentation
of curriculum, excepting as that has been mentioned at a few places,

reserving such presentation to a chapter comprising all the schools
established in Pennsylvania. As a fitting close to the previous discussion of
the century’s development, we present, almost entire, one of the reports
returned by the committee of the meeting, which in a fair way will tell the
reader more about the growth up to, and the status of the system in 1784,
than will any discussion. Portions of the report are discussed in other
chapters.
[Sidenote: The
The schools under their direction and care within report to the
the limits of this meeting, are: monthly meeting
(1784) indicates
(1) One under the tuition of Robert Proud, by status of schools on
that date]
whom about 30 boys are instructed in the Latin and
Greek languages and some branches of the
mathematics; his salary is fixed at £250 per annum, having an usher
who is allowed £80 per annum, at the expense of the estate under
the care of the overseers. The present £6 per annum for each scholar
for which he accounts to the said overseers and has for one year past
received one Guinea entrance to his own use and charges 5/ for fuel.
We had some conversation with him on the case necessary to guard
against the use of such books, whose contents have a tendency to
prepossess the youthful minds with sentiments unfavorable to the
Christian faith and the true spirit of the gospel; which appears had
his attention, having observed a care therein agreeable to what the
occasion requires. In this school are read Barclay’s Apology in Latin
and the Testament in Latin and Greek. The overseers have enjoined
the attendance of the scholars who are chiefly members of our own
religious society, at our meeting on the fifth day of the week, but it
had not been sufficiently observed.
(2) One under the care of John Todd, in which are taught reading,
writing, the English Grammar, Arithmetic and some other branches
of the mathematics. It consists of 88 boys on this list, for 83 of
whom he has 20/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen and ink, 5/ for fuel; on the
entrance of each 15/ except where the parents or guardians are not
of ability to afford it, the other 5 being put to him by the school
corporation, he teaches for 10/ per quarter. He remarked there are
each day about 70 together. The master appears careful to observe

good order in his school and frequently attends our meeting on the
5th day with his scholars. He also kept a night school in the winter
season consisting of 82 scholars.
(3) One by Isaac Weaver consisting of about 28 boys, being
limited to 10/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen and ink and 5/ a year for fuel,
he takes no entrance fee and teaches reading, writing, and
arithmetic, and is careful to keep good order in the school, also
frequently brings his scholars to the meeting fifth day.
(4) William Brown teaches girls reading, writing and arithmetic,
language, 8 whole days at 30/ per quarter 14 in mornings 15/ per
quarter 13 in afternoon 15/ per quarter and for some time has been
in the practice of taking 7/6 entrance fee, except for those placed
with him by the school corporation—he represents some difficulty
in enforcing the rules and regulations provided for the schools on
account of the greater number of his scholars children of persons not
professing with us.
(5) Sarah Lancaster has a school for young children of both sexes
consisting of about 64 scholars of whom:

35 attend whole days at 15/ per Q.
18 attend, sent by school corporation, 10/ per Q.
11 attend half days, also sent by them, 7/6 per Q.

Also pay for fuel. She teaches both sexes to spell and read and the
girls to sew and appears to have an orderly school.
In all the foregoing schools, which are under the direction of the
school corporation, 41 poor children are taught at their expense. We
also visited the following schools, the masters and mistresses of
which are either members or make profession with our religious
society, but are not immediately under the care of the board. (I give
here only a digest of their report).
(1) Mary Harry.

School in Charters Alley; 15-16 children at 15/ per Q.

Income is about 40 pounds per year.
Not a Friend but attends our meetings.

(2) Joseph Clarke.

School in Fifth St.; about 30 girls.
Curriculum—reading, writing and arithmetic.
For 25 he receives 30/ per Q. and others gratis.

(3) Mrs. Clarke (wife) and Joseph Clarke.

Same house; 15-16 boys reading; and the girls, sewing at 15/
per Q. each; they try to attend our fifth day meetings.

(4) Anna Marsh.

50 (approximately) girls and boys.
Taught reading, and the girls, needlework; 20/ per Q.
Each has a right of membership with Friends.

(5) Mary McDonnell.

15 young children at 15/ per Q.

In the most of the schools there are nearly one-half if not more of
the children of the people of the societies and we wish Friends
children may not be too frequently excluded for want of room,
evident inconvenience being very observable in the present mixed
state of schools, it is much to be desired that a more select mode of
education could be effectually promoted; in the meantime it would
be well that master be not too lax in the observance of the rules.[285]

The other item of very great interest, though not in [Sidenote: Boarding
reality immediately connected with the schools in school encouraged
by Owen Biddle]
Philadelphia, concerns the establishment of a boarding
school, which was to be founded and planned after one

of the oldest and largest schools of the society, the great [Sidenote:
Ackworth School in England.[286] The project was Approved by
quarterly and yearly
greatly encouraged by Owen Biddle, who (6th month, meetings]
10th, 1790) published a pamphlet of 52 pages in which
the plea for such a school was elaborated.[287] A [Sidenote: Rules
drawn up therefor]
committee was appointed to confer with him, and
reported they wished to present their wishes also to the
other monthly meetings of the city,[288] and they concurring, to present the
wishes of the monthly meetings to the quarterly and so on to the yearly
meeting.[289] The report, when presented to the other two monthly meetings,
met with favor,[290] and it was accordingly agreed (1792) to bring the matter
before the quarterly meeting.[291] The approval of the quarterly and yearly
meetings[292] in the time immediately ensuing resulted in the plans being set
on foot for a subscription of £5000 and which was made open to all
members of the yearly meeting in whatsoever quarter; the amount of these,
in 1797, was £247/10.[293] The school established at Westtown on the tract
of land purchased by the yearly meeting, was opened in 1800,[294] with
Richard Hartshorne as the first superintendent.[295] Rules and regulations
for its conduct had been drawn up by a committee appointed by the yearly
meeting in 1794.[296]

OTHER SCHOOLS IN PHILADELPHIA COUNTY

The date of the first school in Byberry has not been [Sidenote: First
definitely determined, though it can surely be placed at a school probably as
very early period in its history, as early as 1710 or 1711. early
1711]
as 1710 or

Richard Brockden, who later taught school in
Philadelphia,[297] was a teacher in the school at Byberry, for a minute of
Abington monthly meeting states in the 4th month of the later year that “At
this meeting Richard Brockden, late schoolmaster at Byberry, had a
certificate granted him in order to go to England.”[298]
This would indicate that the said Richard had been [Sidenote: Greater
teaching at Byberry, and it is quite probable that he had, activity near middle
of century]
but it is not conclusive evidence that he did so. About
the middle of the eighteenth century the Byberry

Meeting became very active in schooling the children of poor Friends. This
movement, it seems from all records found, was due in large measure to an
apportionment received from a legacy left by William Carter to the charge
of Abington Meeting, for the schooling of the children of Friends in
poverty.[299] In 1755, it was:

... agreed that Horsham, Germantown, Byberry meetings shall have
40 shillings each for the ensuing year, and Oxford twenty shillings,
Abington three pounds for the same time, (of the annuity left by
William Carter) in order that the same may be employed in paying
for the schooling of such children as the said meetings may think
proper objects thereof if they find any, and the Friends of the said
meeting are desired to see that the same be well applied and that the
children who partake of the benefit thereof do go regularly to
school.[300]

The money thus devised to the meeting was in the [Sidenote:
care of the committee appointed by the same, whose Donations under
duty it was to receive requests and to investigate all care of trustees,
used for schooling
cases where help was requested or found to be poor]
necessary. The accounts of the said committee were
audited at a period when necessary by Friends appointed especially for that
purpose.[301] This form of philanthropy became very popular here, as in
other meetings, almost every meeting bearing forward a new record of it. In
1758 James Thorntown and Giles Knight reported that they had received of
James Paul (treasurer of Abington Monthly Meeting) the sum of £6, part of
the donation left for the poor children’s schooling, and had applied £2/5 of
the same to that use, leaving a remainder of £3/15 in the hands of Knight.
[302]
In 1770 the records run in this manner:

It appears that Phillip Wells stands in need of some of the moneys
that were given to the use of schooling poor Friends children;
Thomas Townsend is therefore ordered to pay forty shillings of the
money in his hands.[303]

Though very few references are made throughout the early period of the
schools, it is quite certain from the nature of these reports on education of
the poor that the schools were continued regularly. When the yearly meeting
began to demand reports on the condition of the schools, there was no stir
about the matter whatever, the first report being that those who have our
school under care “report that it is in good order.”[304] The requests coming
into the preparative meeting for information on schools, were referred to the
standing school committee.[305]
The standing committee performed all duties in [Sidenote: Case of
connection with the school, with the exception of certain schools under
cases of difficulty, where it was necessary to call on the standing
committee]
meeting for assistance, at which time that body
coöperated with them through specially appointed committees.[306] The
Byberry Preparative Meeting was, of course, not independent in this matter
of school organization; their place was very much in accord with that
suggested by a committee report to the various preparative meetings in
1790:
[Sidenote: General
We of the committee appointed to attend the plan for
preparative meetings with the extracts in order to encouragement of
better schools]
spread the concern of our last yearly meeting, have
attended to the appointment and taken into due consideration that
part of them relating to schools, and being desirous to adopt it in so
far as our present circumstances will admit, and in order to
encourage any charitably disposed persons who may incline in their
last will and testament or otherwise to give or bequeath something
towards so laudable a purpose as to raise a certain fixed union for
the support of schools, it is our desire that it may be safely counted
to the care of the preparative meetings, he or she appointing, if they
see fit, their own trustees and that Friends earnestly endeavor to
provide for the schoolmasters a house lot, ground, etc., either
purchasing or renting, whenever it may be necessary, and that our
minds being deeply impressed with a sense that a guarded religious
education of the rising youth is a matter of great importance it is our
sense of judgment that Friends within the compass of this meeting
should be pressingly urged to consider the necessity of employing

conscientious and pious persons as schoolmasters, being members
of a religious society and that the preparative meeting continue to
appoint committees from time to time as occasion may require to
have the care and oversight of such schools and that they visit the
respective schools at least once in six weeks to see that good order
be observed, and for the encouragement of the children in their
learning, and render an account thereof to the preparative meeting
once in six months. Signed the 28th of the 4th month, 1790.
By Samuel Gummere, Silas Walmsley, Thos. Walmsley,
John Townsend and Naylor Webster.[307]

In the month following the reception of these suggestions from the
monthly meeting’s committee, the Byberry school trustees made the
following report on the conditions of the schools, and the nature of their
own activities.
[Sidenote: Byberry
We, the trustees appointed by the meeting to have report on schools]
the care of the schools under the direction of the
meeting, do inform, agreeable to our trust, we have several times
met within the year past at the school in order to encourage the
children in their learning, also to see that good order be kept by the
master and children and we believe this a good measure complied
with, and we further inform, that we have endeavored to comply
with the intentions of the donor, by distributing the donations of
William Carter, by schooling such children as we apprehended
proper objects and have engaged as many as to take most of the
money now in hand. (Clerk asked to give the committee a copy of
the monthly meetings extracts that they comply with the regulations
concerning schools.)[308]

The gist of their report six months thereafter is as [Sidenote:
follows:[309] Summary of a later
report]
1. The trustees have met several times at the school in
the last six months.

2. Afternoons are usually spent hearing the scholars read and in
examining their learning.
3. The masters keep strictly the rules, which the trustees have laid down.
4. We believe the school is kept in good order.
In 1792 it was considered necessary to enlarge the [Sidenote: School
schoolhouse to make adequate facilities for the house to be
increasing number of children. The committee appointed enlarged]
on the subject decided there should be an addition of ten
feet for the length; their suggestion was approved and a subscription begun
to carry forward the work as speedily as could be done.[310] Thomas
Walmsley was appointed to have oversight of the work.[311] The status of
the school at the end of the century is stated in the report to Horsham
Monthly Meeting, as follows:
[Sidenote: School’s
We have one school under the care of the meeting, status at end of
to which our members send their children, except century]
some Friends who live remote. It is supported by
subscription; the tutor is a Friend and we believe endeavors to
discharge the important trust committed to him. The children of
such as are in straightened circumstances are schooled by donations
left for that purpose—A committee appointed by the meeting
frequently visits the said school and reports the state thereof.[312]

GERMANTOWN

It has already been mentioned that Francis Daniel [Sidenote: Pastorius
Pastorius taught in the Friends School at Philadelphia in Philadelphia]
during the period from 1697 to 1700.[313] While in the
school at Philadelphia it appears that he left his residence at Germantown
vacant and took up his abode in the city. The following letter, written by his
children, to their grandfather in Windsheim, indicates their longing for their
“own home” at Germantown and the tedium of their school days in the
Philadelphia school.

Wir Wünschen gar offt bey dir zu seyn / ach dass du hier wärest
und in unserm Hause zu Germanton Wohntest / welches einen
schönen Obsgarten hat / und der Zeit leer stehet / indeme wir zu
Philadelphia wohnen / und täglich 8 Stunden lang in die Schul
gehen müssen / ausgenommen den letzen Tag in der Wochen / da
wir Nachmittag daheim bleiben dörffen.[314]

The school at Germantown was opened on January [Sidenote: Early
11, 1702, though Dr. Seidensticker thinks that this must school at
Germantown]
have been preceded for some time by an evening school.
[315]

The first overseers chosen were Aret Klincken, Peter [Sidenote:
Schumacher, and Paul Wulff.[316] Those who contributed Contributors]
voluntarily to the school were: Anton Loof, Peter
Schumacher, Paul Wulff, Jacob Delaplaine, Jonas Potts, Isaak Schumacher,
Walter Simons, Levin Herberdink, Johann Bleikers, Dirck Jansen ...
Johannas Umstett, Heifert Papen, Jan Lensen, Peter Bon, Hermann Bon,
Dirck Keyser, Claus Tamson, Gerhard Ruttinghusen (and two others whose
names can not be deciphered).[317]
The patrons of the school for the first year were: Aret [Sidenote: Patrons
Klincken, Reinert Tysen, Tünes Künders, Wilhelm of the school]
Strepers, Paul Kästner, Reinier Hermans, Abraham op de
Graeff, Christian Warmer, Arnold van Vossen, Johann Cunrad Codweiss,
Cornelis Sivert, Aret Küster, Jan Doeden and Lanert Arets.[318]
The school admitted both boys and girls for [Sidenote: Tuition]
instruction. The amounts paid by voluntary contributors
varied from 2/ to 15/ per year, while the tuition charged [Sidenote: Evening
school]
was from 4d. to 6d. per week.[319] The evening school
was intended for those who were forced to work during the day time, or for
others who, because of their age, could not enter the regular day school.[320]
Among the patrons from 1706-1708 there are to be found a great number of
English names,[321] which may no doubt indicate that the school under the
German master was recognized by English inhabitants to be of very high
standard. His experience in Philadelphia would speak for that.

Some question has been raised as to whether Pastorius [Sidenote: The
taught the school in the English or the German tongue. school probably
Though in his manuscript it is found that he did use taught in English]
somewhat broken English,[322] we know that he taught
the English school at Philadelphia, where most of the children were
English.[323] The majority of his pupils at Germantown were, of course,
German,[324] and doubtless German was spoken between them, and the
teacher at times. The fact, however, that the titles of Pastorius’ school books
were written in English, is pointed out by Seidensticker as an indication that
the language of the province was given preference in the school.[325] It is
also to be noted that the General Court had in 1696 ordered that the minutes
of the Ratsbuch be transcribed into English, lending further evidence to the
idea that the importance of the official language was recognized.[326] The
length of continuation of the Friends’ school at Germantown is not known,
though it seems likely that Pastorius may have continued in its service till
the time of his death, or at least until 1718.[327]

SCHOOLS AT EXETER MONTHLY MEETING

Exeter Monthly Meeting, established 1737, being set [Sidenote: Youths
off from Gwynedd Monthly,[328] did not have any meetings
established 1758]
schools under their jurisdiction at a very early date. The
first indication that the subject of education was being
seriously considered was about 1758 when youths’ meetings were
established, two each year, one at Exeter and the other at Maiden Creek.[329]
These youths’ meetings, sanctioned by the quarterly meeting,[330] and
another at Robeson several years later,[331] were the first steps taken for
education of youth, and controlled by the meeting. It is true, there was a
school (day school) even at this time situated near Samuel Lea’s, as we
learn from a chance reference,[332] but though it was attended by Friends
children in part, it was neither controlled by them, nor under the monthly
meeting. This condition lasted until the recommendations of the yearly
meeting of 1777 and 1778 caused the monthly meeting to look into the
educational situation.

In accord with the recommendations concerning “the [Sidenote:
proper education of youth” published in these years, and Committee
sent out, the meeting at Exeter appointed Samuel appointed schools]
on

Hughes, Abel Thomas, Benjamin Pearson, Mordecai
Lee, James Thomas and John Scarlet to take the question [Sidenote: A new
under their consideration.[333] For two years and a half committee to visit
the preparatives]
the substance of the reports of the above named
committee and its successors, was to the effect that not much had been
accomplished.[334] In 1781 the committee reported they had visited the
preparative meetings (two of them), and recommended to them the careful
consideration of the youths’ education, under good moral tutors.[335] A year
later, the committee was released, having, according to reports,
accomplished nothing.[336] Those delegates who attended the quarterly
meeting in 1783, brought back new advices, and were directed to furnish
each preparative meeting with a copy and request a report on school
conditions among them; at the following monthly assembly more of the
preparatives were ready to report.[337] Despairing of any report, unless of
their own making, the monthly meeting appointed a committee of nine men
to visit all the preparatives and report what they thought of their schools.
[338]
They produced the following statement.
[Sidenote: Report
Most of the committee appointed two months ago of the committee]
to take into consideration and report the state of
[Sidenote: No
schools have given attention to the service; and school of Exeter
divers of us have attended each of the preparative Preparative]
meetings belonging to this meeting and after a time
of conference thereon, ’tis agreed to report, there is [Sidenote: A school
at Maiden Creek]
no school within the village of Exeter Preparative
Meeting under the care of Friends; But we are of the [Sidenote: School at
mind that it is necessary that one be established Reading]
there; and although work has been begun, yet we
[Sidenote: School at
have but little expectation of its accomplishment in a Robeson]
short time;
That there is a ... school at Maiden Creek kept by Thomas
Pearson, a Friend, who is at present engaged for a year, has 15
scholars entered for that time and 8 quarterly ditto scholars at the

rate of 40/ per annum for each, which is under the direction of three
overseers chosen by the employers. The school house built on a
piece of ground belonging to a Friend which contains about five
acres. There is likewise a school at Reading kept by Benjamin Parks
and wife in their own house; they are members of the society and
have about 50 scholars; such as spell at 7/6 and others at 10/ per
quarter but is not under the direction of the meeting, nor are there
any overseers chosen to superintend the same, yet we are of the
mind a school established there under proper regulations and care of
the monthly meeting, might be useful and deserves encouragement.
The schools within the verge of Robeson Monthly Meeting are
kept by a person who inclines to go to our meetings, has about 20
scholars, amounting to about £34 per annum. Endeavors are also
used to get a school established there upon a better plan and near the
direction of the yearly meeting, but how far they may be successful
is at present unknown. We do therefore recommend the whole to the
notion of alleviation of the Monthly Meeting as a matter wherein
friends are deeply interested.
Which we submit to the Meeting.
Amos Lee, Thomas Lightfoot, Samuel Hughes, Fannie Ambree,
Owen Hughes, (which was approved by the Monthly Meeting, and
decided that the substance be made a report to the Quarterly
Meeting—The Committee to be continued to the service of Schools
and report in the future).[339]

Maiden Creek was at this time (1784) making earnest [Sidenote: Maiden
efforts to meet the standards set by the general meeting. Creek secures land
In the eleventh month they requested a number of for school]
persons to be named to whom they might give a deed of [Sidenote: Attempt
trust for the ground agreed upon for the use of their to establish school
school.[340] Three were suggested and the deed and at Reading]
declaration of trust accordingly drawn up. Efforts in the
meantime had been made towards establishing a school at Reading and a
committee to conduct a subscription for that purpose named.[341] Help was
solicited from the yearly meeting, but James Pemberton answered for that

body that there was no money to be spared at the time, so Reading was
advised to build such a house as their circumstances would permit.[342] Near
the close of 1787 those having direct charge thereof made the following
report of their progress:
[Sidenote:
We the committee appointed to have the school Committee report
education of youth under care, have given close on Reading school]
attention to a school proposed to be opened in a
short time at Reading by Caleb Johnson, in a house now in building
by Friends there, and nearly finished, which we are of the mind
should be under particular care and direction of the monthly
meeting; and that it may be well that a committee be thereby
appointed to superintend and monthly to visit said school; we have
also drawn up and agreed on certain rules to be observed and
attended to by the employers, master and scholars concerned therein
for the regulation and well ordering thereof: which we have ready
for the examination and inspection of the monthly meeting if
thought necessary. All which we submit thereto. Signed on behalf of
the committee, Francis Parvin.... Which minute being read was
allowed of and it was directed that a copy thereof be kept in open
view in said school and that the original be lodged among the
meeting papers; Benjamin Pearson, Samuel Jackson, John Mears,
Francis Parvin, Johannes Lee, Jr., and James Iddings are appointed
to have the said school under care and visit it once a month or
oftener as necessity may require and report of their care. The former
committee is continued.[343]

After the school had been in progress two years, [Sidenote: School
Samuel Jackson reported that it “appeared to be in an discontinued]
increasing way”[344] but its prosperity was not to be long
continued. In 1705 it was reported “discontinued,”[345] and no reason
assigned for it excepting “the situation of the Friends there” which, taking
into consideration the shortage of funds when it was begun, we may infer,
had reference to the financial situation. The action of the monthly meeting
in regard to it was left entirely to their own judgment.[346]

SUMMARY

In this chapter we have considered the schools of [Sidenote: Scope of
Philadelphia (city and county), and also those at Exeter chapter]
Monthly Meeting, which belonged to the Philadelphia
Quarter.
Education in the Quaker colony was initially provided [Sidenote:
for in the instrument of government, drawn up before the Education to be
Proprietary left England; in accord with said provisions function of
government]
the first school (Flower’s) was set up by the Council in
1683. Thereafter, however, the initiative was usually [Sidenote: First
taken by the Quaker meeting, which in 1689 set up a school]
school and in 1697 applied for a charter under the laws [Sidenote: School
of the province. This petition was granted and Penn gave established by
the first charter in 1701. Later charters, in 1708 and monthly meeting]
1711, granted extended privileges; by the last one the
[Sidenote:
body of overseers were made self-perpetuating, and thus Overseers made
as independent of the meeting as they wished to be. The independent]
letter said to have been written to Thomas Lloyd, which
credits Penn with suggesting the school of 1689, has not yet been
discovered.
The earliest masters were Keith, Makin, Pastorius, [Sidenote: Earliest
and Cadwalader. Mistresses were mentioned in masters and
connection with the schools from about 1699, Olive mistresses]
Songhurst being the first one named. Salaries were not [Sidenote: Growth
high and seem in some cases to have hardly sufficed for of system]
the family of the master; increases were made upon
complaint. Extra duties for the teacher included keeping charge of the boys
and girls in meeting. From 1689 to 1779 the system increased from
employing one to one which required nine. In 1784 ten were reported.

Philadelphia Friends’ schools were first supported by [Sidenote: Means of
(1) rates and (2) subscriptions, while (3) legacies and support]
special gifts soon came to form a considerable item in
their support. Bequests were also a factor in the support of the Negro
School. Funds were occasionally raised by bond issues, and derived from
tenements built on school property.
Schools were first held in rented property and in the [Sidenote: Place of
meeting house, but in 1698 steps were taken to purchase first schools]
property of Lionell Brittain for the use of schools.
[Sidenote: Property
Property was received as a gift from Samuel Carpenter by purchase and
in 1701. The first record of a schoolhouse was the one to gift]
be begun in 1701. In accord with their charter rights the
power and independence of the overseers increased. In [Sidenote:
Overseers more
1725 the monthly meeting conveyed to them all money independent]
and the titles for all school property. The Negro School
was provided with a building in 1771. The end of the century is marked by
the establishment by the yearly meeting of a Boarding School at Westtown
in Chester County.
The exact date of Byberry’s first school is not [Sidenote: Byberry]
determined; but must have been early, since Richard
Brockden is reported to have been schoolmaster there in 1711. School
activity, however, seems to have increased greatly near the middle of the
century. The school was under the care of a standing committee, which was
to visit schools every six weeks and make two reports thereon each year.
Poor children were schooled by the trustees of the school funds.
Germantown school began in 1702, though perhaps an [Sidenote:
evening school existed before that date. Pastorius Germantown]
continued in this school as master, at least until 1718.
The official language used in the school was probably English. The names
of the first patrons were all German; a large number of English names
among them in 1708 is an indication of how the school and its master were
regarded.
In 1758 youths’ meetings were established by Exeter, [Sidenote: Exeter
but no school committee was appointed until 1778. This Monthly]
committee accomplished nothing and made no report of

value. By a report of 1784, Maidencreek, Reading, and [Sidenote:
Robeson were credited with one school each, which Maidencreek
Reading Robeson]
measured up in some ways to the desired standards.
Exeter had none. The Reading School was discontinued
in 1795.
The total number of schools reported at Philadelphia, Germantown,
Byberry, and Exeter monthly meeting, was fifteen.

CHAPTER V
SCHOOLS OF BUCKS COUNTY

The establishment of schools in Bucks County will be [Sidenote: Schools
discussed (1) under the head of the monthly meetings of five monthly
therein situated and (2) in the order of their meetings to be
discussed]
establishment in point of time. The several monthly
meetings and their dates of establishment, respectively, are as follows:
Falls, 1683; Middletown, 1683 (known as Neshaminy until 1706);
Buckingham, set off from Falls, 1720; Wrightstown, set off from
Buckingham, 1734; and Richland, set off from Gwynedd (in Montgomery
County) in 1742.[347] Of these meetings, all were a part of Bucks Quarterly
Meeting save Richland, which belonged to that of Abington.[348]
The first way in which the early Quakers usually [Sidenote:
looked after education was to arrange for a useful Apprenticeship
apprenticeship suitable to the individual, which was looked after by
meetings; placed
calculated to enable him or her to earn a living. The among Friends]
moral training was always considered when an
apprentice was to be placed. The placing of youths as apprentices was in the
charge of Friends appointed by the monthly meeting. The early records of
Falls Monthly Meeting show them active in regard to this type of education.
In 1704 this report was made before the meeting.

A complaint having been made to this meeting that the children of
Abraham Clement are not placed out to the satisfaction of Friends, it
is the mind of this meeting that the Friends formerly appointed do
take care to speak with Samuel Carpenter and Benjamin Collins
about them, and make report to next meeting.[349]

A similar one of 1714 points out the continued interest and attention in
that respect.

