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Title: The Position of Woman in Primitive Society: A Study of the
Matriarchy

Author: C. Gasquoine Hartley

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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POSITION
OF WOMAN IN PRIMITIVE SOCIETY: A STUDY OF THE
MATRIARCHY ***

THE POSITION OF WOMAN
IN PRIMITIVE SOCIETY

BY THE SAME
AUTHOR
THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN

BOOKS ON ART
A RECORD OF SPANISH
PAINTING
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EL GRECO "
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GALLERY

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THINGS SEEN IN SPAIN
SPAIN REVISITED: A Summer
Holiday in Galicia
SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA
(Mediæval Towns’ Series)
CATHEDRALS OF SOUTHERN
AND EASTERN SPAIN

THE
POSITION OF WOMAN

IN PRIMITIVE SOCIETY

A
STUDY OF THE MATRIARCHY

BY

C. GASQUOINE HARTLEY
(MRS. WALTER M. GALLICHAN)
AUTHOR OF “THE TRUTH ABOUT WOMAN.”

LONDON
EVELEIGH NASH
1914

DEDICATION

TO ALL WOMEN
“Be not ashamed, women, your privilege includes the
rest....
You are the gates of the body, you are the gates of the
soul....
And I say it is as great to be a woman as to be a man.
And I say there is nothing greater than the mother of men.”
Walt Whitman.
7 Carlton Terrace,
Child’s Hill.
1914.

CONTENTS

PART I
THE PRIMITIVE FAMILY
CHAP. PAGE

I INTRODUCTORY 11
II AN EXPOSITION OF BACHOFEN’S
THEORY OF THE
MATRIARCHATE 26
III DIFFICULTIES AND OBJECTIONS:
AN ATTEMPT TO RECONCILE
MOTHER-RIGHT WITH THE
PATRIARCHAL THEORY 45
IV DEVELOPMENT IN THE
PATRIARCHAL FAMILY AND
THE RISE OF MOTHER-POWER 67

PART II
THE MOTHER AGE CIVILISATION
V THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY
AMONG THE AMERICAN
INDIANS 95

VI THE MATERNAL FAMILY AMONG
THE KHASIS 132
VII FURTHER EXAMPLES OF THE
MATERNAL FAMILY 147
VIII MOTHER-RIGHT CUSTOMS AND
THE TRANSITION TO FATHER-
RIGHT 166
IX WOMEN AND PRIMITIVE
INDUSTRY 192
X TRACES OF MOTHER-RIGHT
CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT AND
MODERN CIVILISATION 209
XI THE SURVIVALS OF MOTHER-
RIGHT IN FOLK-LORE, IN
HEROIC LEGENDS, AND IN
FAIRY STORIES 235
XII CONCLUDING REMARKS 253

PART I
THE PRIMITIVE FAMILY

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY

The twentieth century is the age of Woman; some day, it may be that it
will be looked back upon as the golden age, the dawn, some say, of
feminine civilisation. We cannot estimate as yet; and no man can tell what
forces these new conditions may not release in the soul of woman. The
modern change is that the will of woman is asserting itself. Women are
looking for a satisfactory life, which is to be determined from within
themselves, not from without by others. The result is a discontent that may
well prove to be the seed or spring of further changes in a society which has
yet to find its normal organisation. Yes, women are finding themselves, and
men are discovering what women mean.
In the present time we are passing through a difficult period of transition.
There are conditions of change that have to be met, the outcome of which it
is very difficult to appreciate. A transformation in the thought and conduct
of women, for which the term “revolution” is not too strong, is taking place
around us; doubtless many experimental phases will be tried before we
reach a new position of equilibrium.
This must be. There can be no life without movement.
The expression, “a transition period,” is, of course, only relative. We
often say: This or that is a sign of the present era; and, nine times out of ten,
the thing we believe to be new is in reality as old as the world itself. In one
sense the whole of history is a vast transition. No period stands alone; the
present is in every age merely the shifting point at which the past and the
future meet. All things move onwards. But the movement sometimes takes
the form of a cataract, at others of an even and almost imperceptible
current. This is really another way of saying that the usually slow and
gradual course of change is, at certain stages, interrupted by a more or less
prolonged period of revolution. The process of growth, from being gradual
and imperceptible, becomes violent and conscious.

There can be little doubt that what is called the “Woman’s Movement,”
with its disintegrating influences on social opinion and practice, is bringing
vast and momentous changes in women’s attitude towards the universe and
towards themselves. A great motive and an enlarging ideal, a quickening of
the woman’s spirit, a stirring dream of a new order—these are what we
have gained. We are carried on, though as yet we know not whither, and
there is, of necessity, a little stumbling of our feet as we seek for a way.
Hence the fear, always tending to arise in periods of social reconstruction,
which is felt by many to-day as women pass out far beyond the established
boundaries prescribed for their sex.
Whoever reflects soberly on the past history of women will not be
surprised at their present movement towards emancipation. Women are
reclaiming a position that is theirs by natural right—a position which once
they held. It may be all very well for those who accept the authority and
headship of the man as the foundation of the family and of society, to be
filled with bewildered fear at what seems to them to be a quite new
assertion of rights on the part of the mothers of the race. But has the family
at all stages of growth been founded on the authority of the father? Our
decision on this question will affect our outlook on the whole question of
Woman’s Rights and the relationships of the two sexes. There are
civilisations, older and, as I believe, wiser than ours that have accepted the
predominant position of the mother as the great central fact on which the
family has been established.
The view that the family, much as it existed among the Hebrew
patriarchs, and as it exists to-day, was primeval and universal is very deeply
rooted. This is not surprising. To reverse the gaze of men from themselves
is no easy task. The predominance of the male over the female, of the man
over the woman and of the father over the mother, has been accepted,
almost without question, in a civilisation built up on the recognition of male
values and male standards of opinion. Thus the institutions, habits,
prejudices, and superstitions of the patriarchal authority rest like an incubus
upon us. The women of to-day carry the dead load upon their backs, and
literally stagger beneath the accumulating burden of the ages.
The “Woman’s Movement” is pressing us forward towards a recasting of
the patriarchal view of the relative position and duties of the two sexes. It

must be regarded as an extremely great and comprehensive movement
affecting the whole of life. From this wider standpoint, the fight for the
parliamentary suffrage is but as the vestibule to progress; the possession of
the vote being no more than a necessary condition for attaining far larger
and more fundamental ends.
It is, however, very necessary to remark that the recognition of this
imposes a great responsibility upon women. For one thing the practical
difficulties of the present must be faced. It is far from easy to readjust
existing conditions to meet the new demands. Present social and economic
conditions are to a great extent chaotic. We cannot safely cast aside, in any
haste for reform, those laws, customs and opinions which it has been the
slow task of our civilisation to establish, not for men only, but for women.
We women have to work out many questions far more thoroughly than
hitherto we have done. We owe this to our movement and to the world of
men. It will serve nothing to pull down, unless we are ready also to build
up. Freedom can be granted only to the self-disciplined.
“Thou that does know the Self and the not-Self, expert in every work: endowed
with self-restraint and perfect same-sightedness towards every creature free from the
sense of I and my—thy power and energy are equal to my own, and thou hast
practised the most severe discipline.”[1]

This little book is an attempt to establish the position of the mother in the
family. It sets out to investigate those early states of society, when, through
the widespread prevalence of descent through the mother, the survival of
the family clan and, in some cases, the property rights were dependent on
women and not on men. I start from the belief that the mother was at one
period the dominant partner in the sexual relationships. This does not,
however, at all necessarily involve “rule by women.” We must be very clear
here. What I claim is this. The system by which the family was built up and
grouped around the mother conferred special rights on women. The form of
marriage favourable to this influence was that by which the husband entered
the wife’s family and clan, and lived there as a “consort-guest.” The wife
and mother was director in the home, the owner of the meagre property, the
distributor of food, and the controller of the children.[2] Hence arises what is
known as mother-right.

I am prompted to this inquiry by two reasons: in the first place, the origin
of the maternal-system and the subsequent association of the mother and the
father appear to me to afford evidence of the working of a natural law of the
two sexes, which, both for social and other reasons, is of great interest in
the present stage of women’s history. The establishing of the mother’s
position is of great importance. If we can prove that women have exercised
unquestioned and direct authority in the past history of human societies, we
shall be in a position to answer those who to-day wish to set limits to
women’s activities. Then, in the second place, I am compelled to doubt
certain conclusions, both of those who accept mother-right, and also of the
greater number who now deny its occurrence. If I am right, and the
importance of the maternal family has been unduly neglected and the true
explanation of its origin overlooked, I feel that, whatever errors I may fall
into, I am justified in undertaking this task. My mistakes will be corrected
by others with more knowledge than I can claim; and if my theory of
mother-right has any merit, it will be established in more competent hands.
The vast majority of investigators on these questions are men. I am driven
to believe that sometimes they are mistaken in their interpretation of habits
and customs which arose among primitive societies in which the influence
of women was marked. In dealing with the family and its origin it has been
usual to consider the male side and to pass over the female members. This
has led, I am sure, to much error.
The custom of tracing descent through the mother, either practised
consciously and completely, or only as a survival, occurs among many
primitive peoples in all parts of the world. Whether, however, it existed
universally and from all time, or whether only in certain races, among
whose institutions it remains or may still be traced, is a much debated
question. Not all barbarous tribes are in the stage of mother-right; on the
contrary many reckon descent through the father. But even where the latter
is the case, vestiges of the former system are frequently to be found. There
seems to be a common tendency to discredit a system of relationship, which
suggests even as a bare possibility the mother, and not the father, being the
head of the family. Yet, I believe I can assign some, at least plausible,
reasons for believing that descent through women has been a stage, though
not, I think, the first stage, in social growth for all branches of the human
family.

There can be little doubt of the importance of kinship and inheritance
being reckoned through the mother. If the children belong to her, and if by
marriage the husband enters her home, the greater influence, based on the
present possession of property, and the future hope of the family rests on
the female side. Such conditions must have exercised strong influence on
the position of the women members of the primitive clan and the honour in
which they were held. It cannot be ignored.
Of course, this does not prevent the hardships of savage life weighing
more heavily in many ways upon women than on the stronger men. In
primitive societies women have a position quite as full of anomalies as they
hold among civilised races. Among some tribes their position is extremely
good; among others it is undoubtedly bad, but, speaking generally, it is
much better than usually it is held to be.[3] Obviously the causes must be
sought in the environment and in social organisation. The differences in the
status and power of women, often occurring in tribes at the same level of
progress, would seem to be dependent largely on economic conditions. The
subject is full of difficulties. Not only is the position of women thus
variable, but our knowledge of the matter is very defective. It is seldom,
indeed, that the question has been considered of sufficient importance to
receive accurate attention.[4] Not infrequently conflicting accounts are given
by different authorities, and even by the same writer.
I wish it to be understood that mother-right does not necessarily imply
mother-rule. This system may even be combined with the patriarchal
authority of the male. The unfortunate use of the term Matriarchate has led
to much confusion. My own knowledge and study of primitive customs and
ancient civilisations have made it plain to me that there has been a constant
rise and fall of male and female dominance, but, I believe, that, on the
whole, the superiority of women has been more frequent and more
successful than that of men.
It is this that I shall attempt to prove.
The theory of mother-right has been subjected to so much criticism that a
re-examination of the position is very necessary. To show its prevalence, to
establish some leading points in its history, to make out its connection with
the patriarchal family, and to trace the transition by which one system

passed into the other, appear to me to be matters primarily important. The
limited compass of this little book will prevent my substantiating my own
views as I should wish, with a full and systematic survey of all authentic
accounts of the peoples among whom mother-descent may be studied. I
have considered, however, that I could summarise the position in a
comprehensive picture, that will, I hope, suggest a point of view that seems
to me to have been very generally neglected.
It is necessary to enter into such an inquiry with caution; the difficulties
before me are very great. Nothing would be easier than from the mass of
material available to pile up facts in furnishing a picture of the high status
of women among many tribes under the favourable influence of mother-
descent, that would unnerve any upholders of the patriarchal view of the
subordination of women. It is just possible, on the other hand, to interpret
these facts from a fixed point of thought of the father’s authority as the one
support of the family, and then to argue that, in spite of the mother’s control
over her children and over property, she still remained the inferior partner. I
wish to do neither. It is my purpose to examine the evidence, and so to
discover to what extent the system of tracing descent through the female
side conferred any special claim for consideration upon women. I shall try
to avoid mistakes. I put forward my own opinions with great diffidence. It
is so easy, as I realise full well, to interpret facts by the bias of one’s own
wishes. I know that the habits and customs of primitive peoples that I have
studied closely are probably few in comparison with those I have missed;
yet to me they appear of such importance in the light they throw on the
whole question of the relationships of the two sexes, that it seems well to
bring them forward.
Since my attention, now many years ago, was first directed to this
question, I have felt that a clear and concise account of the mother-age was
indispensable for women. Such an account, with a criticism of the
patriarchal theory, is here offered. Throughout I have attempted to clear up
and bring into uniformity the two opposing theories of the origin of the
human family. I have tried to gather the facts, very numerous and falling
into several classes, by which the theory of the mother-age could be
supported. And first it was necessary to clear out of the way a body of
opinion, the prevalence of which has opposed an obstacle to the acceptance

of the rights of mothers in the family relationship. The whole question turns
upon which you start with; the man—the woman, or the woman—the man.
Here it should be explained that this little book is an expansion of the
historical section which treats of “the Mother-age civilisation” in my former
book, The Truth About Woman. I wish to take this opportunity of expressing
my gratitude for the generous interest and sympathy with which my work
has been received. Such kindness is very imperfectly repaid by an author’s
thanks; it is certainly the best incentive to further work.
This little volume was suggested to me by a review in one of the Suffrage
papers. The writer, after speaking of the interest to women of the mother-
age and the difficulty there was in gaining information on the subject, said
that “a small and cheaper book on the matriarchate would be useful to
women in all countries.” I was grateful for this suggestion. I at once felt that
I wanted to write such a book. For one thing, this particular section on the
mother-age in The Truth About Woman, and my belief in the favourable
influence of mother-descent on the status of women, has been much
questioned. I have been told that I “had quite deliberately gone back to our
uncivilised ancestors to ‘fish up’ the precedent of the matriarchate;” that I
“had allowed my prejudices to dictate my choice of material, and had thus
brought forward examples explanatory of my own opinions;” that I “had
fastened eagerly on these, without inquiring too carefully about other facts
having a contrary tendency.” I was reminded of what I well knew, that the
matriarchate and promiscuity with which it is usually connected were not
universally accepted by anthropologists; the tendency to-day being to
discredit both as being among the early phases of society. It was suggested
that I “had unprofitably spent my time on the historical section of my book,
and had built up my theory on a curiously uncertain foundation;” that I “had
relied too much on the certain working of mother-right, and had been by no
means clear in showing how, from such a position of power, women had
sunk into subservience to patriarchal rule.” In fact, it has seemed to be the
opinion of my critics that I had allowed what I “would have liked to have
happened to affect my account of what did happen in the infancy of man’s
social life.”
Now, I want to say quite frankly, that I feel much of this criticism is just.
The inquiry on the mother-age civilisation was only one small section of my

book on Woman. I realise that very much was hurried over. There is on this
subject of the origin of the family a literature so extensive, and such a
variety of opinions, that the work of the student is far from easy. The whole
question is too extensive to allow anything like adequate treatment within
the space of a brief, and necessarily insufficient, summary. My earlier
investigation may well be objected to as not being in certain points
supported by sufficient proofs. I know this. It is not easy to condense the
marriage customs and social habits of many different peoples into a few
dozen pages. Of course, I selected my examples. But this I may say; I chose
those which had brought me to accept mother-right. I was driven to this
belief by my own study and reading long before the time of writing my
book. What I really tried to do was to present to others the facts that had
convinced me. But my stacks of unused notes, collected for my own
pleasure during many years of work, are witness to how much I had to leave
out.
I know that many objections that have been raised to the theory of
mother-right were left unanswered. I dismissed much too lightly the
patriarchal theory of the origin of the family, which during late years has
gained such advocacy. I failed to carry my inquiry far enough back. I
accepted with too little caution an early period of promiscuous sexual
relationships. I did not make clear the stages in the advance of the family to
the clan and the tribe; nor examine with sufficient care the later transition
period in which mother-right gave place to father-right.
I have been sent back to examine again my own position. And to do this,
it was necessary first to take up the question from the position of those
whose views are in opposition to my own. I have made a much more
extensive study of those authorities who, rejecting mother-right, accept a
modification of the patriarchal theory as the origin of the family. This has
led to some considerable recasting of my views. Not at all, however, to a
change in my belief in mother-right, which, indeed, has now been
strengthened, and, as I trust, built up on surer foundations.
By a fortunate chance, I was advised to read Mr. Andrew Lang’s Social
Origins,[5] which work includes Mr. Atkinson’s Primal Law. I am greatly
indebted to the assistance I have gained from these writers. It is, perhaps,
curious that a very careful study of the patriarchal family as it is presented

by Mr. Atkinson and Mr. Lang, has brought me to a conclusion
fundamentally at variance from what might have been expected. I have
gained invaluable support for my own belief in mother-right, and have
found fresh proofs from the method of difference. I have cleared up many
points that previously puzzled me. I am able now to accept the patriarchal
theory, without at all shaking my faith in a subsequent period of mother-
descent and mother-power.
The discussion on this question is now half a century old. Yet in spite of
the opposition of many investigators, and the support of others, the main
problems are still unsettled. What form did the family take in its earliest
stage? Did it start as a small group or with the clan or horde? What were the
earliest conditions of the sexual relationships? Was promiscuity at one
period the rule? Was the foundation of the family based on the authority of
the father, or of the mother? If on that of the father, how is mother-kin and
mother-right to be explained? These are among the questions that must be
answered. Not till this is done, can we establish any theory of mother-
descent, or estimate its effect on the status of women.
The whole subject is a very wide and complicated one. If I differ on
several important points from learned authorities, whose knowledge and
research far exceed my own, I do so only after great hesitation, and because
I must. The facts they have collected from their personal knowledge of
primitive peoples (facts which I have gratefully used) often suggest quite
opposite conclusions to my thoughts than to theirs—the view-point is
different, that is all. They were seeking for one thing; I for another: they
were men; I am a woman. It would be foolishness for me to attempt any
special pleadings for my own opinions. How far I shall succeed, or fail, to
make clear to others a period of mother-right that is certain to me, I do not
know. I offer my little book with all humility, and yet without any apology.
We may read and learn and gather knowledge from many sources; but the
opinions of others we cannot take on credit; we must re-think them out for
ourselves, and make them our own.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Mahābhārata. The Great God thus addresses Shakti, when he asks her to
describe the duties of women. I quote from a pamphlet by Dr. Ananda
Coomaraswamy: Sati: A Vindication of the Hindu Woman.
[2] McGee: “The Beginning of Marriage,” American Anthropologist, Vol. IV, p.
378.
[3] Westermarck, “The Position of Women in Early Civilisations,” Sociological
Papers, 1904.
[4] For instance, Maine (Early Law and Custom), in speaking of tribes who still
trace their descent from a single ancestress, says, “The outlines” (i. e. of the
maternal family) “may still be marked out, if it be worth any one’s while to trace
it.”
[5] This book was mentioned to me in a letter from Mr. H. G. Wells.