It being proposed to this meeting that there is a necessity of some
Friends being appointed to take care about placing out John Linton’s
children as apprentices, therefore this meeting doth appoint Joseph
Kirkbride, Thomas Watson, Jr., and Joseph Fell to care about
placing them out.[350]

Another phase of education, more particularly the [Sidenote: Moral
moral, was cared for in the youths’ meetings, which education in
were established at intervals, usually not more than four youths’ meetings;]
or five times during the year. It was the practice for the
youths’ meetings to be established by the quarterly meetings, in conjunction
with representatives of the monthly meetings. In 1713, Bucks Quarterly
took up the re-establishment of those within their limits, and ordered them
accordingly, as the following extract states.
[Sidenote:
It being thought necessary by this meeting that the established by
youths’ meeting be once a year at Buckingham, once Bucks Quarterly]
a year at Bristol and but once a year at Falls and
once at Middletown, therefore agreed that they be on the days ... etc.
[351]

To locate the date of the first school at Falls is [Sidenote: Question
difficult; it seems impossible to do so from the as to early school at
information to be gleaned from the records. We may be Falls]
certain, however, that there was a school in the
neighborhood at a very early date, though we can hardly determine the year.
In 1730 the following request was made of the meeting:

Some Friends of Falls Meeting requested to have the use of the
old schoolhouse, and it wanting repairing, they would repair it at
their own charge, which is left to be considered at next meeting.[352]

The presence in their vicinity, of an old schoolhouse [Sidenote:
which, moreover, needed repairs before it could be used, Contradiction in the
minutes of Falls]
would indicate that a school had been there for a number

of years. Taking fifteen years as a very moderate span for the life of the
building, before it should need any considerable repairs we could state with
a good degree of assurance that the school building had probably been built
not later than 1715, and that the school dated back to that time at the very
latest.[353] But at the next meeting this encounters a very dangerous
obstruction. That meeting, referring to the request of the seventh month,
second, speaks of “the request about having the old meetinghouse,” instead
of, old schoolhouse.[354] It further mentions that it was desired for the
purpose of a school.[355] From this it appears that the truth of our above
conclusion depends upon the accuracy of the records for seventh month,
second, 1730 and for eighth month, seventh, 1730. If the record of the first
date is correct our conclusion is unfounded and the date for the first
established school can probably be placed about 1730, or shortly thereafter.
[356]

The records for the next thirty years reveal but little of [Sidenote: House
the activities of the schools in Falls Monthly Meeting, for masters’
though we are led to believe them in continuance, but accommodation
proposed in 1759]
perhaps not regularly. In 1759 the meeting had agreed to
allow a house to be built on their grounds for the [Sidenote: Property
accommodation of a school master, but the house was conveyed to
trustees for use of
not built there, since Mahlon Kirkbride had already schools]
purchased some adjoining ground on which there was a
house built for that purpose.[357] The said Kirkbride offered to convey the
same property to some Friends, in trust for the meeting, and Robert Lucas,
Story Kirkbride, Mahlon Kirkbride, Jr., Jonathan Palmer, Jr., and Edward
Bayly, Jr., were appointed to receive the conveyance. This is the first record
of any permanent benefaction received. In 1783 the urgent Advices of the
Yearly Meeting being brought to their attention,[358] a committee was
appointed which reported the results of their investigation up to that time in
the following manner.
[Sidenote: Report
We, the committee appointed, in the first month of school
1779 respecting the institution of schools for the committee]
instruction of our children in useful learning, having [Sidenote: Ground
conferred together ... agree to report that we have purchased for use of
divers times met and had this important matter under

our ... consideration, and are desirous that this school]
important subject and necessary care should meet [Sidenote: Standing
with every proper encouragement and improvement; committee on
and we may inform the meeting that there have been education
several improvements made on the lot of ground recommended;
visitation]
and

lately purchased from Samuel Rhoads for the
advantage of the school and benefit of the master, and that the
committee have endeavored to encourage and pay for the schooling
of such poor children as are in the limits of the school kept at or
near this place whose parents are in low circumstances and are
willing to accept thereof. We have likewise extended our
consideration and views to the schools belonging to the other
preparative meetings, and although the circumstances of things at
present do not afford so promising and encouraging a prospect as
we could desire, yet we are desirous that every proper
encouragement may be afforded to promote the good and necessary
work, therefore, we are free to propose to the meeting’s
consideration that of having a standing committee appointed for this
purpose by the monthly meeting, and that each preparative meeting
should likewise appoint a committee for the like purpose that should
have this important matter under their consideration in order to
promote this so necessary care in their respective meetings; and that
the said meeting’s committee should at proper and suitable times
visit the several preparative meetings’ schools and unite with the
said preparative meetings’ committees in affording and giving such
help and assistance as to them from time to time may appear
necessary in order to promote this so good and necessary a work
and care. Signed at the desire and on behalf of the committee, by
James Moon.[359]

In accord with the above report the monthly meeting [Sidenote: Monthly
urged each preparative meeting to appoint a committee meetings’
committee to join
on schools; the monthly meeting named James Moon, those of the
John Merrick, Jonathan Kirkbride, William preparatives]
Satterthwaite, William Bidgood, Jr., John Stapler and
Joseph Gillingham to join with those of the preparatives [Sidenote: Three
schools reported]

for that service.[360] Five months thereafter they reported,

The three several schools kept within compass of our respective
preparative meetings are conducted in some measure under the care
of a committee of Friends appointed for that purpose and that the
several teachers are members of our society.[361]

The three preparative meetings were Falls, Makefield, and Bristol, the
last named being transferred to Middletown in 1788.[362] Makefield
Meeting was considerably assisted by help from private sources; they
reported to the monthly meeting in 1787:
[Sidenote:
We hereby inform the monthly meeting that lately Individual aid]
there has been a house built on the ground belonging
to Makefield Preparative Meeting for the accommodation of a
school master, chiefly at the expense of Bernard Taylor, which he is
desirous should be under use for that purpose, to be subject to a
moderate yearly rent to be paid to Friends of that meeting for the
use of the said meeting: the said house to be their property and
under the care and the direction of said meeting with the advice and
assistance of the Falls Monthly Meeting as occasion may require.
[363]

In 1790 a committee of the quarterly meeting was [Sidenote: New
appointed to confer with those of the monthly meetings building proposed
on schools, hoping that the union of all might be more at Falls; not built
till later]
productive of results than all working separately.[364] In
1794 plans were set on foot for a new schoolhouse at Falls Preparative, said
house to be two stories in height and about twenty-two feet by thirty.[365] It
was to be placed “near the line” of the meeting’s land at the west end of the
meeting house. The monthly meeting was to pay £75, the employers who
are members, £75, and the school committee £50 from the money arising
from donations left for the purposes of schools. The house was not built
until 1799, due to some unknown delay; its dimensions were twenty-four by
twenty-six feet, one story high, with a cellar of the same dimensions.[366]

In 1797 the attention of the monthly meeting was [Sidenote: Attention
called to the proposals of the yearly meeting for the called to the
boarding school]
founding of a boarding school.[367] Copies of the printed
rules proposed for its government had been received,
and a committee was appointed to distribute them and to take subscriptions
from any who were interested to contribute.[368]
The problem of school support occupied a [Sidenote: Support
considerable part of Falls Meeting’s time. The means of of schools in Falls
support were here, as in others already mentioned, (1) Monthly]
subscriptions, (2) donations and (3) rates. In 1760 it was
considered necessary to appoint a committee of fourteen members to take
an inventory of all legacies and donations, lands and benefactions which
had been left to the meeting.[369] Some had been given for definitely stated
uses; and others allowed the application to be determined by the members
of the meeting. It was the will of the assembly that the committee appointed
should especially determine what funds might be applied to the use of the
schools. They reported at the next meeting that the legacy left by Elinor
Bryner might be applied to the use of schools, along with those given
definitely for that purpose.[370] The method by which the funds were to be
applied to that use were indicated in the suggestions of the committee at a
later meeting, as follows:
[Sidenote: A
We ... are of the opinion that the most that can be committee to have
done at present, will be to appoint Friends to have oversight of
education of the
the care of the schools and to examine what poor poor]
children may be amongst us, they being the proper
objects of the charity designated by the givers of the money, and
that the said Friends have power to agree with a master to teach
such children; and also to draw orders for the payment thereof out
of the interest arising from the money appropriated to the use of
schools. Nominated seven Friends for that service and submitted the
names and the report to the monthly meeting. The Friends above
named are appointed to that service with the powers therein
mentioned and are desired to lay an account before the monthly
meeting at least once in each year and oftener if the meeting shall
see fit to call for it.[371]

Such a plan as here indicated was consistently followed throughout the
century in regard to school support. The interest on legacies had to be paid
annually.[372]
In 1781 the meeting was advised that Samuel Rhoads [Sidenote: Rhoads
of Philadelphia had offered to sell four acres of ground proposes to sell
adjoining the schoolhouse lot, to be used for the land for a school;
considered]
promotion of the school, and the benefit of the
schoolmasters.[373] The consideration asked was £60, and Rhoads and his
two brothers-in-law, Joseph Pemberton and Samuel Pleasants, offered to
donate £20, making it cost the meeting but £40. The committee on school
support was directed to consider this proposal. Bristol Preparative also
received very valuable assistance for the use of poor children’s schooling,
in the bequest of £50 Pennsylvania currency which was left them by John
Baldwin of Philadelphia.[374] The great concern of the meeting for the best
expenditure of these donations for educating not only the poor Whites but
also the Negroes, is seen in their minute of 1787.[375] Careful account was
kept and the accounts frequently audited, sometimes at the request of
individuals.[376] In 1790 the committee reported their concerns as follows:
[Sidenote: Report
We the committee appointed by the monthly of committee on
meeting to have the care of schooling poor children; education of the
poor]
also to have the distribution of the interests accruing
on the several donations given for that use, have given attention to
the service to which we were appointed: and the schooling a
considerable number of children has accordingly been paid for, but
as it is allowed that a change of the teacher at times may be useful
or advantageous to a school, we are united in the sentiment that if
such a change was to take place in the school kept at this place, it
would be a means whereby the school might be considerably
enlarged and the design and end of the several donations left for the
use of the said school more fully answered. (Report submitted and
accepted and the committee continued to the further service.)[377]

The establishment of these permanent funds was [Sidenote:
frequently expressed by the numerous committees as the Establishment of

most important consideration for the execution of the funds of basic
importance]
school idea. They attempted again and again to provide a
uniform means of establishing such funds, but due to the
unequal circumstances of the several meetings it was impossible to do so.
[378]
The uniform plan was kept as an ideal to be striven for and
recommended to the quarterly meeting for its advisement in the matter;[379]
in the meantime individual contributions were urged on all who felt inclined
to endow a worthy cause.[380] The amounts given were frequent though
small, many of them being about £5.[381]
In addition to the local expenses of the meetings, (1) for worship, (2) for
the use of schools, (3) for the maintenance of the poor, etc., there were also
quotas to be raised for the yearly meeting stock, which added materially to
the burden of each of the preparative meetings. The quota for the meetings
belonging to Falls in 1797 was £500.[382]
If we may look over the Quaker treasurer’s shoulder as he runs his
accounts at the end of the century, we find him situated financially as
follows:
[Sidenote: Financial
We the committee appointed to examine and settle status of Falls at
the Treasurer’s accounts, having attended thereto, end of century]
find a balance in his hands of £136/8/11 school
money; also, £3/10/7 poor money; and £9/00/00 of interest received
on John Large’s legacy, making the whole £148/19/6, in the
treasurer’s hands, and the monies upon interest stand as in the
following statement, viz.

Bonds for School Money
1 bond for ” ” £250/
1 ” ” ” £7/9/4½
1 legacy without a bond £50
1 bond for ” ” £50
1 ” ” ” £50
1 ” ” ” £130
1 ” ” ” £100
1 ” ” ” £50

1 ” ” ” £40
Included in a bond of £75 £40
£777/9/4½

Interest due on school money £40/00/11
And one year’s rent on house and lot £12/00/00
And one year’s rent on house and lot £12/00/00[383]

The Middletown Meeting began its educational work [Sidenote:
more promptly than did Falls.[384] Ten years after the Middletown]
first establishment of the meeting a request was brought
forward as follows:
[Sidenote: School
Some Friends have signified the likeliness of requested in
having a schoolmaster hereabouts to instruct Middletown
meeting house]
children and also requested that they might have the
privilege to teach in the meeting house, to which this meeting does
give their free consent, provided it be no hindrance to Friends
Meetings.[385]

It is quite probable that the school established as [Sidenote: Again
requested, was a temporary and irregular affair, requested]
depending on the will of the individual patrons.
Certainly, it had not any official connection with the meeting, and probably
did not have for many years. In 1699, a request similar to that of 1693 was
made by Thomas Stackhouse and others, desiring the use of the meeting
house for a schoolmaster,[386] which implies they had not advanced much
beyond their state of 1693. This request was likewise granted, provided no
hindrance be caused to the meetings.
Because of very inadequate records in this regard, [Sidenote:
much is left to be surmised concerning the continuation Middletown not in
of the schools thus early begun. The meeting was in harmony with
yearly meeting’s
continual touch with the desires and proposals of the proposals]
yearly meeting,[387] and it does not seem justifiable to
suppose that education languished, because scant records of it remain. The

general tone of their minutes is one of self-satisfaction, and implies that
they themselves were well pleased with their state. The elaborate
recommendations of the yearly meeting in 1750[388] did not meet with their
approval as they thought it quite impossible for those members living
remote in the country districts.[389] That they disagreed with the plan
indicates neither a lack of interest in the subject, nor a lack of schools in
their locality. Rather, it may indicate the opposite.
In 1755 there was made the first donation to a [Sidenote: Donation
permanent foundation for a free school. At a meeting in 1755 for a free
school]
that year an extract of Adam Harker’s will was
produced, where it appeared he had, [Sidenote: Under
control of monthly
meeting]
given a sum of money to them with others in trust to
be employed toward raising a fund for settling and maintaining a
Free School under the care and direction of this meeting ... shall and
will therewith purchase an annuity or yearly ground rent, or in such
other manner as they may think most proper employ the said sum
(£40) towards raising a fund for settling and maintaining a Free
School in Middletown aforesaid, under the direction and control of
the monthly Meeting of Friends there.[390]

Whether there was a new school erected as a result of the bequest or
whether it was turned to the use of one already existing does not appear; the
latter suggestion is much the more probable. The advices of 1777 and 1778
and the years following aroused the members to the responsibilities which
they must accept. In 1779 they made report as follows:

Although it appears that the education of the youth has been too
much neglected, we believe there is an increasing care that Friends
may be more careful in that weighty concern.[391]

And in 1780:

We believe a good degree of care is taken by some in regard to
the education of those under their care, and that an increase in that is

necessary.[392]

All questions in regard to schools or educational [Sidenote: All
affairs whatsoever were dismissed summarily, and given details under the
care of a committee
to the charge of the committee on schools.[393] A on schools]
committee reported in 1782 that nothing had been done
more than to visit the school they already had.[394] The failure to bring forth
results may have been with the committee; at any rate the meeting decided
to try a new one.
[Sidenote: New
This meeting taking into consideration the several committee
matters recommended in the extracts ... respecting appointed]
the education of the youth and their school tuition,
are of the opinion that a reappointment on those important subjects
is necessary; wherefore, Woolston J. Paxson, W. Blakeley, J. Watson
and R. Hartshorne are appointed as committee to those services, and
they are desired to closely attend thereto in order that the present
and former advices may be carried as fully into execution as
possible.[395]

In 1785 this committee reported that visits had been [Sidenote:
made to families in the interests of education but that Activities of the
committee not
little was effected.[396] The committee was released and effective]
the consideration of education left to the next meeting,
[397]
at which a new committee of three was appointed. This one, so far as
their record goes, was neither more active nor more successful than the
others. In 1788 they report “nothing much has been done in respect to
schools since last year,” which report was sent to the yearly meeting.[398]
The record is not complete to the end of the century, but for the period
considered does not offer any evidence of more than passing educational
interest and activity. Nothing unusual is to be noted in the finance and
support of the school at Middletown. Mention was made of Harker’s will,
which, it seems, was the first legacy left to its benefit.[399]
The attention of the meeting was early given to the [Sidenote: Care of
care of the orphans and the poor, and especially to their poor orphan;

satisfactory placement among people as apprentices. The apprenticing]
following from the records for 1699 will serve for
illustration.

It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting that the meeting
take care of all Friends children that are left as orphans and
unsettled, to inspect and see that all such be taken care of and settled
in the best and suitablest manner according to their capacity, that
thereby they may discharge their duty and all such be eased by
taking such due care....

The attention of Buckingham Meeting was also turned [Sidenote:
toward the education of apprentices, and careful scrutiny Buckingham]
given those who removed to apprentice themselves
[Sidenote:
elsewhere, as also those who removed to Buckingham Apprentices; care in
Meeting. In 1764 Mahlon Michener, son of John, their certification]
removed his certificate to Philadelphia, “having been
placed as apprentice” in the vicinity of that meeting.[400] John Parry, minor,
an apprentice to Thomas Fell, blacksmith, produced a certificate in
Abington Monthly,[401] which was accepted and also that of Isaac Gommere
from the same place.[402] The poor were provided for by the legacy left for
that purpose by John Holcomb in 1749.[403] Whether this might, a part of it,
have been spent for schooling is not known.
In 1755 there was a minute entered in the records to [Sidenote: Harker
the effect that a legacy had been left to Buckingham by legacy for a free
their deceased friend Adam Harker, for the purpose of school]
establishing a free school in that place.[404] The amount [Sidenote:
of the bequest was the same (£40) as that left to the Committee
appointed on
Middletown Meeting by Harker.[405] This was the first schools]
bequest for definite school purposes; the indications are
that many followed. In 1778, a minute gives their financial status as
£244/4/11½ and they entertained a proposition and concluded to raise £500
more.[406] At the same time, the recommendations from the yearly meeting
being read,[407] a committee of the following persons was appointed for
investigation and assistance on the subject of schools, viz.: Paul Preston,

Joseph Watson, Joseph Preston, John Gillingham, Benjamin Paxson,
Benjamin Kinsey, Thomas Watson, Joseph Eastburn, John Kinsey, John
Balderston, Jonathan Shaw, Benjamin Cutler, Thomas Good, Jr., John
Brown, and Robert Kirkbride.[408] The action of this committee is not
brought out in the minutes of the meeting.
The quarterly meeting made a new appeal in 1780 for [Sidenote: Visiting
a more decided action by the various tributary meetings schools required]
which was followed by the appointment of a new
committee.[409] They were requested to “visit the school” for the “help and
assistance” of the master and to report their action to a future meeting. In
the twelfth month of the same year they made these recommendations:
[Sidenote:
The committee appointed for the proper Committee’s
establishment and regulation of schools made report recommendations]
in writing that it is their sense and judgment that the
monthly meeting should recommend to the particular meetings
severally, to promote subscriptions toward the setting up and
building upon their meeting’s lands as may be convenient for
schoolhouses and such conveniences as may accommodate settled
persons who live near the same, as also to encourage their
contributions toward making up funds or salaries for the constant
support of schools therein which is recommended to the preparative
meetings.[410]

A new committee was appointed in 1784.[411] They [Sidenote:
convened with the committees of the preparatives and Appointment of
trustees necessary]
discussed the recommendations and means suggested by
the yearly meeting. Their conclusion was to the effect
that one thing in the recommendations was absolutely necessary, namely,
that all funds, legacies, properties, etc., provided for the schools, should be
vested in trustees for that purpose.[412] Without taking this step they saw no
way to attain even the least success. It was further suggested that the
trustees or committee thus appointed should investigate the present houses
for schools, their condition and location, in each of the particular meetings,
that a wiser plan might be followed in locating the new ones. The meeting

considering the report decided to adopt its suggestions and accordingly
appointed thirteen men,

to inspect into the state of such schools as are now kept and where it
may be necessary, to promote others,

and make a report as soon as possible.[413] Its report, produced in the first
month, 1785, was quite long. Only the essential points of it are given in the
following digest.[414]
1. Most of the committee appointed met and decided [Sidenote:
to confirm the former committee’s report. Summary of
committee’s report
2. We find that there are many schoolhouses within of 1785]
the bounds that include the members of the meeting.

a. These are not well situated for the service of schools.
b. Some are well situated, however, as (1) one on land granted by
Samuel Eastburn and vested in the school trustees, (2) one on land
granted by Thomas Goode, vested in members of the meeting, but
not in trust for the meeting.

3. They suggest that these two houses be used as previously and that new
houses be erected not more than three miles apart.
4. They maintain an uncertain state has prevailed among the schools.
5. The following places are recommended for new schools to be built:

a. At the schoolhouse near Samuel Eastburn’s.
b. On the work road between William Jitchin’s and Thomas
Rose’s.
c. On the road from Newtown to Coryell’s Ferry.
d. At the intersection of the lower work road and the street road.
e. Near the south side of Watson Weldin’s land.

f. On Durham Road near Thomas Gilbert’s.
g. On Plumstead’s Meeting House land.
h. And at the schoolhouse near Thomas Goode’s.[415]

It was thought such divisions would as nearly answer [Sidenote: New
the needs as rivers and mountains would permit, and school property of
would provide for all of Buckingham territory and a Solebury and
Buckingham]
little of Wrightstown. Any variation from this proposed
building plan was desired to be brought before the committee for their
judgment and acquiescence. In accordance with this suggestion the Friends
of Solebury (1785) requested the assistance and advice of the committee in
locating their school which they desired in a different place from that
previously suggested by the committee. They conferred with the committee
and finding their choice of site as good as could be obtained, it was agreed
to build the new house on the southeast corner of Hugh Ely’s land, of
Solebury.[416] In 1786 Solebury Friends requested a committee of the
monthly meeting to be named to whom they might give a title for the land.
[417]
In 1793 Buckingham was permitted to build a school on the meeting
house land, the meeting to be in charge of the said school.[418]
Having settled thus satisfactorily a systematic method [Sidenote: Problem
of getting the schools located, they addressed themselves of funds attacked]
to the task of raising school funds.[419] A committee of
eleven members was appointed, which, four months later, reported a plan of
subscription paper to be used in getting funds for purchasing lands and
buildings.[420] The plan as reported and approved by the monthly meeting
was the following:
[Sidenote:
We the subscribers do hereby engage to pay or Subscription form
cause to be paid unto A. B. the several sums annexed presented]
to our names to be applied to the use of purchasing a
lot of land of C. D. and building a schoolhouse thereon, the property
and government to belong entirely to the society of the people called
Quakers and under the direction of the Monthly Meeting of
Buckingham, the title of which is to be wholly vested in the trustees

appointed by the said monthly meeting. The rules and orders of the
school when erected is to be prescribed by the aforesaid monthly
meetings or a committee thereof consistent with our religious
principles, and that no tutor shall be permitted to teach in said
school until ... approved by the monthly meeting or a committee of
the aforesaid.

In 1790 the state of schools in the monthly meeting was given as follows:
[Sidenote: State of
It appears that preparatory to the plan pointed out schools in 1790]
by the yearly meeting last year, there are two
schoolhouses under the direction of this meeting. Schools in general
among us, both as to tutors and to school government, are in a better
state than they formerly were; and some property has been vested in
the meeting towards a fund for the use of schools.[421]

The form of subscription above mentioned was used for raising funds till
1793 when a committee on schools incorporated it with a few other
suggestions in their plans.[422] These may be summarized as follows:
1. Each contributor to subscribe a principal sum. [Sidenote:
Summary of later
2. All sums to be lumped together and invested in form used for
trustees, accountable to the monthly meeting. subscription]

3. All interests to be paid annually and applied each year to the schools in
the compass of the monthly meeting.
4. All tutors to be members of Friends.
5. Funds to be first applied to the schooling of poor Friends’ children,
their necessities to be judged by the monthly meeting.
6. The remainder to be applied equally to the payment for other children,
proportionate to the time they attend school.[423]
7. Interest to continue till the principal is paid.
8. All principals paid in are to be invested or “put to use” by the trustees.

The total number of subscriptions listed up to date [Sidenote: Amount
was 117; the total amount subscribed was £759; the of subscriptions]
individual subscriptions varied from £1 to £25.[424] The
meeting also succeeded in getting such former donations, as Harker’s
legacy, appropriated to this permanent fund.[425]
In 1796 Jeremiah Praul, Joseph Yerkes, and Benjamin [Sidenote: Special
Kite were appointed to have the care of receiving all committee on
schoolmasters]
applications from prospective masters, and in case of
vacancies to seek and have ready a list of available and
well-qualified members.[426]
One can hardly attempt to place a date for the [Sidenote:
beginning of the schools in Wrightstown Meeting. But Wrightstown]
by a report made late in the eighteenth century (1792)
[Sidenote: Progress
we gather a very good idea of the state of schools in that slow; reasons]
locality. The cause of the rather halting progress is
perhaps found in the latter part of this committee’s report, which states that
the best plan conceived is for each particular meeting to raise its own
subscription for its own school,[427] which in part was right, but more
direction on the part of the monthly meeting would doubtless have
produced better results. The report of 1792 is here submitted.
[Sidenote: Want of
We the committee appointed to take into money to pay
consideration the state of schools within the limits of qualified teachers]
this meeting, after having several times met and
attended to our appointment, find the main cause why our schools
are so unsettled and so frequently occupied by unqualified teachers
is the want of sufficient salaries to make tuition an object of
employment worthy the attention of those who are or may be best
qualified to discharge that trust; having duly investigated that
subject it plainly appears very few amongst us who are interested in
schools are of ability to advance money towards raising a fund on
any other consideration than that of immediately receiving the
benefit thereof; we are, therefore, of opinion nothing affords a fairer
prospect of promoting the work than for separate neighborhoods to
enter subscriptions for raising funds for the support and

establishment of their own particular schools, which was read and
referred to the consideration of next meeting.[428]

In 1793 the extracts from the yearly meeting being read and especially
those concerned with the establishment of schools, it was decided to
appoint a committee “to endeavor to promote that service as
recommended,” and make a report that might be sent to the yearly
assembly.[429]
In 1790 a committee was appointed to look after the [Sidenote:
state of various legacies which had been left from time Committee on
school legacies,
to time for the “support of a free school.”[430] This etc., reports
committee made report shortly thereafter that the £248/13/10]
amount of the principals and interest at the time was
£248/13/10.[431] A question arose as to the proper application of the interest
on a legacy left by Jonathan Abbitt and others, and was referred to the
school committee. They decided it might be expended for the schooling of
Friends’ children in straightened circumstances, provided they be taught in
a school kept in Wrightstown.[432]
A number of other legacies were granted from time to time for the
encouragement of a free school, among them being one by Adam Harker
(£40),[433] who had also benefitted Middletown and Buckingham, and that
of David Buckman, the text of which is given below.
[Sidenote:
I give and bequeath to Isaac Wiggins of the Buckman’s will]
township of Northampton, David Buckman and
James Briggs of the township of Newtown, and Joseph Hampton
and Isaac Chapman of the township of Wrightstown, all in the
County of Bucks, and the survivors of them, the sum of £50 in gold
or silver currency in trust ... place the same at interest on real
security or therewith purchase an annuity or groundrent or such
other method as they may think proper for securing the same and
apply the interest thereof as the same shall thereafter be received,
towards the establishing and maintaining a free school in
Wrightstown aforesaid near the meeting house for the instruction of
Friends children belonging to the monthly meeting of Friends in

Wrightstown, in useful learning, and the said school to be under the
care and direction of the monthly meeting aforesaid.[434]

In 1791 a committee presented a report on the status [Sidenote: Digest of
of legacies, which is given herewith in shortened form. report on legacies at
Wrightstown]
1. The will of David Twining.

I give to the monthly meeting of Friends at Wrightstown the sum
of five pounds to be applied towards a Free School in Wrightstown,
near the meeting house, that is under the direction and care of
Friends.

2. A committee of six suggested to take the said legacy and apply its
interest to the said school.
3. Report of a committee on Adam Harker’s will.

All trustees have died without having made any purchase of any
groundrent or annuity for the purpose aforementioned.

4. The trustees appointed by David Buckman, deceased, in his last will
and testament to have the care of a legacy of £50 given by the said David to
this meeting for establishing a Free School in Wrightstown, report that they
have received said legacy and put it out to interest on a mortgage bearing
date the seventeenth day of the third month last.[435]
In 1799 a legacy of £30 was left to Wrightstown [Sidenote: Funds in
Meeting “to be laid out in the education of poor children chaotic state]
in the school house on the meeting house land.”[436]
From later records running into the first two decades of the next century, it
appears that the state of the donations was never gotten into very good
shape. When they came into the hands of the trustees in 1822 they were
“indistinguishable one from another,” so far as the purposes for which each
was intended. At the time when some of the bequests were made there was
a large stone schoolhouse standing on the meeting’s grounds to which they
alluded in their wills.[437] This building was torn down about 1815 and two

schools set up, one two miles above the meeting house, and the other about
three-quarters of a mile below it. The total amount of the legacies had
increased by 1822 to about $6,800.[438]
Richland Monthly Meeting (1742), the latest of all in [Sidenote:
Bucks County to be established, with which we are now Richland]
dealing, belonged to the Abington Quarter (whose limits
[Sidenote: date of
were chiefly in Montgomery County). The school, its school]
date of beginning not known (probably in 1742),[439]
was early endowed with legacies left voluntarily and [Sidenote:
Endowment for use
primarily for the education of the poor; the first one of of poor]
considerable worth was that of Morris Morris. An
extract from the minutes shows that,

At this meeting were exhibited two bonds for two sums of money
amounting in the whole to £100, it being a free and generous
donation given by our ancient Friend, Morris Morris, for the use and
encouragement of a school to be kept at or near this meeting house,
which bonds are legally executed to the Friends heretofore
appointed as trustees for this meeting, who are to take care from
time to time to lay out the interest arising from the said donation for
procuring necessary learning for such poor Friends’ children who
may be the most proper objects of such charitable help and the said
trustees to render yearly account to this meeting of their service in
the said distribution.[440]

This beginning was increased in 1796 by £20 granted from the estate of
Edward Roberts.[441] The following record from a school account book of
legacies, known as the “Jonathan Walton Fund” is cited, which indicates the
manner of the school expenditures[442]:

1792—for schooling [Sidenote: Items of
expenditure for
to Jesse Foulke 15/10/00 schooling in
to Jonathan Carr 1/10/00 Richland]

to ditto 7/00
to Abraham Walton 16/6/00

to Jesse Foulke 1/10/7
to John Nash 5/00
to Jesse Hicks 1/2/6
1793—
to Jonathan Carr 7/6
to Nathan Walton 5/4
to Sam Norris 2/12/11
to Abraham Walton 18/7
to Jesse Hicks 15/00
to Samuel Norris 3/6/3½
Paid to Daniel B. Ayres for teaching children 2/1/8
3/2/2
Paid for teaching and books 2/1/4

SUMMARY

The establishment of schools of Falls, Middletown, [Sidenote: The
Wrightstown, Buckingham, and Richland meetings is meetings]
discussed in this chapter. Their first activity was to
[Sidenote: Falls]
establish youths’ meetings and look after the placing of
apprentices. The date of the first school at Falls is not [Sidenote:
determined, though the educational activity appears to Permanent property
have been on a par with other meetings. In 1759 acquired]
property was conveyed to trustees for the use of the [Sidenote: Three
school, and at various dates thereafter. A school schools reported]
committee reported three schools, one in each
preparative, in 1784. The usual means of support were employed. The
school money amounted in 1799 to £777/9/4½.
Middletown’s first school was held in the meeting [Sidenote:
house, in accord with a permit granted by Friends. The Middletown]
real progress of schools among them is not determined,
[Sidenote: First
though we know that they are supplied with schools. It is school in meeting
likely, judging from the nature of the committee’s house]
reports, that they did not meet the standards set by the

yearly meeting. The free school, endowed with £40 in [Sidenote: Free
1755 by Harker, was to be under care of the monthly school endowed]
meeting.
Buckingham meeting assumed a regular care in the [Sidenote:
apprenticing of children, and, like Middletown, was Buckingham]
endowed by Adam Harker. A school committee was
[Sidenote: Plan for
appointed in 1778, and the visiting of schools required. buildings and
An unusual plan for building schoolhouses was devised support]
in 1785; and also a scheme for school support in 1785
which was improved in 1793. A special committee of two men had charge
of employing masters. Two schools are reported as under the care of the
meetings’ committee, in 1790.
The cause for the apparently slow progress of [Sidenote:
Wrightstown concerning schools lay chiefly in a lack of Wrightstown]
permanent funds. Back of this, there seems to have been
[Sidenote: One
a failure on the part of the monthly meeting to unite and school under
direct the activities of its preparatives, for the individual monthly meeting]
contributions were considerable. Though “schools” are
mentioned in the minutes, it seems most likely that only the one at
Wrightstown was in reality a school of the monthly meeting.
Little is discovered concerning the Richland school [Sidenote:
save that it was endowed in 1762 by Morris. The Richland]
account books of the Walton fund show that the children
were schooled at the expense of the meeting.
There were probably eight schools regularly [Sidenote: Total
established in the five monthly meetings. number of schools]

CHAPTER VI
SCHOOLS IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY

Following the procedure in the preceding chapter, the [Sidenote: The
establishment of schools in Montgomery County will be meetings]
treated (1) under the head of the monthly meetings in
whose limits they were located and (2) in the order of the time of
settlement. The monthly meetings in Montgomery County and their dates of
establishment are as follows: (1) Abington, 1683; (2) Gwynedd, set off from
Radnor, located in present Delaware County, 1714, and (3) Horsham, set off
from Abington in 1782.[443] In connection with the schools established in
Montgomery County will also be considered briefly the same activity of
Warrington Monthly Meeting (York County), which belongs at present to
Baltimore Yearly Meeting. Warrington was established as a monthly
meeting in 1747,[444] being set off from that of Sadsbury. Brief mention is
made of Westland Meeting.
The first records left by Abington Meeting, which [Sidenote:
relate particularly to any phase of education, are those in Abington]
reference to the establishment of youths’ meetings. It is
[Sidenote: Youths’
implied by these minutes that nothing was done in this meetings]
regard till about 1695, when,

It was agreed upon ... that four friends belonging to this monthly
meeting be asked to take care of the Youth belonging to each
meeting as concerning their orderly walking ... according to the
good advice of Friends, in an epistle from the Yearly Meeting at
Burlington 1694, wherefore ... men appointed.[445]

This apparently resulted in an agreement that the [Sidenote:
youths’ meetings should be established at the home of Established]
Richard Worrall.[446] It is to be inferred that considerable

attention was given to this earliest phase of education. In 1699 the Friends
of Abington urged:

Those Friends that are appointed to inspect into the behavior of
the youth and their respective meetings; that they may be stirred to
discharge their places, and to give account to the monthly meeting.
[447]

The youths’ meetings were not of permanent [Sidenote: Youths’
foundation, and their date for meeting was shifted meetings shifted
often]
frequently, which gave them characteristic irregularity.
[448]
The purposes to be secured by the youths’ meetings
were chiefly moral.[449]
The gift of property for the foundation of Abington [Sidenote: Land
Friends’ School dates back to 1697.[450] The donor, John deeded for meeting
and school]
Barnes, had purchased 250 acres adjoining the tract
possessed by Sarah Fuller, receiving patent for the same
on June 1st, 1684.[451] Shortly after this he added to his possessions also the
tract formerly possessed by Sarah Fuller.[452] From this total (600 acres) he
deeded one hundred and thirty acres on Feb. 5th, 1696, to the use of a
meeting house and schoolhouse for the Friends of Abington Meeting.[453]
The tract lies about ten miles north of the city of Philadelphia. The
Abington School, thus possessing such a large heritage and firm foundation
in a material way, at least is a close rival of the Penn Charter School of
Philadelphia, the petition for which was presented to the Council 1697-8,
[454]
and whose first charter was granted in 1701.[455]
The exact date when a school was first held in [Sidenote: Meeting
property on this land cannot be determined. The meeting house built]
house on the newly acquired lands was built between the
[Sidenote: Jacob
years 1697 and 1700, with assistance from the meeting Taylor concerned in
at Philadelphia. It is probable that a school may have a school]
been taught at the meeting house for a time as that
[Sidenote: Taylor,
custom was followed in many other meetings,[456] but land surveyor]
this is a mere probability. The best evidence of a school
at an early date is that relating to Jacob Taylor who, about 1701, was

“concerned in a school at Abington,” but was to be asked to take the
management of a land office.[457] Mr. Bean, writing in the local history of
Montgomery County, says that Jacob Taylor was land surveyor from 1706
to 1733.[458] That he was engaged in teaching during the entire period from
1701 to 1706 we do not know, but it is quite probable that he was the first
schoolmaster who taught in a regularly established school.
In 1722, referring to the bequest of land by John Barnes, the minute of
the monthly meeting states:
[Sidenote: Land in
Whereas John Barnes deceased, having given a care of trustees]
legacy or yearly income towards maintaining of a
school at Abington ... and in the said deed of trust to Friends, he left
this meeting in power to choose a trustee when any Friends that
were intrusted did remove or decease. Now seeing Thomas Canby
being one intrusted is removed into the County of Bucks, this
meeting does appoint Richard Martin to act in his room.[459]

In 1726 Thomas Fletcher was chosen to act as one of [Sidenote: Carter’s
the trustees of the said donation and the school affairs, in donation]
the place of his deceased father, Robert Fletcher.[460]
Everard Bolton’s place (deceased) was filled by Nicholas Austen as trustee
in 1727.[461] In 1742 Abington Friends took a deed of conveyance of
Thomas Canby for the land and premises belonging to their school and
meeting house.[462] Besides the bequest of Barnes already mentioned, there
were several others which deserve mention. In 1749 a committee appointed
to investigate the donation left to the meeting by William Carter in his last
will and testament, reported they had attended to it, and produced to the
meeting an extract from the will before mentioned.[463] Quoting from the
Abington records the purpose of the will was given to be as follows:

... two certain yearly groundrents one of six, the other of four
pounds, are invested in trustees, in order that the same may be
conveyed, and ... as this meeting shall think fit to appoint to the
intent and purpose that the same shall be annually laid on and
expended in the pay for the schooling and teaching of such whose

parents or overseers ... in the verge of this meeting are not able to
pay for them, or the relief of the poor of this meeting, when and as
such poor children are not to be found....[464]

The details of the expenditure of money left for such [Sidenote:
purposes were taken care of usually by the overseers of Expenditure of
the poor and also by the school committee, whose duty it funds in charge of
committees]
was to inquire in each of the preparative meetings
concerning children who might be in need of help and [Sidenote: Funds
whether they would be willing to accept assistance. requested for
schooling children]
Their investigations were reported to the monthly
meeting to be considered before any expenditures were made.[465] If they
were satisfactory to the meeting, disbursements were then ordered to the
preparatives according to their needs as stated.[466] The preparative meeting
was also free to make a voluntary request for a part of any fund for aid to
poor children, if they desired to do so. In 1760,

Horsham Friends requested the sum of four pounds of Carter’s
legacy towards the schooling of a poor child; this meeting orders
that our treasurer do pay them that sum.[467] And again, the present
treasurer, Joshua Morris, is ordered to pay to Thomas Lloyd a sum
of eight pounds to defray the charges of dieting Joseph Kirk, a poor
Friend’s child, belonging to Horsham Meeting, who is put to school
at the charge of Horsham Meeting.[468]

It was not always necessary to bring the cases to the [Sidenote: How
monthly meeting to be decided whether aid should be distributed]
given or withheld. It occurred often that the funds were
apportioned to the various preparatives, monthly or quarterly meetings and
their representatives allowed to apply it according to their judgment.[469] In
1766 those appointed to view the accounts of the treasurer of Abington
Meeting made the following report as to the state of the funds which had
accrued:
[Sidenote: Report
on funds]

We the subscribers having perused the accounts of Joshua Morris,
the meeting’s treasurer, do report that the said treasurer credits the
meeting with several sums received on the meeting’s accounts from
the year 1761 ... including £28 for the rent of William Carter’s
legacy to this meeting, the whole being the sum of £157/12/11, and
that he paid by order of this meeting in that time (including £40 paid
for schools for poor children) the sum of £137/11/8; balance in his
hands the 24th of the 11th month, 1766 is £20/1/3.
We likewise report that we find five years’ rent of four pounds a
year and a year’s rent of six pounds on the said Carter’s legacy
outstanding and not yet collected or received by him.[470]

A minute of 1735 entered in the meeting’s records affords us an
interesting glimpse into the nature of the books used for the Friends’
schools. These books are very frequently mentioned in many of the
meeting’s records, and many of them were always on sale by booksellers
such as Franklin in Philadelphia.[471] There seems to be no doubt that they
constituted one of the staples of the mental pabulum. The extract in which
they are mentioned illustrates also the initiative taken by the meeting in the
direction of affairs relating to schools.
[Sidenote: Books
And further to let the quarterly meeting used in schools]
understand that this meeting conceives that
reprinting a quantity of George Fox’s Primers and Stephen Crisp’s
ditto and of George Fox’s The Youngers might be advantageous to
those children of Friends in school or elsewhere. We, therefore, refer
the same to said meeting’s consideration.[472]

The Abington Meeting began at an early date to work for a better
organization among its schools, coöperating heartily with the suggestions of
the yearly meeting from time to time. The yearly meeting in 1746 and 1750
made several suggestions for the improvement of schools,[473] which were
in 1751 followed by Abington with a statement that

This meeting has gone through in the several branches thereof in
the service of visiting of families and to general satisfaction, and as
to the settling of schools we have had it under consideration and
some are desirous to promote the same but find many
discouragements at the present, yet are in hopes it may be further
considered, and....[474]

This report means nothing in terms of accomplishment, but indicates
willingness and an active interest in educational problems. In reading of
their “discouragements” one must keep in mind the standards set by the
yearly meeting, and that their report was their idea of how they measured
up to them.
The first mention of any school (or any reference to [Sidenote:
indicate there may have been a school in the limits of Gwynedd]
Gwynedd) is that of 1721, in a petition for a road,
[Sidenote:
entered by Roland Hughes and Robert Humphrey.[475] Schoolhouse
The mention herein made is of a schoolhouse located mentioned 1721]
near the property of Robert Humphrey and Roland
Hughes and not far distant from the road to Philadelphia. Neither has trace
been found of any school actually established nor of schoolmaster to have
charge over it, yet the presence of a building erected for that purpose lends
credence to the view that there was a school there, though perhaps
irregularly conducted. Procedure in other districts was usually that schools
were present before the schoolhouses were built.[476]
The first mention of a schoolmaster is relative to [Sidenote:
Marmaduke Pardo, who came with the following Marmaduke Pardo
teacher]
certificate from Pembrokeshire in Wales.

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, being the curate and
others of the inhabitants of the Parish of St. Davids, do hereby
certify whom it may concern, that the bearer hereof, Marmaduke
Pardo, of the city of St. Davids and County of Pembroke, has to the
utmost of our knowledge and all appearances lived a very sober and
pious life, demeaning himself according to the strictest rules of his
profession, viz., what we call Quakerism, and that he has for these

several years past took upon himself the keeping of a private school
in this city, in which station he acquitted himself with the common
applause and to the general satisfaction of all of us who have
committed our children to his care and tuition, etc.[477]

This certificate was signed by Richard Roberts and several others. With
such recommendations, the citizens of Gwynedd were very fortunate if
perchance they did secure him as a master. Other writers have, it seems,
taken for granted that he actually taught in the school, but there is no exact
evidence on the point, only a very great probability.[478]
The following extract indicates there was an established school at
Morristown in 1766.
[Sidenote: School at
Plymouth overseers acquaint this meeting that Morristown
Mordecai Moore on his own and family’s account Quaker?]
and several neighboring friends request the privilege
of holding a meeting at the schoolhouse near his dwelling house in
Morristown every first day until the general spring meeting. The
which is granted.[479]

As with the schools and school affairs of other [Sidenote:
meetings, their history becomes more tangible about the Committee on
last quarter of the century. The recommendations of the schools appointed]
yearly meeting being received in 1777 and their
attention thus directed consciously to the question of education, a
committee was appointed consisting of the following men: David Bacon,
John Elliott, Jr., Charles West, David Estaugh, William Brown, Thomas
Hollowell, John Gracey, Abraham Liddon, Samuel Lloyd, Abraham
Cadwalader, John Heman, David Evans, Samuel Lee, Joseph Penrose,
Joseph Lukens and John Evans.[480] The committee reported in 1779 that
the establishment of schools had been under consideration, but that no fund
had yet been raised or land purchased for the establishment thereof, as the
yearly meeting had directed.[481] Accordingly the same committee was
continued. In 1780 a minute of the meeting states that:

The matter relating to the establishment of schools is continued
and it is desired that the several preparative meetings will attend to
that matter as recommended by the committee some time past, and
that the committee ... the same under their care and make a report
when anything is done toward accomplishing that service.[482]

And again in 1785:
[Sidenote: “Little
A care remains on the Friends’ minds for the right progress” reported]
education of the youth, though little progress hath
yet been made in establishing schools under proper regulations,
although attention hath been paid thereto. Those matters respecting
the Africans are under the care of a committee, though little
progress hath been made in inspecting their particular cases.[483]

The activity of the committee does not appear to have [Sidenote:
been very great. After a consideration of their Committee to aid in
obligations on the subject again in 1791 it was decided raising funds]
to appoint a new committee which was to work
definitely toward a plan for raising a fund for school purposes, and to make
a report on the state of schools in the monthly meeting. Their report which
appeared in 1793 showed a considerable number of schools but none
established on permanent foundations, and many not in the membership of
Friends. The state of all the schools as reported is given in the following
extract.[484]
[Sidenote: School
The committee appointed on schools reports that in Montgomery
within the limits of Gwynedd Meeting a school in Township]
the township of Montgomery is kept in a house, [Sidenote:
property of Friends, there is a lot on two acres of Plymouth school]
land and two rooms for a master to live in, adjoining
the schoolhouse, and there is remaining of a donation to the
inhabitants of said township in common towards the support of a
school, about fifty pounds per annum, to be kept in the said
schoolhouse, the master a member of our Society; within the
compass of Plymouth meeting, there is a schoolhouse built by a

subscription on a small lot of land given as a donation with the
interest accruing on five hundred pounds, which is free for all the
inhabitants within a mile and a half of the donor’s land, the master
not in membership with Friends.

One school, held in a house adjoining the meeting [Sidenote:
house at Plymouth which hath for several years been Temporary schools]
continued under the care and direction of that
preparative meeting. There are several temporary schools within the
limits of our Monthly Meetings, chiefly made up of persons not of
our society, and kept by masters of different professions, no funds
provided for any of them, into which Friends in such neighborhood
send their children, there is a subscription gone into within the
compass of one of the preparative meetings towards building a
schoolhouse on a lot of land given for that purpose—the raising of
funds for the support of schools has been under care, but not much
progress has yet been made therein. Signed in behalf of the
committee by
Evan Jones,
John Wilson,
Isaac Weeks.

The care and education of the poor was an occasion [Sidenote:
for great concern among the Friends of Gwynedd. This Education of poor
means not only that their education was looked after but and orphans]
that in case father and mother married a second time, the
meeting saw to it that the children’s (if any by the first marriage) rights
should be regarded. The affairs of the children had to be settled before
permission for marriage was fully and freely given.[485] They were not
always satisfied with their dealing with such children, however. About 1756
they declared that the children are well taken care of physically but that
there is too great a neglect in regard to their learning and apprenticeship
among Friends.[486]
Later they are able to report, no doubt with [Sidenote: Their
considerable satisfaction, that after due inspection, no education

Friends’ children are found placed from among Friends. neglected]
[487]
All cases of necessity in the concern of education
were resolutely dealt with, even though, as shown in the following extract,
the recipients of the assistance were rather unwilling.
[Sidenote: Some
The Gwynedd Friends acquaint this meeting that unwilling to receive
Robert Roberts, Jr., is in very low circumstances and aid]
not able to maintain his wife and children reputably
and that they have not been able to prevail with him and his wife to
bind their children out to lessen their expense, therefore, this
meeting appoints John Davies and John Evans to advise them to
comply with Friends’ direction, otherwise, this meeting must take
further notice of them.[488]

For a slight insight into the condition of schools in the latter years of the
eighteenth century, we can do no better than present a letter written by
Joseph Foulke, which furnishes a personal touch not found elsewhere.
[Sidenote: Schools
My earliest recollection of the schools which I as related by Joseph
attended was at Gwynedd meeting. There was no Foulke]
house for the purpose, but what was called the “little
meeting house” was used. An old tottering man by the name of
Samuel Evans was the teacher. The reading books were the Bible
and the Testament; we had Dilworth’s spelling book, and Dilworth’s
Assistant or arithmetic. Grammar was a thing hardly thought of;
there was, however, a small part of the spelling book, called “a new
guide to the English tongue,” and a few of the older pupils learned
portions of this by rote, and would occasionally recite to the master,
but the substance appeared to be equally obscure both to master and
scholar.
My next schooling was in 1795, in the house, late the property of
William Buzby, on the Bethlehem road, above the spring house. It
was a kind of family school taught by Hannah Lukens. Here, Dr.
Walton, of Stroudsburg, laid the foundation of his education. I went
to Joshua Foulke, my father’s elder brother, an old man. He taught

in a log schoolhouse near the eighteen-mile stone on the Bethlehem
road. My father, with the help of his neighbors, built this house
(about 1798) on a lot set apart for the purpose on the southern
extremity of his premises. This log schoolhouse stood about thirty
years, and beside Joshua Foulke, we had for teachers William
Coggins, Hannah Foulke, Benjamin Albertson, Hugh Foulke (my
brother), John Chamberlain, Christian Dull, Daniel Price, and
Samuel Jones. I have probably not named all or given them in the
order in which they came.[489]

Merion seems to have left no written records of [Sidenote: Merion]
educational activity. There is a possibility that
Marmaduke Pardo[490] may have been connected with a school there, soon
after his coming from Wales, but this is little better than a conjecture.[491] In
the loft of the present building (which, however, does not date back so early
as this study) there is a school room in which are rude tables and benches.
One of them bears the date, 1711, rudely cut with a jackknife. If, in the
early eighteenth century, the meeting house still sufficed for school, it is
quite probable that the same was true much earlier; at any rate, no search
thus far has revealed anything concerning an early schoolhouse. The
Radnor Monthly Meeting Minutes in 1791 state:
[Sidenote: School,
At Merion and Valley we have not discovered any at least not
progress in laying a foundation for schools in the according to plan of
yearly meeting]
way proposed by the yearly meeting.[492]

which would favor still further the idea that any school held there at that
time was perhaps in the meeting house.
The earliest mention made of Horsham Meeting is [Sidenote:
that in the Abington Minutes of 1777, stating: Horsham]

It is agreed that there be two overseers chosen for Horsham
Meeting, viz., John Michener and Thomas Iredell.[493]

This was doubtless very near the time of its first establishment as a
preparative meeting. The earliest preparative minutes accessible are those
beginning 1757.[494] We may feel certain, however, that there was a school
before this time, for in the Gazette for 1753 there appeared an
advertisement which stated:

Any person well qualified for keeping a school and comes well
recommended by applying to John Lukens, surveyor, Abraham
Lukens, or Benjamin Cadwalader, living in Horsham township, near
the meeting house, may meet with proper encouragement.[495]

This may have been the same stone house in which [Sidenote:
Isaac Comly of Byberry taught in 1799, we cannot say. Assistance by
In the records of the preparative meeting on the first donations]
page there is an account of donations concerning
schools, but the page is so badly mutilated that no straight account can be
made of it.[496] It will be recalled from the account given of Abington
schools that Horsham members were also benefitted by Carter’s legacy and
others.[497]
A committee appointed to investigate the conditions of schools in
Horsham Meeting reported (1779):
[Sidenote: Report
We, the committee appointed, report as follows: on Horsham
That upon inquiry we found that the schoolhouse on schools, 1779]
the meeting house land is wholly the property of [Sidenote: Four
Friends, and the subscribers generally Friends; we schools mentioned]
also find that there has been a schoolhouse lately
built on a piece of land held in trust for that purpose between John
Parry’s and John Walton’s wholly by the Friends, and generally
Friends subscribers; there is also one other schoolhouse near the
Billet on a piece of land held in trust for that purpose by Friends and
others, and one other schoolhouse near John Jarret’s upon
sufferance; the two last mentioned schools being made up by
subscribers of different societies; which, after being considered, the
same Friends are continued with John Parry, Samuel Shoemaker

(mason), John Conrad, and John Jarrett added to them as a
committee, to have the oversight of such schools as may be properly
under the notice of this meeting.[498]

And again in 1783 that, [Sidenote: Rules
drawn for the
conduct of schools]
The committee on schools report they have
several times visited the schools of Friends belonging to this
meeting since their appointment, and that there appears an
improvement in them, they having drawn up an essay of rules for
the government of said schools, which were read and approved by
this meeting....[499]

From 1782 onwards Horsham was a regularly constituted monthly
meeting.[500] Almost the first thing performed by this newly constituted
body was to order a report on schools which was brought into the monthly
meeting in 1784,[501] the text of which is reproduced below.
[Sidenote: Report
We, the committee on schools, having met and made to Horsham
examined into the situation of such within the monthly on
schools]
compass of this meeting find them as follows, viz.:
that within the verge of Byberry meeting there is a [Sidenote: Four
school kept in a part of the meeting house under the schools named;
inspection of part of the same committee, by others, where the
houses belong to
Christopher Smith, a member of our society, whose Friends]
number of scholars are about thirty at 10/ a scholar,
per quarter, raised by subscription; also another [Sidenote: No funds
established]
school taught a small distance from said meeting
house by Isaac Carver in his own house who formerly was a
member among us, to which some Friends send their children, and
within the compass of Horsham Particular Meeting there is a school
taught on the meeting land near the meeting house by Byran
Fitzpatrick, who is not a member, the number of scholars about
twenty-five at 10/ a scholar per quarter; there is also one other
schoolhouse built by Friends on a piece of land given for a term of

years for that purpose in which there is no school kept at present.
There are several other schools within the compass of said meeting,
the houses of which are the property of Friends and others to which
some Friends send their children. There are no funds belonging to
any of the aforesaid schools, but there is a donation left to Horsham
Particular Meeting, which if it were not for some circumstances
attending it, might be of an advantage in establishing schools within
the limits of that meeting which we think demands the attention of
this meeting.
Signed on behalf of the committee by
Daniel Thomas.

After this there was no report for nearly two years, [Sidenote: Each
when the meeting, taking cognizance of the fact, urged particular meeting
all the preparatives to appoint individual committees of to name its own
committee]
their own to attend to school affairs. In 1787 the
committee of the monthly meeting made report that [Sidenote: Three
within the compass of the monthly meeting there were schools in the
preparatives]
three schools under the care of the preparative meetings,
in all of which the masters were members of the society of Friends.[502]
The value of the organization of meetings for getting [Sidenote: Value of
something accomplished can hardly be overestimated. the organization
The directing power of the quarterly meeting must have cited]
often been the cause which produced a conscious
activity in the lower meetings. The quarterly meetings were at all times
feeling the educational pulse of their constituents and making suggestions,
requiring reports, etc., which did not fail to keep up the local interest. The
quarterly meeting at Abington in 1792 made the following suggestions:

At a quarterly meeting held at Abington, November 8, 1792, the
subject of schools coming under consideration, it is thought
expedient that the meetings be earnestly requested to take that
matter into solid consideration and send up in their reports next
quarter how far the advice of the yearly meeting has been complied
with in that respect. The clerk is requested to furnish each member

with a copy of this minute extracted from the minutes of the
quarterly meeting.
Nathan Cleaver, Clerk.
The clerk is directed to furnish the preparatives with a copy of the
above minute, and they are desired to inform this meeting of their
situation in the above respects.[503]

The report of the monthly meeting in 1792 indicates [Sidenote: The poor
that that meeting’s concern for the education of the poor educated; 1792]
was comparable to others mentioned; they state that all
of the children “partake of learning freely” and their and other Friends’
children “are placed among Friends” as apprentices.
The earliest Quaker settlements in Warrington were in [Sidenote:
1735,[504] and their first meetings for worship were held Warrington]
with the Friends at Newberry. Warrington Preparative [Sidenote: Youths’
Meeting was organized in 1745;[505] while the monthly meetings]
meeting records date to 1747.[506] For nearly thirty years
there is no notice in the records concerned with education, saving those
which refer to the settling of youths’ meetings. Those were very frequent.
[507]
The report on the youths’ meetings in 1779 was as follows:

Some of the Friends appointed to attend the Youths’ Meeting
report that four of them attended it and gave it as their sense that it
was a good meeting, and that if it should be as well attended in the
future, it might be of use.[508]

Three years later, 1782, it was considered necessary to [Sidenote:
leave off holding the youths’ meetings, for what reasons Committees of men
it is not known, but on a protest from some members it and women named
on schools]
was concluded that it might be continued for at least
another meeting.[509] In 1778 the yearly meeting extract was received, in
which the establishment of schools was recommended; committees of both
men and women were at once named for the service and desired to report.