CHAPTER II
AN EXPOSITION OF BACHOFEN’S THEORY OF THE
MATRIARCHATE

Fifty-three years ago in his great work, Das Mutterrecht,[6] the Swiss
writer, Bachofen, drew the attention of the world to the fact that a system of
kinship through mothers only prevailed among many primitive peoples,
while survivals of the custom could be widely, if but faintly, traced among
civilised races. Drawing his evidence from the actual statements of old
writers, but more from legends and the mythologies of antiquity, he came to
the conclusion that a system of descent through women had, in all cases,
preceded the rise of kinship through males. Almost at the same time Dr. J. F.
McLennan,[7] ignorant of the work of Bachofen, came to the same opinion.
This led to a reconsideration of the patriarchal theory; and for a time it was
widely held that in the early stages of society a matriarchate prevailed, in
which women held the supreme power. Further support came from Morgan,
with his knowledge of the maternal family among American aborigines, and
he was followed by Professor Tylor, McGee, and many other investigators.
Obviously this gynæcocratic view, which placed woman in a new relation
to man, was unlikely to be permanently accepted. Thus a reaction to the
earlier theory of the patriarchal family has set in, especially in recent years.
Many writers, while acknowledging the existence of mother descent, deny
that such a system carries with it, except in a few exceptional cases, mother-
rights of special advantage to women; even when these seem to be present
they believe such rights to be more apparent than real.
In bringing forward any theory of mother-right, it thus becomes
necessary to show the causes that have led to this reversal in opinion. To do
this, the first step will be to examine, with considerable detail, the evidence
for the matriarchal theory as it is given by its two great supporters. Now, an
interesting point arises, if we compare the view of Bachofen with that held
by McLennan. No two ways could well be further apart than those by which
these two men arrived at the same conclusion. Both accept an early period

of promiscuous sexual relationships. But Bachofen found the explanation of
mother-descent in the supremacy of women, and believed a matriarchate to
have been established by them in a moral revolt against such hetaïrism. Mr.
McLennan, on the other hand, regarded the custom as due to uncertainty of
paternity—the children were called after the mother because the father was
unknown.
Let us concentrate our attention on the Das Mutterrecht of Bachofen,
whose work as the great champion of matriarchy claims our most careful
consideration. And it is necessary to say at once that there can be no doubt
his view of women’s supremacy is greatly exaggerated. Such a rule of
women, at the very early stage of society when mother-kin is supposed to
have arisen, is not proved, and does not seem probable. Even if it existed, it
could not have originated in the way and for the reasons that are credited
by the Swiss writer. I wish to emphasise this point. Much of the discredit
that has fallen on the matriarchate has arisen, I am certain, through the
impossibility of accepting Bachofen’s mythical account of its origin. This
great supporter of women was a dreamer, rather than a calm and impartial
investigator. Founding his main theory on assumptions, he asks us to accept
these as historical facts. Much of his work and his belief in women must be
regarded as the rhapsodies of a poet. And yet, it is the poet who finds the
truth. The poetic spirit is, in one sense, the most practical of all. Bachofen
saw the fact of mother-power, though not why it was the fact, and he
enfolded his arguments in a garment of pure fiction.
To disengage from his learned book, Das Mutterrecht,[8] his theory of the
origin of the Matriarchate is no easy task. There is, for one thing, such
bewildering contradiction and confusion in the material used. Then the
interpretation of the mythical tales, so freely intermingled everywhere, is
often strained—prompted by a poetic imagination which snatches at every
kind of allegory. Often the views expressed are inconsistent with each other,
the arguments and proofs are disconnected, while many of the details are
hopelessly obscure and confused. Yet it seems to me possible to recognise
the idea which brings into unity the mass of his work—the spirit, as it were,
that breathes into it its life. It may be found in the clear appreciation of the
superstitious and mystical element in primitive man, and their close
interweaving with the sexual life. As I understand Herr Bachofen, the sex-

act was the means which first opened up ways to great heights, but also to
great depths.
Bachofen strongly insists on the religious element in all early human
thought. He believes that the development of the primitive community only
advanced by means of religious ideas.
“Religion,” he says, “is the only efficient lever of all civilisation. Each elevation
and depression of human life has its origin in a movement which begins in this
supreme department.”[9]

The authority for this belief is sought in religious myths.
“Mythical tradition appears to be the faithful interpretation of the progress of the
law of life, at a time when the foundations of the historical development of the ancient
world were laid; it reveals the original mode of thought, and we may accept this direct
revelation as true from our complete confidence in this source of history.”[10]

This mystical religious element, which is the essential part of Das
Mutterrecht, is closely connected by Bachofen with the power of women.
As it is his belief that, even at this early period, the religious impulse was
more developed among women than men, he bases on this unproved
hypothesis his theory of women’s supremacy. “Wherever gynæcocracy
meets us,” he says, “the mystery of religion is bound up with it, and lends to
motherhood an incorporation in some divinity.”[11]
Doubtless this theory of a higher feminine spirituality is a pleasing one
for women—but is it true? The insuperable difficulty to its acceptance
arises, in the first place, from the fact that we can know nothing at all of the
spiritual condition of the human beings among whom mother-kin was held
first to have been practised. But we must go further than this in our doubt.
Can we accept for any period a spiritual superiority in the character of
woman over man? To me, at least, it is clear that a knowledge of the two
sexes among all races both primitive and civilised—yes, and among
ourselves, is sufficient to discredit such a supposition.
Bachofen would have us believe that[12] the mother-right of the ancient
world, was due to a revolt of women against the degraded condition of
promiscuity, which previously had been universal among mankind, a
condition in which men had a community of wives, and openly lived
together like gregarious animals.

“Women, by their nature nobler and more spiritual than men, became disgusted
with this lawless hetaïrism, and, under the influence of a powerful religious impulse,
combined in a revolt (the first Amazonian movement) to put an end to promiscuity
and established marriage.”

Over and over again Bachofen affirms this spiritual quality in women.
“The woman’s religious attitude, in particular, the tendency of her mind towards the
supernatural and the divine, influenced the man and robbed him of the position which
nature disposed him to take in virtue of his physical superiority. In this way women’s
position was transformed by religious considerations, until they became in civil life
what religion had caused them to be.”[13] And again: “We cannot fail to see that of
the two forms of gynæcocracy in question—religious and civil—the former was the
basis of the latter. Ideas connected with worship came first, and the civil forms of life
were then the result and expression.”[14]

We may note in passing, the greater affectability of woman’s nature,
which would seem always to have had a tendency to expression in religio-
erotic manifestations. But to build up a theory of matriarchy on this
foundation is strangely wide of the facts. Bachofen adduces the spirituality
of women as the cause of their power. But on what grounds can such a
claim be supported?
It is on the evidence of licentious customs of all kinds and on polyandry,
that he bases his belief in a period of promiscuity. He regards this early
condition of hetaïrism as a law of nature, and believes that after its
infraction by the introduction of individual marriage, expiation was
required to be made to the Earth Goddess, Demeter, in temporary
prostitution. Hence he explains the widespread custom of religious
prostitution. This fanciful idea may be taken to represent Bachofen’s
method of interpretation. There is an intermediate stage between hetaïrism
and marriage, such as the group-marriage, held by him to have been
practised among barbarous peoples. “Each man has a wife, but they are all
permitted to have intercourse with the wives of others.”[15]
Great stress is laid on the acquisition by women of the benefits of a
marriage law. In the families founded upon individual marriage, which
grew up after the Amazonian revolt, the women, and not the men, held the
first place. Bachofen does not tell us whether they assigned this place to
themselves, or had it conceded to them. Women were the heads of the
families, the children were named after the mother, and not the father, and
all the relations to which rights of succession attached were traced through

women only. All property was held by women. Moreover, from this
headship, women assigned to themselves, or had conceded to them, the
social and political power as well as the domestic supremacy.[16]
The authority for this remarkable theory is sought, with great ingenuity
and patience, in the fragmentary accounts of barbarous people, and in an
exhaustive study of heroic stories and religious myths. Bachofen argues
powerfully for the acceptance of these myths.
“Every age unconsciously obeys, even in its poetry, the laws of its individual life. A
patriarchal age could not, therefore, have invented the matriarchate, and the myths
which describe the latter may be regarded as trustworthy witnesses of its historical
existence. It may be taken for granted that the myths did not refer to special persons
and occurrences, but only tell us of the social customs and ideas which prevailed, or
were endeavouring to prevail, in several communities.”[17]

This is true. It is the interpretation given to many of these myths that one
is compelled to question. Bachofen’s way of applying mythical tales has no
scientific method; for one thing, abstract ideas are added to primitive
legends which could only arise from the thought of civilised peoples. For
instance, he accepts, without any doubt, the existence of the Amazons; and
believes that the myths which refer to them record “a revolt for the
elevation of the feminine sex, and through them of mankind.” It is on such
insecure foundations he builds up his matriarchal theory.
There is, however, an aspect of truth in Bachofen’s position, which
becomes plain on a closer examination. To prove this, I must quote a
passage from Das Mutterrecht, as representing, or at least suggesting, the
opinions of those who have argued most strongly against his theory. When
recapitulating the facts and arguments in favour of accepting the supremacy
of women, he makes this suggestive statement—
“The first state in all cases was that of hetaïrism. The rule is based upon the right of
procreation: since there is no individual fatherhood, all have only one father—the
tyrant whose sons and daughters they all are, and to whom all the property belongs.
From this condition in which the man rules by means of his rude sexual needs, we rise
to that of gynæcocracy, in which there is the dawn of marriage, of which the strict
observance is at first observed by the woman, not by the man. Weary of always
ministering to the lusts of man, the woman raises herself by the recognition of her
motherhood. Just as a child is first disciplined by its mother, so are people by their
women. It is only the wife who can control the man’s essentially unbridled desires,
and lead him into the paths of well-doing.... While man went abroad on distant forays,
the woman stayed at home, and was undisputed mistress of the household. She took
arms against her foe, and was gradually transformed into an Amazon.”[18]

The italics in the passage are mine, for they bear directly on what I shall
afterwards have to prove: (1) that mother-right was not the first stage in the
history of the human family; (2) that its existence is not inconsistent with
the patriarchal theory. Bachofen here suggests a pre-matriarchal period in
which the elementary family-group was founded on and held together by a
common subjection to the oldest and strongest male. This is the primordial
patriarchal family.
Then come the questions: Can we accept mother-right? Are there any
reasonable causes to explain the rise of female dominance? Westermarck, in
criticising the matriarchal theory, has said: “The inference that ‘kinship
through females only’ has everywhere preceded the rise of ‘kinship through
males,’ would be warranted only on condition that the cause, or the causes,
to which the maternal system is owing, could be proved to have operated
universally in the past life of mankind.”[19] Now, this is what I believe I am
able to do. Hence it has been necessary first to clear the way of the old
errors. Bachofen’s interpretation is too fanciful to find acceptance. Will any
one hold it as true that the change came because women willed it? Surely it
is a pure dream of the imagination to credit women, at this supposed early
stage of society, with rising up to establish marriage, in a revolt of purity
against sexual licence, and moreover effecting the change by force of arms!
Bachofen would seem to have been touched with the Puritan spirit. I am
convinced also that he understood very little of the nature of woman.
Conventional morality has always acted on the side of the man, not the
woman. The clue is, indeed, given in the woman’s closer connection with
the home, and in the idea that “she raises herself by the recognition of her
motherhood.” But the facts are capable of an entirely different
interpretation. It will be my aim to give a quite simple, and even
commonplace, explanation of the rise of mother-descent and mother-right in
place of the spiritual hypothesis of Bachofen.
It will be well, however, to examine further Bachofen’s own theory. It is
his opinion that the first Amazonian revolt and period of women’s rule was
followed by a second movement—
“Woman took arms against her foe [i. e. man], and was gradually
transformed into an Amazon. As a rival to the man the Amazon became
hostile to him, and began to withdraw from marriage and from motherhood.

This set limits to the rule of women, and provoked the punishment of heaven
and men.”[20]
There is a splendid imaginative appeal in this remarkable passage. Again
the italics are mine. It is, of course, impossible to accept this statement, as
Bachofen does, as an historical account of what happened through the
agency of women at the time of which he is treating. Yet, we can find a
suggestion of truth that is eternal. Is there not here a kind of prophetic
foretelling of every struggle towards readjustment in the relationships of the
two sexes, through all the periods of civilisation, from the beginning until
now? You will see what I mean. The essential fact for woman—and also for
man—is the sense of community with the race. Neither sex can keep a
position apart from parenthood. Just in so far as the mother and the father
attain to consciousness and responsibility in their relations to the race do
they reach development and power. Bachofen, as a poet, understood this; to
me, at least, it is the something real that underlies all the delusion of his
work. But I diverge a little in making these comments.
Again the origin of the change from the first period of matriarchy is
sought by Bachofen in religion.
“Each stage of development was marked by its peculiar religious ideas, produced
by the dissatisfaction with which the dominating idea of the previous stage was
regarded; a dissatisfaction which led to a disappearance of this condition.” “What was
gained by religion, fostering the cause of women, by assigning a mystical and almost
divine character to motherhood was now lost through the same cause. The loss came
in the Greek era. Dionysus started the idea of the divinity of fatherhood; holding the
father to be the child’s true parent, and the mother merely the nurse.” In this way, we
are asked to believe, the rights of men arose, the father came to be the chief parent,
the head of the mother and the owner of the children, and, therefore, the parent
through whom kinship was traced. We learn that, at first, “women opposed this new
gospel of fatherhood, and fresh Amazonian risings were the common feature of their
opposition.” But the resistance was fruitless. “Jason put an end to the rule of the
Amazons in Lemnos. Dionysus and Bellerophon strove together passionately, yet
without gaining a decisive victory, until Apollo, with calm superiority, finally became
the conqueror, and the father gained the power that before had belonged to the
mother.”[21]

But before this took place, Bachofen relates yet another movement,
which for a time restored the early matriarchate. The women, at first
opposing, presently became converts to the Dionysusian gospel, and were
afterwards its warmest supporters. Motherhood became degraded.
Bacchanalian excesses followed, which led to a return to the ancient

hetaïrism. Bachofen believes that this formed a fresh basis for a second
gynæcocracy. He compares the Amazonian period of these later days with
that in which marriage was first introduced, and finds that “the deep
religious impulse being absent, it was destined to fail, and give place to the
spiritual Apollonic conception of fatherhood.”[22]
In Bachofen’s opinion this triumph of fatherhood was the final salvation.
This is what he says—
“It was the assertion of fatherhood which delivered the mind from natural
appearances, and when this was successfully achieved, human existence was raised
above the laws of natural life. The principal of motherhood is common to all the
spheres of animal life, but man goes beyond this tie in gaining pre-eminence in the
process of procreation, and thus becomes conscious of his higher vocation. In the
paternal and spiritual principle he breaks through the bonds of tellurism, and looks
upwards to the higher regions of the cosmos. Victorious fatherhood thus becomes as
distinctly connected with the heavenly light as prolific motherhood is with the
teeming earth.”[23]

Here, Bachofen, as is his custom, turns to point an analogy with the
process of nature.
“All the stages of sexual life from Aphrodistic hetaïrism to the Apollonistic purity
of fatherhood, have their corresponding type in the stages of natural life, from the
wild vegetation of the morass, the prototype of conjugal motherhood, to the harmonic
law of the Uranian world, to the heavenly light which, as the flamma non urens,
corresponds to the eternal youth of fatherhood. The connection is so completely in
accordance with law, that the form taken by the sexual relation in any period may be
inferred from the predominance of one or other of these universal ideas in the worship
of a people.”[24]

Such, in outline, is Bachofen’s famous matriarchal theory. The passages I
have quoted, with the comments I have ventured to give, make plain the
poetic exaggeration of his view, and sufficiently prove why his theory no
longer gains any considerable support. To build up a dream-picture of
mother-rule on such foundations was, of necessity, to let it perish in the dust
of scepticism. But is the downthrow complete? I believe not. A new
structure has to be built up on a new and surer foundation, and it may yet
appear that the prophetic vision of the dreamer enabled Bachofen to see
much that has escaped the sight of those who have criticised and rejected
his assumption that power was once in the hands of women.
One great source of confusion has arisen through the acceptance by the
supporters of the matriarchate of the view that men and women lived

originally in a state of promiscuity. This is the opinion of Bachofen, of
McLennan, of Morgan, and also of many other authorities, who have
believed maternal descent to be dependent on the uncertainty of fatherhood.
It will be remembered that Mr. McLennan brought forward his theory
almost simultaneously with that of Bachofen. The basis of his view is a
belief in an ancient communism in women. He holds that the earliest form
of human societies was the group or horde, and not the family. He affirms
that these groups can have had no idea of kinship, and that the men would
hold their women, like their other goods, in common, which is, of course,
equal to a general promiscuity. There he agrees with Bachofen’s belief in
unbridled hetaïrism, but a very different explanation is given of the change
which led to regulation, and the establishment of the maternal family.
According to Mr. McLennan, the primitive group or horde, though
originally without explicit consciousness of relationships, were yet held
together by a feeling of kin. Such feeling would become conscious first
between the mother and her children, and, in this way, mother-kin must
have been realised at a very early period. Mr. McLennan then shows the
stages by which the savage would gradually, by reflection, reach a
knowledge of the other relationships through the mother, sister and brother
relationships, mother’s brother and mother’s sister, and all the degrees of
mother-kin, at a time before the father’s relation to his children had been
established. The children, though belonging at first to the group, would
remain attached to the mothers, and the blood-tie established between them
would, as promiscuity gave place to more regulated sexual relationships,
become developed into a system. All inheritance would pass through
women only, and, in this way, mother-right would tend to be more or less
strongly developed. The mother would live alone with her children, the only
permanent male members of the family being the sons, who would be
subordinate to her. The husband would visit the wife, as is the custom under
polyandry, which form of the sexual relationship Mr. McLennan believes
was developed from promiscuity—a first step towards individual marriage.
Even after the next step was taken, and the husband came to live with his
wife, his position was that of a visitor in her home, where she would have
the protection of her own kindred. She would still be the owner of her
children, who would bear her name, and not the father’s; and the inheritance
of all property would still be in the female line.[25]