[510]
In the year following, the report was made on the part of Warrington
Preparative Meeting:

Warrington Meeting informs us that they have made choice of
William Underwood, Peter Cleaver, Benjamin Walker, and Joseph
Elgar for trustees and overseers of a school, with which this meeting
concurs.[511]

The trustees thus appointed, it seems, were not so successful as might
have been desired, if we may judge by their report made in 1780.
[Sidenote: No
William Underwood, on behalf of the committee progress reported
appointed to have under their care and labor to 1780]
promote the education of the youth, as well as a
reformation with that respect to other deficiencies in our society,
informed this meeting that they have several times met and
conferred together on the occasion, but have not proceeded any
further in that service, neither have any prospect at this time of
proceeding therein, etc.[512]

The tone of the next report of 1782 is more encouraging.

The Friends appointed to the care of schools report they have
made some progress therein, some of them having attended each of
our preparative meetings and endeavored to encourage Friends in
setting up of schools agreeable to the intention of the Yearly
Meeting and find there is a willingness in the minds of Friends to
endeavor to have schools set up amongst us agreeable thereto, as
nearly as the circumstances of the several Meetings will admit of.
They are continued and desired to assist where there may be
occasions and report to this Meeting in the third month next.[513]

In 1784 it was reported that the committee had [Sidenote: School
attended at York and that there appeared to be a good to be at York]
prospect for a school to be established there according to

the desires expressed in the yearly meeting’s advices.[514] It was also stated
that some provision was made at each particular meeting for the same, and
it was expected a particular report would be rendered thereof.[515] This
report, however, did not come into the monthly meeting as it appears.
The conditions at York seem to have been the most promising as
presented in a committee’s report of 1784 which is here submitted:
[Sidenote:
The committee appointed to promote the Schoolhouse at
establishment of schools report that they have paid York; subscriptions
started]
some attention to the service; most of them attended
a meeting at York, and find that Friends there have a house nearly
finished and have entered into some subscriptions to encourage such
a school, of which it is agreed that the Quarterly Meeting be
informed, as well as of houses being built for that purpose at
Newbury and Warrington, and that the committee be released from
the service.[516]

The statements of the monthly meeting in the above [Sidenote: Same
report are corroborated by a later report of the statement by
quarterly meeting]
Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly, which was made a
few months later, though it appears the schoolhouse at
Warrington was not yet completed.[517]
The progress that had been made by Westland Monthly Meeting[518] is
indicated by the following report of that date:

The minutes of the school committee for several seasons past
being read, and they have proposed a reappointment, William
Wilson, Matthew Heald, Jonas Cattell, William Dixon, Joshua
Dixon, and Eleazar Brown are appointed to have the general care of
schools and admission of Tutors. And it appears requisite that a few
Friends be appointed by each Preparative Meeting to have the
immediate oversight of the school or schools within the limits of
such meetings; said committee to unite and confer together as they
see occasion, and the clerk is desired to notify each preparative
meeting by a copy of this Minute.[519]

A still later report of 1797 is no more definite than the [Sidenote: Later
former; this is very generally characteristic of the reports still
reports, and even at a late date when other meetings indefinite]
were making very definite ones, indicates that a very
unsatisfactory state existed in the schools of Westland. Many other reports
examined, which were sent in before the committee, of the century, made
no improvement in regard to definiteness.

SUMMARY

The schools in the limits of Abington, Gwynedd, [Sidenote: The
Horsham, Warrington, and Westland meetings are meetings]
discussed in this chapter.
Probably the first schoolmaster at Abington, who was [Sidenote:
connected with a regularly established school, was Jacob Abington]
Taylor. Land for the meeting and school uses was
deeded by John Barnes in 1696, and a meeting house built by 1700.
Assistance was also afforded by a legacy granted by William Carter for
educating poor children. Such funds were in charge of, and expended by,
trustees appointed for that purpose. Fox’s and Crisp’s Primers are
mentioned for use in the schools.
Mention is made of a schoolhouse near Gwynedd in [Sidenote:
1721, but no records of the school are discovered. Gwynedd]
Marmaduke Pardo, an experienced teacher, came to
[Sidenote:
Gwynedd from Wales, and being well recommended as Morristown
such, it is likely that he was employed in school schoolhouse
teaching; but nothing explicit to that effect is found. Late mentioned]
in the century Joseph Foulke states he attended school in [Sidenote: Three
Gwynedd. A schoolhouse at Morristown is mentioned in regular schools]
1766. Committees on schools and funds followed the
procedure noticed in other meetings. School land, schoolhouse funds, and a
house for a master were provided in Montgomery township in 1793.
Another school in the compass of Plymouth is mentioned, and another one,
“adjoining the meeting house at Plymouth.” Other temporary schools, used
under varying circumstances, are said to be maintained. Merion and the

Valley do not appear to have met the yearly meeting’s requirements in any
way.
No explicit mention is made of a school at Horsham [Sidenote:
in the early minutes, but the advertisement for a teacher Horsham]
in 1753 indicates they were supplied with a school. A
report of Horsham Preparative in 1729 mentions four schools, kept “nearly
agreeable to direction.” In 1783 a list of rules was adopted for their
government. Each preparative meeting was directed in 1787 to have its own
committee on schools.
Judging from the minutes of their transactions, the [Sidenote:
schools of Warrington and Westland meetings seem to Warrington
Westland]
have been organized and carried on in a very desultory
fashion. Those at York and Warrington were the best [Sidenote: Probably
situated. There were probably as many as twelve twelve regularly
regularly established schools in the above meetings by established schools]
the end of the century.

CHAPTER VII
SCHOOLS OF CHESTER COUNTY

The several monthly meetings, which are discussed in [Sidenote: The
this chapter, were, for the period of this study (before meetings
1800) members of Chester (or Concord Quarterly) considered]
Meeting, until the establishment of Western Quarterly
Meeting in 1758,[520] when a number of them were included in that quarter.
In 1800 a new Quarterly Meeting (Caln) was established from those
formerly constituting Western Quarterly.[521] The monthly meetings with
which we are to deal, the dates of their establishment, and the order of their
presentation here, are as follows: (1) Kennett, known as Newark till 1760,
1686, or before; (2) New Garden, set off from Kennett in 1718; (3) Goshen,
set off from Chester, 1722; (4) Bradford, 1737; (5) Uwchlan, set off from
Goshen, 1763; (6) London Grove, set off from New Garden, 1792.[522]
Those just named were situated within the limits of present Chester County.
[523]
The last meeting to be considered in this chapter, (7) Sadsbury,
established in 1737, was situated in Lancaster County.[524]
In the records of Kennett (Newark) Meeting, the [Sidenote: Kennett]
writer has been unable to find any early explicit
reference to education. Among the early references to [Sidenote: Early
care for children]
children, are the minutes of 1715 in regard to those of
the widow Howard at the time of her remarriage.[525]
The meeting appointed a committee to look after the affairs of her children
to see that the will of the deceased father was entirely complied with. Again
in 1727 the meeting appointed a committee to see that the provision for the
orphan children be fulfilled before allowing the widow to remarry.[526]
These two cases serve to point out that an early care and interest in the
affairs of children was manifested on the part of the meeting.
Local historians have very little to offer in the way of [Sidenote: Local
clews to the education of the Quakers in the last part of history credits
Quakers with
the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, though furnishing the

they all agree that the Quakers furnished the foundations foundation of
schools]
of education, and it was begun very early, even from the
first establishment in the various counties.[527] Some of
the early schools have already been discussed, in cases where it was
possible to state the earliest beginnings.[528]
In 1777 those who had attended the Western Quarterly [Sidenote: Yearly
Meeting reported they had received the recommendations
recommendations of the yearly meeting requiring the received]
monthly meetings to have particular charge of the [Sidenote: School
education of the children, with especial reference to the committee
employment of schoolmasters who were Friends.[529] appointed]
The same concern being mentioned a month later, with
emphasis on the school education, a committee of six Friends was
appointed to join with a committee of the quarterly meeting to confer on the
matter.[530] In 1779, their action appears to be just a little more definite, but
from the records it is difficult to say whether it meant very much or not; the
minutes at that time stated:

John Way, John Marshall, James Bennett, Caleb Pierce, David
Greame, Samuel Nichols, and Thomas Carlton, Jr., are appointed to
unit together and endeavor to promote such schools as (are)
recommended.[531]

From that date (1779) to 1781, there appears no [Sidenote: Union
comment on the subject, save the usual periodic school of Kennett,
Bradford, and New
announcements that the Advices of the Yearly Meeting Garden]
“have been regularly received.” In 1781, however,

Caleb Pierce on behalf of the committee on schools, reports there
is a school made up by some of the members of this, Bradford, and
New Garden monthly meetings; John Parker and Caleb Pierce are
appointed to join with the Friends of those meetings in the oversight
thereof, and report to this meeting when necessary.[532]

In the seventh month thereafter, in the same year, [Sidenote: The
John Parker reported that the school which he and Caleb school
Pierce had been appointed to oversee was discontinued. discontinued]
[533]
They were released from their service in the care of [Sidenote: New
schools. The former committee on that subject, committee has more
appointed in 1779, seems, however, from the minute of specific duties]
the tenth month, 1781, to have been continued as a
standing committee on the subject.[534] The following extract implies that
the committee of 1779 was replaced by another which, by the way, had
more specifically named duties. The implication of the minute is that there
were at least two schools, perhaps more.

The concern for the promotion of schools, under the directions of
Friends revived, Samuel Harlan, John Way, Aaron Hollingsworth,—
John Swain, Amos Harvey, Samuel Pennock, and James Jackson are
appointed to have the care and oversight of schools, also promote
the establishment of schools where there is yet want of assistance,
and report to this meeting when necessary.[535]

In the same year it was also recommended to the preparative meetings
that each appoint a committee of their own to represent them and act with
the committee of the monthly meeting in the concern of schools.[536] The
intervening years, from 1783 to 1785, offer nothing beyond the usual
general reports concerning the appointment of committees and the like. In
1785, the committee on schools produced this report:
[Sidenote: Several
We have lately had a conference on the subject, schools reported;
and do find that there are several schools in the some according to
demand of yearly
compass of our monthly meeting, kept by Friends meeting]
and under the care of this committee, and may
inform that they are kept to a good degree of satisfaction, yet there
are some that employ teachers, not members of our society, without
the advice of the committee or the monthly meeting. We, likewise,
agree to lay before the monthly meeting the reappointment of a
committee for this service in future as the members of this
committee have been long on the appointment and desire to be

released, which we submit to the meeting. Signed—John Way (and
five others).[537]

The answer to the fifth query of the same year likewise informs us that
care has been taken in the education of the poor children, and Friends’
children “are generally placed among Friends.”[538]
The request for the appointment of a new committee [Sidenote: New
on schools, made by the old committee, does not seem school committee
to have received consideration till 1788. In the meantime appointed]
we must assume that the old committee continued to
serve, since occasional reports were sent in. The men appointed on the new
committee were: Jacob Greave, Samuel Nichols, Amos Harvey, Samuel
Harlan, Moses Pennock, Robert Lambourn, Jr., Christopher Hollingsworth,
John Way, and William Phillips, Jr.[539] In 1790 the monthly meeting
ordered a special committee to recommend a deeper educational concern to
the particular meetings.[540]
The desired results, in the shape of a more perfected organization and
permanent foundation to be provided for schools, did not come until about
1792 and thereafter. In that year, the committee reported its past activity in
respect to schools established, and made certain valuable suggestions to
guide future action, as the following extract witnesses:
[Sidenote: Ground
The committee, appointed at last meeting, report: purchased]
We, the committee appointed by the monthly
meeting at the request of Kennett Preparative [Sidenote: Rules
adopted for the
Meeting, respecting the establishment of schools school]
within the verge thereof, agree to report, we have
attended thereto, and find they have purchased a piece of ground,
with the approbation of the committee of this meeting, of Abraham
Taylor, about two miles and a half westernly from Kennett Meeting
House, adjoining the public road, leading to Nottingham, and
obtained his conveyance to Jacob Pierce, Samuel Pennock,
Townsend Lambourn, Thomas Pierce, William Parker, and David
Pierce, trustees for the same, meted and bounded as mentioned in
the said conveyance and recorded ... and as it appears to us

necessary in order for a fixed object whereon to lay a foundation for
establishing a fund agreeable to the Yearly Meeting, that the
monthly meeting should appoint some Friends as trustees to have
the care of the said school, and that it should have a name to be
distinguished by; we therefore propose it to be called by the name
“Number One,” within the verge of Kennett Preparative Meeting.
We have likewise agreed on some general rules to be observed by
the scholars of the said school. Signed by Caleb Pierce, Wm.
Lambourn, Caleb Kirk, and Jonathan Greave. 12-24-1790.

The above report, being read, is agreed to be further considered at our
next meeting.[541] Unfortunately for the satisfaction of our curiosity about
the internal organization of the schools, the rules which they state were
drawn up were not incorporated in the minutes of the monthly meeting.
They were probably similar, however, to those adopted by the Horsham
School Committee at a slightly earlier date.[542]
In consideration of the recommendations made in the above report, the
meeting assembled in the seventh month, appointed nine of their members
as trustees, to receive all donations for the purpose of schools.[543] About a
year thereafter, a report signed by Joshua Pusey and John Jones was
submitted by the monthly meeting to the quarterly meeting, which was in
substantial accord with all that had already been done.[544] It may be well to
summarize briefly their recommendations.
1. We have considered the relative situation of the [Sidenote:
members in our compass. Summary of
committee’s report]
2. The affairs of education have not yet received the
attention they deserve.
3. We find several school houses have been erected, but
4. The demands made by the yearly meeting are not met, therefore,
5. Friends must subscribe funds, either in monthly or preparative
meetings.
6. The funds must be available for application for meetings. Friends are
so scattered and few that they cannot support a school alone and have been

forced to patronize “mixed schools.”
7. Those laboring under difficulties should be taught gratis, or at least, at
low rates.
In 1795 the committee on schools produced a plan for subscriptions to a
permanent school fund,[545] which was referred to the next meeting. A
report was then made, but it was thought that since all of the committee had
not collaborated it should be, and accordingly was, postponed for the time
being.[546] In the fifth month a report was made, but still some changes were
thought to be necessary.[547]
Not until the twelfth month (1785) was the report [Sidenote: Question
finally produced, which is given below. There has been of a plan for school
some reference made by local historians of Chester funds prior to 1795]
County, stating that Kennett Monthly Meeting had as
early as 1787 provided a plan for subscription for the provision of
permanent funds.[548] The rule “number 5,” which is quoted by them, is
exactly the same rule as the fifth one which is mentioned below. The writer
has found no such reference to a plan for funds at the earlier date (1787). It
seems quite probable that the statement made in Mr. Cope’s work is an
oversight, perhaps an error in setting up an eight in place of a nine. The
entire list of nine rules is given.
[Sidenote: Scheme
1. A plan for raising fund for the benefit of schools for funds reported
within the bounds of Kennett Monthly Meeting, in 1795]
whereby Friends may have an opportunity of
manifesting their benevolent intentions by subscribing thereto.
1st. That each subscriber to this plan pay at the time of
subscription, or give his or her note to the treasurer or clerk of the
trustees, or their successors appointed by Kennett Monthly Meeting,
to have the care of this fund, for a sum of money payable at any
time, not exceeding three years after date, with the interest of five
per cent. per annum paid annually for the same.
2d. The treasurer shall have a book for that purpose, and keep fair
entries of all money due and received; likewise of all money

expended and his receipts shall be a sufficient discharge for any
money paid to him for the use of schools.
3rd. Whenever the treasurer may receive any new subscription or
any money for the benefit of schools, he shall report the same at the
next meeting of the trustees of the said schools.
4th. When the trustees receive any money for the use of schools,
they shall as soon as they can conveniently put the same to interest
upon good security; or they may purchase land or ground rent
therewith as shall appear best for the time being.
5th. The trustees shall, as soon as they see occasion, apply the
interest arising from this fund to securing the schooling of the
children of such poor people, whether Friends or others, as live
within the verge of the aforesaid monthly meeting, provided such
children comply with their rules.
6th. We recommend it to each other as often as we find an
increase of property and openness of heart to add something to our
subscription whereby it is hoped the monthly meeting may in time
be enabled more fully to comply with the advice of the Yearly
Meeting in 1778, respecting schools.
7th. As a variety of circumstances may in future occur which the
human eye can not foresee, nor understanding conceive, therefore
the trustees shall from time to time manage this fund as shall appear
to them best, to promote the welfare of the said schools and the poor
thereunto belonging; also if the interest may be to spare, they may
assist therewith in keeping the schoolhouse in repair and in paying
the salaries of schoolmasters or mistresses within the verge of said
meeting, provided the principal be not thereby lessened.
8th. If at any time the trustees may not all judge alike how they
ought to proceed in such cases, they are to apply to the aforesaid
monthly meeting for assistance.
9th. The trustees shall from time to time be accountable to the
monthly meeting of Kennett for their management of this fund, as
directed in the minute of their appointment. Signed by order of

Kennett Monthly Meeting, held the 15th of the 12th month, 1796.
[549]

The condition of the schools in Kennett Monthly [Sidenote: State of
Meeting was made known in 1798 in the report schools in 1798]
presented by Robert Lambourn for the committee. A
digest of that report is as follows:

1. They have had the subject “under care.”
2. There are two schools “within their compass.”
3. The town’s schools are taught by Friends’ members.[550]
4. They are under the charge of the meeting’s committee.

The New Garden Meeting in 1773 made record of [Sidenote: New
having placed £4/11/9 in the hands of Jacob Wright, to Garden]
be applied at the further directions of the meeting to the
placing out of poor Friends’ children or the relief of [Sidenote: Care for
the indigent]
indigent Friends.[551] Between that time and 1778, we
learn no more of this educational philanthropic interest. In that year the
usual reminder sent out by the yearly meeting came to them, calling
attention to educational needs.[552] A committee was appointed which stated
in a report, 1779, “some care is taken therein, and more appearing
necessary, they are continued.”[553] An extract of a few months later is as
follows:
[Sidenote: Two
The committee respecting schools, having the schools; another
matter under care, two schools being under their proposed]
notice, and another proposed to be established, they
are continued and desired to report when necessary, and the clerk to
enter the substance of the case in their report.[554]

Following the report of 1779, which showed there were two schools in
charge of the meeting, there is furnished no further information until 1785.
In the third month, 1785, a large committee of thirteen members was

appointed to take charge of the “weighty affairs” recommended.[555] This
committee produced a report in the eighth month of the same year, which is
gratifying in that it is more substantial than many others brought in. It is
given herewith.
[Sidenote: Report
The committee in the care of schools report that of 1785]
they have had several conferences together since last
meeting, and are of the mind that concern for the right education of
our youth rather increases among Friends, and that a new school
house has been lately built near Jeremiah Barnard’s on a small piece
of land conveyed by him for that purpose, which account is
satisfying to this meeting. The committee is continued for further
service and desired to report as they may see occasion.[556]

In 1786, George Gawthrop and Thomas Richards were added to the
committee.[557] From the first to the fourth month of that year, the
committee reported they had visited one school,[558] but their report
indicates nothing performed, more than the visit. Four months later it is
reported they had attended to the subject of schools somewhat, but that it
still required much greater attention; and they were advised to meet with the
monthly meeting’s clerk that he might prepare his report on schools for the
quarterly meeting.[559]
Though that report and the one of the quarterly meeting really tell us
nothing, we are better rewarded in one produced just a year later, which
points plainly to some of the difficulties the early school trustees had to
face.
[Sidenote: Report
The committee in the care of schools reported as of 1787]
follows: the substance whereof the clerk is directed
to insert in our report of the quarterly meeting.

The care of schools has been under our care and [Sidenote:
attention and on conferring together, we agree to Mistresses
employed in
report—under the present circumstances of things summer; some
amongst us, it is found most convenient to employ schools not

mistresses, as the teachers in our schools most according to
advice]
generally in the summer season, several of which are
now under the care of Friends to pretty good
satisfaction, and we hope the concern is in a reviving way amongst
us, though there are discouragements by some Friends encouraging
or promoting schools taught by persons not agreeable to the advice
of the society.[560]

In 1794 William Jackson deeded to Joseph Preston and others a piece of
ground for a schoolhouse,[561] which was to be in trust for the Friends’
meeting. This is the first transfer of ground for school purposes found
among the New Garden Friends. Among the stipulations of the deed are the
following:
1. The master is to be a member of Friends. [Sidenote:
Requirements for
2. The master must teach according to the rules laid the school at New
down (presumably by the school trustees) as before Garden]
mentioned in the case of the Horsham School Rules.[562]
3. The purpose stated is for the “promotion of piety and good order” and
to “propagate useful learning.”
On 12-2-1701, some Friends at Goshen applied to [Sidenote: Goshen]
their quarterly meeting for the privilege of establishing a
meeting for worship,[563] but this request was not approved until the
meeting of the quarter in 1703.[564] In 1707 they proposed building a house
for worship which was granted by the quarterly meeting in the twelfth
month.[565] Their monthly meeting, as stated before, was not established
until 1722.[566] The preparative meetings in its compass were Goshen,
Newtown, and Uwchlan.[567]
Though starting at a much later date as a monthly [Sidenote: A school
meeting the records of Goshen are in some ways far in East Bradford for
superior to many other meetings. In the first place, they Goshen, Bradford
and Birmingham]
devoted considerable attention to the yearly meetings’
proposals of 1746 and 1750,[568] which by many meetings received very
scant attention. The concrete results of this attention, however, do not stand
forth, as reports on the subjects are not plentiful till the “1778 era.” In that

year of all years, they received the urgent accounts from the yearly meeting.
[569]
They appear to have gone to work at once, or perhaps had already
begun, as a committee in the care of schools reported in the sixth month,
1779, that “a piece of ground is agreed for and a schoolhouse is now
building in East Bradford.”[570] This school was to be made up from the
Friends of Goshen, Bradford, and Birmingham,[571] and to be established in
accord with the stipulations of the yearly meeting aforesaid.[572] Goshen
Monthly Meeting was requested to name some Friend to receive the land in
trust, and Thomas Hoopes, Jr., was accordingly appointed for the purpose.
[573]

In 1782, the present school committee, deciding that [Sidenote:
something should be done concerning the regulation of Increased
schools, desired an addition to their number, those added committee
1782]
reported

being Abraham Pratt, William Lewis, John Mailin, and
Josiah Hibberd.[574] Two months later this committee brought forth the
following proposals, which are self-explanatory.
[Sidenote: Land to
We have met sundry times since the last meeting be purchased for
on the subject and are unanimous in judgment that it school and master’s
accommodations]
will be convenient for Friends to have a school
house built near Jesse Garrett’s smith shop on the [Sidenote: The
east side of the road leading from the valley where building and cost]
about five acres may be purchased of William
Garrett and William Garrett, Jr., in order to erect a school house on,
and also a house for a school master, which we request the monthly
meeting to take under consideration; and if they approve thereof,
that it may be encouraged by a subscription amongst Friends only,
and to be established on the plan proposed by the Yearly Meeting
and subject to the direction of the monthly meeting from time to
time, to remove or alter as they may see cause, or time may show to
be necessary. We propose the house to be twenty-seven feet square
from out to out, and compute the expense of building to be £150
exclusive of the land which will be £25, which we submit to the
monthly meeting. Signed in behalf of the committee—Thomas
Hoopes, Jr.[575]

Their report was left for further consideration.
In 1784 a drive was organized on the preparative [Sidenote: Attempt
meetings. The monthly meeting received a visit from the to bestir the
committee of the quarterly meeting, which suggested the preparatives]
appointment of a large committee and the distribution of
the printed advices of the yearly meeting of 1778, to be read before each of
the preparative meetings.[576] In conformity with this suggestion, the former
school committee was released and a new one of ten members appointed as
a standing committee, directed to follow out the previously made
suggestions.[577] In their report issued shortly thereafter, there is an account
of the beginning of a school in Willistown, which is as the following:
[Sidenote: School at
The committee in the care of schools report that a Willistown;
school is kept in the new house built in Willistown master’s house, etc.,
proposed]
by a Friend, and endeavors are used to have it
conducted as near as may be to the directions of the Yearly Meeting,
and the building of a house for the master is proposed and a
considerable sum of money is subscribed towards the same,
provided a sufficiency can in like manner be raised.[578]

Another report for 1785 gives the state of schools for that date.
[Sidenote: One
There are several schools in the verge of our school the property
monthly meeting, kept by members of our society, of the monthly
meeting]
one of which belongs to the monthly meeting, with
several acres of land, whereon Friends are now building a house for
a master, which when completed there will be a small fund towards
schooling poor children.[579]

The chief concern to which the committee now addressed itself was the
problem as to how they might establish a permanent fund for the schooling
of poor children in their limits. For this problem they seem to have found a
satisfactory solution for the time being, in 1786, which they reported to the
monthly meeting for its approval. It appears to have been satisfactory to the

meeting in the following form, the essential features being the same as
those incorporated in the plans of meetings already mentioned.
[Sidenote: Goshen
We, the subscribers, do hereby promise to pay plan for
unto ... treasurer for Friends’ schools, within the establishing funds
similar to others]
compass of Goshen Monthly Meeting, or to other
Friends as may be from time to time appointed by said committee to
that service, the sum of money severally written against our names,
which sums are so subscribed to be and remain a permanent fund
under the care of and direction of the monthly meeting’s committee
of the people called Quakers, held at Goshen for the time being,
appointed for this and other such purposes relative to schools, to be
by them laid out in such manner as they shall from time to time
judge most conducive to securing an income to the said schools,
which income or annuity so arising therefrom to be applied to the
education of such children as live within the compass of Goshen
Monthly Meeting, whose parents, whether Friends or others, are not
of ability to pay for the same and other such purposes as a majority
of said committee shall from time to time direct, consistent with the
object of the institution. Witness our hands—etc.[580]

For the next six years there are but two reports worthy of attention, which
may be briefly summarized in this manner:
1787 [Sidenote: The state
of schools in 1787]
1. One school, under the monthly meeting,

a. has a large school house, and
b. a dwelling house and garden for a master, who
c. is a member of Friends
d. The school is in charge of a standing committee

2. Another school house, whose

a. master is a member of Friends, but
b. the house is not Friends’ property.[581]

1792 [Sidenote: 1792]

1. There is a school in Williston

a. kept by a member of Friends,
b. cared for by a standing committee of the monthly meeting,
c. much in accord with yearly meeting’s demands.
d. There has been no increase in the permanent fund since last
year.[582]

The report of the standing monthly meeting’s committee in 1795 notes
these further advances. The reference to the purchase of ground in
Willistown would lead to the belief that the school of Willistown mentioned
in the report of 1792 was not located on the meeting’s property; but the
tenor of the report of 1784 leaves the impression that the “new house”
might have been the meeting’s property.[583] The report of 1795 is as
follows:
[Sidenote: 1795]
The meeting’s committee in the care of schools
report that they have for some time had in contemplation the
establishment of another school within the verge of the monthly
meeting to be conducted agreeable to the advice of the Yearly
Meeting, and have so far proceeded as to have purchased 4⅓ acres
of land of Samuel Thomas in Willistown, which is deeded to some
Friends in trust for the use and benefit of Goshen Monthly Meeting,
to improve, alter, sell, or otherwise as the meeting may think proper,
or time show to be necessary; therefore, if the monthly meeting
unites with our proceedings, we desire they may take the same
under their patronage.[584]

In 1796 the school at Goshen was apparently closed [Sidenote: One
for several months, though the reference made to this school closed
temporarily]
fact may have been to one at Willistown;[585] exactly
which one can not be deciphered from the minutes. In
1797 the committee reported a house had been built on the ground lately
purchased (presumably that mentioned in the report of 1795)[586] and a
school was being kept therein, according to the advices in all respects, save
the membership of the master being outside of Friends.[587] “The other
school” was taught by a member, and was very much as might be desired in
all respects.[588] One of the schools (not clear which one) became vacant
again for a short time in 1798.[589]
What became of the school established about 1779 by [Sidenote: Union
Bradford, Goshen, and Birmingham[590] is not made school of 1779]
clear by Goshen records. It is probable that when the
two schools at Willistown and Goshen came under their direction, they
ceased to have any further connection with the earlier one in East Bradford.
Further mention will be made of the East Bradford school in the material
presented for that monthly meeting, in the pages just following. It may be
only briefly mentioned in this connection that in 1797 the Goshen meeting
appointed a committee to secure subscriptions for the yearly meeting’s
boarding school which had been proposed in 1794,[591] and was opened for
students in 1799.[592]
Some meetings for worship by the Friends in the [Sidenote: Bradford
district, later to be known as Bradford Meeting, were meeting
established]
held as early as 1719,[593] and regular meetings for
worship were established in 1725.[594] Not until 1737,
however, had they become of sufficient importance to warrant the
establishment of a monthly meeting.[595]
In 1762 Bradford’s minutes refer to settling the affairs and providing for
the support and the education of the children.[596] It was proposed that
application be made to the next court that those under indenture to ⸺
might be bound out so as to have a Christian education, and to enable them
“to acquire a livelihood with reputation.”[597] It is implied that the Mr. ⸺
had not provided for them properly in those respects. In 1765 fourteen

epistles were received and directed to be read in each of the preparative
meetings (Bradford and Caln).[598] Though no school is mentioned at these
early dates, there seems to be no doubt that schools were in operation,
perhaps a sort of family school. This brief extract would indicate that the
above assumption is not without foundation:

Two of the Friends appointed report they had an opportunity with
Benjamin Faris respecting schooling of Isaac Few, and that he
informed them that he would undertake to school him for the term
of one year, for the sum of £25, which proposal the meeting
complies with and agrees to pay the half.[599]

The cost of this schooling was paid by the two preparative meetings
which produced their quotas four months later.[600] Thenceforward, till
1778, nothing of note is recorded, save occasional notices of the education
of the youth.
The year 1778 produced the following minute:

The extracts of last Yearly Meeting were produced here and read,
containing much seasonable advice and instruction which is
recommended to the solid consideration and observation of
individuals; in particular, that of encouragement of proper schools
for the instruction of youth in useful learning.[601]

Like an electric current suddenly shunted into the circuit, these extracts
of 1777 and 1778 seemed to increase the voltage in the wires of the
organization, producing a general hum of activity. A committee,
immediately appointed, reported in 1779 they had considered the situation,
[602]
and in 1780 produced the report which is given below. As will be
noted, their report mentions the “Union School” of Goshen, East Bradford
and Birmingham, which has already received some consideration in the
case of Goshen.[603]
[Sidenote: Three
schools established;
a committee to

We, the committee appointed in the care of assist in
establishing others]
schools, report that most of us attended to the
appointment and have several times met and
conferred together and have given our assistance toward the settling
of a school between Goshen, Bradford, and Birmingham Preparative
Meeting in a new schoolhouse built by Friends; one at East
Bradford in the old schoolhouse near the meeting house; one at East
Caln kept at the meeting house at present, agreed to be under the
direction of Friends nearly agreeable to the Advices of the Yearly
Meeting; and we think it expedient to appoint Friends to take the
necessary care of said schools; but there appear to be many Friends
that are not yet accommodated with suitable schools, and we think a
committee of a few Friends to be continued to assist therein will be
necessary, all of which we submit to the meeting. (Signed by the
committee)....
Which being read and considered, the meeting appoints William
England, William Cooper, Humphrey Marshall, and Thomas
Baldwin to have the care of the school near Bradford Meeting
House, and Thomas Fisher, Griffith Mendenhall, Isaac Coates and
Isaac Pim to have the care of the school now kept in the meeting
house at East Caln, who are desired to take the necessary care
therein and the former committee is still continued.[604]

A subsequent report of 1781 points out that an additional school has been
established, presumably through the coöperation of the meetings of
Bradford, Kennett, and New Garden.[605] The records of Kennett and New
Garden do not seem to recognize this coöperative school, however. To the
writer, it seems that the probable state of affairs was that the one school was
so located that it was patronized by the three communities though its
direction lay in the hands of Bradford Meeting. The contiguous situation of
the townships makes this a plausible and a probable solution. The school
was soon to be discontinued for a time.[606] The report of 1781 is herewith
submitted.
[Sidenote: A school
The Friends in the care of schools report that they between Bradford,
attended the school set between this meeting, New

Garden, and Kennett Monthly Meetings, and Kennett and New
Garden]
purpose taking further care therein; and those to
have the care of the school at Bradford report that a
school is held there in pretty regular order, considering the situation
of the master in regard to his sight, and they that had the care of the
school at East Caln informed that they had divers opportunities with
the master and scholars, and are of the mind that further care in that
respect is necessary; which being considered, this meeting continues
the said Friends and desires that they may attend to the service for
which they are appointed.[607]

The conditions presented in the report of the second [Sidenote: Four
month remained the same, save that the school between schools reported by
Kennett, New Garden, and Bradford was reported committee]
“discontinued” in the sixth month, 1781.[608] Later in
that year, the old committee was released and a new list of men, Thomas
Baldwin, Joel Harlan, Thomas Sugar, Nathan Cooper, Benjamin Hanley,
John Hoopes, Thomas Fisher, Griffith Mendenhall, Samuel Fisher, and
George Harrison constituted a “standing committee.”[609] In 1782 four
schools were reported;[610] in 1783, several schools not entirely agreeable to
the desires expressed in the Yearly Meeting’s Advices;[611] in 1784, three
are reported in the verge of Bradford Particular Meeting, mostly under the
direction of Friends, but “none at either of the Calns” (East or West).[612]
Subsequent reports show that the cessation of the schools at Caln was only
temporary. The presentation of this very brief span of their history may be
closed with an abbreviated statement of a committee report made in 1792.
[613]

[Sidenote: Report
1. We visited four schools in our verge, one more of 1792]
left, making five.
2. The fifth is likely to be discontinued soon.
3. Number

one near Bradford Meeting House (in care of Friends).

one in East Bradford (part Friends and part not).
one in East Caln (the masters not members of Friends, but
willing to be under their direction).

4. The committee was released on request.

In the same year that Uwchlan became a monthly [Sidenote:
meeting, the Friends entered a protest, saying that the Uwchlan]
making of wills was too much neglected, but that such
[Sidenote:
as were made were not misapplied.[614] It is quite Education of
probable that the first statement is an indication of a Negroes mentioned
philanthropic spirit in the meeting, between which and in 1765]
educational activity there has been noted a high
correlation. Moreover, their explicit statement in 1765 concerning the
education of the negroes would indicate the education of their own children
was already taken care of.[615] The usual transformation in the kind of
reports, noted in other meetings about 1778 and following, is likewise
apparent in the meeting at present under discussion.
Though a school committee was appointed much earlier (1779) there was
a very definite report made before 1782. Two reports made then in
successive months are worthy of our attention.
[Sidenote: Three
The committee respecting schools report that they schools mentioned
have attended to the service, having visited one in 1779]
school, the master whereof is a member of this
meeting, to a good degree of satisfaction, some of the employers
and scholars being present. They are continued to proceed in that
service as way may open and report to next meeting[616]....

And a month later

The Friends appointed report that they have visited two other
schools, the masters whereof and many of the employers are
members of this meeting, and ... being enabled to communicate

some advice, which appeared to be well received, they are
continued.[617]

In 1783 a new committee was commissioned to [Sidenote: New
procure a particular statement of the schools wherein committee
Friends were concerned either as masters or as appointed]
employers, viz.: Thomas Richards, Jesse Jones, Joshua [Sidenote: The state
Baldwin, Reuben John, William Millhouse, Griffith of funds]
John, Simon Meredith, William Cooper, Elihu Evans,
Aaron Duncan, and Joseph Starr.[618] This committee is not to be confused
with the trustees of the school funds, who were entirely distinct, and whose
sole function was to receive and apply the funds for the education of the
indigent children. The trustees’ report stated in 1784 that the amount of the
legacies and donations up to that date amounted to £120/10/00.[619]
Near this time, very probably in 1784, a new school [Sidenote: School
was established by Friends at Nantmeal, for which set up at Nantmeal]
Uwchlan Meeting appointed a special committee which
was to make a report; the report made in 1785 stated that they had visited
the school and found it well conducted.[620] In 1787, the school committee
produced a report on all schools, which was to be sent to the quarterly
meeting. It embodied some statement of the results achieved, difficulties to
be faced, and further gave an insight into the coöperation of Friends in the
“mixed schools” of their communities. As sent to the quarterly meeting, the
report was as follows:
[Sidenote: Report
We of the committee appointed to essay a report of 1787]
to the quarterly meeting of the situation of our
members in regard to schools and the progress of our [Sidenote:
Nantmeal school
monthly meeting in that important concern, having discontinued]
had several conferences and opportunities of
enquiring into that subject, report as follows: that some have been
appointed and continued from time to time by our monthly meeting
for several years past, who have used many endeavors to promote
the establishment of schools agreeable to the advices of the Yearly
Meeting; but our number generally living so remote from each
other, has prevented much progress being made therein, save one

house being built by Friends at Nantmeal nearly on the plan
proposed, in which a school has been kept some time, but now
dropped for want of a salary for the master, there not being a
sufficient number of Friends settled contiguous thereto nor to each
other, in any other part of our meeting to support a school; and the
boarding out of our children appears an expense too heavy for many
of us, so that we are generally in the practice of schooling our
children in a mixed manner, though mostly under the tutorage of
Friends, or persons friendly disposed, to whom some care has been
extended and their schools frequently visited by our committee
some time back. Signed by order of the school committee by
William Millhouse, clerk.[621]

In 1794, the London Grove Monthly Meeting, just [Sidenote: London
created, began its educational work by appointing a Grove]
committee to take subscriptions for a fund to support a
[Sidenote:
“regular school.”[622] In 1795, the preparative meeting Committee of men
proposing that a standing committee be appointed to and women
inspect the necessities of the poor and the school appointed schools]
for

education of their children, the following were named to
unite with a committee of women on that concern, viz.: Samuel Swayne,
Josiah Hoopes, John Man, and Jonathan Buslow.[623] Four months later the
committee appointed to raise the funds by subscription (see above) reported
that a sum of “more than fifty pounds” was already subscribed.[624] No
statement of the number of schools established in the limits of the London
Grove Meeting is given between the time of its establishment and the end of
the century; nor are any other details vouchsafed. It will suffice for a
voucher of their intentions and the work actually begun in that period, to
insert the following statement of their plan for founding their schools.
[Sidenote: Plan
Pursuant to the advice and recommendations of produced for
the Yearly Meeting of Friends for many years, and settling schools]
excited by consideration in our own minds for an
improvement of the school education of the youth, especially those
in low circumstances, we, the subscribers hereto, have agreed to
promote the raising of a fund or stock, the increase whereof to be

for the benefit of the several schools which are or may be under the
care of London Grove Monthly Meeting, and to be distributed
amongst them at the direction of a committee of the said meeting,
appointed from time to time in the care of schools. The sum
annexed to each of our names we hereby engage each for himself or
heirs, executors and administrators respectively, to pay or to cause
to be paid to such Friend or Friends as the abovesaid monthly
meeting shall appoint as treasurer for the same, and that at any time,
when demanded, after the whole subscription amounts to the sum of
fifty pounds. The treasurer, so appointed, we enjoin to be subject to
the inspection and control of the said monthly meeting and to render
a fair and true account thereto of his proceedings therein once a
year, and if the said meeting shall at any time see cause to release
the treasurer, then he shall give up his accounts and pay the money
or transfer such other property as may be under his care,
appertaining to the said fund unto such other Friends as the monthly
meeting may appoint to succeed him in the said trust. Our
subscriptions, until they amount to fifty pounds or upwards, we
direct to be kept in stock and be deposited in some safe way so as to
produce increase either by a loan upon land at the discretion and
direction of the said monthly meeting or committee thereof. The
interest, rent, or increase whereof we direct to be applied for the
benefit of the aforesaid schools in such a manner and at such times
as the school committee of the said monthly meeting for the time
being, or a majority of them shall direct. And although our present
endeavor may appear feeble and small, yet we trust and hope it may
gradually increase so as to become more useful in time.[625]

There remains to be presented in this chapter the [Sidenote:
activities of Sadsbury Meeting, which, though outside Sadsbury]
the limits of Chester County, was made up very largely
[Sidenote: Youths’
of members residing in Chester County.[626] The most meetings
distinctly educational work of any sort was the youths’ established 1739]
meeting, which was very frequently mentioned as early
as 1739, only two years after they became a monthly meeting.[627]
Numerous statements of these meetings occur throughout the first thirty

years and more. Attention was also directed to a care for the children of the
poor.

One of the Friends appointed in the case of John Marsh’s child
report they attended the service and met with some encouragement
concerning the education of the child, the person with whom it
resides being its grandmother; the meeting concludes to leave it
under the care and notice of Henry Marsh, the child’s uncle.[628]

In 1779 the first committee to carry out the instruction [Sidenote:
of 1777 and 1778 was appointed, consisting of the Committee
following members: James Miller, Andrew Moore, and appointedschools]
on

Samuel Simons.[629] They were to afford assistance to
each of the preparative meetings (Sadsbury and Leacock). This they
reported in the second month they had done; James Moore, Isaac Taylor,
John Moore, James Smith, Abraham Gibbons, and James Webb were then
appointed to do the work.[630] In 1782 a visit was made to Sadsbury
Meeting by the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting.[631] They
reported further at that time:
[Sidenote: School at
The Monthly Meeting committee has it under care Sadsbury
and there is a school set up at Sadsbury, and it is mentioned]
closely recommended to Friends for a further
progress and to the committee of this meeting in particular, to which
George Cooper, Andrew Moore, and Joseph Dickinson are added.
[632]

The conditions remain substantially the same for the [Sidenote:
five subsequent years, with frequently interspersed Discontinued, but
reports, made to the monthly meetings and to be sent to not long]
the quarterly meeting. In that year, as the following
report shows, the school at Sadsbury was discontinued, and the old
committee removed to make place for a new one.

Several Friends of the committee respecting schools report they
have conferred together since the last meeting, and it doth not
appear that there is any school at this time within the verge of this
meeting under the care and direction of Friends, and the said
committee expressing their desire to be released, the meeting
consents thereto, yet in order to keep alive the concern and promote
a matter so interesting, concludes to appoint a fresh committee, and
James Miller, John Moore, son of James, Isaac Taylor, and Joseph
Williams, Joseph Brinton, Moses Brinton, William Downing, and
Gaius Dickinson are appointed for the service.[633]

It is not ascertainable from the minutes just how long [Sidenote: Barclay’s
this school remained closed, but a minute of 1789, Catechism for use
directing that Barclay’s Catechism be distributed for the in schools]
use of the schools, indicates that it was not discontinued
for a long time.[634] Isaac Taylor, R. Moore, William Gibbons, and William
Webb were appointed to distribute the said books.[635]
In 1792, Lampeter Preparative Meeting (called [Sidenote:
Leacock in 1732, but changed to Lampeter in 1749)[636] Lampeter requests
to build
laid before the monthly meeting a request to be schoolhouse, 1792]
permitted to build a school house on or near their
meeting house land for the purpose of a boarding school to be under the
care of the monthly meeting.[637] Their request was not acted upon until the
next meeting when it was referred to a committee of eleven men, who were
to consider the proposals and report their judgment to the monthly meeting
when convenient.[638] It appears from the following extract of the monthly
meeting that they were somewhat critical.
[Sidenote:
The committee appointed to consider the Committee’s
proposals of Lampeter Preparative Meeting for suggestions for
Lampeter school
building a school house made a report in writing, not accepted]
which not meeting the approbation of this meeting,
is returned and Joseph Brinton, Abraham Gibbons, William Brinton,
James Smith, John Ferris, James Cooper, and Levi Powell are added

to the former committee and William Webb is requested to consider
the matter and report to the next meeting.[639]

At the session of the monthly meeting held two months later, the newly
appointed committee was successful in getting a satisfactory hearing for
their decision in regard to the Lampeter Boarding School.

The proposal of Lampeter Preparative Meeting comes again
under consideration and the following report being produced and
divers times read, is concurred with.
To Sadsbury Monthly Meeting—

We, the committee appointed to consider [Sidenote: The
Lampeter’s proposals for building a school house accepted report]
and having again met and had a solid conference
together unite in judgment that the proposals are nearly agreeable to
the advices of the Yearly Meeting and under the present
circumstances are of the mind the monthly meeting may be safe in
leaving that meeting at liberty to erect a building proportioned in
size to their Friends and the probabilities of what may be obtained
by subscription (which is submitted to the meeting by James Miller
and signed by fourteen others). 6-25-1792.[640]

In 1793, the school committee recommended in the following report that
more definite steps be taken to meet the demand of the yearly meeting in
regard to (1) the accommodations for a master and (2) the establishment of
a permanent school fund.
[Sidenote: Funds to
The committee in the care of schools made the be raised]
following report in writing which, after being solidly
considered, is adopted and the clerk is directed to furnish each
preparative meeting with a copy of this minute together with the
report of the committee (which follows). Most of the committee
appointed in the care of establishing well regulated schools for the
instruction of our youth report they met twice on the subject and

solidly considering the same, believe it would be right for the
monthly meeting to recommend to Sadsbury Preparative Meeting
the making of such suitable provisions for the accommodation of a
school master as is recommended by the Yearly Meeting Minute of
1778—That Sadsbury and Lampeter Preparative Meetings be stirred
up to use their endeavors to raise such funds for their respective
meetings by subscription as is recommended—as well as in a
minute of our last quarterly meeting, by William Webb (and five
others).[641]

By a later minute we are informed that an instrument of writing
(subscription plan) has been drawn up for the purpose of raising funds,[642]
which, however, did not prove wholly satisfactory,[643] and was postponed
for further consideration. As presented finally and accepted on twelfth
month, 10th, 1793, the plan for raising permanent funds was as follows:
[Sidenote: Plans for
Whereas the Yearly Meeting is impressed with a raising funds
sense of the advantages that would arise from a adopted]
religious education of our youth, has frequently
recommended the establishment of schools under the care of a
standing committee of monthly or particular meetings and
especially in 1778, recommended the promoting a subscription
towards a fund, the increase whereof might be employed in paying
the master’s salary, if necessary, and promoting the education of
poor Friends’ children. This provision may be made to take in poor
children of Friends or others taught gratis or at such moderate rates
as their parents or guardians can afford to pay at the discretion of
the trustees, etc.
And we, the subscribers, writing with the above
recommendations and willing to part with a portion of the
substance, we as stewards are blessed with, in order to carry the
same into effect (provided always, nevertheless, that no part of the
fund shall ever be applied towards paying the master’s salary so as
to reduce the schooling of children who are in affluent
circumstances, lower than 40 shillings per annum, and may be
raised at the discretion of the trustees), do hereby promise for

ourselves, our heirs, and executors, or administrators to pay, or
cause to be paid, the several sums to our names annexed, to the
trustees for ... school. Otherwise, five per cent. interest from the
dates respectively to our names prefixed until paid or till such other
persons as may be appointed by the monthly meeting to receive the
same. In witness whereof, ...[644]

The situation of schools near the close of the century is shown in a report
of 1797 to be as stated below. Though this report states no fund is
established, a later report of 1798 states that some progress has been made
in that respect.[645]
The report for 1797 is as follows:
[Sidenote: Three
The committee in the care of schools report that schools; no funds]
there is no fund established for this purpose, yet
there are three schools within the compass of our monthly meeting
taught by masters who are Friends and are under the especial care of
a committee of this meeting.[646]

At the very close of the century Sadsbury Friends were interested in
raising a fund to help in the establishment of the Yearly Meeting’s boarding
school at Westtown, Pennsylvania.[647]

SUMMARY

This chapter considers the establishment of schools in [Sidenote: The
Kennett, New Garden, Goshen, Bradford, Uwchlan, meetings]
London Grove and Sadsbury monthly meetings.
No early definite reference is made to education, [Sidenote: Kennett]
though the careful interest in children’s welfare is at all
times evident. Not until the “1777 era” do the reports [Sidenote: A union
school reported]
give any considerable information concerning schools.
Committees were thereafter always in attendance upon [Sidenote: Rules
the problems of the schools. In 1781 a “union school” drawn for school,
property purchased]
was reported between Kennett, Bradford and New

Garden, which was afterwards discontinued. In 1785 they report “several
schools,” in partial accord with demands of the yearly meeting. Land for
Kennett school “number one” was purchased in 1792, and rules drawn up
for its control. Their scheme for raising permanent funds was not completed
until 1795. Two schools, taught by members of the society, were under the
care of the meeting’s committee in 1798.
Two schools were reported at New Garden in 1779 [Sidenote: Two
and another was at that time proposed. Some land was schools under
conveyed to the meeting in 1785 for the use of a school, Kennett meeting]
and a house built upon it. Another piece of land was [Sidenote: Two
deeded by William Jackson in 1794 for a similar schools, another
purpose. Certain stipulations were made concerning the proposed]
school to be established there. It was found more
consistent in summer to employ mistresses rather than masters.
Though established at a late date, Goshen was very [Sidenote: Goshen]
active educationally. Land was purchased and a house
was being built for a union school between Goshen, [Sidenote: Two
schools]
Bradford and Birmingham, in 1779. Committees were
appointed, which gave reports better than those usually
returned. A plan for funds was adopted in 1786. No further mention is found
in regard to the union schools after the establishment of the schools at
Goshen and Willistown.
Bradford’s first educational activity was in connection [Sidenote:
with the apprenticing of children. A single case in which Bradford]
a boy was put to school by the meeting occurred in
[Sidenote: Three
1767; the expense therefore was defrayed by the schools 1780]
preparative meetings. Educational activity increased in
1778; three schools were reported in 1780 and a [Sidenote: Five
committee appointed to assist in establishing others. schools 1792]
They appear to have been successful; five schools were
reported in 1792, though one was about to be discontinued. Not all of the
masters were Friends.
The statement that Negroes were being educated in [Sidenote:
1765, induces one to believe that Friends’ children were Uwchlan]
provided for. Three schools were mentioned in 1779, in

which the masters and many of the employers were [Sidenote:
Friends. In 1789 a school was established at Nantmeal Nantmeal School,
under a special committee of Uwchlan Meeting; it was 1789]
reported discontinued in 1787. The meeting at London [Sidenote: London
Grove, established (1792), reported no schools in its Grove]
compass before the end of the century; although an
elaborate plan was drawn up for the establishment of school funds.
Youths’ meetings were established by Sadsbury as [Sidenote:
early as 1739 and instances in which poor children were Sadsbury]
educated are cited for 1769. The first committee seems
[Sidenote:
to have been appointed for schools in 1779. A school Lampeter boarding
was reported for Sadsbury in 1782, but was later school]
discontinued for a brief time, which cannot be definitely
determined. In 1792 it was agreed that Lampeter [Sidenote: schools]
Three

Preparative might have permission to establish a
boarding school. A plan for funds was drawn up, but no success reported in
raising them until 1798. Three schools are reported established, and under
the care of Quaker masters in 1797.
The entire number of schools set up by the above [Sidenote: Total, 18
named meetings was eighteen or nineteen. or 19 schools]

CHAPTER VIII
SCHOOLS OF DELAWARE COUNTY

The activity of the several monthly meetings in [Sidenote: The
Delaware County in the establishment of schools will be meetings]
considered under the heads of the respective meetings in
the following order, Chester, Darby, Radnor, and Concord. These are four of
the earliest monthly meetings established in Pennsylvania, the dates of their
establishment being: Chester, 1681; and Darby, Radnor, and Concord in
1684.[648] The aim of this chapter, as of the others dealing with the several
counties, is to present, first the source material which has been found to
have any bearing on the establishment of schools and the attitude of the
monthly meetings toward them.
Penn having come to New Castle on October 27, [Sidenote: Naming
1682, and performed the ceremonies of taking of Chester]
possession of the province,[649] appears to have gone
thence to Upland, from whence he sent a letter to Ephriam Harman (dated
October 29, 1682) regarding summoning a court to be held at New Castle
(November 2, 1682).[650] But Upland was not destined to remain the name
of the city, as Penn’s biographers tell us. It is stated that Penn, having
arrived and being filled with emotion at having had a successful journey,
turned to a friend and said, “What wilt thou that I should call this place?”
He replied, “Chester.”[651]
In passing it should be mentioned that an interest in [Sidenote:
education does not date entirely from the coming of the Education before
Quakers and the establishment of Penn’s colony. The coming of Quakers]
records of the court of Upland inform us (1679) that,
without a doubt, some children received the advantages of an education. It
may have been very restricted, we cannot determine that. The records of
that date state, however, that: “The Plt demands of this Deft 200 Gilders for
teaching this Defts children to read one yeare.”[652] There is no doubt that
Friends were not concerned with education in this case.[653]

The first meetings of Chester Monthly Meeting were held in the Court
House[654] at Chester, and meetings for worship usually among the
members at their homes, previously designated.[655] In March, 1686, Urin
Keen conveyed in trust to John Simcock, Thomas Brassey, John Brinton,
Caleb Pusey, Randall Vernon, Thomas Vernon, Joshua Hastings, Mordecai
Maddock, Thomas Martin, Richard Few, Walter Faucet and Edward Carter,
a piece of ground in Chester
[Sidenote: Property
beginning at said Urin’s lot or Garding, and so granted the meeting
running, 60 feet along and fronting the street towards and house built]
the prison house, thence down the lower edge in
Chester Creek—thence along the Creek 60 feet—thence to the place
of beginning ... to the use and behoof of the said Chester—the
people of God called Quakers and their successors forever.[656]

In the year following, it was urged by the monthly meeting that Friends
agree with workmen to build a meeting house at Chester 24 feet square by
16 feet in height.[657] The first meeting house, built on the ground above
mentioned, was completed about 1793.[658]
The earliest record of schools established by Friends [Sidenote: First
dates back to about 1770. Though this is the first record land devised for
of a device of property for the purpose, and the minutes schools in 1769]
of the meeting are also negligent of educational affairs, [Sidenote: Hoskins
it does not seem probable to the writer that the locality wills ground for
was without schools. There were probably neighborhood schools]
schools, not subject to any organization on the part of [Sidenote: Poor to
the meeting. On December 31, 1769, Joseph Hoskins, a be schooled]
Friend, willed a lot of ground for the use of schools,[659]
and though his death did not occur till some years later, the meeting appears
to have known of the intended bequest and to have built a school house in
1770.[660] It was further ordered by the will that the sum of thirty pounds be
paid to John Eyre and James Barton for the schooling and education of such
poor children of the inhabitants of the borough of said Chester as the
preparative meeting shall for the time being think fit to order and direct.[661]
Mr. Jordan in his history of the county, describes the schoolhouse:

The schoolhouse was built of bricks, laid in Flemish bond, the
ends of the headers being burnt black, a style much in vogue at that
time. In the south gable large numerals, 1770, were inserted in the
wall, the figures being formed by the black ends of the headers.[662]

The school mentioned in the committee’s report on [Sidenote: School at
schools situated at Middletown,[663] was established by Middletown
probably in 1740]
Friends in 1783, but an earlier school existed (1740),
according to Mr. Jordan,[664] the buildings for the same [Sidenote: Land
having been donated by Thomas Yarnall and Thomas donated by Taylor
and wife]
Minshall, whose names are very prominently mentioned
in Quaker records. The meeting minutes make no
mention of such a school being established, however, and it must be
understood to have been entirely on individual initiative. In 1791, Enock
Taylor and wife, Quakers, conveyed a quarter acre of land to the use of
Chester Monthly Meeting of Friends for the use of a school.[665] Judging,
however, from the later reports of the monthly meeting we would be led to
believe that no school was established at that time.[666] On December 20,
1791, David Hall conveyed adjoining property for the same use.[667]
About 1778 the monthly meeting became more active [Sidenote:
in regard to its interest in schools, appointing Committees
committees to investigate conditions and report the state appointed
education]
on

to its sessions.[668] In 1779 and 1781, there appeared two
reports on the condition of the Negroes and their [Sidenote:
Subscriptions to be
education which are presented in another chapter.[669] In started for funds]
1782 there likewise appeared a report of the committee
on schools in general.[670] This committee, appointed in accord with the
suggestions of the yearly meeting, agreed substantially that the best way to
the establishment of schools systematically, was to arrange for a
subscription which might be applied to that use at the discretion of the
monthly meeting. This was to be used for paying the master’s salary, and to
educate poor Friends’ children, where it might appear to be of advantage to
do so.[671] These suggestions were directed to be copied and put into the
hands of the members in each of the preparative meetings.[672] Three
months thereafter, the meeting appointed a treasurer for funds and a

committee for the oversight of schools, who were to act in general accord
with the suggestions made in the first report.[673] The minute of the meeting
of that date runs as follows:

A form of subscription was proposed which might be entered into
by those who desired, and was approved by the meeting and all
urged to forward the signing of it.[674]

The work thus started was not entirely satisfactory to [Sidenote: Qualified
the committee, however. They report that “the work goes teachers scarce]
very slowly” and name, as one cause, the great difficulty
of getting suitable teachers.[675] Provision seems to have been made for the
schooling of poor children, “such as can conveniently be sent.”[676] This
reference may mean that all such were schooled who were within reach of a
school, or that they sent all for whom they had a sufficient fund. In 1783
they acknowledged the receipt of the most recent advices of the yearly
meeting which again recommended the serious subject of schools to their
attention. Again in 1792 we find this minute:

The subject of schools being now resumed and the several
paragraphs contained in the extracts of 1778, 1779 and 1789 being
read relative thereto, Friends, of the several preparative meetings are
desired to pay close attention to the several repeated advises of the
yearly meeting on this important subject.[677]

In 1796 the concern of a boarding school, which we have found was also
interesting all of the other monthly meetings, in the Philadelphia Yearly
Meeting, came also to the attention of Chester. They indicated their
willingness to coöperate in the scheme by the appointment of a committee,
which appears from a minute made in the meeting in 1793.
[Sidenote:
William Worrall, Daniel Sharpless, Josiah Rhoads, Subscriptions
Edward Fell, Mahlon Parsons, Roger Dirks, Thomas promoted for
boarding school]
Sharpless and Jacob Minshall are appointed to
prepare a subscription paper and promote Friends’ subscriptions

towards the establishment and support of the boarding school
agreeable to the recommendations of our last Yearly Meeting, and
report of their care to next or a future meeting.[678]

The general state of schools under the meeting’s jurisdiction is made
known by the following report sent in by the school committee to the
monthly meeting held on 1-27-1800.
[Sidenote: Three
The committee appointed to the care of schools schools under
report there are three kept within the verge of this Chester Meeting]
meeting under Friends care, viz.:
1. One at Springfield taught by a Friend.
2. One at Middletown, taught by a person not in membership.
3. One at Blue Hill under similar circumstances, all of which we
trust are conducted in a good degree orderly, but that there has been
little or no addition to our fund since last year, except what it has
increased by use. The school committee also informs that the
Friends who were by the last will of our Friend George Miller and
James Turner, left trustees to the lots at Blue Hill have conveyed the
same by instruments of writing duly executed as follows, to wit: the
dwelling house and lot to Jacob Minshall, Edward Fell, Ambrose
Smedley, Isaac Sharpless, John Hill, Jr., and Joseph Pennell, Jr., and
the schoolhouse and lot to George Miller, Edward Fell, Ambrose
Smedley, James Smedley, Isaac Sharpless, John Hill, Jr., and Joseph
Jonnell, Jr., which said conveyances have since been recorded and
are lodged with the other writings relating thereto, in the hands of
the treasurer of the school fund which is satisfactory to the meeting.
[679]

The Blue Hill School, mentioned in the above report of the committee,
no doubt dated back to a few years following 1791, in which James Turner
bequeathed his “Blue Hill Estate” to George Miller for the use of schools
established at the direction of Chester Monthly Meeting.[680]

I give, devise and bequeath to George Miller, the [Sidenote: “Blue
son of my cousin George Miller, my house and lot of Hill” estate
bequeathed by
Ground situated in the Province aforesaid James Turner]
(commonly called Blue Hill) with the appurtenances
to hold by him and his heirs and assigns forever.
Upon special trust and confidence, nevertheless and to and for the
use, intent and purpose hereinafter expressed, mentioned and
declared, and moreover for the use of the society of Protestants,
commonly called Quakers, of and belonging to the Monthly
Meeting of Chester for the erecting one or more houses for the
teaching and instructing youth therein, and all necessary
conveniences thereto belonging under and subject to the rules and
regulations and orders of the said meeting for the time being
forever.
Item, I give and bequeath to my Friend Jacob Minshall, all the
rest and residue of my estate in trust for the use of a school which
may at times be kept at or near my lot of ground above mentioned,
subject to the direction of the Chester Monthly Meeting.[681]

The meeting’s schools also received a considerable [Sidenote: Legacy
assistance through a legacy of £50 left by Thomas Evans from Thomas
for the establishment and support of a school within the Evans]
verge of Chester Monthly.[682] He makes it clear in his
bequest that he has been influenced to do this by the recommendations of
the yearly meeting, the influence of which has been instanced in many cases
before this one.
Not only to the advancement of education and enlightenment by means
of schools alone did Friends of the Chester Meeting lend their
encouragement. In a minute of 1689 we find an interesting reference to
assistance proposed for the encouragement of printing in Philadelphia.
[Sidenote: Printing
The business proposed to the Friends of encouraged by the
Philadelphia concerning allowing William Bradford, meeting]
the printer, £40 by the year to encourage him to
continue in the art and practise of Printing. This meeting approving

the said proposal, orders for Darby Monthly Meeting John Blunston
and Joshua Fearne and for Chester Monthly Meeting Caleb Pusey,
Randall Vernon and for Chichester Monthly Jacob Chandler and
John Mendenhall to take subscription according to proposal.[683]

We have noticed that there appeared to be very little [Sidenote: An early
in the records of the monthly meeting until about 1770 attention to
and that they contained little of educational interest education reported
by the quarterly
before that time. The records of the Quarterly Meeting meeting]
of Chester (later known as Concord) are, however, full
of suggestions which indicate that educational interests had their attention
much before that date, though they were not under a perfected organization.
As early as 1732 advances were made for the care and instruction of poor
children which would fit them to earn a living. We may mention the
financial assistance promised by Joseph Mead in that year.

Our ancient Friend Joseph Mead having by letter communicated
to this meeting his mind, signifying his willingness to do something
that might be conducive towards a public good, and in order thereto
offers to give £50 toward a stock to be kept in this meeting for the
putting of poor Friends’ children to trades or for relieving of poor or
indigent Friends which this meeting very kindly accepts of at the
hand of said Friend.[684]... and this meeting being informed that our
Friend Joseph Mead continues steadfast in his mind respecting his
donation towards pious uses, and desires he may know to whom he
may deliver the said gift. After some consideration thereon this
meeting do nominate ... Jacob Howell and John Davis to be
receivers and are by this meeting empowered to receive the above
and all such bequests ..., in behalf of and for the use of this meeting,
and to put out upon interest as soon as they conveniently can all
such money into good and responsible hands and to render to this
meeting when required thereto or to whom the said meeting shall
appoint a true and just account of what may be delivered hereafter
by any person or persons into their hands for the uses aforesaid.[685]

In 1739 the interest arising from this gift was withdrawn at his request
and paid to the Springfield Friends to help them build their meeting house.
[686]

In response to the yearly meeting’s urgent request of 1746 and 1750,[687]
we have their action recorded in this minute of the year 1754.
[Sidenote: Report
According to a minute of the advice of the Last required on state of
Yearly Meeting concerning the settling of schools in legacies]
the country, it is agreed for the encouragement
thereof that the several and respective clerks of the monthly
meetings belonging to this quarterly meeting do inquire and bring in
a true report of all legacies, donations or estates which have been
heretofore given to their respective meetings and of the uses to
which the moneys arising therefrom are applied, and bring the
account thereof to our next meeting.[688]

The meetings at Darby were at first usually held at the [Sidenote: Darby]
home of John Blunston, who in 1687 deeded one acre of
ground in Darby aforesaid for the use of building a [Sidenote: Land
deeded for meeting]
meeting house,[689] on which the meeting house was
begun in the following year,[690] and finished in 1689.[691] Happily, in the
case of Darby Meeting we can point out a definite statement concerning a
school established by the meeting, and which, quite probably, was the first
school at that place. In 1692 the minutes note that,
[Sidenote: B. Clift’s
Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school]
school, beginning the twelfth day of the 7th month,
and to continue one whole year except two weeks.[692]

His salary for the first year is not known, but the minutes a year later give
some clue as to the amount paid.

Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school a year,
beginning this 20th day of this 9th month; and to have £12/00/00.

[693]

As has occurred in all other monthly meetings thus far [Sidenote: Slight
considered, there was always little done in the way of activity before
organization and supervision of school affairs till after 1778]
1770.[694] There were however various committees
appointed from time to time, especially in the case of legacies and
donations which were quite common even at early dates.[695] The
movement towards better organization, however, began more earnestly in
1778, with the receipt of a number of letters from the yearly meeting, in
regard to which the following minute was made:
[Sidenote:
This meeting received a number of the general Coöperation of
epistles from the last Yearly Meeting held in London monthly and
quarterly
and also the same number of copies of an epistle committees]
from the same meeting to our last Yearly Meeting,
one of each were read at the close of the meeting for worship, to
satisfaction, and the clerk is directed to read one of each the forepart
of a first day meeting. The remainder were distributed amongst
Friends.[696]

In the twelfth month Darby Friends received a [Sidenote: Building
committee appointed by the quarterly meeting (Concord) for a school
to investigate conditions and promote schools among the proposed]
monthly meetings.[697] John Howe, Aaron Oakford,
Isaac Lloyd, Benjamin Lobb, and Josiah Bunting were appointed by Darby
to join with the quarterly meeting’s committee in its work.[698] The next
year the question of building a schoolhouse occupied their attention.[699] It
was proposed to deal with persons holding some land adjoining that of the
meeting, that it might be purchased as school property and a suitable
building erected thereon. Finding, however, that those holding the adjacent
property were not at the time disposed to sell, it was decided to begin a
subscription for erecting a schoolhouse on the meeting’s land, which has
been mentioned as having been left to the meeting’s use by John Blunston.

[700]
The work on this building was evidently begun between 1779 and
1781, as we may infer from the minute of the latter year.

This meeting resuming the consideration of building a house to
accommodate a school were informed by one of the committee that
it appeared to be necessary the subscriptions should be enlarged
before the work could be completed; therefore Abraham Bonsall,
John Humphreys, and Phillip Price are appointed with the former
committee in order to forward the work and to report what progress
they have made therein to next meeting; Benjamin Lobb requesting
to be released from the above service, Morris Truman is appointed
in his room.[701]

The tenor of a minute of the meeting next following was to the effect that
enough money had been secured for the completion of the work.[702]
In 1784 another visit was received from the [Sidenote: State of
committee of the quarterly meeting, whose purpose was school satisfactory
“the establishing and keeping up suitable schools,” as 1784]
recommended in the several years past.[703] The reports [Sidenote: A digest
of the committee of the school at this date indicate that of report of 1790]
the status was nearly what was expected by the yearly
meeting, respecting (1) foundation, (2) masters, (3) supervision by
committees, (4) accommodations for the master, etc.[704] In 1787, Nathaniel
Newlin one of the meeting’s representatives to the quarterly meeting
brought back a request from that body for “a circumstantial account” of the
state of schools, to be transmitted to the quarterly meeting the next eighth
month.[705] The said Nathaniel was placed on the school committee in the
eleventh month following,[706] and later, John Bull and Benjamin Bartram
were appointed in the places of Aaron Oakford and Phillip Price who
requested to be released.[707] In the first month of the year following there
was produced a report by the committee, which in fact became the
governing document for the schools established and to be established in
Darby. There is presented here a digest of the report; a complete statement
of it may be found in Chapter II.
1. Recalling the advices of the yearly meeting, they recognize:

a. the advantages arising from established schools, and
b. the losses sustained from a want thereof.

2. Therefore it is agreed that in the future five Friends should be
appointed and called the Overseers of Darby School, three of them to be
sufficient number to transact business.
3. Their duties:

a. Visit the school.
b. Examine the progress of the scholars.
c. Inspect the teacher’s conduct.
d. Employ teachers, with the approbation of the meeting.
e. Discharge them in similar manner, if cause therefor arise.
f. Discharge unruly pupils, who will not submit to the rules of the
school.
g. Settle all differences arising between the master and any
employers.
h. Devise some plan for raising permanent funds for the school;
also to receive interest from the trustees of donations given for
education of the poor, and apply the same as intended.
i. Aid the trustees in getting better securities for the same.
j. Minutes of their proceedings are to be kept and reports made to
the monthly meeting once a year, and at other times if called for.[708]

In 1792 the new overseers reported they had [Sidenote: New
continued to visit the school and inspect the learning of overseers added
temporarily]
the children, which they did with satisfaction, implying
that all conditions were as desired.[709] In the eleventh [Sidenote:
month four new members were appointed to the school Schoolhouse to be
built on Lobb lot by
overseers;[710] as it is not stated that any had been subscription]
released, we are uncertain as to whether the number

required had been increased or not; quite likely they [Sidenote: Not
were appointed only for temporary assistance. In 1793 it begun until 1797 or
was reported from the school overseers that Benjamin 1798]
Lobb had agreed to grant a lot of ground on the upper
part of his plantation, to build a schoolhouse upon; the overseers proposed
that the expenses be defrayed by subscription.[711] A subscription was
started for the same, and Friends desired to forward it, that the school might
be begun.[712] The cost of this school was estimated at £110.[713] It is not
known just when this school under Friends’ care was begun in Upper Darby
but at various stages these things are known about it. (1) On the 28th of the
third month, 1793, it was reported that Lobb had offered the ground, (2) the
cost of the building was estimated, fifth month, second, 1793, at £110, (3)
eighth month, twelfth, 1793, the Chester Quarterly Meeting received the
report that Darby was going to establish a school for Friends, (4) in 1796
the committee of overseers reported, “our school has been kept in good
degree accordingly as desired by the yearly meeting,”[714] (5) the committee
of overseers still mention but one school under their care and (6) eighth
month, second, 1798, the school overseers report that the schools are kept
as recommended by the yearly meeting. It would appear then that the school
did not actually begin until some time between 1797 and 1798,[715] since all
prior reports had recognized but one school.
Mr. Jordan states that in 1779 a deed set aside 24 perches of ground in
upper Darby on the Darby-Haverford Road for the use of schools.[716] This
seems to have no connection with the schools established by the meeting; it
was the first official deed for ground for schools, but many bequests of
great value had been made previously.[717] The text of the minutes recording
these bequests follows on a later page.
The state of schools as reported by the committee in [Sidenote: The state
1797 was as follows: of education in
1797 and]

Our school has been kept since last accounts ... as recommended
by the Yearly Meeting; visited by the overseers and the scholars
learning inspected to a good degree of satisfaction. There has been
expended for schooling children of Friends and others the sum of
£12/10 and on settlement there appears a balance in the treasurer’s

hands of £6/15/5; the stock remains the same as at last year. Signed
... Morris Truman, Isaac Oakford, and John Hunt.[718]

As mentioned above, the second school in Upper [Sidenote: 1798]
Darby seems to have been put into operation by 1798.
The committee’s report, summarized, is as the following.[719]

1. Schools kept as recommended by the yearly meeting since last
year.
2. Scholars’ learning has been inspected.
3. Schools have been visited.
4. Children of the poor and of others have been schooled.
5. Stock remains at £14/00/00 as last year.

Signed Truman Morris, John Hunt and Isaac Oakford.
As has been previously suggested the financial [Sidenote: Support
assistance to Darby schools came in a very considerable of schools by
measure from legacies, left from time to time, but it was legacies]
also necessary to use subscription and rate plans for
school support. The text of one of these bequests, as recorded in the Darby
records, is given below.

Likewise I give and bequeath to my friend John Griffith, Thomas
Pearson, and Samuel Bunting, all of Darby aforesaid, the sum of
£50, nevertheless my aforesaid gift and bequest to them is only in
trust, that they the said John Griffith, Thomas Pearson and Samuel
Bunting shall reconvey and receive from the hands of my executors
aforesaid the sum of £50 and when so received, put out the said
monies to interest on good securities with the approbation of the
monthly meeting of the people called Quakers in Darby aforesaid,
and at the risk of those benefitted thereby and so from time to time
forever, with the approbation of the said meeting for the time being.
To the intent and purpose that by and out of the interests and profits

thereof, they the said John Griffiths ... pay for the learning to read
and write of such and so many poor Friends children in unity and
church fellowship with the said people and belonging to the said
meeting, as the said meeting shall order and appoint from time to
time forever, and when any of my said trustees shall die, it is my
will and mind that the said meeting shall appoint another to succeed
and so from time to time forever.[720]

Smith’s History of Delaware County states that as [Sidenote: Radnor]
early as 1788 there was a school established at Radnor.
[721] [Sidenote: A school
The first reference to a school found in the Radnor mentioned in 1731]
Monthly Meeting’s records was in 1731.[722] At that date
Richard Harrison and some Friends

signified to this meeting in writing that the meeting appointed last
7th month to be kept at the said Richard’s schoolhouse was duly and
religiously kept and further requested to be permitted to keep an
afternoon meeting ... which is allowed of and to be at four o’clock.

The school had doubtless been in existence for at least [Sidenote: The poor
a short time before that. Their answers to the fifth query educated]
in 1757 state that they are careful of the education of the
poor and find themselves clear of placing children from among Friends.[723]
They also, at that date, report themselves free of holding slaves;[724]
likewise in 1759, in regard to both.[725] In 1768, in regard to a case of
apprenticing children, this minute is recorded by the meeting:
[Sidenote: Children
The meeting taking the request to reimburse them apprenticed]
the expense accruing on account of Jane Atkinson,
deceased, into consideration, came to a result of paying them as
soon as we can, and as there is one of her children not put out yet, it
is desired Samuel Humphreys and William Lawrence would take
some care in putting them out....[726]

In 1759 we find that Friends are reminded by the [Sidenote: Making
monthly meeting of the “necessary duty” of making their wills
wills in time of health, and that endeavors are used to recommended]
apply public gifts to the uses intended.[727] The only
“uses intended” must have been for some of these purposes: The support of
the poor, their education, for negro support and education, or for purely
religious purposes, all of which, the last one excepted, were, in a way, if we
may judge from other meetings’ practices, educational. The suggestion of
leaving bequests for public purposes, taken in connection with the answers
to the fifth and seventh queries, and the known fact that there was a school
in 1731, lead us to believe that the Radnor Meeting was pretty well awake
to educational problems. However true that may be, it is just as certain that
any exact data on her schools are very rare for the early period before 1778.
In that year the usual declaration of the yearly meeting at Philadelphia was
received concerning the question of schools.[728]
A committee of the quarterly meeting in 1778 [Sidenote: Report
produced a report embodying certain conclusions arrived of quarterly
meeting]
at, both as to causes of existing evils and the proposed
solutions. Only a digest of this report can be given here.
[729]

1. We believe it a subject of much importance.
2. Corruptions have been introduced by mingling in outside schools.
3. It is necessary to have schools under masters and mistresses who take
care of religious education.
4. We believe it our duty to spread the work through the yearly meeting.
The effect of the yearly and quarterly meetings’ [Sidenote:
suggestions was the appointment of Samuel Briggs, Committee
William Lawrence, Jacob Jones, John Robeson, Samuel appointed
education]
on

Richards, and Daniel Maule to attend to the affairs of
education, “as may be opened in the wisdom of truth.”[730] This last may, to
our modern way of thinking, suggest rather a blind guidance, but not so to
the old time Friends. The report to the quarterly meeting in 1779 does not
suggest that any progress has been made, as was desired, save in respect to
the masters employed in the schools.

... to attend the ensuing quarterly meeting at Philadelphia, and
report, that the ... answers are to be transmitted as nearly our state.
That some care has been taken to advise such negroes who have
been restored to freedom. That the proposals respecting schools
have been under consideration and some essays made by employing
masters who are Friends. That small progress has been made as yet
in laboring for the pious education of the youth.[731]

The next step, as reported in 1781, was the [Sidenote:
appointment of Friends to attend each of the preparative Preparatives
meetings and to do all possible “to spread the concern” visited]
of schools and excite an attention thereunto. No visits [Sidenote: The
were as yet made to individual families, and the general demands of the
feeling of the meeting appeared to be that not much yearly meeting]
progress had been made.[732] When reading these reports
of the monthly meetings it is well to keep in mind the chief things which the
yearly meeting had desired, (1) the establishment of permanent school
funds, (2) employment of Friends as teachers, (3) houses and permanent
lands, gardens and so forth to be provided for the accommodation of the
masters, etc. With this in mind it is easy to see that the report of the
meetings might be rather faltering even though they were in some manner
supplied with the benefits of education. In 1781 the quarterly meeting
advised those still unsuccessful in their attempts to meet the set standards
“should be animated and encouraged to give weighty attention to this
important matter.”[733] The only success achieved by Radnor, according to
their own report, was in the employment of Friends for school masters.[734]
In 1786,

The important subjects ... relative to schools engages in some
degree the minds of Friends here but have little further to mention at
present saving that the teachers employed in several schools appear
to be those in religious profession with Friends.[735]

In 1790 it was reported that one of the preparative meetings was
considering the purchase of a lot of ground for the purpose of schools,[736]

probably that of Haverford. In July 1791 the committee [Sidenote: Purchase
on school affairs gave a pretty full report, at any rate the of ground
proposed]
best we can get, on the condition of Radnor’s schools
situated in each of the preparative meetings. The
statement issued by the committee was the following:
[Sidenote: Report
The committee on schools also produced their of 1791]
report thereon in writing as follows—We ... take the
interesting subject of schools into consideration, and [Sidenote: Two
schools under
to visit those wherein either our preparatives are Friends’ meeting]
concerned, have given unction thereto, and find that
although there are divers schools kept in the [Sidenote:
Haverford and
compass of the monthly meeting, two only appear Radnor]
subject to the rule and direction of Friends, the one
being at Haverford, kept in a house erected in a small lot of ground
belonging to that meeting: This school we visited in company with a
committee of that preparative, which to us seems under its present
circumstances tolerably well conducted; but it does not appear there
are funds established, the salary of the master being made up by the
neighborhood subscription ... some poor children principally are
taught, the expense whereof is defrayed out of a small annual
income arising from a sum left by a friend for such uses.—The other
school is at Radnor, the house being Friends’ property also; on a
visit made to this school in company of a committee of that
preparative meeting, we found it large at the time and under rules
which appeared pretty well adapted for the government thereof, but
the salary there, as in the aforementioned school, depends on the
transient subscription, and therefore uncertain. At Merion and the
Valley we have not discovered any progress made in laying a
foundation for schools in the way proposed by the Yearly Meeting.
After considering this weighty subject with attention we are of the
mind the several preparatives (notwithstanding difficulties may
occur) should be encouraged to a continuance of care and exertion
herein as strength may be afforded; in order to carry into effect this
desirable object among us.—Signed on behalf of the said committee
by James Jones.[737]

The definition of the time when Concord established [Sidenote: Concord]
its first schools under the meeting’s care, is only
possible within rather extended limits. We can only say [Sidenote:
Birmingham School
that at such a time certain schools were in existence; at least as early as
earlier than that we have no authentic source of 1779]
information. Jordan, in his History of Delaware County,
places the date of Birmingham’s first school as 1806, [Sidenote: School at
Chichester]
[738]
it being built on a lot conveyed for that purpose by
John Burgess. From the report of the Concord Monthly Meeting in 1779,
which will be presented later, it appears that Birmingham had a school at
that date which was established “in some measure agreeable to the demands
of the yearly meeting.”[739] It is spoken of as a regularly established school,
which the writer has found in most meetings to mean that a house, master,
funds, and sometimes a permanent lot were provided. This is merely
suggestive. It certainly does not prove that there was a lot and building
provided, but the indications are in favor of that, rather than against it. The
same author, in reference to Upper Chichester, states,

In 1793 the Society of Friends established a school in Upper
Chichester which was maintained by the Society until the public
school system was introduced.[740]

The source for the statement is not given, but it appears it must be subject
to the like inaccuracy suggested above in reference to Birmingham.
The report of the school committee which seems to contravert the time of
the establishment of schools, given by Jordan, is herewith included.
[Sidenote: Report
We of the committee appointed to the care of of 1779]
schools and education of the youth, report we have
in some degree attended to the importance of the service, have lately
visited two schools, which are now established in some measure
agreeable to the concern of the Yearly Meeting as recommended in
the extracts for that purpose....

One of which in the verge of Chichester, the other [Sidenote: Two
Birmingham particular meeting; which visits, on schools]
observing the economy and regularity of said
schools, have afforded us much satisfaction. With increasing desires
for the establishment of another in the verge of Concord which
unitedly appears to be much wanting as divers Friends now labor
under very considerable inconvenience for want thereof. Signed by
nine of the committee.[741]

In 1780 the minutes of the meeting state that another [Sidenote:
full report on schools was brought in, but such a report Committee visits
is not found in the minutes. In 1781, the question being preparatives]
revived by the receipt of the yearly meeting’s extracts, a
committee of Joshua Sharpe, Richard Strode, Hugh Judge, Samuel Trimble,
George Martin, and Caleb Pierce were appointed to take the extracts and
visit each of the preparative meetings, at which they were to be read.[742]
They further directed the time for Birmingham to hold their meeting, so that
the visit of the committee might be arranged.[743] It is known that these
visits were performed, and others following that date.[744]
It was noted in the committee’s report presented in [Sidenote: Report
1779, that Concord did not yet have a school under its of 1786 and 1787]
care,[745] though one was desired. The report of 1786 [Sidenote: Three
indicates that all of the preparatives were at that time schools]
supplied. A digest of the said report is produced here,
also that of 1787.

The committee informed this meeting that they have appointed
John Pierce Treasurer for Chichester, Joseph Trimble for Concord,
and William Townsend for Birmingham. We also agree to report,
agreeable to the request of the quarterly meeting....[746]

Digest of their report.

1. We have a school and house at each preparative meeting—
agreeable to the plan of the yearly meeting.

2. They are under the care of a steady committee of our monthly
meeting.
3. Schools are conducted to the good satisfaction of Friends.
4. One of them at present is vacant.
5. We have also agreed upon a plan to establish a fund for the
education of poor children; also for the support of the said schools.
6. There is a treasurer for each particular meeting.
7. Not much progress made in securing funds, up to date.