We have here what appears to be a much more reasonable explanation of
mother-kin and mother-right than that of Bachofen. Yet many have argued
powerfully against it. Westermarck especially, has shown that belief in an
early stage of promiscuous relationship is altogether untenable.[26] It is
needless here to enter into proof of this.[27] What matters now is that with
the giving up of promiscuity the whole structure of McLennan’s theory falls
to pieces. He takes it for granted that at one period paternity was
unrecognised; but this is very far from being true. The idea of the father’s
relationship to the child is certainly known among the peoples who trace
descent through the mother; the system is found frequently where strict
monogamy is practised. Again, Mr. McLennan connects polyandry with
mother-descent, regarding the custom of plurality of husbands as a
development from promiscuity. Here, too, he has been proved to be in error.
Whatever the causes of the origin of polyandry, it has no direct connection
with mother-kin, although it is sometimes practised by peoples who observe
that system.
For myself, I incline to the opinion that the system by which inheritance
passes through the mother needs no explanation. It was necessarily (and, as
I believe, is still) the natural method of tracing descent. Moreover, it was
adopted as a matter of course by primitive peoples among whom property
considerations had not arisen. Afterwards what had started as a habit was
retained as a system. The reasons for naming children after the mother did
not rest on relationship, the earliest question was not one of kinship, but of
association. Those were counted as related to one another who dwelt
together.[28] The children lived with the mother, and therefore, as a matter
of course, were called after her, and not the father, who did not live in the
same home.
All these questions will be understood better as we proceed with our
inquiry. The important thing to fix in our minds is that mother-kin and
mother-right (contrary to the opinion of McLennan and others) may very
well have arisen quite independently of dubious fatherhood. It thus becomes
evident that the maternal system offers no evidence for the hypothesis of
promiscuity; we shall find, in point of fact, that it arose out of the regulation
of the sexual relations, and had no connection with licence. It is necessary
to understand this clearly.

Bachofen is much nearer to what is likely to have happened in the first
stage of the family than Mr. McLennan, though he also mistakenly connects
the maternal system with unregulated hetaïrism. Still he suggests (though it
would seem quite unconsciously) the patriarchal hypothesis, which founds
the family first on the brute-force of the male. Mother-right has been
discredited chiefly, as far as I have been able to find, because it is
impossible to accept, at this early period, sexual conditions of the friendly
ownership of women, entirely opposed to what was the probable nature of
brute man. At this stage the eldest male in the family would be the ruler, and
he would claim sexual rights over all the women in the group. Bachofen
postulates a revolt of women to establish marriage. We have seen that such
a supposition, in the form in which he puts it, is without any credible
foundation. Yet, it is part of my theory that there was a revolt of women, or
rather a combination of the mothers of the group, which led to a change in
the direction of sexual regulation and order. But the causes of such revolt,
and the way in which it was accomplished, were, in my opinion, entirely
different from those which Bachofen supposes. The arguments in support of
my view will be given in the next two chapters.

FOOTNOTES:
[6] Das Mutterrecht was published in Stuttgart in 1861.
[7] Primitive Marriage, published 1865. Studies in Ancient History, which
includes a reprint of Primitive Marriage; 1st ed. 1876, 2nd ed. 1886. The
Patriarchal Theory, a criticism of this theory is based on the papers of Mr.
McLennan and edited by his brother.
[8] Prof. Giraud-Teulon’s La Mère chez certains Peuples de l’Antiquité is
founded on the introduction to Das Mutterrecht. This little book of fascinating
reading is the best and easiest way of studying Bachofen’s theory.
[9] Das Mutterrecht, Intro., p. xiii.
[10] Das Mutterrecht, Intro., p. vii.
[11] Ibid., Intro., p. xv.
[12] Das Mutterrecht, Intro., p. xxiv. and p. 10.
[13] Ibid., Intro., p. xiv.
[14] Ibid., Intro., p. xv.

[15] Das Mutterrecht, p. 18.
[16] I have taken much of this passage from Mr. McLennan’s criticism of
Bachofen’s theory, Studies in Ancient History, pp. 319-325.
[17] Das Mutterrecht, Intro., pp. vii.-viii.
[18] Das Mutterrecht, pp. 18-19.
[19] The History of Human Marriage, p. 105.
[20] Das Mutterrecht, p. 85.
[21] Das Mutterrecht, pp. 73, 85. Compare also McLennan, Studies, p. 322, and
Starcke, The Primitive Family in its Origin and Development.
[22] Ibid., p. 85.
[23] Das Mutterrecht, Intro., p. xxvii.
[24] Ibid., Intro., p. xxix.
[25] Studies in Ancient History, pp. 83, et seq.
[26] History of Human Marriage, pp. 51-133. It is on this question that my own
opinion has been changed, compare The Truth about Woman, p. 120.
[27] See next chapter on the Patriarchal Theory.
[28] Starcke, The Primitive Family in its Origin and Development, pp. 36, 37.

CHAPTER III
DIFFICULTIES AND OBJECTIONS: AN ATTEMPT TO
RECONCILE
MOTHER-RIGHT WITH THE PATRIARCHAL THEORY.

The foundation of the Patriarchal theory is the jealous sexual nature of
the male. This is important; indeed profoundly significant. The strongest
argument against promiscuity is to be gained from what we know of this
factor of jealousy in the sexual relationships.
“The season of love is the season of battle,” says Darwin. Such was the
law passed on to man from millions of his ancestral lovers. The action of
this law[29] may be observed at its fiercest intensity among man’s pre-
human ancestors. Courtship without combat is rare among all male
quadrupeds, and special offensive and defensive weapons for use in these
love-fights are found; for this is the sex-tragedy of the natural world, the
love-tale red-written in blood.
This factor of sexual jealousy—the conflict of the male for possession of
the female—has not been held in sufficient account by those who regard
promiscuity as being the earliest stage in the sexual relationships. That
jealousy is still a powerful agent even in the most civilised races is a fact on
which it is unnecessary to dwell. This being so, and since the action of
jealousy is so strong in the animal kingdom, it cannot be supposed to have
been dormant among primitive men. Rather, in the infancy of his history
this passion must have acted with very great intensity. Thus it becomes
impossible to accept any theory of the community of women in the earliest
stage of the family. For inevitably such peaceful association would be
broken up by jealous battles among the males, in which the strongest
member would kill or drive away his rivals.
Great stress is laid, by the supporters of promiscuity, on the danger that
such conflicts must have been to the growing community. It is, therefore,
held that in order to prevent this check on their development, it was

necessary for the male members not to give way to jealousy, but to be
content with promiscuous ownership of women. But this is surely to credit
savage man with a control of the driving jealous instinct that he could not
then have had? What we do not find in the sexual conduct of men, as they
now are, cannot be credited as existing in the infancy of social life. We fall
into many mistakes in judging these questions of sex; we under-estimate the
strength of love-passion—the uncounted ancestral forces dating back to the
remote beginnings of life. Doubtless conflicts over the possession of
women were frequent from the beginning of man’s history. But these
disputes would not lead to promiscuous intercourse, only to a change in the
tyrant male, who ruled over the women in the group.
Another fact against a belief in promiscuity is that the lowest savages
known to us are not promiscuous, in so far as there is no proved case of the
sexual relations being absolutely unregulated. They all recognise sets of
women with whom certain sets of men can have no marital relations. Again
these savages are very far removed from the state of man’s first emergence
from the brute, as is proved by their combination into large and friendly
tribes. Such peaceful aggregation could only have arisen at a much later
period, and after the males had learnt by some means to control their brute
appetites and jealousy of rivals in that movement towards companionship,
which, first resting in the sexual needs, broadens out into the social
instincts.
For these reasons, then, we conclude that the theory of a friendly union
having existed among males in the primitive group is the very reverse of the
truth. This question has now been sufficiently proved. I am thus brought
into agreement with Dr. Westermarck, Mr. Crawley, and Mr. Lang, in his
examination of Mr. Atkinson’s Primal Law, as well as with other writers, all
of whom have shown that promiscuity cannot be accepted as a stage in the
early life of the human family.
I have now to show how far this rejection of promiscuity affects our
position with regard to mother-descent and mother-right. It is clearly of
vital importance to any theory that its foundations are secure. One
foundation—that of promiscuity, on which Bachofen and McLennan, the
two upholders of matriarchy, base their hypothesis—has been overthrown.
It thus becomes necessary to approach the question from an altogether

different position. Mother-right must be explained without any reference to
unregulated sexual conduct. I am thus turned back to examine the opposing
theory to matriarchy, which founds the family on the patriarchal authority
of the father. Nor is this all. What we must expect a true theory to do is to
show conditions that are applicable not only to special cases, but in their
main features to mankind in general. I have to prove that such conditions
arose in the primitive patriarchal family as it advanced towards social
aggregation, that would not only make possible, but, as I believe, would
necessitate the power of the mothers asserting its force in the group-family.
Only when this is done can I hope that a new belief in mother-right may
find acceptance.
The patriarchal theory stated in its simplest form is this: Primeval man
lived in small family groups, composed of an adult male, and of his wife,
or, if he were powerful, several wives, whom he jealously guarded from the
sexual advances of all other males. In such a group the father is the chief or
patriarch as long as he lives, and the family is held together by their
common subjection to him. As for the children, the daughters as soon as
they grow up are added to his wives, while the sons are driven out from the
home at the time they reach an age to be dangerous as sexual rivals to their
father. The important thing to note is that in each group there would be only
one adult polygamous male, with many women of different ages and young
children. I shall return to this later. Such is the marked difference in the
position of the two sexes—the solitary jealously unsocial father and the
united mothers. I can but wonder how its significance has escaped the
attention of the many inquirers, who have sought the truth in this matter.
Probably the explanation is to be found in this: they have been interested
mainly in one side of the family—the male side; I am interested in the other
side—in the women members of the group. The position of women has
seemed of primary importance to very few. Bachofen is almost alone in
placing this question first, and his mystical far-fetched hypothesis has failed
to find acceptance.
Let me now, in order to make the position clearer, continue a rough
grouping of the supposed conditions in this primordial family, with all its
members in subjection to the common father. It may be argued that we can
know nothing at all about the family and the position of the two sexes at
this brute period. This is true. The conditions are, of course, conjectural,

and any suggested conclusions to be drawn from them must be still more
so. Yet some hypothesis must be risked as a starting-point for any theory
that attempts to go so far back in the stream of time.
We may suppose, then, that mankind aboriginally lived in small families
in much the same way as the great monkeys: we see the same conditions,
for instance, among the families of gorillas, where the group never becomes
large. The male leader will not endure the rivalry of the young males, and as
soon as they grow up a contest takes place, and the strongest and eldest
male, by killing or driving out the others, maintains his position as the
tyrant head of the family.[30]
This may be taken as a picture of the human brute-family. It is clear that
the relation of the father to the other group members was not one of kinship,
but of power. “Every female in my crowd is my property,” says—or feels—
Mr. Atkinson’s patriarchal anthropoid, “and the patriarch gives expression
to his sentiment with teeth and claws, if he has not yet learned to double up
his fist with a stone in it. These were early days.”[31]
We may conclude that there would be many of these groups, each with a
male head, his wives and adult daughters, and children of both sexes. It is
probable that they lived a nomadic life, finding a temporary home in a cave,
rock, or tree-shelter, in some place where the supply of food was plentiful.
The area of their wanderings would be fixed by the existence of other
groups; for such groups would almost certainly be mutually hostile to each
other, watchfully resenting any intrusion on their own feeding ground. A
further, and more powerful, cause of hostility would arise from the sexual
antagonism of the males. Around each group would be the band of exiled
sons, haunting their former hearth-homes, and forming a constant element
of danger to the solitary paternal tyrant. This I take to be important as we
shall presently see. For, the most urgent necessity of these young men, after
the need for food, must have been to obtain wives. This could be done only
by capturing women from one or other of the groups. The difficulties
attending such captures must have been great. It is, therefore, probable the
young men at first kept together, sharing their wives in polyandrous union.
But this condition would not continue, the group thus formed would
inevitably break up at the adult stage under the influence of jealousy; the

captured wives would be fought for and carried off by the strongest males
to form fresh groups.
In this matter I have given the opinion of Mr. Atkinson and Mr. Lang.
They hold that no permanent peaceful union could have been maintained
among the groups of young men and their captive wives. Mr. Atkinson
gives the reason—
“Their unity could only endure as long as the youthfulness of the members
necessitated union for protection, and their immaturity prevented the full play of
sexual passion.” And again: “The necessary Primal Law which alone could determine
peace within a family circle by recognising a distinction between female and male
(the indispensable antecedent to a definition of marital rights) could never have arisen
in such a body. It follows if such a law was ever evoked, it must have been from
within the only other assembly in existence, viz. that headed by the solitary
polygamous patriarch.”[32]

Whether Mr. Atkinson is right I shall not attempt to say; the point is one
on which I hesitate a decided opinion; but as this view affords support to
my own theory I shall accept it.
Now, to consider the bearing of this on our present inquiry. So far I have
followed very closely the family group gathered around the patriarchal
tyrant, under the conditions given by Mr. Atkinson and Mr. Lang, in Social
Origins and Primal Law. It will not, I think, have escaped the notice of the
reader that very little has been said about the women and their children.
There is no hint at all that the women must have lived a life of their own,
different in its conditions from that of the men. The female members, it
would seem, have been taken for granted and not considered, except in so
far as their presence is necessary to excite the jealous sexual combats of the
males. This seems to be very instructive. The idea of the subjection of all
females to the solitary male has been accepted without question. But the
group consisted of many women and only one adult man. Yet in spite of
this, the man is held to be the essential member; all the family obey him.
His wife (or wives) and his daughters, though necessary to his pleasure as
also to continue the group, are regarded as otherwise unimportant, in fact,
mere property possessions to him. Now, I am very sure the rights these
group-women must have held have been greatly underrated, and the neglect
to recognise this has led, I think, to many mistakes. I am willing to accept
the authority of the polygamous patriarch—within limits. But it seems
probable, as I shall shortly indicate, that a predominant influence in the

domestic life is to be ascribed to the women, and, therefore, “the movement
towards peace within the group circle” must be looked for as a result from
the feminine side of the family, rather than from the male side. There is still
another point: I maintain that precisely through the concentration of the
male ruler on the sexual subjection of his females, conditions must have
arisen, affecting the conduct and character of the women: conditions,
moreover, that would bring them inevitably more and more into a position
of power.
It remains for me to suggest what I believe these conditions to have been.
Meanwhile let us keep one fact steadily before our minds. The fierce sexual
jealousy of the males had by some means to be controlled. It is evident that
the way towards social progress could be found only by the peaceful
aggregation of these solitary hostile groups; and this could not be done
without breaking down the rule that strength and seniority in the male
conferred upon him marital right over all the females. In other words, the
tyrant patriarch had in some way to learn to tolerate the presence of other
adult males on friendly terms within his own group. We have to find how
this first, but momentous, step in social progress was taken.
Let us concentrate now our attention on the domestic life of the women.
And first we must examine more carefully the exact conditions that we may
suppose to have existed in these hostile groups. The father is the tyrant of
the band—an egoist. Any protection he affords the family is in his own
interests, he is chief much more than father. His sons he drives away as
soon as they are old enough to give him any trouble; his daughters he adds
to his harem. We may conceive that the domination of his sexual jealousy
must have chiefly occupied his time and his attention. It is probable that he
was fed by his women; at least it seems certain that he cannot have
provided food for them and for all the children of the group. Sex must have
been uninterruptedly interesting to him. In the first place he had to capture
his wife, or wives, then he had to fight for the right of sole possession.
Afterwards he had to guard his women, especially his daughters, from being
carried off, in their turn, by younger males, his deadly rivals, who, exiled by
sexual jealousy from his own and the other similar hearth-homes, would
come, with each returning year, more and more to be feared. An ever-
recurring and growing terror would dog each step of the solitary paternal
despot, and necessitate an unceasing watchfulness against danger, and even

an anticipation of death. For when old age, or sickness decreased his power
of holding his own, then the tables would be turned, and the younger men,
so hardly oppressed, would raise their hands against him in parricidal strife.
You will see what all this strife suggests—the unstable and adventitious
relation of the man to the social hearth-group. Such conditions of
antagonism of each male against every other male must favour the
assumption that no advance in peace—on which alone all future progress
depended—could have come from the patriarchs. Jealousy forced them into
unsocial conduct.
But advance by peace to progress was by some means to be made. I
believe that the way was opened up by women.
I hasten to add, however, in case I am mistaken here, that I am very far
from wishing to set up any claim of superiority for savage woman over
savage man. The momentous change was not, indeed, the result of any
higher spiritual quality in the female, nor was it a religious movement, as is
the beautiful dream of Bachofen. I do not think we can credit “a movement”
as having taken place at all, rather the change arose gradually, inevitably,
and quite simply. To postulate a conscious movement towards progress
organised by women is surely absurd. Human nature does not start on any
new line of conduct voluntarily, rather it is forced into it in connection with
the conditions of life. Just as savage man was driven into unsocial conduct,
so, as I shall try to show, savage woman was led by the same conditions
acting in an opposite direction, into social conduct.
My own thought was drawn first to this conclusion by noting the
behaviour of a band of female turkeys with their young. It was a year ago. I
was staying in a Sussex village, and near by my home was the meadow of a
farm in which families of young turkeys were being reared. Here I often sat;
and one day it chanced that I was reading Social Origins and Primal Law. I
had reached the chapter on “Man in the Brutal Stage,” in which Mr.
Atkinson gives the supposed facts of brute man, and the action of his
jealousy in the family group. I was very much impressed; my reason told
me that what the author stated so well was probably right. Such sexually
jealous conduct on the part of savage man was likely to be true; it was much
easier to accept this than the state of promiscuous intercourse, with its

friendly communism in women, in which I had hitherto believed. I really
was very much disturbed. For I was still unshaken in my belief in mother-
right. How were the two theories to be reconciled?
Often it is a small thing that points to the way for which one is seeking.
All at once my little boy, who had been playing in the field, called out, “Oh,
look at the Gobble-gobble,”—the name by which he called the male-turkey.
The cock, his great tail spread, his throat swelling, was swaggering across
the field, making an immense amount of noisy disturbance. A group of
females and young birds, many of them almost full grown, were near to
where we were sitting; they had been rooting about in the ground getting
their food. Their fear at the approach of the strutting male was manifest. All
the band gathered together, with the young in the centre, led and flanked by
the mothers. As the male continued to advance upon them they retreated
further and further, and finally took harbour in a barn. Here the swaggerer
tried to follow them, but the rear females turned and faced him and drove
him off.
I had found the clue that I was seeking. All I had been reading now had a
clear meaning for me. In my delight, I laughed aloud. I saw the egoism of
the solitary male; I knew the meaning of the females’ retreat; they were
guarding the young from the feared attacks of the father. I realised how the
male’s unsocial conduct towards his offspring had forced the females to
unite with one another. The cock’s strength, the gorgeous display of sex-
charms, were powerless before this peaceful combination. He was alone, a
tyrant—the destroyer of the family. But I saw, too, that his polygamous
jealousy served as a means to the end of advance in progress. It was the
male’s non-social conduct that had forced social conduct upon the females.
And I understood that the patriarchal tyrant was just the one thing I had
been looking for. My belief in mother-power had gained a new and, as I felt
then in the first delight of that discovery, and as I still feel, a much surer,
because a simpler and more natural foundation.
Having now defined my position, and having related how such
conviction came to me, let me proceed to examine the causes that would
lead to the assertion of women’s power, in the aboriginal family group.
From what has been said, the following conditions acting on the women,
may, it is submitted, be fairly deduced.

1. In the group, which comprised the mothers, the adult
daughters, and the young of both sexes, the women would
live on terms of association as friendly hearth-mates.
2. The strongest factor in this association would arise from the
dependence of the children upon their mothers; a
dependence that was of much longer duration than among
the animals, on account of the pre-eminent helplessness of
the human child, which entailed a more prolonged
infancy.
3. The women and their children would form the group, to
which the father was attached by his sexual needs, but
remained always a member apart—a kind of jealous
fighting specialisation.
4. The temporary hearth-home would be the shelter of the
women; and it was under this shelter that children were
born and the group accumulated its members. Whether
cave, or hollow tree, or some frail shelter, the home must
have belonged to the women.
5. And this state would necessarily attach the mothers to the
home, much more closely than the father, whose desire
lay in the opposite direction of disrupting the home.
Moreover this attachment always would be present and
acting on the female children, who, unless captured,
would remain with the mothers, while it could never arise
in the case of the sons, whose fate was to be driven from
the home. Such conditions must, as time went on, have
profoundly modified the women’s outlook, bending their
desires to a steady, settled life, conditions under which
alone the germ of social organisation could develop.
6. Again, the daily search for the daily food must have been
undertaken chiefly by the women. For it is impossible that
one man, however skilful a hunter, could have fed all the
female members and children of the group. We may
conceive that his attention and his time must have been

occupied largely in fighting his rivals; while much of his
strength, as sole progenitor, must have been expended in
sex. It is therefore probable that frequently the patriarch
was dependent on the food activities of his women.
7. The mothers, their inventive faculties quickened by the stress
of child-bearing and child-rearing, would learn to convert
to their own uses the most available portion of their
environment. It would be under the attention of the
women that plants were first utilised for food. Seeds
would be beaten out, roots and tubers dug for, and nuts
and fruits gathered in their season and stored for use.
Birds would have to be snared, shell-fish and fish would
be caught; while, at a later period, animals would be
tamed for service. Primitive domestic vessels to hold and
to carry water, baskets to store the food supplies would
have to be made. Clothes for protection against the cold
would come to be fashioned. All the faculties of the
women, in exercises that would lead to the development
of every part of their bodies, would be called into play by
the work of satisfying the physical needs of the group.
8. This interest and providence for the family would certainly
have its effect on the development of the women. The
formation of character is largely a matter of attention, and
the attention of the mothers being fixed on the supply of
the necessary food, doubtless often difficult to obtain,
their energies would be driven into productive activities,
much more than in the case of the father, whose attention
was fixed upon himself.
9. In all these numerous activities the women of each group
would work together. And through this co-operation must
have resulted the assertion of the women’s power, as the
directors and organisers of industrial occupations. As the
group slowly advanced in progress, such power increasing
would raise the women’s position; the mothers would
establish themselves permanently as of essential value in

the family, not only as the givers of life, but as the chief
providers of the food essential to the preservation of the
life of its members.
10. And a further result would follow in the treatment by the
male of this new order. The women by obtaining and
preparing food would gain an economic value. Wives
would become to the patriarch a source of riches,
indispensable to him, not only on account of his sex
needs, but on account of the more persistent need of food.
Thus the more women he possessed the greater would be
his own comfort, and the physical prosperity of the group.
The women would become of ever greater importance,
and the economic power that they thus acquired would
more and more favourably influence their position.
11. There is one other matter in this connection. The greater
number of women in the group the stronger would
become their power of combination. I attach great
importance to this. Working together for the welfare of all,
the social motive would grow stronger in women, so that
necessarily they would come to consider the collective
interests of the group. Can it be credited that such
conditions could have acted upon the patriarch, whose
conduct would still be inspired by individual appetite and
selfish inclinations? I maintain such a view to be
impossible.
12. Another advantage, I think, would arise for women out of
the male’s jealous tyranny in the sexual relationship. Such
an idea may appear strange, if we think only of the
subjection of the females to the brute-appetite of the
patriarch. Yet there is another side. The women must have
gained freedom by being less occupied with sex passions,
and also from being less jealously interested in the man
than he was in them. It may be urged that the women
would be jealous of each other. I do not think this could
have been. Jealousy has its roots in the consciousness of

possession, and is only aroused through fear of loss. This
could not have acted with any great power among the
women in the patriarchal group. Their interest of
possession in sex must have been less acute in
consciousness than the interest of the male. Doubtless the
woman would be attracted by the male’s courageous
action in fighting his rivals for possession of her, but
when the rival was the woman’s son such attraction would
come into strong conflict with the deeper maternal
instinct.
13. From the standpoint of physical strength, the patriarch was
the master, the tyrant ruler of the group, who, doubtless,
often was brutal enough. But the women, leading an
independent life to some extent, and with their mental
ingenuity developed by the conditions of their life, would
learn, I believe, to outwit their master by passive united
resistance. They would come to utilise their sex charms as
an accessory of success. Thus the unceasing sexual
preoccupation of the male, with the emotional dependence
it entailed on the females, must, I would suggest, have
given women an immense advantage. If I am right here,
the patriarch would be in the power of his women, much
more surely than they would be in his power.
14. Again, an antagonism must have arisen between the despot
father and his women, in particular with his daughters,
forced to submit to his brute-passions. I confess I find
grave difficulty in reconciling the view that the group-
daughters would willingly become the wives of their
father. I cannot conceive them without some power to
exercise that choice in love, which is the right of the
female throughout nature. There is great insistence by Mr.
Atkinson, and all who have written on the subject, on the
sexual passions of the males, while the desires of the
women are not considered at all. Apparently they are held
to have had none! This affords yet another instance of the
strange concentration on the male side of the family. It is

taken for granted, for instance, that in every case the
young men, when driven from their home, had to capture
their wives from other groups. I would suggest that often
the capture was aided by the woman herself; she may
even have escaped from the hearth-home in her desire to
find a partner, preferring the rule of a young tyrant to an
old one, who moreover was her father. I believe, too, that
the wives and mothers must frequently have asserted their
will in rebellion. I picture, indeed, these savage women
ever striving for more privileges, and step by step
advancing through peaceful combination to power.
15. I desire also to maintain that all I have here suggested finds
support from what is known of the position of women
among primitive peoples; and I may add also, from the
character of women to-day.

Now I have summarised briefly what seem to me the probable conditions
of the women’s daily life in these earliest groups. I have attempted to show
how the sexual jealousy, which acted for the destruction of the mutually
hostile male members, would necessitate for the women conditions in many
ways favourable; conditions of union in which lay the beginnings of peace
and order. What we have to fix in our thoughts is the significant fact of the
sociability of the women’s lives in contrast with the solitude of the jealous
sire, watchfully resenting the intrusion of all other males. Such conditions
cannot have failed to domesticate the women, and urged them forward to
the work that was still to be done in domesticating man. During the
development of the family, we may expect that the patriarch will seek to
hold his rights, and that the women will exert their influence more and more
in breaking these down; and this is precisely what we do find, as I presently
shall show.
One point further. It may, of course, be urged that all I am affirming for
women in this far back beginning is but a process of ingenious guessing.
Such criticism is just. But I am speaking of conditions at a time when
conjecture is necessary. I venture to say that my suggestions are in accord
with what is likely to have happened. Moreover, many difficulties will be

made clearer if these guesses are accepted. I believe that here in the earliest
patriarchal stage we have already the germs of the maternal family. All the
chances for success in power rested with the united mothers, rather than
with the solitary father. Assuredly the jealous patriarchs paid a heavy price
for their sexual domination.

FOOTNOTES:
[29] The reader is referred to The Truth about Woman, pp. 87-114. In the
courtships and perfect love marriages of many birds we find jealous combats
replaced by the peaceful charming of the female by the male.
[30] Darwin, Descent of Man. Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, and Brehm,
Thierleben.
[31] Social Origins and Primal Law, pp. 4, 21. Westermarck, pp. 13, 42. Primal
Law, pp. 209-212.
[32] Social Origins and Primal Law, p. 230. Mr. Atkinson writes this to show
that there can be no connection between these groups of young males and the
polyandrous marriages of Mr. McLennan’s theory. The first italics in the passage
are his own; the second are mine. Why I wish to emphasise this point will soon
be seen. I have already mentioned how I was recommended to read Social
Origins to convince me of my mistake in accepting the mother-age. It has done
just the opposite, and has given me the clue to many difficulties that I was before
unable to clear up. This is why I am following this book rather than other
authorities in my examination of the patriarchal theory. I take this opportunity of
recording my debt to the authors, and of expressing my thanks to Mr. Wells, who
recommended me to read the book.

CHAPTER IV
DEVELOPMENT IN THE PATRIARCHAL FAMILY
AND THE RISE OF MOTHER-POWER

The essential question, now, is how these small hostile groups were
brought by association to expand into larger groups. In what way was the
sexual monopoly of the male ruler first curbed, and afterwards broken
down, for only by this being done could peace be gained? However
advantageous the habits of the patriarch may have been for himself, they
were directly opposed to progress. Jealousy depends on the failure to
recognise the rights of others. This sexual egoism, by which one man
through his strength and seniority held marital rights over all the females of
his group, had to be struck at its roots. In other words, the solitary despot
had to learn to tolerate the association of other adult males.
How was this happy change to be brought about? Social qualities are
surely developed in the character by union with one’s fellow beings. From
what has been stated, it seems certain that it was in the interests of the
women to consolidate the family, and by means of association to establish
their own power. Jealousy is an absolutely non-social quality. Regarding its
influence, it is certainly absurd to believe any voluntary association to have
been possible among the males of the hostile patriarchal groups; to credit
this is to give the lie to the entire theory. We are driven, therefore, to seek
for the beginnings of social conduct among the women. I have suggested
the conditions forcing them into combination with one another against the
tyranny of the patriarch. I have now to show how these causes, continually
acting, brought the women step by step into a position of authority and
power. There is, however, no suggestion of a spiritual revolt on the part of
women. I do not wish to set up any claim for, because I do not believe in,
the superiority of one sex over the other sex. Character is determined by the
conditions of living. If, as I conceive, progress came through savage
women, rather than through savage men, it was because the conditions were
really more favourable to them, and drove them on in the right path.

However strange it may appear, their sexual subjection to the fierce
jealousy of the patriarch acted as a means to an end in advancing peace.
The strongest force of union between the women would grow out of the
consciousness of an ever-threatening and common danger. Not only had the
young to be fed and cared for during infancy and childhood, but, as they
grew in years, they had to be guarded from the father, whose relation to his
offspring was that of an enemy. It has been seen how the sons were
banished at puberty from the family group to maintain the patriarch’s
marital rights. Doubtless the strength of maternal love gained in intensity
through the many failures in conflicts, that must have taken place with the
tyrant fathers. Would not this community of suffering tend to force the
women to unite with one another, at each renewed banishment of their
sons? May they not, after the banishment, have assisted their sons in the
capture of their wives? I think it must be allowed that this is possible. And
there is another point to notice. The exiled sons and their captured wives
would each have a mother in the groups they had left. May it not be
conceived that, as time brought progress in intelligence, some friendly
communication might have been established between group and group, in
defiance of the jealous guardianship of the patriarchs? Thus, through the
danger, ever to be feared in every family, there might open up a way by
sympathy to a possible future union.
It is part of my supposition that every movement towards friendship must
have arisen among the women. This is no fanciful idea of my own. Mr.
Atkinson, one of the strongest supporters of the patriarchal theory, agrees
with this view, though he does not seem to see its origin, and does not
follow up its deep suggestion. By him the movement in advance is
narrowed to a single issue of peace between the father and his sons, but this
great step is credited to the influence of the mothers. I must quote the
passages that refer to this—[33]
“At the renewed banishment of each of her male progeny by the jealous patriarch,
the mother’s feelings and instincts would be increasingly lacerated and outraged. Her
agonised efforts to retain at least her last and youngest would be even stronger than
with her first born. It is exceedingly important to observe that her chances of success
in this case would be much greater. When this last and dearest son approached
adolescence, it is not difficult to perceive that the patriarch must have reached an age
when the fire of desire may have become somewhat dull, whilst, again, his harem,
from the presence of numerous adult daughters, would be increased to an extent that

might have overtaxed his once more active powers. Given some such rather
exceptional situation, where a happy opportunity in superlative mother love wrestled
with a for once satiated paternal appetite in desire, we may here discern a possible key
of the sociological problem which occupies us, and which consisted in a conjunction
within one group of two adult males.”

In the next paragraph the author presents the situation which in this way
might have arisen—
“We must conceive that, in the march of the centuries, on some fateful day, the
bloody tragedy in the last act of the familiar drama was avoided, and the edict of exile
or death left unpronounced. Pure maternal love triumphed over the demons of lust
and jealousy. A mother succeeded in keeping by her side a male child, and thus, by a
strange coincidence, that father and son, who, amongst all mammals, had been the
most deadly enemies, were now the first to join hands. So portentous an alliance
might well bring the world to their feet. The family would now present for the first
time, the until then unknown spectacle of the inclusion within a domestic circle, and
amidst its component females, of an adolescent male youth. It must, however, be
admitted that such an event, at such an epoch, demanded imperatively very
exceptional qualities, both physiological and psychological, in the primitive agents.
The new happy ending to that old-world drama which had run so long through blood
and tears, was an innovation requiring very unusually gifted actors. How many
failures had doubtless taken place in its rehearsal during the centuries, with less able
or happy interpreters!”

Mr. Atkinson supposes that success in the new experiment “was rendered
possible by the rise of new powers in nascent man.” Here I do not follow
him. “The germ of altruism,” which he sees as “already having risen to
make its force felt” was, indeed, as he says “an important factor.” But is it
credible that this altruism existed in the father? I can conceive him being
won over through his own emotional dependence on some specially
pleasing woman; he may well have had favourites among his wives. I
cannot accept “altruism” as a reason for his conduct, under conditions
acting in an exact opposite way in fostering and increasing egoism. Much
more probable is the supposition that he “must have reached the age when
the fire of desire had become somewhat dulled.”
I must also take exception to a further statement of Mr. Atkinson, “that
with such prolonged infancy there had been opportunity for the
development of paternal philoprogenitiveness.” And again: “It is evident
that such long-continued presence of sons could but result in a certain
mutual sympathy, however inevitable the eventual exile.” It is unnecessary
for me to labour this question. I may, however, point out, that the identical
conditions of the family among the anthropoid apes (on whom Mr. Atkinson

bases his patriarchy) do not afford any proof of paternal altruism. The
polygamous jealous father never enters into friendly union with the other
males. He is strong and sexually beautiful, but he is never social in his
domestic conduct. He is the tyrant in the family, and the young are guarded
from his attacks by the mothers. With the mothers there is protection and
safety, with the father ownership. The whole argument of the patriarchal
theory is based on the fact of the jealous conduct of the male. Driven to live
in solitary enmity, the patriarch could not voluntarily tolerate the presence
of a rival, if he was to maintain his position as ruler. It is impossible to get
away from this. Mr. Atkinson comes very near to this essential truth, when
he suggests (though he does not fully acknowledge) that the first step in
social development came through the mother’s love for her child; but at
once he turns aside from this, drawn, I think unconsciously, to the common
opinion of the complete subjection of the females to the male, an opinion
always making it difficult to accept the initiative in reform as coming from
the woman.
The exclusive and persisting idea of Mr. Atkinson’s theory is to establish
the action of what he calls “the primal law.” Only by limiting and defining
the marital rights of the males over the females could advancement be
gained. Until this was done these small hostile groups could not become
larger, and expand into the clan or tribe.
I must follow this question a little although it leads us aside from the
immediate subject of my own inquiry. The first step in progress has been
taken; by the triumph of maternal love, an adult male son is now included in
the group. We must conceive that this victory, having once been gained by
one mother, would be repeated by other mothers. Afterwards, as time went
on, the advantage in strength gained to the group by this increase in their
male members, would tend to encourage the custom. One may reasonably
assume that it became established as a habit in each group that once had
taken the first step. Father and sons, for so long enemies, now enter on a
truce.
It must not, however, be concluded that sexual peace followed this new
order. It is part of Mr. Atkinson’s theory that the patriarch’s sexual jealousy
would not be broken down by his tolerance of the presence of his sons.
Peace could be maintained only so long as the intruders respected his

marital rights. Under this condition, all the group women, as they all
belonged to the patriarch, would be taboo to the young men; otherwise there
would be a fight, and the offending son would be driven into exile.
Doubtless this frequently happened, but the advantages gained by union
would tend to prevent the danger. Some means of preserving sexual peace
within the group certainly would come to be established. “For the first
time,” as Mr. Atkinson points out, “we encounter the factor which is to be
the leading power in future metamorphosis, i. e. an explicit distinction
between female and female as such.”
Through this bar placed on the female members within the family circle,
the sons, who remained in peace, would be forced to continue the practice
of capturing their wives, and would bring in women to live with them from
other groups. It is assumed that these captures were in all cases hostile. I
have given my reasons for disagreeing with this view. I hold that the young
women may have been glad to have been taken by the young men, and most
probably assisted them, in a surely not unnatural desire to escape from their
tyrant fathers. I really cannot credit such continued sexual subjection on the
part of the group-daughters, an opinion which arises, I am certain, from the
curious misconception of the passivity of the human female in love.
I do not wish to conceal that my conjecture of an active part having been
taken by the women, both in their captures and also in all the relationships
of the family, is opposed to the great majority of learned opinion. The
reason for this already has been suggested. Almost invariably the writers on
these questions are men, and there is, I imagine, a certain blindness in their
view. I am convinced that from the earliest beginnings of the human family
women have exercised a much stronger and more direct influence than is
usually believed. All the movements towards regulation and progress, so
ingeniously worked out by Mr. Atkinson, are easier to credit if we accept
the initiative as having come from the group-mothers. I have an inward
conviction of an unchanging law between the two sexes, and though I
cannot here attempt to give any proof, it seems to me, we can always trace
the absorption by the male of female ideas. The man accepts what the
woman brings forward, and then assumes the control, believing he is the
originator of her ideas. Take this case of capture: If, as I suggest, the young
women assisted or even took the initiative in their own captures, they would
very plainly not be willing to allow sexual relationships with another hoary

patriarch. I would urge that here again it was by the action of the young
women, rather than the young men, that the new order was established. But
this is a small matter. If I am right, the communal living and common
danger among the women would powerfully bind them together in union,
and sever them from the male rulers. Once this is granted, it follows that
social consciousness in the women must have been stronger than in the
solitary males. Then there can be no possible doubt of the part taken by
women in the slow advancement of the group by regulation to social peace.
Moreover, I believe, that confirmation of what is here claimed for women
will be found (as will appear in the later part of my inquiry) in many social
habits among existing primitive peoples, who still live under the favourable
conditions of the maternal family; habits that suggest a long evolutionary
process, and that can be explained only if they have arisen in a very remote
beginning. But enough on this subject has now been said.
Many interesting questions arise from the action of Mr. Atkinson’s
“primal law.” His theory offers a solution of the much-debated question of
the origin of exogamy,[34] the term used first by Mr. McLennan, in
Primitive Marriage, for the rule which prohibited sexual relationships
within the group limit. Continence imposed by the patriarch on his sons
within the group, as a condition of his tolerance of their presence,
necessarily and logically entailed marriage without, with women from some
other group. This explanation of exogamy is so simple that it seems likely
to be true. It is much more reasonable than any of the numerous other
theories that have been brought forward. Mr. McLennan, for instance,
suggests that the custom arose through a scarcity of females, owing to the
widespread practice of female infanticide. This can hardly be accepted, for
such conditions, where they exist, would arise at a much later period. Even
less likely is the theory of Dr. Westermarck, who explains exogamy as
arising from “an instinct against marriage of near kin.” But we have no
proof of the existence of any such instinct.[35] Mr. Crawley’s view is
similar: he connects the custom with the idea of sexual taboo, which makes
certain marriages a deadly sin. It is evident that these causes could not have
operated with the brute patriarch. One great point in favour of Mr.
Atkinson’s view is that it takes us so much further back. By it exogamy as a
custom must have been much earlier than totemism, as at this stage the
different group-families would not be distinguished by totem names; but its

action as a law would become much stronger when reinforced by the totem
superstitions, and would become fixed in rigid sexual taboos.[36] The
strongest of these taboos is the avoidance between brothers and sisters; this
is Mr. Atkinson’s primal law. It is a law that is still a working factor among
barbarous races, and entails restrictions and avoidances of the most binding
nature.
Unfortunately I have not space to write even briefly on this important and
deeply interesting subject. A right understanding of the whole question of
sexual taboos, with the complicated totem superstitions on which they are
based, is very necessary to any inquiry into the position of women. But to
do this I should have to write another book. All I can say is this: these
avoidances had in their origin no connection with the relative power of the
two sexes; nor do I believe it can be proved that they were established by
men rather than by women. They arose quite naturally, out of the necessity
for regulation as a condition of peace.
Let me give one example that will serve to show how easily mistakes
may arise. One of these rules, common among primitive peoples, prevents
the women from eating with the men. This is often considered as a proof of
the inferior position of the women, whereas it proves nothing of the kind. It
is just one instance out of many numerous laws of avoidance between wife
and husband, sister and brother, mother and son, and, indeed, between all
relations in the family, which are part of the general rule to restrict sexual
familiarity between the two sexes, set up at a time when moral restraints
upon desire could act but feebly. It was only much later that these sexual
taboos came to be fixed as superstitions, that with unbreakable fetters
bound the freedom of women.
Here, indeed, are facts causing us to think. We perceive how old and
strongly rooted are many customs from which to-day we are fighting to
escape; customs of separation between women and men, which, with
appalling conservatism, have descended through the ages. Will they ever be
broken down? I do not know. These questions are not considered in
adequate fashion; often we are ignorant of the deep forces driving the sexes
into situations of antagonism. Clearly these primitive avoidances shed
strong light on the sexual problems of our day. The subject is one of
profound interest. I wish that it were possible to follow it, but all this lies

outside the limit set to my inquiry, and already I have been led far from the
patriarchal family.
The group has advanced in progress, and now has many features in
common with existing savage peoples. The friendly conjunction of the
father and his sons has established peace. Exogamy has begun to be
practised; and the family in this way has been increased not only by the
presence of the group-sons, but by their captured wives. We have seen that
this would necessitate certain rules of sexual avoidance; thus the patriarch
still holds marital rights over his wives and the group-daughters, while the
captured women are sacred to the group-sons.
There is now a further important change to consider. Again the rights of
the patriarch have to be restricted; a bar has to be raised to prevent his
adding his daughters to his wives. Only by overcoming this habit of
paternal incest can further social evolution become possible.
On this question I shall give the explanation of Mr. Atkinson; and it is
with real regret that the limit of my space makes it impossible to quote in
full his own words.[37] The change came by the entrance of outside suitors
as husbands for the daughters and their acceptance as group-members.
At this point a difficulty once again arises. By what means was the
patriarch brought to accept the presence of these young intruders, thus
usurping his sexual rights over his daughters? Mr. Atkinson believes this
could not have taken place during the life of the patriarch. “The initiative in
change must have arisen irrespective of him, or without his presence.” Here
Mr. Atkinson appears to me to fall into error, as once more he neglects to
consider the effect of the young women’s own desires. I hold that, by this
time, the group-daughters, supported by their mothers, must have been
strong enough to outwit their father (whose authority already had been
weakened), if not openly, then by deceiving him. They would now see their
brothers living with young wives. Is it credible, I ask, that they would
remain content with the sexual embraces of their father?
In this connection it is of interest to note the opposition sometimes
offered by young females to the advances of an old male among the
families of monkeys. I have received quite recently an account of such a
case in a letter from my friend, Max Henry Ferrass, formerly Inspector of

Schools in India, and the author of a valuable work on Burmah. This is what
he says—
“I once was able to observe a herd of common long-tailed monkeys of the Indian
plains at play on a sandbank in a river. There were about fifty of all ages. There was
one great bully among them who looked double the size of the average adult—and
must have been double the weight, at any rate—whose sport was to chase the young
females. They, knowing his game, fled before him, but he caught them readily. But
before he could have his will of any, she would bound from his grasp as if stung, and
always escape, as this sudden spurt of energy was more than he could control.”

Here we have a clear instance in which the young females escape from
the thraldom of the male ruler of the horde. The power with which Mr.
Atkinson endows his human patriarch seems to me quite incredible. I have
asserted again and again that the consolidation of the group-circle was of
much greater importance to the women than to the men. Now this surely
points to the acceptance of the view that the regulation of the brute sexual
appetite was initiated by the women. Thereby, it may be pointed out, their
action merely resembles womankind in any stage from the lowest degree of
savagery to the highest stage of civilisation.
Moreover, there is further proof that points strongly to the acceptance of
this view, that, the new departure, by which young husbands came into the
group, was brought about by the women, in opposition to the knowledge
and will of the patriarch. There exists a common custom among primitive
tribes, which affords evidence of these outside suitors having visited their
brides in secret. I refer to the practice by which intercourse between the
husband and wife is carried on clandestinely by night. This is one of the
earliest forms of marriage, and, further, it is closely connected, as I shall
presently show, with the maternal family system. There appears to be no
real cause for this precaution. I do not think it can be explained by the
superstitious dread of the sexes for each other, expressing itself in this form
of sexual taboo; as Mr. Crawley and other writers suggest. Doubtless this is
a factor, and a very powerful one, in the continuance of the custom, but it
does not seem to me to be the true explanation of its origin. Such secrecy
and clandestine meetings are, however, exactly what must have happened if
the group-daughters received their lovers, as I would suggest, in defiance of
the will of the patriarch. May not the custom as it still exists be a survival,
retained and strengthened by superstition, from a time when these fugitive
visits were necessary for safety?[38]

Mr. Atkinson’s view is different from mine. He does not allow any power
at all to the women. He holds that after the death of the patriarch, his
daughters, still young, would be left without husbands. To meet this
difficulty suitors are brought from other groups by the brothers, i. e. the
sons settled in the group and who now rule. We are asked to believe that
they do this to relieve themselves of the maintenance of their widowed
sisters, and to prevent their being captured and carried off to other groups.
According to Mr. Atkinson the presence of these outside lovers would not
be dangerous to the family peace. They would come from neighbouring
groups, from which the young men had already captured their wives. In this
way the strangers would be the brothers of their women; and thus the
brother-and-sister avoidance—the primal law already established—would
prevent any fear of interference with the established marital rights on the
part of the new-comers. I strongly differ from the suggestion that the
brothers had to feed and maintain their widowed sisters; such an opinion is
but another example of a failure to appreciate the women’s side of the
question. I allow willingly that the sisters may have had the assistance of
their brothers; I incline, indeed, to the opinion that they would be strong
enough to compel their help, though probably this was not necessary. The
group-sisters and the group-brothers may well have united against the
father, who was the enemy of both. To me the common-sense view is that
these visits from outside suitors were first paid clandestinely at night. In the
light of human nature it is at least probable that the tyrant father was
deceived by his daughters and his sons. If already he was dead, what reason
was there for any fear—why were the visits secret? This seems to show that
I am right; that once more the initiative in the changes that led to regulation
must be traced back to women. Afterwards, the custom thus established,
would come to be recognised, and the practice of the husband visiting his
wife by night would persist long after the danger making such secrecy
necessary had ceased.
It will be readily seen that the introduction of young husbands from
outside, by whatever means this was done, would be an immense gain in
strength. Again a new regulation in the sexual relationships would follow,
and the group-daughters would now have husbands of their own generation,
sacred to them. Furthermore it was the first direct step in friendly union
between group and group; a step that would open up ways to further

progress. The husband, living in his own group, and visiting his wife in
hers, would at once form a connecting link between two hitherto separate
family circles, which friendly connection would not be broken, when, later,
the custom arose of the husband leaving his group to take up his residence
with his wife.
Such an arrangement must have been of immense advantage to the
women. Under the new order, a wife married to one of these young
strangers would hold a position of considerable power, that hitherto had
been impossible. We have seen that the home was made by the group-
women, and must have belonged to them; but so far, the continuance of a
daughter in the home had entailed the acceptance of her father as a husband;
the only way of escape being by capture, which—whether forced or, as I
hold, aided by the girl’s desire—sent her out from her own family as a
stranger into a hostile group. Now this was reversed, and the husband
entered as the alien into her home and family.
The following observation of Mr. Atkinson in this connection must be
quoted, as it is in strong agreement with my own view—
“As a wife who had not been captured, who, in fact, as an actual member of the
group itself, was, so to speak, the capturer, her position in regard to her dependent
husband would be profoundly modified, in comparison with that of the ordinary
captive female, whereas such a captive, seized by the usual process of hostile capture,
had been a mere chattel utterly without power; she, as a free agent in her own home,
with her will backed by that of her brothers” [why not, I would ask, her sisters and her
mother?] “could impose law on her subject spouse.”[39]

In the foregoing sentences Mr. Atkinson affirms the fateful significance
to women of this new form of marriage. I am in whole-hearted agreement
with this opinion. I glean here and there from the wealth of Mr. Atkinson’s
suggestions, statements which indicate how nearly he came to seeing all
that I am trying to establish. Yet, I am compelled to disagree with his main
argument; for always when he touches the woman’s side, he falls back at
once to consider the question in its relation to the males as the only
important members in the group. I do not, for instance, accept his view that
the captive wives were “mere chattels.” They could not, under the
conditions, have been without some considerable power, even if it arose
only from the sexual dependence of their owners upon them. Much more
significant, however, is Mr. Atkinson’s view regarding the authority of the

wife in these new peaceable marriages. He sees one point only as arising
from such a position, and finds “a psychological factor of enormous power,
now for the first time able to make itself felt, in the play of sexual jealousy
on the part of the wife.” She would now “impose law on her subject spouse,
and such law dictated by jealousy would ordain a bar to intercourse
between him and her more youthful and hence more attractive daughters.”
Now, I do not deny that such a factor may have acted, for the incentive to
jealousy arises always from individual as opposed to collective possession.
Still I do not think jealousy can have been strong in this case, and, even if it
were not, any reversion on the part of an alien father to the habits of the
patriarch must have been impossible; such conduct would not have been
tolerated by the other males in the group, nor by the daughters, now able to
get young husbands for themselves. To limit the wife’s power to this single
issue can hardly be consistent with the conditions of the case. Mr. Atkinson,
in common with many other anthropologists, seems disposed to underrate
the evidence regarding the far-reaching importance of this form of
marriage. Among existing examples of the maternal family, the mother-
rights and influences of women are dependent largely on the position of the
husband as a stranger in her family home. This matter will become clear in
the later part of my inquiry.
With the establishment of this new peaceful marriage the way was
cleared for future progress; it is but a few further steps for the group to
grow into the clan and the tribe. The family-group has increased greatly in
size and in social organisation, from the time when it consisted of the
patriarch, and his community of women and young children. The group-
sons have brought in wives from other groups and have founded families;
the group-daughters now have husbands who live with them. Primitive
regulations over the marital rights have arisen, enabling peace to be
maintained. Each family to some extent would be complete in itself. As the
groups advanced in progress, totem names would come to be used as family
marks of distinction, taken usually from some plant or animal. Peaceable
marriages between the sons and daughters of the different groups would
more and more become the habit, and would gradually take the place of
capture marriages. The regulation of the sexual relationships, by which
certain women and certain men became sacred to each other, would become
more strongly fixed by custom; and afterwards the law would follow that a

group of kindred, distinguished by its totem mark, might not marry within
the hereditary name. The religious superstitions that came to be connected
with these totem names would make binding the new order in the marriage
law. When this stage was reached exogamy would be strictly practised; and
in all cases under the complete maternal system, the woman on marriage
would remain in her family home, where the husband would come to live
with her as a kind of privileged guest.
There is one other matter that must be noted. The totem name was
inherited from the mother, and not the father. This was the natural
arrangement. When the group was small, there may have been a communal
ownership of the group-children by the mothers, under the authority of the
father. But this would not continue for long; when the group increased in
numbers, the mother and her children would keep together as a little sub-
family in the larger circle. This would be especially the case with captured
wives, who would bring with them the totem marks of their groups, and this
would be the name of the children. The naming of the children after the
mother would also be the simplest way of distinguishing between the
offspring of different wives, a distinction that would often be necessary,
during the earlier conditions, among the polygamous fathers.
It is, however, an entirely mistaken view that the father’s relation to the
child was ever unrecognised. The taking of the name of the mother arose as
a matter of course, and was adopted simply as being the most convenient
custom. It is manifest that mother-descent has no connection with a period
of promiscuity. Quite the reverse. All the conditions of mother-right arose
out of the earliest movements towards order and regulation in the
relationships of the sexes, and were not the result of licence. Nor was the
naming of the child after the mother so much a question of relationship as
of what may be called “social kinship.” The causes which led to the
maternal system are closely connected with the collective motive, which, if
I am right, was in its origin, at least, the result of the union of the women
against the selfish inclinations of the patriarch. When property rights came
to be recognised, consisting at first of stores of food and the household
goods, it would be perfectly natural that they should belong to the women,
and descend through them. The inheritance would be to those most closely
bound together, and who lived together in the same home. Thus it appears
that descent through the mother was founded on social rights, by which the

organisation of the family, such as membership in the group or clan,
succession and inheritance were dependent on the mothers. In this sense it
is clear that the term mother-power is fully justified; it is nearer to the facts
than the term mother-kin.
Further than this I must not go; the first part of my inquiry now has come
to an end. It may seem to the reader that the patriarchal theory, in a book
written to establish mother-right, has received more attention than was
called for. I have discussed it so fully, not only because of the interest of the
subject in proving the errors in the earlier theories of matriarchy, but
because of the insight the conditions of the primordial group give us into
the origin of the maternal family.
Many of the suggestions made are more or less hypothetical, but not a
few, I think, are necessary deductions, based on what is most probable to
have happened. I am fully aware of numerous omissions, and the
inadequacy of this summary; but if the suggestions brought forward shall
prove in themselves to have merit, it has seemed to me that a fruitful field
of investigation has been opened. Much new ground had to be covered in
this attempt to picture the position of women at a period so remote that the
difficulties are very great. I hope at least to have cleared away the old
errors, which connected mother-descent with uncertainty of paternity and an
early period of promiscuity.
Recognising sexual jealousy as the moving force in brute man, I have
accepted that the primeval family was of the patriarchal type. I have traced
the probable development of the group-family, expanding by successive
steps into larger groups living in peaceful association. In the earlier stage,
whilst the men lived as solitary despots, the women enjoyed a communal
life. It is thus probable that the leading power in the upward movement of
the group developing into the clan and tribe arose among the united
mothers, and not with the father. The women were forced into social
conduct. On this belief is based the theory of mother-power.
The most important result we have gained is the proof that the maternal
system was framed for order, and has no connection with sexual disorder. It
is enough if I have suggested reasons to show that this widespread custom,
which is practised still among many peoples, has nothing about it that is

exceptional, nothing fantastic, nothing improbable. I hold it to be a
perfectly natural arrangement—the practical outgrowth of the practical
needs of primitive peoples. The strongest and the one certain claim for a
belief in mother-right and mother-power must rest on this foundation. It is
left for the second part of my book to prove how far I am right in what I
claim.

FOOTNOTES:
[33] Primal Law, pp. 231-232.
[34] Studies. Chap. VII. “Exogamy: Its Origin.”
[35] History of Human Marriage. Chap. XIV. “Prohibition of Marriage between
Kindred.”
[36] Mystic Rose.
[37] Primal Law. The chapter “From the Group to the Tribe,” pp. 250-263.
[38] Mr. Atkinson refers to these clandestine marriages. He does not, however,
connect the custom, as I suggest, with any action on the part of the young
women.
[39] Primal Law, p. 256.

PART II
THE MOTHER-AGE CIVILISATION

“It’s not too late to seek a newer world:

Tho’ much is taken, much abides: and tho’
We are not now the strength which in old days
Moved earth and heaven, that which we are, we are;
One equal temper of heroic hearts;
Made weak by time and rule, but strong in will
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.”
Tennyson.

CHAPTER V
THE MATRIARCHAL FAMILY AMONG THE AMERICAN
INDIANS

It is time now to turn to the actual subject of this investigation, in order
to see how far the theory of mother-right has been helped by the lengthy
examination of the patriarchal group.
Since the publication of Das Mutterrecht much has been written that has
tended to raise doubts as to the soundness of the matriarchal theory, at least
in the form held by its early supporters. A reaction in the opposite direction
has set in, before which the former belief in mother-power has been
transformed, and now seems likely to disappear altogether. In recent years,
Westermarck, Starcke, Andrew Lang, N. W. Thomas, and Crawley among
others have given utterance to this view. The prevalence of a system tracing
descent through the mother is accepted by the majority of learned opinion,
though it would seem somewhat grudgingly. Mr. Crawley is the only writer,
as far as I know, who denies that such a practice was ever common; the
cases in which it still exists, as these cannot be denied, he regards as
exceptions. He affirms: “There is no evidence that the maternal system was
ever general or always preceded the paternal system.” And again: “Though
frequent, maternal descent cannot have been either universally or generally
a stage through which man has passed.”[40]
Mr. Crawley considers this assumption may be taken for granted; so that
he does not trouble himself about proofs. The subject of mother-right is
dismissed as unworthy of serious attention. Such an attitude is surely
instructive, and illustrates the failure, to which I have already pointed, in
considering the woman’s side in these questions. There would seem to be a
tendency to doubt as being possible any family arrangement favourable to
the authority of women. Even when descent through the mother is accepted
as a phase in social development, it is denied that such descent confers any
special rights to women.

One reason of this prejudice must be sought in the persistence of the
puritan spirit: the objection to mother-kin rests mainly on the objection to
loose sexual relationships. Thus it became necessary to attempt a new
explanation of the origin of the custom, and hence my examination of the
primordial patriarchal group. It may be thought that I should have done
better to confine my inquiry to existing primitive peoples. But, if I am right,
mother-power is rooted much further back than history, and arose first in
the dawn of the human family. This had to be established.
It is clearly of vital importance to an inquiry that claims to set up a new
belief in a discredited theory to protect it from those objections which
hitherto have prevented its acceptance. This I have attempted to do. I have
shown that the customs connected with mother-right had no connection at
all with a state of promiscuity; that they were the result of order in the
sexual relationships, and not of disorder. I have traced the causes which
appear to have given rise to such a system, showing that the maternal order
was not the first phase of the family, but was a natural forward movement—
one which developed slowly and quite simply from the conditions of the
patriarchal group. Moreover, I have maintained, and tried to prove, that the
initiative in progress was taken by the women, they being inspired by their
collective interest to overcome the individual interests of the male members
of the group. If this is not assented to, then indeed, my view of mother-
power can find no acceptance.
It is necessary, however, once more to guard against any mistake. I do not
wish to prove a theory of gynæcocracy, or rule of woman. The title chosen
for this chapter at once opens the way to misinterpretation. It might appear
as if I supported Bachofen’s supposition that, under a system of maternal
descent women possessed supreme rule in the family and in the clan: this is
a dream only of visionaries. I declare here that I consider the theory of the
so-called matriarchate at once false and injurious: false, because it can lead
to nothing; and injurious, because, while it cannot be supported by facts, it
overthrows what can be proved by the evidence that is open to all
investigators. Nothing will be gained by exaggeration and by claiming over
much for women. The term “matriarchal” takes too much for granted that
women at one period ruled. Such a view is far from the truth. All I claim,
then, is this: the system by which the descent of the name and the
inheritance of property passes through the female side of the family placed

women in a favourable position, with definite rights in the family and clan,
rights which, in some cases, resulted in their having great and even
extraordinary power. This, I think, may be granted. If descent through the
father stands, as it is held to do, for the predominance of man over woman
—the husband over the wife, then it is at least surely possible that descent
through the mother may in some cases have stood for the predominance of
the wife over the husband. The reader will judge how far the examples of
the maternal family I am able to bring forward support this claim.
The evidence for mother-right has never yet been fully brought into
notice; but much of the evidence is now available. Our knowledge of the
customs of primitive peoples has increased greatly of late years, and these
afford a wide field for inquiry. And although the examples of the complete
maternal family existing to-day are few in number—probably not more than
twenty tribes,[41] yet the important fact is that they occur among widely
separated peoples in all the great regions of the uncivilised world.
Moreover, side by side with these, are found a much larger number of
imperfect systems, which give unmistakable evidence of an earlier maternal
stage. Such examples are specially instructive; they belong to a transitional
period, and show the maternal family in its decline as it passes into a new
patriarchal stage; often, indeed, we see the one system competing in conflict
with the other.
In this connection I may note that Westermarck does not accept an early
period when descent was traced exclusively through the mother; he gives a
long list of peoples among whom the system is not practised. These
passages occur in his well-known Criticism of the Hypothesis of
Promiscuity,[42] and his whole argument is based on the assumption that
mother-right arose through the tie between the father and the child being
unrecognised. But mother-descent has no connection at all with uncertainty
of paternity. I venture to think Dr. Westermarck has not sufficiently
considered this aspect of the question, and, if I mistake not, it is this
confusion of mother-descent with promiscuity which explains his attitude
towards the maternal system, and his failure to recognise its favourable
influence on the status of women. In his opinion this system of tracing
descent does not materially affect the relative power of the two sexes.[43] In
such a view I cannot help thinking he is mistaken; and I am supported in
this by the fact that he makes the important qualification that the husband’s

power is impaired when he lives among his wife’s kinsfolk. Now, it is this
form of marriage, or the more primitive custom when the husband only
visits his wife, that is practised among the peoples who have preserved the
complete maternal family. Under such a domestic arrangement, which
really reverses the position of the wife and the husband, mother-right is
found; this maternal marriage is, indeed, the true foundation of the woman’s
power. Where the marriage system has been changed from the maternal to
the paternal form, and the wife is taken from the protection of her own
kindred to live in the home of her husband, even when descent is still traced
through the mother, the chief authority is almost always in the hands of the
father. Thus it need not cause surprise to find mother-descent combined
with a fully established patriarchal rule. But among such peoples practices
may often be met with that can be explained only as survivals from an
earlier maternal system. Moreover, in other cases, we meet with tribes that
have not yet advanced to the maternal stage. A study of existing tribes, and
of the records of ancient civilisations, will yield any number of examples.
Unmistakable traces of mother-right may, indeed, be found by those,
whose eyes are opened to see, in all races. In peasant festivals and dances,
and in many religious beliefs and ceremonies, we may meet with such
survivals. They may be traced in our common language, especially in the
words used for sex and for kin relationships. We can also find them
shadowed in certain of our marriage rites, and sex habits to-day. Another
source of evidence is furnished by the widespread early occurrence of
mother-goddesses, who must be connected with a system which places the
mother in the forefront of religious thought. Further proof may be gathered
from folk stories and heroic legends, whose interest offers rich rewards in
suggestions of a time when honour rested with the sex to whom the
inheritance belonged. Thus, the difficulty of establishing a claim for
mother-right and mother-power does not rest in any paucity of proof—but
rather in its superabundance.
It would be superfluous for me to dwell on the difficulties of such an
inquiry. The subject is immensely complicated and wide-reaching, so that I
must keep strictly to the path set before me. It is my purpose to outline the
domestic relations in the maternal family clan, and to examine the sex-
customs and forms of marriage. I shall limit myself to those matters which
throw some light on the position of women, and shall touch on the features

of social life only in so far as they illustrate this. These questions will be
discussed in the three succeeding chapters. Some portion of the matter
given has appeared already in the section on the “Mother-Age Civilisation”
in The Truth about Woman, which gives examples of the maternal family in
America, Australia, India and other countries. Such examples formed a
necessary part of the historical section of that work; they are even more
necessary to this inquiry. Many new examples will be given, and the
examination of the whole subject will be more exhaustive. These chapters
will be followed by a discussion of certain difficulties, and an examination
of the transition period in which the maternal family gave way to the second
patriarchal stage with the family founded on the authority of the father. A
short chapter will be devoted to the work done by women in primitive tribes
and its importance in relation to their position. Then will come as full an
account as is possible of the traces of the mother-age to be found in the
records of ancient and existing civilised races; while a brief chapter will be
added on certain myths and legends which help to elucidate the theory of
women’s early power. The final chapter will treat of general conclusions,
with an attempt to suggest certain facts which seem to bear on present-day
problems. Throughout I shall support my investigation (as far as can be
done in a work primarily designed for a text-book) by examples, which, in
each case, have been carefully chosen from trustworthy evidence of those
who are personally acquainted with the habits of the peoples of whom they
write. I shall try to avoid falling into the error of a one-sided view. Facts
will be more important than reflections, and as far as possible, I shall let
these speak for themselves.
Let us now concentrate our attention on the complete maternal family,
where the clan is grouped around the mothers.
The examples in this chapter will be taken from the aboriginal tribes of
North and South America among whom traces of the maternal system are
common, while in some cases mother-right is still in force. At the period of
European discovery the American Indians were already well advanced in
the primitive arts, and were very far removed from savagery. Their
domestic and social habits showed an organisation of a very remarkable
character; among certain tribes there was a communal maternal family,
interesting and complicated in its arrangements. Such customs had
prevailed from an antiquity so remote that their origin seems to have been

lost in the obscurity of the ages. It is possible, however, to see how this
communism in living may have arisen and developed out of the conditions
we have studied in the far distant patriarchal groups. For this reason they
afford a very special interest to our inquiry.
Morgan, who was commissioned by the American Government to report
on the customs of the aboriginal inhabitants, gives a description of the
system as it existed among the Iroquois—
“Each household was made up on the principle of kin. The married women, usually
sisters, own or collateral, were of the same gens or clan, the symbol or totem of which
was often painted upon the house, while their husbands and the wives of their sons
belonged to several other gentes. The children were of the gens of their mother. As a
rule the sons brought home their wives, and in some cases the husbands of the
daughters were admitted to the maternal household. Thus each household was
composed of persons of different gentes, but the predominating number in each
household would be of the same gens, namely, that of the mother.”[44]

We see here, at once, the persistence and development of the conditions
and later customs of the patriarchal family-group, now evolved into the
clan. In the far-distant days the jealous spirit was still strong; now it has
been curbed and regulated, and the female yoke binds the clan together. We
have the mothers as the centre of the communal home; the sons bringing
their wives to live in the circle, while the daughters’ husbands are received
as permanent guests. Under such a system the mothers are related to each
other, and belong to the same clan, and their children after them; the fathers
are not bound together by the same ties and are of different clans. The limits
within which marriage can take place are fixed, and we can trace the action
of the ancient primal law in the bar that prohibits the husband from being of
the same clan as his wife. Though the husband takes up his abode in the
wife’s family, dwelling there during her life and his good behaviour,[45] he
still belongs to his own family. The children of the marriage are of the
kindred of the mother, and never of his kindred: they are lost to his family.
Thus there can be no extension of the clan through the males, it is the wife’s
clan that is extended by marriage.[46]
The important point to note is that the conditions of the clan are still
favourable to the social conduct of the women, who are attached much
more closely to the home and to each other than can be the case with the
men. The wife never leaves the home, because she is considered the
mistress, or, at least, the heiress. In the house all the duties and the honour

as the head of the household fall upon her. This position may be illustrated
by the wife’s obligation to her husband and his family, which are curiously
in contrast with what is usually expected from a woman. Thus a wife is not
only bound to give food to her husband, to cook his provisions when he sets
out on expeditions, but she has likewise to assist members of his family
when they cultivate their fields, and to provide wood for an allotted period
for the use of his family. In this work she is assisted by women of her clan.
The women are also required in case of need to look after their parents.
There are many interesting customs in the domestic life of the Iroquois. I
can notice a few only. The system of living, at the time Morgan visited the
tribes, consisted of a plan at once novel and distinctive. Each gens or clan
lived in a long tenement house, large enough to accommodate the separate
families. These houses were erected on frames of poles, covered with bark,
and were from fifty to a hundred feet in length. A passage way led down the
centre, and rooms were portioned off on either side: the doors were at each
end of the passage. An apartment was allotted to each family. There were
several fireplaces, usually one for every four families, which were placed in
the central passage: there were no chimneys. The Iroquois lived in these
long houses, Ho-de-no-sau-nee, up to A.D. 1700, and in occasional instances
for a hundred years later. They were not peculiar to the Iroquois, but were
used by many tribes. Unfortunately this wise plan of living has now almost
entirely passed away.
I wish that I had space to give a fuller account of these families.[47] Each
household practised communism in living, and made a common stock of the
provisions acquired by fishing and hunting, and by the cultivation of maize
and plants. The curse of individual accumulation would seem not to have
existed. Ownership of land and all property was held in common. Each
household was directed by the matron who supervised its domestic
economy. After the daily meal was cooked at the several fires, the matron
was summoned, and it was her duty to apportion the food from the kettle to
the different families according to their respective needs. What food
remained was placed in the charge of another woman until it was required
by the matron. In this connection Mr. Morgan says: “This plan of life shows
that their domestic economy was not without method, and it displays the
care and management of women, low down in barbarism, for husbanding
their resources and for improving their conditions.”

In this statement, made by one who was intimately acquainted with the
customs of this people there is surely confirmation of what I have claimed
for women? The further we go in our inquiry the more we are driven to the
conclusion that the favourable conditions uniting the women with one
another exerted a powerful influence on their character. I think this is a
view of the maternal family system that has never received its proper meed
of attention.
It must be noted that the women did not eat with the men; but the fact
that the apportioning of the food was in the women’s hands is sufficient
proof that this separation of women and men, common among most
primitive peoples, has no connection with the superiority of one sex over
the other. It is interesting to find that only one prepared meal was served in
each day. But the pots were always kept boiling over the fires, and any one
who was hungry, either from the household or from any other part of the
village, had a right to order it to be taken off and to eat as he or she pleased.
We may notice the influence of their communistic living in all the Indian
customs. At all times the law of hospitality was strictly observed. Food was
dispensed in every case to those who needed it; no excuse was ever made to
avoid giving. If through misfortune one household fell into want, the needs
were freely supplied from the stock laid by for future use in another
household. Hunger and destitution could not exist in any part of an Indian
village or encampment while plenty prevailed elsewhere. Such generosity at
a time when food was often difficult to obtain, and its supply was the first
concern of life, is a remarkable fact. Nor does this generosity seem, as
might be thought, to have led to idleness and improvidence. He who
begged, when he could work, was stigmatised with the disgraceful name of
“poltroon” or “beggar”; but the miser who refused to assist his neighbour
was branded as “a bad character.” Mr. Morgan, commenting on this phase
of the Indian life says: “I much doubt if the civilised world would have in
their institutions any system which can properly be called more humane and
charitable.”
These reflections induce one to ask: What were the causes of this humane
system of living among a people considered as uncivilised? Now, I do not
wish to claim overmuch for women. We have seen, however, that the
control and distribution of the supply of food was placed in the hands of the

matrons, thus their association with the giving of food must be accepted. Is
not this fact sufficient to indicate the reason that made possible this
communism? To me it is plain that these remarkable institutions were
connected with the maternal family, in which the collective interests were
more considered than is possible in a patriarchal society, based upon
individual inclination and proprietary interests.
A brief notice must now be given to the system of government. An Indian
tribe was composed of several gentes or clans, united in what is known as a
phratry or brotherhood. The tribe was an assemblage of the gentes. The
phratry among the Iroquois was organised partly for social and partly for
religious objects. Each gens was ruled by chiefs of two grades,
distinguished by Morgan as the sachem and common chiefs. The sachem
was the official head of the gens, and was elected by its adult members,
male and female. The sachems and chiefs claimed no superiority and were
never more than the exponents of the popular will of the people. Unanimity
among the sachems was required on all public questions. This was the
fundamental law of the brotherhood; if all efforts failed to gain agreement
the matter in question was dropped. Under such a system individual rule or
the power of one gens over the other became impossible. All the members
of the different gentes were personally free; equal in privileges, and in
position, and in rights. “Liberty, equality, and fraternity,” though never
formulated, were the cardinal principles of the gens.[48] Mr. Morgan holds
the opinion that “this serves to explain that sense of independence and
personal dignity universally attributed to the Indian character.”
Regarding the part taken by the women in the government, we have very
remarkable testimony. Schoolcraft,[49] in his elaborate study of the customs
of the Indian tribes, states that the women had “a conservative power in the
political deliberations. The matrons had their representatives in the public
councils, and they exercised a negative, or what we call a veto, power, in
the important question of the declaration of war.” They had also the right to
interpose in bringing about a peace. Heriot also affirms: “In the women is
vested the foundation of all real authority. They give efficiency to the
councils and are the arbiters of war and peace.... It is also to their disposal
that the captured slaves are committed.” And again: “Although by custom
the leaders are chosen from among the men, and the affairs which concern
the tribe are settled by a council of ancients, it would yet seem that they

only represented the women, and assisted in the discussion of subjects
which principally related to that sex.”[50]
These remarkable social and domestic conditions were common to the
American Indians under the maternal system. The direct influence of
women, as directors through the men, is a circumstance of much interest.
Among the Senecas, an Iroquoian tribe with the complete maternal family,
the authority was very certainly in the hands of the women. Morgan quotes
an account of their family system, given by the Rev. Ashur Wright for many
years a resident among the Senecas, and familiar with their language and
customs.
“As to their family system, it is probable that one clan predominated (in the
houses), the women taking in husbands, however, from other clans, and sometimes for
novelty, some of their sons bringing in their young wives, until they felt brave enough
to leave their mothers. Usually the female portion ruled the house, and were doubtless
clannish enough about it. The stores were in common, but woe to the luckless
husband or lover who was too shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter
how many children or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any
time be ordered to pack up his blanket and budge, and after such orders it would not
be healthful for him to attempt to disobey; the house would be too hot for him, and
unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or grandmother, he must retreat to his
own clan, or, as was often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some
other. The women were the great power among the clans as everywhere else. They did
not hesitate, when occasion required, to ‘knock off the horns,’ as it was technically
called, from the head of a chief and send him back to the ranks of the warrior. The
original nomination of the chief also always rested with them.”

Mr. Morgan affirms his acceptance of the Indian women’s authority, and
says, after quoting this passage: “The mother-right and gynæcocracy among
the Iroquois here plainly indicated is not over-drawn. The mothers and their
children, as we have seen, were of the same gens, and to them the
household belonged. The position of the mother was eminently favourable
to her influence in the household, and tended to strengthen the maternal
bond.”[51]
It is important to note that among the Iroquois polygamy is not permitted,
nor does it appear ever to be practised. Many instances are reported in the
Seneca tribe of a woman having more than one husband, but an Iroquoian
man is never allowed more than one wife.[52] This is the more remarkable
when we consider the fact that the mothers nurse their children for a very
long period, during which time they do not cohabit with their husbands.

Such entire absence of polygamy is to be explained, in part, by the maternal
marriage, a system which in its origin was closely connected with sexual
regulation; nor would plurality of wives be possible in a society in which all
the members of both sexes enjoyed equal privileges, and were in a position
of absolute equality. Marriages usually take place at an early age. Under the
maternal form, the husband living with the wife worked for her family, and
commonly gained his footing only through his service. As suitor he was
required to make presents to the bride’s family. During the first year of
marriage all the produce of his hunting expeditions belonged to the wife,
and afterwards he shared his goods equally with her. The marriages were
negotiated by the mothers: sometimes the father was consulted, but this was
little more than a compliment, as his approbation or opposition was usually
disregarded. Often it was customary for the bridegroom to seek private
interviews at night with his betrothed; clearly a survival from a time when
such secrecy in love was necessary. In some instances it was enough if the
suitor went and sat by the girl’s side in her apartment; if she permitted this,
and remained where she was, it was taken for consent, and the act would
suffice for marriage. Girls were allowed the right of choice in the selection
of their partners. There is abundant testimony as to the happiness of the
marriage state. Divorce was, however, allowed by mutual consent, and was
carried out without dispute, quarrel or contradiction.[53] If a husband and a
wife could not agree, they parted amicably, or two unhappy pairs would
exchange husbands and wives. An early French missionary remonstrated
with a couple on such a transaction, and was told: “My wife and I could not
agree; my neighbour was in the same case, so we exchanged wives and all
four were content. What can be more reasonable than to render one another
mutually happy, when it costs so little, and does nobody any harm.”[54] It
would seem that these maternal peoples have solved many difficulties of
domestic and social life better than we ourselves have done.
The Wyandots, another Iroquoian tribe, maintained the maternal
household, though they seem to have reached a later stage of development
than the Senecas. They camped in the form of a horse-shoe, every clan
together in regular order. Marriage between members of the same clan was
forbidden; the children belonged to the clan of the mother. The husbands
retained all their rights and privileges in their own gentes, though they lived
in the gentes of their wives. After marriage the pair resided, for a time, at

least, with the wife’s mother, but afterwards they set up housekeeping for
themselves.[55]
We may note in this change of residence the creeping in of changes
which inevitably led in time to the decay of the maternal family and the
reassertion of the patriarchal authority of the father. This is illustrated
further by the Musquakies, also belonging to the Algonquian stock. Though
still organised in clans, descent is no longer reckoned through the mother;
the bridegroom, however, serves his wife’s family, and he lives in her home.
This does not make him of her clan, but she belongs to his, till his death or
divorce separates her from him. As for the children, the minors at the
termination of the marriage belong to the mother’s clan, but those who had
had the puberty feast are counted to the father’s clan.[56]
The male authority was felt chiefly in periods of war. This may be
illustrated by the Wyandots, who have an elaborate system of government.
In each gens there is a small council composed of four women, called yu-
waí-yu-wá-na; chosen by the heads of the household. These women select a
chief of the gens from its male members, that is, from their brothers and
sons. He is the head of the gentile council. The council of the tribe is
composed of the aggregated gentile councils; and is thus made up of four-
fifths of women and one-fifth of men. The sachem of the tribes, or tribal-
chief, is chosen by the chiefs of the gentes. All the civil government of the
gens and of the tribe is carried on by these councils; and as the women so
largely outnumbered the men, who are also—with the one exception of the
tribal-chief—chosen by them, it is evident that the social government of the
gens and tribe is largely controlled by them. On military affairs, however,
the men have the direct authority, though, as has been stated, the women
have a veto power and are “allowed to exercise a decision in favour of
peace.” There is a military council of all the able-bodied men of the tribe,
with a military chief chosen by the council.[57] This seems a very wise
adjustment of civic duties; the constructive social work and the maintaining
of peace directed by the women; the destructive work of war in the hands of
men.
Powell gives an interesting account of their communal life. Each clan
owns its own lands which it cultivates; but within these lands each
household has its own patch. It is the women councillors who partition the

clan lands among the households. The partition takes place every two years.
But while each household has its own patch of ground, the cultivation is
communal; that is, all the able-bodied women of the clan take a share in
cultivating every patch. Each clan has a right to the service of all its women
in the cultivation of the soil. It would be difficult to find a more striking
example than this of communism in labour. I claim it as proof of what I
have stated in an earlier chapter of the conditions driving women into
combination and social conduct.
If we turn now to the South American continent we shall find many
interesting survivals of the complete maternal family, in particular among
the Pueblo peoples of New Mexico and Arizona, so called from the Spanish
word pueblo, a town. The customs of the people have been carefully studied
and recorded by Bancroft, Schoolcraft, Morgan, Tylor, McGee, the Spanish
historian, Herrera, and other travellers. When first visited by European
anthropologists the country was divided into provinces, and in many
provinces the people lived in communities or little republics. The
communal life was here more developed even than among the Northern
Indians. The people lived together in joint tenement houses, much larger,
and of more advanced architecture, than the long houses of the Iroquois.
These houses are constructed of adobe, brick and stone, imbedded in
mortar; one house will contain as many as 50, 100, 200, and in some cases,
500 apartments. Speaking of these houses, Bancroft states: “The houses are
common property, and both women and men assist in building them; the
men erect the wooden frames, and the women make the mortar and build
the walls. In place of lime for mortar they mix ashes with earth and
charcoal. They make adobes, or sun-dried bricks, by mixing ashes and earth
with water.”[58] Cushing, who visited and lived with the Zuñi Indians,
records that among them the houses are entirely built by the women, the
men supplying the material. These houses are erected in terrace form;
within they are provided with windows, fireplaces and chimneys, and the
entrance to the different apartments is gained by rude pole ladders. The
pueblo, or village, consists of one or two, or sometimes a greater number of
these houses, each containing a hundred or more families, according to the
number of apartments.
Among the Creek Indians of Georgia, Morgan recounts a somewhat
different mode of communal dwelling as formerly being practised. In 1790

they were living in small houses, placed in clusters of from four to eight
together; and each cluster forming a gens or clan, who ate and lived in
common. The food was prepared in one hut, and each family sent for its
portion. The smallest of these “garden cities” contained 10 to 40 groups of
houses, the largest from 50 to 200.[59] These communistic dwelling-houses
are so interesting and so important that I would add a few words. Here, we
have among these maternal peoples a system of living which appears to be
identical with the improved conditions of associated dwelling now
beginning to be tried. How often we consider new things that really are very
old! In the light of these examples, our co-operative dwelling-houses and
garden cities can no longer be regarded as experiments. They were in use in
the mother-age, when many of our new (!) ideas seem to have been
common. Can this be because of the extended power held by women, who
are more practical and careful of detail than men are? I believe that it is
possible. This would explain, too, the revival of the same ideas to-day,
when women are taking up their part again in social life. To those who are
questioning the waste and discomfort of our solitary homes I would
recommend a careful study of this primitive communism. I would point out
the connection of the social ideal with the maternal family, while the home
that is solitary and unsocial must be regarded as having arisen from the
patriarchal customs. I have had occasion again and again to note that
collective interests are more considered by women; and individual interests
by men. This, at least, is how I see it; and a study of the Indian maternal
families seems to give confirmation to such a conclusion.
But to return to the Pueblo peoples. The tribes are divided into
exogamous totem clans. Kinship is reckoned through the women, and in
several tribes we find the complete maternal family. Among such peoples
the husband goes to live with the wife and becomes an inmate of her family.
If the house is not large enough, additional rooms are built on to the
communal home and connected with those already occupied. Hence a
family with many daughters increases, while one consisting of sons dies
out.
The marriage customs and relationships between the young men and the
girls are instructive; they vary in the different tribes, but have some points
in common. The Pueblos are monogamists, and polygamy is not allowed
amongst them. Bancroft records a very curious custom. The morals of the

young people are carefully guarded by a kind of secret police, whose duty it
is to report all irregularities; and in the event of such taking place the young
man and the girl are compelled to marry.[60] Now, whatever opinion may be
held of such interference with the love-making of the young people, it
affords strong proof of the error which has hitherto connected the maternal
system with unregulated sexual relationships. This is a fact I am again and
again compelled to point out, risking the fear of wearying the reader.
Among some tribes freedom is permitted to the women before marriage.
Heriot states that the natives who allow this justify the custom, and say
“that a young woman is mistress of her own person, and a free agent.”[61]
The tie of marriage is, however, observed more strictly than among many
civilised monogamous races. And this is so, although divorce is always easy
and by mutual consent; a couple being able to separate at once if they are
dissatisfied with each other. Here are facts that may well cause us to think.
As for the courtship, the usual custom is reversed; when a girl is disposed to
marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one
to her liking, and then consults her family as to his suitability as a husband.
The suitor has to serve the bride’s family before he can be accepted, and in
some cases the conditions are binding and exceedingly curious.
How simple and really beautiful are the conditions of life among these
people may be seen from the idyllic record of the Zuñi Indians given by Mr.
Cushing.[62] He describes how the Zuñi girl, when taking a fancy to a young
man, conveys a present of thin hewe-bread to him as a token, and becomes
his affianced, or as they say “his-to-be.” He then sews clothes and
moccasins for her, makes her a necklace of gay beads, and combs her hair
out on the terrace in the sun. After his term of service is over, and all is
settled, he takes up his residence with her; then the married life begins.
“With the woman rests the security of the marriage tie, and, it must be said,
in her high honour, that she rarely abuses the privilege; that is, never sends
her husband ‘to the home of his fathers’ unless he richly deserves it.”
Divorce is by mutual consent, and a husband and wife would “rather
separate than live together unharmoniously.” This testimony is confirmed
by Mrs. Stevenson, who visited the Zuñis, and writes with enthusiasm of
the people. “Their domestic life might well serve as an example for the
civilised world. They do not have large families. The husband and wife are
deeply attached to one another and to their children.” “The keynote of this

harmony is the supremacy of the wife in the home. The house with all that
is in it is hers, descending to her through her mother from a long line of
ancestresses; and the husband is merely her permanent guest. The children
—at least the female children—have their share in the common home; the
father has none.” “Outside the house the husband has some property in the
fields, although in earlier times he had no possessory rights and the land
was held in common. Modern influences have reached the Zuñi, and
mother-right seems to have begun its inevitable decay.”[63]
The Hopis, another Pueblo tribe, are more conservative, and with them
the women own all the property except the horses and donkeys, which
belong to the men. Among the Pueblos the women commonly have control
over the granary, and they are very provident about the future. Ordinarily
they try to have one year’s provisions on hand. It is only when two years of
scarcity succeed each other that the community suffers hunger. Like the
Zuñis, the Hopis are monogamists. Sexual freedom is, however, permitted
to a girl before marriage. This in no way detracts from her good repute;
even if she has given birth to a child “she will be sure to marry later on,
unless she happens to be shockingly ugly.” Nor does the child suffer, for
among these maternal peoples, the bastard takes an equal place with the
child born in wedlock. The bride lives for the first few weeks with her
husband’s family, during which time the marriage takes place, the ceremony
being performed by the bridegroom’s mother, whose family also provides
the bride with her wedding outfit. The couple then return to the home of the
wife’s parents, where they remain, either permanently, or for some years,
until they can obtain a separate dwelling. The husband is always a stranger,
and is so treated by his wife’s kin. The dwelling of his mother remains his
true home, in sickness he returns to her to be nursed, and stays with her
until he is well again. Often his position in his wife’s home is so irksome
that he severs his connection with her and her family, and returns to his old
home. On the other hand, it is not uncommon for the wife, should her
husband be absent, to place his goods outside the door: an intimation which
he well understands, and does not intrude upon her again.[64]
Again, among the Pueblo peoples, we may consider the Sai. Like the
other tribes they are divided into exogamous totem clans; descent is traced
only through the mother. The tribe through various reasons has been greatly
reduced in numbers, and whole clans have died out, and under these

circumstances exogamy has ceased to be strictly enforced. This has led to
other changes. The Sai are still normally monogamous. When a young man
wishes to marry a girl he speaks first to her parents; if they are willing he
addresses himself to her. On the day of the marriage he goes alone to her
home, carrying his presents wrapped in a blanket, his mother and father
having preceded him thither. When the young people are seated together the
parents address them in turn, enjoining unity and forbearance. This
constitutes the ceremony. Tribal custom requires the bridegroom to reside
with the wife’s family.[65]
All the Pueblo peoples are more advanced than the greater number of the
neighbouring tribes; their matrimonial customs are more refined, their
domestic life much happier, and they have an appreciation of love, a rare
thing in primitive peoples.[66] Among other tribes purchase of a wife is
common, always a sure sign of the enslavement of women. Thus in
Columbia what is most prized in a woman is her aptitude for labour, and the
price paid for her (usually in horses) depends on her capacity as a beast of
burden. Sometimes, as in California, a suitor obtains a wife on credit, but
then the man is called “half married;” and until her price is paid he has to
labour as a slave for her parents. Here, as elsewhere, morality is simply a
custom of habit; Bancroft says that purchase of a wife has become accepted
as honourable, so that among the Californian Redskins “the children of a
wife who has cost nothing to her husband are looked down upon.”[67] Such
customs are in sharp contrast to the liberty granted to the woman among the
Pueblos. As an example of women’s power carried to the limit of tyranny,
we may note the Nicaraguans, of whom Bancroft states that “the husbands
are said to have been so much under the control of their wives that they
were obliged to do the housework, while the women attended to the
trading.” Under these circumstances it is perhaps not surprising to find the
women described as “great shrews, who would on the slightest provocation
drive their offending husbands out of the house.”[68] This is a curious case
of the despotic rule of women. Westermarck accounts for their position by
the strict monogamy that is enforced, but I do not think this can be the true
explanation.[69]
Among the Guanas the women make their own stipulations with their
lovers before marriage, arranging what they are to do in the household.
They are also said to decide the conditions of the marriage, whether it is to

be monogamous, or if polygamy or polyandry is to be allowed.[70] The
Zapotecs and other tribes inhabiting the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, are
remarkable for “the gentleness, affection, and frugality that characterises
the marital relations. Polygamy is not permitted, which is very remarkable
as the women greatly outnumber the men.”[71]
Lastly, I wish to bring forward a very striking example of the complete
maternal family among the Seri Indians, on the south-west coast of North
America, now reduced to a single tribe. Their curious and interesting
marriage customs have been described by McGee, who visited the people to
report on their customs for the American Government. The Seri are
probably the most primitive tribe in the American continent. At the time of
Mr. McGee’s visit they preserved the maternal system in its early form, and
are therefore an instructive example by which to estimate the position of the
women.[72]
“The tribe is divided into exogamous totem clans. Marriage is arranged exclusively
by the women. The elder woman of the suitor’s family carries the proposal to the
girl’s clan mother. If this is entertained, the question of marriage is discussed at length
by the matrons of the two clans. The girl herself is consulted; a jacal is erected for
her, and after many deliberations, the bridegroom is provisionally received into the
wife’s clan for a year under conditions of the most exacting character. He is expected
to prove his worthiness of a permanent relationship by demonstrating his ability as a
provider, and by showing himself an implacable foe to aliens. He is compelled to
support all the female relatives of his bride’s family by the products of his skill and
industry in hunting and fishing for one year. There is also another provision of a very
curious nature. The lover is permitted to share the jacal, or sleeping-robe, provided
for the prospective matron by her kinswomen, not as a privileged spouse, but merely
as a protective companion; and throughout this probationary time he is compelled to
maintain continence—he must display the most indubitable proof of his moral force.”

This test of the Seri lover must not mistakenly be thought to be
connected, as might appear, with the modern idea of continence. As is
pointed out by McGee, it arose out of the primitive sexual taboos, and is
imposed on the young man as a test of his strength to abstain from any
sexual relationships outside the proscribed limits. Such a moral test may
once have been common, but seems to have been lost except among the
Seri; though a curious vestige appears in the anti-nuptial treatment of the
bridegroom, in the Salish tribe. The material test is common among many
peoples, and must not be confused with the later custom of payment for the
wife by presents given to her family. Still this Seri marriage is one of the
most curious I know among any primitive peoples. And the continence

demanded from the bridegroom appears more extraordinary if we compare
it with the freedom granted to the bride. “During this period the always
dignified position occupied by the daughters of the house culminates.”
Among other privileges she is allowed to receive the “most intimate
attentions from the clan-fellows of the group.” “She is the receiver of the
supplies furnished by her lover, measuring his competence as would-be
husband. Through his energy she is enabled to dispense largess with a
lavish hand, and thus to dignify her clan and honour her spouse in the most
effective way known to primitive life; and at the same time she enjoys the
immeasurable moral stimulus of realising she is the arbiter of the fate of a
man who becomes a warrior or an outcast at her bidding, and through him
of the future of two clans—she is raised to a responsibility in both personal
and tribal affairs which, albeit temporary, is hardly lower than that of the
warrior chief.” At the close of the year, if all goes well, the probation ends
in a feast provided by the lover, who now becomes the husband, and finally
enters his wife’s jacal as “consort-guest.” His position is wholly
subordinate, and without any authority whatever, either over his children or
over the property. In his mother’s hut he has rights, which seem to continue
after his marriage, but in his wife’s hut he has none.
I have now collected together, with as much exactitude as I could, what is
known of the maternal family in the American continents. There are many
tribes in which descent is reckoned through the father, and it would be bold
to assert that these have all passed through the maternal stage. An
examination of their customs shows, in some cases, survivals, which point
to such conclusion; among other tribes it seems probable that the maternal
clan has not developed. As illustrations of mother-power, I claim the
examples given speak for themselves. It may, of course, be urged that these
complete maternal families are exceptions, and thus to dismiss them as
unimportant. But this is surely an unscientific way of settling the question.
One has to accept these cases, or to prove that they are untrue. Moreover, I
have by no means exhausted the evidence; and to these complete maternal
families might be added examples from other tribes which would furnish
similar proofs, but there is such consistency of custom among them all that
further accounts may be dispensed with.
There is one other matter for which I would claim attention before
closing this chapter on the American Indians, and that is the remarkable

similarity to be noticed in many tribes between the faces of the men and the
women. To me this is a point of deep interest, though I do not claim to
understand it. My attention was first drawn to notice this likeness between
the two sexes when I came to know some Iroquois natives who live in
England. I was at once struck with the appearance of the men: though
strong and powerfully built, they were strikingly like women. Since then I
have examined many portraits of the North Indian tribes; I have found that
the great majority of men approach much more nearly to the feminine than
the male type. I might, however, hesitate to bring the matter forward, were
it founded only on my own observation. But in my reading I have found an
important reference to the question in a recent work, “The Indians of North
America in Recent Times,” by Mr. Cyrus Thomas, Ph.D., Archæologist, in
the Bureau of American Ethnology. He writes as follows (p. 41)—
“Another curious fact, which has not hitherto received special notice, though
apparently of considerable interest, is the prevailing feminine physiognomy of the
males, at least of those of the northern section. If any one will take the trouble to
study carefully a hundred or more good photographs of males of pure blood he will
find that two thirds, if not a greater proportion, show feminine faces. The full
significance of this fact is not apparent, but it seems to bear to some extent upon the
question of the evolution of the race.”

What this fact suggests is a problem to which it is very difficult even to
guess at an answer. Does this lack of differentiation in the physiognomy of
the Indians point to something much deeper? Are the men really like the
women? Such a conception opens up considerations of very great
significance. So far as I understand the matter, it appears that, as well as the
deep inherent differences between the two sexes, there are other differences
due to divergence in function. It seems probable that changes in
environment or in function (as when one sex, for some reason or other,
performs the duties usually undertaken by the other sex), may alter or
modify the differences which tend to thrust the sexes apart. I feel very sure
that there can be changes in the secondary sexual characters of the male and
female. This is sufficiently proved by many examples. Can we, then, accept
the theory that an environment, which favours women’s forceful function,
may modify the infinitely complicated characters of sex, which, as yet, we
so imperfectly understand? I do not know with any certainty. Yet I can see
no other interpretation; and, if I mistake not, it may be possible in this way
to cast a light on one of the most difficult problems with which we are faced
to-day.

FOOTNOTES:
[40] The Mystic Rose, pp. 460-461.
[41] This is the number given by Prof. Tylor. “The Matriarchal Family System,”
Nineteenth Century, July 1896.
[42] History of Human Marriage, pp. 97-104.
[43] “The Position of Woman in Early Civilisations,” Sociological Papers, 1904.
[44] Morgan, Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines, p. 64.
[45] Tylor, “The Matriarchal Family System,” Nineteenth Century, July 1896.
[46] McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, p. 208. Heriot, Travels through the
Canadas, p. 323.
[47] The reader is referred to Morgan’s interesting Houses and House-Life of the
Aborigines. It is from this work that many of the facts I give have been taken.
[48] Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 62. Also Houses and House-Life of the
American Aborigines.
[49] Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition,
and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, 6 vols., Vol. III, p. 195.
See also Notes on the Iroquois and The Indian in his Wigwam.
[50] Heriot, op. cit., pp. 321-322.
[51] Houses and House-Life of American Aborigines, pp. 65-66.
[52] Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 324. Heriot, op. cit., pp. 323, 329.
Schoolcraft, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 191.
[53] Heriot, pp. 231-237. See also Report of an Official of Indian Affairs on two
of the Iroquoian tribes, cited by Hartland. Primitive Paternity, Vol. I, p. 298.
[54] Charleroix, Vol. V, p. 48, quoted by Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 66.
[55] Powell, Rep. Bur. Ethn., I, 63.
[56] Owen: Musquakie Indians, p. 72.
[57] I have summarised the account of the Wyandot government as given by
Hartland, who quotes from Powell’s “Wyandot Government,” First Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1879-1880, pp. 61 ff.
[58] The Native Races of the Pacific States of South America, 5 vols., Vol. I, p.
555. See also Morgan.
[59] Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, p. 262, gives an account of these houses. A
similar plan of living is reported of the Maya Indians.
[60] Bancroft, op. cit., pp. 546, 547.

[61] Heriot, op. cit., p. 340.
[62] Cushing, “My Visit to the Zuñi Indians,” Century Magazine, 1883. Prof.
Tylor gives these passages in his account of the Zuñi Indians, “The Patriarchal
Family System,” Nineteenth Century, 1896. I have quoted from him.
[63] Mrs. Stevenson, in the Report Bureau Ethnological, XXIII, pp. 290-293.
[64] Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, pp. 67, 96, 133. Rep. Bur. Ethn., XIII, 340.
Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. II, pp. 74-76.
[65] Rep. Bur. Ethn. IX, p. 19. Hartland, Ibid., pp. 76-77.
[66] Bancroft, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 549.
[67] Bancroft, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 277. Power’s Tribes of California, pp. 22, 56.
[68] Bancroft, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 685.
[69] History of Human Marriage, p. 500.
[70] Azara, Voyages dans l’Amérique Méridionale, Vol. II, p. 93.
[71] Bancroft, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 661-662.
[72] “The Beginning of Marriage,” American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, p. 376.
Also Rep. Bur. Ethn., XVII, 275.

CHAPTER VI
THE MATERNAL FAMILY AMONG THE KHASIS

There are, perhaps, no people among whom the family in the full
maternal form can be studied with more advantage than the Khasi Hill
tribes, in the north-east of India. This race has a special interest as a people
who, in modern times, have preserved their independence and their
ancestral customs through many centuries. We find mother-descent strictly
practised, combined with great and even extraordinary rights on the part of
the women. The isolation of the Khasis may account for this conservatism,
but, as will appear later, there are other causes to explain the freedom and
power of the Khasi women. We are fortunate in having a fuller knowledge
of the Khasi tribes, than is common of many primitive peoples. Their
institutions and interesting domestic customs have been carefully noted by
ethnologists and travellers, and in all accounts there is united testimony to
the high status of the women. I will quote a statement of Sir Charles Lyell,
[73] which affirms this fact very strongly—

“Their social organisation presents one of the most perfect examples still surviving
of matriarchal institutions carried out with a logic and a thoroughness which, to those
accustomed to regard the status and authority of the father as the foundation of
society, are exceedingly remarkable. Not only is the mother the head and source and
only bond of union of the family, in the most primitive part of the hills, the Synteng
country, she is the only owner of real property, and through her alone is inheritance
transmitted. The father has no kinship with his children, who belong to their mother’s
clan; what he earns goes to his own matriarchal stock, and at his death his bones are
deposited in the cromlech of his mother’s kin.”

Such testimony cannot be put aside. I wish it were possible for me to give
a detailed account of this people, there is so much that is of interest to us in
their mother-right customs. All that I can do is to note briefly a few of these,
which to me seem specially important.
And first, in order to understand better their customs, let us consider a
few facts of the people themselves. The Khasis are a vigorous and sturdy
race. The men are short, but exceedingly muscular; the women are comely,
especially when young; and the children are remarkably pretty. In both the

sexes strongly developed calves are considered a mark of beauty. It is
interesting to note that the men usually wear their hair long, and when it is
cut short, a single lock is preserved at the back, which is called u niuhtrong,
“the grandmother’s lock.” In some districts the men pull out the hairs of the
moustaches, with the exception of a few hairs on either side of the upper
lip. In character these people are independent, simple, truthful and
straightforward; cheerful in disposition, and light-hearted by nature. They
thoroughly appreciate a joke, especially the women. Among the men there
is some drunkenness, but not among the women, though they are the chief
distillers of spirits. Men and women work together, usually at the same
occupations. We learn that the Khasis have an unusual love of nature, and
are fond of music; thus they have names for birds and flowers, also for
many butterflies and moths. These are traits not usually found in the people
of India.
There is a point to note of special interest in their language. All the nouns
have a masculine and a feminine gender, and the feminine nouns immensely
predominate. The sun is feminine, the moon masculine. In the pronouns
there is one form only in the plural, and that is feminine. It may seem that
these matters—noted so briefly—are unimportant; but it is such little things
that deserve attentive study. At least they serve to show that the Khasis have
reached a high level of primitive culture; and they indicate further the
strong importance of the feminine idea, which is the main interest in our
inquiry.
A few words must be said about the organisation of the tribes. These
tribes are formed in sections—of which the chief are the Khasi, Synteng,
and War. Each section or tribe is divided into clans and sub-clans; these are
strictly exogamous. To marry within the clan is the greatest sin a Khasi can
commit. This would explain the strict reckoning of descent through the
mothers.
The Khasi clan grew from the family. There is a saying common among
the people, Long jaid ne ka kynthei, “From the woman sprang the tribe.” All
the clans trace their descent from ancestresses (grandmothers) who are
called Ki Iwabei Tynrai, literally, grandmothers of the root, i. e. the root of
the tree of the clan. In some clans the name of the ancestress survives, as,
for instance, Kyngas houning, “the sweet one.” Ka Iaw shubde is the

ancestress of the Synteng tribe, and it is curious to note that she is credited
with having first introduced the art of smelting iron. She is also said to have
founded a market in which she successfully traded in cattle.[74]
It is hardly possible to exaggerate the esteem in which the tribal
ancestress is held; she is so greatly reverenced that she may truly be said to
be deified. In such worship rests the foundation of the deep tribal piety. Ka
Iawbei, “the first mother,” has the foremost place of honour by her side, and
acting as her agent is U Suid Nia, her brother. There is another fact to show
the honour in which the female ideal is held. The flat memorial stones set
up to perpetuate the memory of the dead are called after the mothers of the
clan, while the standing stones ranged behind them are dedicated to the
male kinsmen on the female side. These table stones are exceedingly
interesting. They are exactly like the long stones and dolmens which are
found in Brittany, in Ireland, in Galicia in Spain, and other parts of Europe.
Is it possible that some of these memorials, whose history has been lost,
were also set up to commemorate the mothers of tribes? But be this as it
may, among the Khasis, where ancient custom and tradition have been
preserved, goddesses are more important than gods. Almost all the other
deities to whom propitiation is offered are female. Male personages also
figure, and among them Thaulang, the husband, is revered.[75] Still the chief
divinity rests in the goddesses; the gods are represented only in their
relation to them. The powers of sickness and death are all female, and these
are most frequently worshipped. Again, the protectors of the household are
goddesses. I wish that I had space to write of their curious, yet beautiful,
religious rites. The sacrifices are communal in character; they are offered in
times of sickness and when dangers threaten the clan. Priestesses assist at
all sacrifices and the male officiants act only as their agents. The household
sacrifices are always performed by women.
Consider what this placing of their goddesses rather than their gods—of
the priestess rather than priest—in the forefront of their worship signifies!
Very plainly it reflects honour on the sex to which the supreme deities
belong. We need no clearer proof of the high status of women among this
people. Such customs are certainly survivals[76] from the time of a more
primitive matriarchate, when the priestess was the agent for the
performance of all religious ceremonies. In one state a priestess still
performs the sacrifices on the appointment of a new Siem, or ruler. Another

such survival is the High Priestess of Nongkrem, in the Synteng district,
who “combines in her person sacerdotal and regal functions.” In this state
the tradition runs that the first High Priestess was Ka Pah Synten, “the
flower-lured one.” She was a beautiful maiden, who had her abode in a cave
at Marai, near Nongkrem whence she was enticed by means of a flower.
She was taken by her lover to be his bride, and she became not only the first
High Priestess of Nongkrem, but also the mother of the Siems of
Nongkrem.
It must be noted that the Siems or rulers of the states are always men.
They are chosen from the eldest sister’s children. Possibly the case of the
High Priestess of Nongkrem, who is the nominal head of the state, points to
an earlier period of rule by women; but to-day the temporal power is
delegated to one of her sons or nephews, who becomes the Siem. I need not
labour this question overmuch; it is actualities I wish to deal with. As I have
repeatedly said, there is no sure ground for believing that the maternal
system involves rule by women. This may have happened in some cases,
but I do not think that it can ever have been common. I am very certain,
however, of the error in the view which accepts the subordination of women
as the common condition among barbarous peoples, whereas there are
indications and proofs in all directions of a more or less strong assertiveness
on their part, and always in the direction of social unity and sexual
regulation. The fact that the maternal system resulted in the limitation of the
freedom of the male members of the family is, in my opinion, to be
attributed to those powerful female qualities which exercised an immense
influence on early societies. Regarding what has been said, I think it cannot
be denied that while individual rights were of far more importance to the
males, the idea of the family and social rights were, in their turn, essentially
feminine sentiments. Thus it was in the women’s interest to consolidate the
family, and by means of this their own power; and they succeeded in doing
so to an extraordinary extent in primitive communities, without help of the
maternal customs, which, as I have tried to make clear, arose out of the
conditions of the primordial family and by the action of the united mothers.
If I am right, then, here is the primary cause of the women’s position of
authority in the communal maternal family.
I am very certain of the rights such a system conferred upon women;
rights that are impossible under the patriarchal family, which involves the

subordination of the woman to her father first and afterward to her husband.
In proof of this let us now consider marriage and divorce, the laws of
inheritance, and other customs of the Khasis. And first we may note that
polygamy—the distinctive custom of the patriarchs—does not exist; as Mr.
Gurdon remarks, “such a practice would not be in vogue among a people
who observe the matriarchate.” This is the more remarkable as the Khasi
women considerably outnumber the men. In 1901 there were 1118 females
to 1000 males. At the present time the people are monandrists. There are
instances of men having wives other than those they regularly marry, but
the practice is not common. Such wives are called “stolen wives,” and their
children are said “to be from the top,” i. e. from the branches of the clan and
not the root. In the War country the children of the “stolen wife” enjoy an
equal share in the father’s property with the children of the regular wife.
Polyandry is said to be practised, but the fact is not mentioned by Mr.
Gurdon; in any case it can prevail only among the poorer sort, with whom,
too, it would often seem to mean rather facility of divorce than the
simultaneous admission of plurality of husbands.[77]
The courtship customs of Khasi youths and maidens are simple and
beautiful. The young people meet at the dances in the spring-time, when the
girls choose their future husbands. There is no practice among the Khasis of
exchange of daughters; and there is an entire absence of the patriarchal idea
of their women as property. Marriage is a simple contract, unaccompanied
by any ceremony.[78] After marriage the husband lives with his wife in her
mother’s home. Of late years a new custom has arisen, and now in the
Khasi tribe, when one or two children have been born, and if the marriage
is a happy one, the couple frequently leave the family home, and set up
housekeeping for themselves. When this is done, husband and wife pool
their earnings for the support of the family. This is clearly a departure from
the maternal marriage, a step in the direction of father-right. Among the
Syntengs, the people who have most closely preserved the customs of the
matriarchate, the husband does not even go to live with his wife, he only
visits her in her mother’s home. In Jowáy this rule is so strict that the
husband comes only after dark. He is not permitted to sleep, to eat, or
smoke during his visit—the idea being that as none of his earnings go to
support the home, he must not partake of food or any refreshment. Here is a
curious instance of etiquette preserving these clandestine visits long after

the time when such secrecy was necessary. We may note another survival
among the Syntengs. The father is commonly called by the name of the first
child, thus, the father of a child called Bobon, becomes Pa-bobon.[79] This
does not, I am sure, point back to a period when paternity was uncertain,
rather, it is an effort to establish the social relation of the father to the
family, and is connected with domestic and property considerations, not at
all with relationship. The proof of this will appear in a later chapter.
Very striking are the conditions attaching to divorce. Again we find the
right of separation granted equally to both sexes, a significant indication of
the high position of women. Marriage being regarded as