The report of the next year, 1787, was:[747]

1. The three schools visited.
2. Are conducted to a good degree of satisfaction.
3. Chichester is at present vacant.
4. Request a future urging and some advice of the yearly meeting.

The encouragement given to the school of Concord through individual
philanthropy is to be noted in the will of Nathan Yarnall, an extract from
which appeared in the Concord minutes.
[Sidenote: Schools
I give and bequeath the sum of £50 to be encouraged by
appropriated for the use of Friends School at individual
philanthropy]
Concord, if established agreeable to the plan
recommended by the Yearly Meeting last year, to be paid into the
hands of the committee appointed for the establishment of the said
school.... It appears that Samuel Trimble, Morris Jones, William
Trimble, and Caleb Pierce are a committee appointed by the
Concord Preparative meeting to take the immediate care and
oversight of that school. They ... and to make report to next meeting.
[748]

Such aid as this doubtless hastened the coming of the first school which
was reported by the committee in 1786.[749]

SUMMARY

The establishment of schools in Chester, Radnor, [Sidenote: The
Darby and Concord meetings is discussed in this meetings]
chapter.
There is evidence that education was provided for [Sidenote: Chester]
some children in Chester before the Quakers came to the
colony. The first meetings at Chester were held in the [Sidenote: Land
devised for schools]
Court House, but land for a meeting house was devised
in 1688. The first property devised for school purposes [Sidenote: Three
was that of Hoskins in 1769. A schoolhouse was built on schools]
the land in 1770. A school is said to have been at
Middletown in 1740, in a building donated by Thomas Yarnall and Thomas
Minshall. Land was also given for schools in 1791 by Enock Taylor and his
wife. About 1778 the usual committees were appointed and subscription
plans formulated. At the end of the century three schools were reported
under Friends’ care.
The first school at Darby was taught by Benjamin [Sidenote: Darby]
Clift in 1692, 1693 and perhaps longer, though no
further record is found. Not much progress is noticed [Sidenote:
Committees
until about 1778, when the quarterly and monthly coöperate]
meetings’ committees united on the subject of schools. A
schoolhouse was erected between 1779 and 1781. [Sidenote: Two
According to reports of 1784 and 1790 the Darby School schools]
was satisfactorily situated. A new school in Upper Darby
on Benjamin Lobb’s lot was proposed in 1793, but not built before 1798.
Two schools, kept as recommended, are reported in 1798.
Smith says that as early as 1788 there was a school at [Sidenote: Radnor]
Radnor. The meeting records mention one as early as
1731. The meeting was active in educating and [Sidenote: Two
schools under
apprenticing the poor. The reports, however, do not charge of meeting]
indicate that they were very successful in meeting the
standards set by the yearly meeting for the schools. In 1791 one of the

preparatives, probably Haverford, considered the purchase of grounds for a
school. A full report of the same year shows two schools (Radnor and
Haverford) which are subject to the control of the monthly meeting. Merion
and the Valley had no schools established according to the plan proposed.
The very early state of Concord’s schools has not [Sidenote: Concord]
been determined, though one was at Birmingham in
1779. Mr. Jordan is inclined to place the date of [Sidenote: Two
schools 1779]
Birmingham’s first school about 1806. The date stated
by him for Chichester (1793) also seems to be too late.
The minutes recognize the Birmingham school in 1779 and also one at
Chichester at the same date. In 1787 one school is reported for each
preparative meeting, Concord, Chichester, and Birmingham.

CHAPTER IX
SCHOOL SUPPORT, ORGANIZATION, AND
CURRICULUM

SUPPORT

At various times in the course of this study, it has [Sidenote: Problem
been mentioned that the activities of the lower branches of support]
of the meeting organization were directed by means of
[Sidenote: A fixed
advices sent out from the yearly meetings. These salary necessary to
advices, particularly at the earlier dates, were of a very secure better
general nature, and, as one would judge from the name, teachers and retain
them]
were only recommendations as to what should be done,
with occasional expressions of approbation or reproof as the action of the
constituent meetings merited. As years went on, however, the advices
became of more consequence, sometimes mapping out plans of action in
considerable detail.[750] One of the questions which came to demand a great
deal of attention was that of supporting teachers in the schools. Great
trouble had always been experienced in getting masters, properly qualified
mentally and morally, who would continue long in the same place of
service. The suggestions of the yearly meeting in 1750 sought to remedy
that serious condition. The opinion then expressed was that,

the most likely means to induce such persons to undertake the
business will be to have some certain income fixed, in consideration
of which, they should be obliged to teach so many children on
behalf of each monthly meeting, as said monthly meeting might
judge adequate to the salary and that no person should receive the
benefit of the salary, without the appointment of the said meeting.
[751]

It was directed that the meeting’s clerk send copies of the above
recommendation to all quarterly meetings, which were in turn to supply
each of their monthly meetings and direct them to send in a report to the
next yearly meeting.[752]
The above is cited as one of many similar [Sidenote: A
recommendations; and, without the presentation of any weakness of the
more of them, it may be well to point out one of the meeting organization]
great weaknesses of the system—that weakness being
the lack of a strong central control in the organization which could
formulate plans and compel them to be carried into execution. A financial
plan based on that idea would no doubt have resulted quite differently than
did the one pursued, which left it wholly to the determination of the locality
whether they would settle regular funds for the schools. Since this study is
historical we shall limit ourselves to that point of view exclusively. Let us
notice then the reception of the recommendations in the case of a few
meetings, tracing it to the lowest meeting whence, in the last analysis, the
funds usually came.
What became of the recommendation when it had [Sidenote: How
been sent out from the yearly meeting? In some cases recommendations
committees were appointed in the quarterly meetings to reached the lower
meetings]
which it came. An instance of this is the case of Concord
Quarterly Meeting which in 1754 appointed a committee [Sidenote: Function
to inspect and examine the accounts and all moneys of committees
appointed]
which were given to charitable and educational
purposes.[753] At another time Concord appointed a committee to visit the
monthly and preparative meetings to ascertain the state of schools among
them; this committee reported soon after that they had visited the meetings
but that not much had been done in regard to schools.[754] The appointment
of these committees was quite a common practice and, no doubt, they had
considerable influence. They often worked with the committees of the
monthly meetings,[755] and in some instances produced very full reports of
their activity, which they, of course, forwarded to the yearly meeting.[756]
The duties in general performed by the quarterly meetings, as doers of the
yearly meeting’s will, were as follows:

1. To transmit the advices through the representatives [Sidenote: Duties of
to the various monthly meetings. the quarterly
meeting
2. To appoint committees (a) for investigation and (b) summarized]
for coöperation with those in the monthly meetings.
3. To collect reports and make final report for their locality to the yearly
meeting.
4. At some stages of development the quarterly performed some duties
later performed by the monthly meeting.[757]
What became of the recommendation when sent on [Sidenote:
from quarterly meeting? After arriving at and being Procedure in the
perused by the monthly, they were always sent by the monthly meeting]
representatives back to the various particulars, or
preparatives, there to be considered also.[758] The preparative meeting was
not primarily a “record-meeting” and little can be found of their
organization, if they had any, for raising funds, save from the reports of the
monthly meetings. This does not mean, however, that the preparatives did
not share in raising the funds; it means only that the organization for so
doing was in the monthly meeting.[759] The plans adopted by that body were
drawn up in the most part by a committee which was representative of each
particular meeting. Let us examine briefly the general nature of the plans
proposed by some of the meetings for establishing permanent funds. Only
those of two or three will be mentioned, as there was great similarity in all
of them. The text of the plan for some of the meetings may be found in the
chapter in which those meetings are considered.[760]
In 1796 the minutes of Kennett recorded a plan their committee had
devised for the establishment of a permanent fund. As has already been
suggested, one of the greatest weaknesses of the whole system was that
everything was done upon individual choice.[761] That is probably the first
thing to strike the reader’s attention as he looks over the plans devised. We
will state as concisely as possible the chief points.
(a) Subscriptions were voluntary, and if a note were [Sidenote: Kennett
given it bore interest at 5%; plans for raising
funds summarized]

(b) There was a regularly constituted board of trustees for the funds;
(c) Record was to be kept of receipts and expenditures and reported to the
monthly meeting;
(d) All money paid in was to be vested in real property as soon as
possible;
(e) Disagreement among the trustees must be settled before the monthly
meeting;
(f) Funds were to be used for paying salaries or keeping buildings in
repair provided the amount of the principal fund be not lessened.[762] From
reports of the success in establishing schools in Kennett meeting,[763] one
must believe that their trustees managed the funds wisely and that
subscriptions were generously made, but their exact financial state is not
given.
Similar plans were devised by many other meetings, [Sidenote: Similar
such as London Grove,[764] Darby,[765] Sadsbury,[766] plans by Darby,
London Grove,
and Buckingham.[767] In all the outstanding Buckingham,
characteristics are the same as those mentioned in the Sadsbury, and
Kennett plan. One very interesting characteristic which others]
frequently recurs, is that in the fifth rule of Kennett
which allows that the funds may be used also for the poor, who are not
members of Friends.[768]
Other forms of support besides the subscription just mentioned were, (1)
legacies, given on terms determined at the will of the donors, (2) fees, and,
occasionally, (3) issue of bonds for rather small sums, which were needed in
case of emergency, such as completing a school house which had been
begun. An instance of the third method occurred in 1701 when Philadelphia
Monthly Meeting agreed that £100 be raised in that manner for completing
the work on the school house.[769] Many similar instances were found in
records of other meetings. The rate system was so commonly used as a
means of support in the early schools that it needs no special attention here.
Some of the rates paid for teaching will be noted in a later presentation of
masters’ salaries. Legacies have been very frequently mentioned in previous
chapters and it is here necessary only to call attention to the chief

characteristics of the bequests and refer the reader to previous chapters if he
wishes to examine the text of them.[770] The common characteristics are:
(1) Entirely voluntary, though the making of them was [Sidenote: Main
frequently urged by the meeting[771] and was in fact the characteristics of
the bequests made]
concern of the queries which were regularly sent out. By
this means the yearly meeting was informed of the
interest taken in making donations.
(2) Almost universally consisted of (a) sums of money or (b) land.
(3) The donor chose trustees in the meeting to be subject to its direction.
(4) The purpose was generally definitely stated; also how the money
should be invested.
An entire chapter might be devoted to this interesting [Sidenote: The
and very important means of support of the Quaker value of legacies in
schools, but much less space must suffice. The value of a few meetings]
it may be indicated by a few figures given in statements
of a few meetings and school records. The table gives the yearly value of
the legacies or other permanent endowments at the year stated. The list is
not complete, due to inadequate records, but may be taken as indicative of
the extent of this form of support.[772]

VALUE OF LEGACIES FOR SCHOOL SUPPORT

For whose use Year Amount
Overseers of Penn Charter School[773] 1776 £574/00/11½
Buckingham Monthly Meeting[774] 1778 244/ 4/11½
Buckingham Monthly Meeting[775] 1793 767/10/00
Wrightstown Monthly Meeting[776] 1790 248/13/10
Falls Monthly Meeting[777] 1799 777/ 9/ 4½
Uwchlan Monthly Meeting[778] 1784 120/10/00
Horsham School Committee[779] 1793 351/ 2/11

ORGANIZATION

The machinery of organization which had any [Sidenote: London
connection with the direction of the school system has advices on
already been frequently referred to. It is the same education]
organization which was discussed in Chapter II.[780] It
has further been pointed out that one of the functions of the head of this
organization, the yearly or general assembly, was to issue advices for the
direction of the lower units. These advices began very early, so far as they
are concerned with education. In 1692 London Yearly Meeting warned all
others to be careful of a “Christian care in the education of their
children,”[781] and followed it successively each year with more
suggestions.[782] These advices all found their way to the Yearly Meeting of
Philadelphia and Burlington, and the similarity between the advices of the
two meetings is striking but not surprising.
It may be convenient for the reader if some of the [Sidenote: London
chief recommendations of the London Advices are stated advices
summarized]
briefly, that the likeness of the two may be noted later
when we examine those of Philadelphia. They are:
1. Education is to be useful and practical.[783]
2. The major emphasis is placed on Christian and moral instruction.[784]
3. The teachers must be capable of good moral influence.[785]
4. Teachers must be members of Friends.[786]
5. Free education is to be provided for the poor[787] (first it was only
mentioned for the children of Friends, later others).
6. The coöperation of teachers is urged for the betterment of methods of
teaching.[788]
7. The weaker communities are to be aided by the stronger.[789]
8. Both parents and teachers must realize the force of example.[790]
9. Close censorship of all reading material for the youth.[791]
From this very brief statement of London Advices and [Sidenote: Means of
with little attention paid to their manner of getting into exercising
influence: epistles,
and influencing those of Philadelphia, save to state that

the chief means were: (1) epistles sent, (2) travelling ministers, and
representatives]
ministers, and (3) through representatives sent from the
lower meetings, let us turn to consider those of the last [Sidenote:
named meeting. As early as 1694 we find that that body Philadelphia
approved certain “proposals about the education of advices also general
for first half
youth,” the initiative for which seems to have come from century]
Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting.[792] So far as the minute
of the meeting goes, one would hardly dignify this statement so much as to
say that it suggested a plan of education. If such a plan were submitted, it
was carefully kept out of the minutes of that date. The very nature of the
advice continues as with those of London until near the middle of the
century, but as one reads the records they are seen to grow gradually in
definiteness until beginning (to name a definite date) about 1746 and on
through the period of 1777 and 1778, there are elaborated certain ideas for
the establishment of schools in town and country. It is not until those later
years that anything like strong central control is felt, and certainly there
were earlier no visible results of such centralizing influence. Even then it
took the form of urgent suggestions which, though producing very
considerable results, cannot be regarded candidly as the best that might
have been done. It is with these suggestions of the latter part of the century
that we are chiefly concerned. The most important are here stated in brief
manner.
1. Education is to be useful in nature. [Sidenote:
Summary of
2. The minima to be attained are moral and Christian Philadelphia
training and an ability to read and write. advices]

3. The meetings are to assist each other in settling schools.
4. Members of Friends are to be employed as teachers in the schools;
good moral influence of the teachers is of first importance.
5. A fixed income, house, and garden are necessary for securing a better
and more permanent teaching body.
6. All teachers, employed, are to be approved by the monthly meeting.
7. Quarterly meetings are to appoint visiting committees.
8. Permanent funds recommended to be put in care of trustees.

9. Schools to be under the care of monthly meetings’ committees and
reports are to be made thereon.
10. The poor children to be educated free of charge, and also the
Negroes, where they are not able to pay. Children not Friends were not
omitted,[793] as we find in the plans actually followed by the monthly
meetings.
The chief functions of the quarterly meeting were: (1) [Sidenote: The
to transmit these advices; (2) to gather and return reports functions of the
of the accomplishments within its limits; and (3) to keep quarterly meeting]
in touch with the work by means of committees.
Sufficient material has in the writer’s opinion been presented in the way of
reports in previous chapters relating to schools established in the various
counties, to make it unnecessary here.[794] To characterize it as an
intermediary agent and its functions as supervisory and directive seems to
be adequate.
The monthly meeting was above all others the [Sidenote: Monthly
organizing business unit and the welfare of schools meeting the
appears to have depended much on its activity. It is to business unit]
the monthly meeting that we are indebted for almost all
of the reports on schools, and it has been noticed that not until raised to the
dignity of being a monthly meeting, did many meetings assume any
important part in directing education. A few preparatives, which might be
considered as a little exceptional, were Byberry, Falls, and Horsham. They
appear to have handled their schools a little more independently than did
others. Duties which were as a general rule performed by each of the
monthly meetings were these:[795]
1. To investigate the state of schools in their [Sidenote: Duties
preparatives. summarized]

2. To appoint committees to visit, assist and report on schools
established, and recommend the establishment of others where necessary.
3. To approve masters, retire them, and fill vacancies.
4. Through trustees or committees on funds, (a) to finance the education
of poor children, (b) to pay salaries, (c) to build school houses, and (d) to
establish permanent endowments.

5. To take final reports to be sent to the yearly meeting.
These functions have all been brought to the reader’s [Sidenote: Three
attention by reports and minutes quoted in chapters on points indicated
the schools in various counties. This brief presentation concerning the
organization]
of the organization and direction on the part of the
meetings should be sufficient to point out: (1) that the general nature of the
organization is a hierarchy of units; (2) that the direction of school activities
comes from the higher to the lower, and is of a general and suggestive
rather than specific and mandatory nature; (3) that the monthly meeting
formed the real working unit, and that on its diligence probably depended
the welfare of the preparatives’ schools. We shall now attend for a moment
to a few of the details of the school in so far as we may judge them from the
records at our disposal.

THE SCHOOL

It has already been mentioned that one of the yearly [Sidenote:
meeting’s earnest recommendations was that a lot of Permanent
ground be provided where schools might be necessary, properties
recommended for
sufficient for a garden, orchard, grass for a cow, etc., and schools]
that a suitable house and stables and other necessary
things be arranged for the securing of more permanent [Sidenote: Property
acquired by
and better qualified teachers.[796] There were certainly Philadelphia
several of the meetings where land for the purposes of schools and
schools was possessed before these recommendations meeting]
were made. Notable instances, which may be mentioned, [Sidenote: and
were Philadelphia and Abington, and many others, who Abington]
early secured permanent lands for the meeting which
were also used for the erection of schools. Some of the early acquisitions of
school property in Philadelphia were: (1) that purchased in 1698 of Lionell
Brittain;[797] (2) another deeded by John Goodson and Thomas Lightfoot to
the overseers;[798] and (3) that devised by William Forrest, upon which the
overseers erected a school in 1744.[799] There was also the piece of ground
left to the monthly meeting of that place by George Fox, upon which the
meeting gave permission for the building of a school, free from ground rent.
[800]
The property gained by Abington in 1696 was for the support of a

school.[801] A meeting house was erected on the land between 1696 and
1700. These cases of endowment directly for schools were very limited as
to locality at the early part of the eighteenth century. Their number
increased in later years, and the increase may have been due partly to the
influence of the yearly meeting’s urgent advices.
A few instances of the tendency toward the policy of [Sidenote:
purchasing permanent lands may be mentioned. In 1779, Warrington and
Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly reported two of their Fairfax Quarterly]
monthly meetings had purchased grounds and erected [Sidenote: New
houses for the said purpose.[802] Another meeting had Garden]
purchased sixteen acres, built a house, but had difficulty
[Sidenote: Goshen,
in securing a suitable master.[803] All other Darby,
accommodations recommended for masters had been Buckingham]
provided. Near the close of the century (1794) William
Jackson of New Garden deeded a lot of ground to Friends of that meeting
for the use of a school.[804] New Garden also reported a school house built
about 1795 on land given for the purpose by Jeremiah Barnard.[805] In 1792
Kennett reported that their preparative meeting had purchased of Abraham
Taylor a piece of ground for a school and were preparing to build a house
on it. It was situated about 2½ miles from Kennett.[806] Other instances of
like procedure were: Goshen, 1795[807] and 1782;[808] Darby, 1793;[809] and
Buckingham in 1794.[810] Similar cases might be cited for almost every
monthly meeting in the southeastern part of Pennsylvania, and it doubtless
extended elsewhere. It is to be noted that this general purchasing of school
property did not come until late in the eighteenth century, when the great
advancement in Quaker education had its beginning. It may be fairly stated
that by the end of the century most of the schools were established on
school property held by the meeting for that purpose. As pointed out above,
this had been a slow development, beginning with a few in the seventeenth
century that started with land endowments.
The earliest schoolhouses would doubtless present an [Sidenote: Early
interesting picture if we could see them inside and out. schools held in
meeting houses]
Unfortunately there is little information extant, which
throws light upon the earliest. In fact, at the very earliest [Sidenote: Family
establishment of schools, there were no special houses school]

built for them. For many of them this condition prevailed till fairly near the
close of the century. Joseph Foulke, writing in 1859, concerning his first
school days, stated that he first attended school at Gwynedd, which was
held in the meeting house, there being none other for that purpose.[811] His
next schooling, in 1795, was at a family school taught by Hannah Lukens,
who lived in a little house on the Bethlehem Road. He then attended school
in a log schoolhouse, built about 1798 by his father.[812] Other instances
may be cited in connection with the use of the meeting house for
schoolhouse. In 1693-4 Middletown Friends allowed a school to be held in
the meeting house, provided it should cause no disturbance,[813] and again
in 1699 a similar request was granted.[814] As late as 1740 Philadelphia
Meeting proposed to erect a meeting house with chambers over it
sufficiently large for the accommodation of a school,[815] though, as
mentioned before, they already had some of their schools in regularly
constructed schoolhouses.[816]
The writer has had the opportunity to visit one of [Sidenote: An old
these little schoolrooms established in the meeting schoolroom at
house. Not much is known of the school at Merion, Merion, Pa.]
though the oldest of Friends meetings, but it is quite
certain that whenever their school began and however pretentious it may
have been, it must have been held in the upper part of the meeting house.
The schoolroom in the present building is quite hidden away under the
eaves. The walls are bare and the rafters low overhead. Ample light is
furnished. Rude wooden benches and tables, the latter with sloping tops,
constitute the furniture of the room as it now stands. One of the table tops
bears the date 1711, doubtless the telltale of some vandal outcropping,
which might tempt one to place a school at that early date. It is however too
meagre and uncertain evidence to justify such a conclusion.[817]
From a few sources of information we gather some [Sidenote: Size and
clews as to the size of the schoolhouse generally. The cost of school
houses; Goshen,
house proposed by the Goshen Meeting in 1782 was to Falls]
be 27 feet square from out to out and to cost about £150.
[818]
The new one proposed at Falls some twelve years [Sidenote:
Philadelphia]
later was to be somewhat more pretentious being
twenty-two feet by thirty and having two stories. Its cost

was estimated at £200.[819] We infer from the minutes [Sidenote: Manner
that a building was badly needed at Falls, the old roof of heating]
being “very leaky and the ceiling about to fall.” In spite
of this fact it does not appear that the house was erected until about 1799;
the final dimensions decided upon were twenty-six feet by twenty-four, one
story, and a cellar of the same dimensions.[820] It is not certain how much
space was actually devoted to the use of the school room, since the building
doubtless accommodated the master and his family at the same time. The
schoolhouse begun in Philadelphia about 1701,[821] was to be twenty-four
by sixty feet. Another one in 1744, built on the Forrest property, was to be
about sixty by thirty-five feet, two stories high, with a basement underneath
raised three feet above the surface of the ground.[822] The cost of the last
building when completed in 1746 was £794.[823] Anthony Benezet, who
apparently was teaching in an old building, made complaint in 1744 that it
was “too hot in summer and too dark in winter” and therefore urged that a
window be put in the south side.[824] The writer has found a single instance
to indicate how the school building was heated. Judging from such meager
data we would say that the first schools probably up to 1715 or 1720 were
heated by the old-fashioned brick stoves. They were at any rate employed in
some, but were beginning to lose their popularity in that period. One was
removed in 1715 and an iron stove substituted for it.[825]
The size of the schools, measured by the number of [Sidenote: Number
pupils, must be judged mostly from material found of children
relating to Philadelphia. It was doubtless true that in the attending schools]
country regions there were fewer children within reach [Sidenote: Two
of the school and it was not necessary to state limits classes: the “pay”
beyond which they might not go. The yearly meeting and the “free”
scholar]
certainly recommended that the number of children be
specified, which the master was to teach, but this was often taken to mean
that they should promise to teach a certain number of children for the use of
the school. The schools were always composed of these two classes, the
independent or pay scholar and the poor or free scholar. Some of the
Philadelphia reports state the number attending, of each of these classes. In
that system the teachers were required to keep a roll, especially of the poor
children, and turn it over for the inspection of the overseers.[826] In country
districts the school committee usually kept account of the poor scholars,

seeing that they were supplied with all things necessary.[827] It may prove
interesting to examine the Philadelphia system a little more fully.
First, let it be noted that cases of both boys and girls [Sidenote: Both
were investigated by the overseers, and if capable and in boys and girls
need of assistance, they were put under the tutorage of assisted]
masters or mistresses free of any charge.[828] Not only [Sidenote:
were the children of Friends admitted, but an effort was Everything
made to find out the needy, of other denominations, and furnished to the
“free” scholar]
put them to school also.[829] All articles necessary were
furnished free to the poor scholars by the Board, the master was required to
keep an account of each item and present the bill therefor in his reports to
that body.[830] The number of poor in Anthony Benezet’s school in 1743-4,
about a year after he entered it, was 14.[831] There was very little fluctuation
as to the number for many years; in 1749 there were 17.[832] Below are
given the reports of some of the schools in 1757.[833] It seldom or never
occurred that a report for all schools was made at one time.

Pay Free
Master Year Items Amount
Scholars Scholars
Charles Thompson 1757 Books and firing 31 7 £150/00/00
(Latin) for poor
scholars
Alexander Seaton 1757 Teaching poor 30 41 58/15/ 4
(English) scholars
Premiums 3/00/00
Books and firewood 15/ 4/ 9½
Clothing for poor 6/17/ 8½
Joseph Stiles 1757 Teaching poor 14 28/18/ 1
scholars
Books and firewood 3/14/ 7
Rebeckah Burchall 1757 Teaching poor 23 36/ 9/10
children
Firewood 3/ 4/ 6
Ann Thornton 1757 Teaching poor 3/ 2/ 9
children

Immediately following the above report, another [Sidenote: Number
stated there were 38 in the Latin School, 37 free scholars of poor and pay
under Alexander Seaton, 17 (free) under Joseph Stiles, scholars stated]
30 under Ann Thornton, and 30 (free) under Rebeckah [Sidenote:
Burchall.[834] The slight discrepancy in the figures is not Indication of the
explained. A later report of 1784 shows the following system’s growth in
the number of
schools and the enrollment of each. (1) Proud, (Latin), schools]
number not given; Todd, (English), 88 on the list; Isaac
Weaver, 28; William Brown, 29 girls; Sarah Lancaster, 64; Mary Harry, 15
or 16; Joseph Clarke, about 30; Mrs. Clarke, 15 or 16 boys and girls; Ann
Marsh, about 50 boys and girls; Mary McDonnell, 15 young children.[835]
From this it seems that the only two schools which have increased
considerably in number are the Latin and English, both of which employed
ushers or assistants.[836] The chief indication of the system’s growth is the
increase from five or six schools to at least ten. The approximate number of
children recorded as having attended the schools under the overseers from
1712 to 1770 was 720.[837]
Children were frequently sent away from home to [Sidenote: Children
attend school, due to a lack of adequate facilities near at sent from home to
hand. The following letter, from an anxious mother, is a attend school]
very interesting commentary on the attitude taken by the
less educated toward the propriety of spending time for education. Though
impolite to read private letters, it may be pardoned in this case.

The 20 of December, 1702.
Dear Brother:
The few liens comes to salute thee and fore prisila which I hope
are in helth as blessed be the God of all our mersies I am at this
writing. I long to hear from you both and how prisila likes being at
scool and how the like her and whether she thinks that shee will lern
anything worth her while to be kept at cool here. I have sent her
some thred to knit me too pares of golves and herself on if there be
anough for to mak so much if not one for me and one for her. bid
her be a good gerl and larn well and then I shall love her. if
Abraham Antone have brought ... purchas me twenty pound and

send it me if thou can by some opportunity in so doing thou wilt
much oblige thy most affectionate sister
Abigail ⸺.[838]

A fairly good mental picture of the school, and the atmosphere pervading
it, is obtained from a perusal of the list of rules which were adopted both for
the guidance of the masters and the observance of the pupils. We cannot
gain much from a discussion since they are self-explanatory, hence there is
submitted a concise digest of those issued for the masters and mistresses in
the several schools.
1. All pupils must be at school promptly. [Sidenote: Rules for
the government of
2. No one shall be absent without a permit from schools
parents. summarized]

3. Strict obedience to the monitor is demanded, but if there is a real
grievance, complaint may be made to the master.
4. Be orderly in coming to and leaving school.
5. Use the plain language to all persons; be civil to all.
6. To avoid, in hours of leisure, all “ranting games” and quarrelling with
one another.
7. Shall not play or keep company with rude boys of the town, but play
with own school fellows.
8. They shall come to school on 5th day prepared to go to the regular
meeting.[839]
The rules above, which, if all followed, one must admit would have made
an almost model school so far as behavior was concerned, were shortly
thereafter expanded a little to meet the needs of the Latin and English
schools. Those rules, however, were more concerned with the curriculum
and part of method, and were doubtless a guide for the instructors more
than to be followed by the pupils. They will receive attention in the next
few pages in the discussion of the curriculum. We shall however be
interested at this juncture to read the rules adopted by Robert Proud,
schoolmaster and historian, for the government of the Latin School, in

which he was the head master for many years. They are very similar to
those already noted, though drawn up by Proud for his school alone.
[Sidenote: Rules
Orders and Directions adopted by Robert
In the School Proud while master
of the Latin School]
Reverentia Jehovae Caput Scientiae
The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom.
1. Duty in attending.
Fail not to be present in school precisely at or before the time
appointed for learning, being clean and decent; except sufficient
reason require thy absense; in which case, on thy first returning ...
before the master, immediately inform him thereof to his
satisfaction.
2. On entering, remaining in and departing from school, having
taken thy appointed seat, with as little noise and disturbance as may
be, move not therefrom, to that of another during the time of
learning without absolute necessity and then, very seldom; nor go
out of the school without the master’s leave or knowledge. And
observe the same silently and orderly behavior, in thy departing
from the school, as in thy entering it.
3. How to behave and study in the School.
Be always silent, in School or during the time of thy studies, so as
to be heard, neither in voice, nor otherwise, as little as possible;
except in writing or speaking to the Master or Teacher; and
discourse not with thy Schoolfellows during the hours of study,
without the Master’s permission; unless in asking, or giving
information relating to thine or their learning; and even then observe
to whisper, or speak as low as possible to be heard by him, who is
next thee.
4. Behavior to the Master, and during the presence of visitants,
etc.
Make all thy speeches to the master with due respect; and observe
cheerfully to perform all his directions and commands, with

readiness according to thy ability. And, if a stranger or visitant speak
to thee in the school, stand up, turn thy face towards him
respectfully and give a modest and ready answer, if any answer be
required or necessary; resuming thy seat again, with a silent
application to thy study; which order and silence are more
particularly and especially to be strictly observed and kept during
the presence of any stranger, or visitant, in the School.
5. Behavior to one another.
Behave thyself always in a submissive and kind manner to thy
School fellows, never provoking, quarreling, nor complaining,
especially about frivolous matters; but use the word please, etc., or
expressions of similar signification when asking anything of them;
and observe a proper gratitude for every kindness received, be it
ever so small; using thy utmost to cultivate a special Friendship with
them; not returning injuries, but learning to forgive; and shew them,
by thy exemplary Deportment, how they ought to behave.
6. Not to take Another’s Property, etc.
Neither take nor use anything which is the property of another or
in his custody, without first having his permission and as much as
possible, avoid borrowing, at any time, but provide thyself with all
books, instruments and things necessary for thy learning and studies
according to the Master’s direction; always keeping them clean and
in good order.
7. The Language.
Let the common language, used in School, be Latin, as much as
conveniently may be, according to the speaker’s knowledge and
ability therein, but in all places let every one speak with as much
propriety and grammatical accuracy as he is capable in whatever
language he makes use of.
8. School transactions not to be divulged.
Be not forward to divulge any transaction, passed in school, more
especially, to the disreputation of any in it; nor mock, nor jeer any of
thy school fellows, for being reproved or corrected, lest it may
sometime happen to be thy own case; but rather be assisting, than

troublesome, to the masters or teachers by rendering thyself as
agreeable, both to him and them, as possible, in all laudable and
good order and discipline, as well as in the advancement and
increase of learning and all real improvement in the respective
branches thereof: that, instead of introducing any cause of
punishing, severe reproof, or servile fear, the place of thy learning
may be a place of pleasure and delight.[840]

Rule 9 deals with the proper attitude and behavior.
Rule 10 deals with the behavior in the religious meetings.
In spite of the most excellent rules, which, we have [Sidenote: Pupils
seen, were drawn,[841] it appears the attendance problem remiss in
attendance]
was one which caused some masters no little worry.
Proud’s manuscripts again inform us that on one [Sidenote: The
occasion, after continuous aggravation due to absences, attention of board
he felt called upon to send a note to the overseers called to the fact]
concerning that serious affair. He first mentions the ends
desired to be gained by such a school, and points out that they are being
fallen short of, because of the laxity in attendance. Moreover, the worst
offenders are the sons of the overseers. He says in particular:

But the occasion of this present observation to the Board is more
particularly that of the present day, viz.—the 4th instant, when out
of six of these, who attend the said school (the Latin School) and
ought more particularly to have been present at that time, for the
example of others and their own benefit, only one of the smallest
was at the school and two at the meeting. The rest, being grown and
advanced in years, and learning, etc., and consequently more
regarded for examples, were at that particular and important time,
all absent with about the same proportion of the rest of the school.
[842]

There were, it seems, the usual causes at work which produced such
havoc in the attendance record, and such distress in the minds of masters. A

letter written by James Logan to his friend John Dickinson, in 1704,
strengthens our belief that such was the case. He wrote in part:

Dear Friend:
I shall acquaint thee that thy two rugged boys are very lusty, love
the river much better this hot weather than their masters’
countenances, and the fields and boats far before schools or books....
Thy affectionate Friend,
James Logan.[843]

We have not much information from which to judge [Sidenote: Two
the discipline of the school. From the rules already extremes in
considered one would expect that strict discipline was discipline]
observed, but of the master’s methods of enforcing it we
know but little. There were doubtless two extremes. On the one hand, we
might take Anthony Benezet as the very personification of mildness, and
who ruled by love.[844] On the other hand, there was John Todd who would
thrash a boy very severely, and who took great delight in getting his victim
to admit the pain that he knew he felt.[845]
To secure better discipline, attendance, and also to [Sidenote: Premium
induce striving for scholarship, it was customary to give given to most
rewards. We noted in the items sent in to the overseers in satisfactory pupils]
masters’ reports that certain amounts were for
“premiums.”[846] This policy of rewards was early agreed upon by the
overseers who sought in various ways to establish little funds for that
purpose. In 1755 it was proposed that each one pay two shillings for
missing a board meeting and one shilling for being late; the accruing
amount to be paid out in premiums to encourage industry among the boys.
[847]
The fines were collected and then turned over to the masters who
applied them as they saw fit.[848] The extent of the practice of giving
rewards is not exactly known, but it seems to have been general throughout
all the schools of the Board in Philadelphia, if we may judge from the
regularity with which the bills for “premiums” were presented. It was also

true that the school committees in other monthly meetings arranged to give
rewards on visiting day to the scholars having the best records.[849]
The early school days seem to have been long and [Sidenote: Length
tedious. Attention has already been called to the letter of of school day]
Pastorius’ children to their grandfather, in which they
[Sidenote: Evening
complained of the long eight hour school day.[850] The schools customary]
school continued, according to their account, six days in
the week excepting Saturday afternoon.[851] Besides this it was customary
in all places to attend meeting on fifth day (Thursday),[852] save in places
where it may have been too far distant, an exception was made possible.[853]
Evening schools were quite common, as has been stated before in the case
of Germantown,[854] and increased in number toward the latter part of the
century. In 1750 John Wilson, usher to Robert Willian, expressed his
intention of opening an evening school which appears to have been
acceptable to the Board.[855] The prevalence of the evening school among
people not Friends is at once apparent when one glances at the
advertisements in the colonial newspapers. A few of those private evening
schools were: one kept by William Dawson and John Gladson, teaching
writing, arithmetic, and navigation;[856] others by John Shuppy,[857] Mr.
Lyonet,[858] and Messrs. Barthelemy and Besayde.[859]
The length of the school day is better indicated, and [Sidenote: Length
perhaps the source of information is more reliable, near of school day in
the end of the century. The rules issued by the Board in 1795: seven hours]
1795 state that the hours are to be from 8 to 12 in the
morning, and from 2 to 5 in the afternoon, these hours to be observed from
third month, first to eleventh month, first; in the remaining months the
hours were 9 to 12 and 2 to 5.[860] Vacations were very scarce and very
brief.[861] In the main, according to the rules issued at least, they were to be:
(1) at the periods of the quarterly and yearly meetings; and (2) a vacation of
three weeks, commencing on seventh day preceding the last sixth day of the
week of the seventh month.[862] The other rules issued at this date besides
these mentioned relating to holidays and length of the school day were the
same as were previously stated.[863] The hours named above appear to us
rather long for the small children; arrangement seems to have been made
for them, though no statement of it is made in the school regulations. There

were, however, the schools of (1) William Brown and (2) Sarah Lancaster,
who taught children for half days,[864] and also the Girls’ School, in which
Anthony Benezet taught (1754), was mentioned as though it were to be
conducted only in the morning.[865] It is not to be understood that the half
day arrangement was always followed in the case of younger children, for
Sarah Lancaster taught thirty-five children whole days “at 15/ per
quarter.”[866] It seems that the amount of time for them to attend was
probably determined by the desires of their parents.
An interesting and instructive light is cast upon the [Sidenote: Student
inner life of the school in Philadelphia, by some of the papers, and
manuscript collections of the very old Philadelphia magazines, etc.]
families. For instance, we learn that in the public school
there were published certain magazines, gazettes, chronicles, and so forth, a
few of them named as follows: The Examiner, The Universal Magazine,
1774, Students’ Gazette (about 1774 to 1777), The P. S. Gazette, Latonia,
1777 to 1778, the Public School Gazetteer, containing the freshest advices,
foreign and domestic (a palpable imitation of the newspapers in the city of
that date), and The Students’ Magazine.[867] The contents of all of them
were no doubt very interesting to the boys and girls at the time of their
publication, and are so even now, and at times give light on topics of
importance. It may perhaps interest the reader to see some of the entries. We
find the following which gives a clew to the book used for instruction in
grammar.
[Sidenote: A few
Was lost on Wednesday in The Public School items of interest and
Rudiman’s Grammar newly bound—Whoever has value]
found the same and will bring it to me ... shall
receive 1 sheet of paper reward.
S. Fisher.[868]

Another of interest bewails the departure of Thomas Lloyd from school
to go into Lancaster County.
[Sidenote: Thomas
This worthy Gentleman, was admitted about a 12 Lloyd]
month ago into the society of freeholders, since

which time he has been a very distinguished member of our
community and a firm supporter of our institutions. He has been
twice elected Clerk of the Supreme Court and twice raised to the
dignity of President of the Honorable House of Assembly, which
offices together with Treasurer he filled with most unblemished
reputation and unshaked fidelity. His character in the literary world
is sufficiently established by many genuine productions of judgment
and humor. His affable disposition, his engaging address and
behavior endear him to all that had the happiness of his
acquaintance and render his departure a cause of great regret.[869]

Another brief notice indicates that the Quaker preferment for plain dress
was also made to prevail in the schoolroom.
[Sidenote: Gay
From a certain expression which lately drop’d clothing
from one of the overseers, we would have the disagreeable]
greatest reason to believe that Mr. Webster’s gay
appearance is rather disagreeable.[870]

Some supervision of the work on the part of overseers [Sidenote:
and school committees seems to have been at all times Supervision]
expected, though attention hardly needs be called to it
after the presentation of so many reports made by [Sidenote:
Somewhat
committees, in the chapters relating to the establishment irregular]
of schools in the several counties. From the irregularity
in the reports we judge, however, that the visitation must [Sidenote: Monthly
visits decided upon]
have likewise been irregular in many places. In 1755 the
Board in Philadelphia decided that for the encouragement of masters and
scholars there should be visits made each month, preceding the usual
monthly meetings. Also if “play days” were thought necessary they were to
be arranged for between the masters and the committee of visitors.[871] The
minutes indicate that these monthly visits were regularly performed. The
Negro School, established in 1770, was also in charge of a committee to
visit, superintend, and advise regarding its affairs.[872]

THE CURRICULUM

If we go back to our references on the advices of the [Sidenote: The
yearly meetings of London and Philadelphia we shall curricula are in
find there the basic reasons for the subjects which are to general
with the
in harmony

be mentioned as taught regularly in the schools. We recommendations
recall that there was an emphasis placed on the moral, of the yearly
the useful and practical, and the subjects first to be meetings;
Frame of
and the

mentioned were: writing, reading, and arithmetic, which Government]
constituted the necessities.[873] Furthermore, the Frame
of Government of 1696, the product of Quaker minds and hands,
recommended to erect and order all public houses and encourage and
reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions.[874] It is seen
also from later advices of the yearly meeting that the useful was not limited
necessarily to the four R’s, religion, arithmetic, writing, and reading. In
1737, they recommended that as opportunity could be found, children
should be permitted to learn “French, High and Low Dutch, Danish,
etc.”[875] The use of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew is also justified by Crouch,
[876]
and it is well known and evident in all their writings that Penn,
Barclay, Fothergill, Lloyd, Proud, Pastorius, and innumerable others were
classically educated men.
The curriculum of the first school (Enoch Flower’s) [Sidenote: Studies
consisted of reading, writing, and casting accounts,[877] pursued in Flower’s
school]
and it seems entirely probable that these were the chief
constituents, along with moral instruction, for many [Sidenote: In
years, in all save the Latin School. At any rate there Benezet’s]
occur no disproving factors in that early period. In 1742,
when Anthony Benezet came from the Germantown [Sidenote: Walby’s]
school to Philadelphia, he was employed to teach [Sidenote: Seaton’s]
arithmetic, writing, accounts, and French.[878] John
Walby, employed about ten years before him (Benezet) [Sidenote:
School]
Girls’

was to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic.[879]
Alexander Seaton was employed in 1751 to teach a [Sidenote:
school “in the upper part of the City,” the subjects being Godfrey’s]
writing, arithmetic, and parts of the mathematics.[880] In
1754, when Benezet first began in the Girls’ School (mornings), he was
required to instruct in reading, writing, arithmetic, and English grammar.
[881]
Then, besides what we may term the English School, in which Seaton

and Benezet taught for some time, there were others which we might term
“petty schools,” for example, one kept by Debby Godfrey,[882] who taught
some poor children to learn to sew and read, and another, taught by Ann
Redman (1761), previously occupied by Rebeckah Burchall, where were
taught reading, writing, and plain sewing.[883]
Since writing letters was an art much used and [Sidenote: Letter
cultivated in the Colonial Period, and writing was writing]
greatly emphasized in the schools, it may be of interest
to insert a letter written by a school boy in 1735. The letter is written in a
fairly regular boyish hand, and is probably the production of a youngster
about 12 years of age.

Nov. 21, 1735.
Dear Uncle,
I think in duty, I ought to wait on you with my first letter, which I
hope will plead excuse for all faults. I remember what you told me,
and write or go to school every day—I am much obliged to you for
your kind present of tickets, and hope I shall have good success.—
Pray give my duty to Uncle and Aunt Penn and all my Cousins. My
love to Mr. Philaps, Mr. Jervice and Farmer Dill. With all my
Friends.—So conclude.
Dear Uncle
Your Affct. Nep.
Thomas Freame.[884]
Phil. d. Novbr. 21, 1735.

At later dates than those above mentioned the records [Sidenote:
of the overseers, reports made in the monthly meetings Curriculum of later
dates]
of Philadelphia, Horsham School Minutes, Darby, and
others, indicate that the curriculum consisted of reading, [Sidenote: Spelling]
English, writing, arithmetic, branches of the
mathematics, sewing, spelling, needlework, and other [Sidenote: Quaker
school curricula
things suitable for girls.[885] The only one which is

mentioned at this latter date, and not at the former, is compared with
others]
spelling. This of course does not mean, necessarily, that
spelling had just been introduced. In 1756 the visiting
committee reported that spelling books and Bibles were needed in the
schools for the poor children,[886] and since Benezet’s spelling book came
to a second edition in 1779,[887] and Fox’s Instructions for Right Spelling
was published in Philadelphia in 1702,[888] we may be certain that spelling
as a regular study began at a very early date. If we compare this curriculum
with those mentioned by private tutors at the same time, we find them
essentially the same. There was, however, frequent mention of such subjects
as navigation, calk guaging, mensuration, bookkeeping,[889] surveying,[890]
dialling,[891] astronomy, and fortification,[892] which are not mentioned
definitely in the curriculum of the Friends’ schools. It is quite probable that
those above, dealing with higher mathematics, were included in the higher
mathematics taught in the Classical School. But one cannot imagine that
“fortification” was granted a place. Those studies of the mathematics may
be mentioned again in studying the curriculum of the Latin School.
The curriculum in the Negro School (1770) consisted [Sidenote: Studies
approximately of the same subjects, though they may pursued in the
have been modified to some extent in presentation, and Negro School]
restricted more or less to the rudiments. The subjects of
instruction mentioned when the school first began were reading, writing,
and arithmetic, and were to be taught under “prudent” and “competent”
direction.[893]
What books were used for the instruction in this curriculum of the
English and Lower schools? We cannot state absolutely in the case of all
studies, but we can judge with comparative certainty what books were most
available for their use.
In the case of those used for religious instruction, the [Sidenote: Books
meeting records usually mentioned the name, which prominent for
religious instruction
enables one to state with absolute certainty that certain in the schools]
books were used. Bibles for the use of schools were
requested by the visiting committees of the overseers in [Sidenote: Bible]
Philadelphia, for the use of poor scholars.[894] Other
[Sidenote: Apology
books of religious and denominational character such as of Barclay, and

Penn’s Reflections, Maxims, and Advice to His Children, Penn’s Reflections,
Maxims, and Advice
are mentioned definitely by Darby,[895] Horsham School to His Children]
Committee,[896] Sadsbury,[897] and Byberry Preparative
meetings[898] as being received for use in connection with the schools.
Byberry Preparative,[899] Radnor[900] and Sadsbury[901] monthly meetings
mention further the receipt of Barclay’s Apologies for school use. Besides
these, which were undoubtedly used for school instruction, there was a long
list of journals, essays, letters, epistles, histories of Friends, etc., which
always were in the possession of each meeting and may have been used
indirectly at least. They will be mentioned more at length in pages
following.
The spelling book prepared by Fox and published in [Sidenote: Books
Philadelphia in 1702,[902] must have claimed a place in probably used in
spelling]
the Friends’ schools, though the books are nowhere
mentioned by name. The title of this book includes
reading, writing, spelling, and other things useful and necessary, and may
easily have served for other purposes than use in spelling instruction. Other
spellers, which became available from time to time, were Benezet’s
Pennsylvania Spelling Book and The Alphabet printed by Henry Miller,
1770.[903] Among those which were used later in the century, Prowell, in
speaking of the schools in York County, notes Comly’s, Cobb’s, and
Webster’s.[904] From this array, which is no doubt incomplete, we may
judge the schools were well supplied.
Of the primers available, and likely to be used, there [Sidenote: Primers
were a host. The first which should be mentioned was likely to be used]
that published by Fox in 1659; it is not known whether
this primer was used in Philadelphia. It seems that it was not printed there.
[905]
In 1677-8, the monthly meeting authorized the purchase of
“primmers,”[906] however, and the choice must have been either Fox’s or
Pastorius’. No student of early printing in Philadelphia has yet been able to
determine when the latter’s was published. Hildeburn is in doubt,[907] while
Smith thinks the “primmers” ordered by the meeting 1697-8 must have
been those of Pastorius.[908] The minute, however, does not state which. In
1696 Pastorius indicated his willingness to take charge of a printing press
for Friends,[909] but, since it had to be brought from England, it is not likely,

though possible, that he himself could have printed the book, before the
time of the “primmer” purchase was mentioned. Since Pastorius lists a
Fox’s Primmer among the books in his possession,[910] that book must have
been known in the monthly meeting too, and may have been the one used.
[911]
The data are inadequate and uncertain for reaching a decision in the
matter.
Other primers published and available in Philadelphia [Sidenote: Other
and which may well have gotten into Friends’ schools primers available
were Franklin’s, 1764; The New England Primmer for use during the
century]
Improved, 1770; The Newest American Primer, 1779;
The New England Primmer Improved, 1779; and A Primmer, 1779.[912] The
minutes of the meetings give little guidance as to which were or were not
used. We know only they had this list (and perhaps more) from which to
select. Still other books which were probably used in the English work were
Dilworth’s A New Guide to the English Tongue and The Child’s New
Plaything or Best Amusement, intended to make the Learning to Read a
Diversion instead of a Task, both of which were published in 1757.[913]
For use in the writing school, we find one definite [Sidenote: In the
reference made to Bickam’s Universal Penman, which writing schools]
was purchased for use in Alexander Seaton’s School in
[Sidenote: Quality
1762.[914] The various primers and spellers already of some samples
mentioned dealt largely with writing also, giving models noted]
which were to be set before the pupil in the books or to
be written out for him by the master. Some of the mottoes called to mind
were: “Command you may your mind from Play” and “A man of words and
not of deeds, is like a garden full of weeds.”[915] The first exercises in
writing were the making of elements such as straight lines, curves, and then
single letters, and words. The various samples which the writer has noticed
in the boy’s letter quoted,[916] and the student manuscript papers,[917] were
of very good quality, the median grade of them being about “eleven” on the
Thorndike Handwriting Scale.[918]
Various arithmetics may be mentioned. There were [Sidenote:
Gough’s A Treatise of Arithmetic, Theory, etc., 1770, Arithmetics used in
some of the
and Practical Arithmetic, 1767, neither of which appears schools]
to have been published in Philadelphia, but may have

been better recommended than others, since gotten up by [Sidenote: Ms.
a Friend. Dilworth’s Schoolmaster’s Assistant published collection indicates
the nature of the
in Philadelphia, 1773,[919] was no doubt a close arithmetic work]
competitor with Pike’s, Park’s, and Daboll’s arithmetics,
which Prowell mentions as being common in the latter part of the century.
[920]
He also describes a book gotten up by Elihu Underwood, schoolmaster
at Warrington, in which he copied very orderly all the exercises of the
arithmetic.[921] The Norris Collection likewise contains a few pupils’ copy
books filled with neatly arranged exercises in addition, multiplication,
division, both decimal and vulgar fractions, and another one which would
correspond to our present-day commercial arithmetic, but which Isaac
Norris probably called his merchants’ accounts.[922] The books vary in dates
from 1729 to 1779.
The curriculum of the classical school is best [Sidenote: Classical
indicated by statements made on employing teachers for school curriculum]
that place, which, though they indicate the subjects, do
not state what materials were used for study. Whether the materials used in
the study of the Greek and Latin tongues included the so-called “profane
authors” is a matter for speculation. Robert Willian in 1748 was brought
from England to teach Latin and Greek and other parts of learning.[923] The
“other parts” may have included some English grammar, writing, and
mathematics, as these are frequently mentioned elsewhere as being a part of
the Latin school course.[924] Several masters employed from time to time
for instruction in these subjects were (after Willian): Alexander Buller,[925]
writing, mathematics, and the Latin tongue; John Wilson, as usher[926] to
the master in the same school, and later as master;[927] King;[928] William
Johnson;[929] Charles Thompson;[930] and Robert Proud.[931] Others might
be named, all of whom seem to have been employed for teaching
substantially the same curriculum. Arithmetic and reading are at times
mentioned as being taught in the Latin school, usually by the ushers.[932]
The curriculum of what was known as the English [Sidenote:
School overlapped in some respects that of the Latin. Curriculum in the
Among the subjects usually taught there may be English school]
mentioned: arithmetic, writing, accounts, French,[933]
reading,[934] and probably some mathematics.[935] The Girls School’s

curriculum, taught by Benezet in 1754, consisted of reading, writing,
arithmetic, and English grammar.[936]
Some light is cast on the method of instruction in the [Sidenote: Methods
English and Latin schools by instructions given by the used in language
Board for the use of the master. Latin scholars were to instruction]
be accustomed to analyze and parse their several [Sidenote: Latin to
lessons; and the English scholars to learn it be used in school as
grammatically. Moreover the double translation method much as possible;
Scriptures, Penn,
for Latin and Greek was required for instruction in those and Barclay
subjects; and practice in handwriting and spelling.[937] required]
The reader is also referred to page 183 to the rules of
Robert Proud, in which he states that Latin, as far as the pupils are able,
must be used in the school. The reading of the Scriptures was required three
times a week,[938] and in later rules (1795), they name also the works of
Penn and Barclay as being required. They are placed in the same category
with the Scriptures.[939]
Of the grammars used we made reference previously [Sidenote:
to that of Rudiman,[940] which was published in Grammar used;
others that were
Philadelphia in 1776.[941] This was the first American available]
edition. Another, Davy’s Adminiculum Puerile,[942] or a
help for school boys, containing fundamental exercises [Sidenote:
grammars]
French

for beginners, syntax, cautions for mistakes, English for
Latin verses, and so forth, which was made easily [Sidenote: School
available by a Philadelphia reprint in 1758, may have books possessed by
Daniel Pastorius]
been in use. We might expect to find that some of the
worthy masters, Pastorius, Willian, Thompson, Wilson,
Proud, and others made some contribution in the way of Latin text-books;
we are, in that respect, disappointed. Another grammar, but of the English
tongue, was that prepared by James and John Gough, which, after being
duly inspected by the Board, was adopted for use in the English School in
1761.[943] Since English grammar was also taught in the Latin School, it
may have been used in that department also. Concerning the French book or
grammar which Anthony Benezet may have used when he was engaged to
teach that subject in 1742,[944] we cannot state definitely. However, there
was a French School Book published in Philadelphia in 1730,[945] and it

may safely be assumed to have been available for his use. The character of
the book we do not know. Perrin’s Grammar of the French Tongue was
printed in Philadelphia, 1779,[946] and was no doubt the best book available
for use of the schools at and subsequent to that time. It may be well to
mention here some school books which were in the possession of Daniel
Pastorius; their presence may indicate that they, or a part of them, were used
in the school. They were: Education, The Young Clerk’s Tutor, Elements of
Geometry, A Short Introduction to Grammar, The English School Master,
G. Fox’s Primmer, and Teacher’s Instruction for Children.[947]
Some idea of the extent to which mathematics was [Sidenote:
taught may be gained from certain old exercise books. Mathematics]
Some of those, which doubtless belong to the lower
schools, dealt with arithmetical exercises, with whole numbers, vulgar and
decimal fractions, and commercial arithmetic.[948] Others, clearly more
advanced, and doubtless belonging to the Latin school, though some were
taught in the English, are chiefly filled with theorems and proven solutions
in geometry, trigonometry, conic sections, and spherical trigonometry.[949]
This compares quite favorably with the courses suggested in the
newspapers, as we have already mentioned.

METHOD

Concerning this topic little is to be added to what has [Sidenote:
already been suggested in connection with the Methods]
discussion of the subject matter. Some points of method,
[Sidenote:
of which we are reasonably certain, will be stated. In Catechetical
religious instruction, where the Bible, Penn’s, Barclay’s, method in religion]
Fox’s, and other works were used as the material, a
catechetical method was used by parents in the home, by [Sidenote: Drill in
spelling and
the masters and mistresses in the schools, and in the writing]
youths’ meetings, which were always among the first
established. This method still prevails to some extent for [Sidenote: Parsing,
double translation
the young children. Drill in spelling and handwriting has in classics]
already been mentioned as urged by the overseers in
their directions to the masters and mistresses in the Latin and English
schools.[950] The chief elements of Latin and Greek instruction were: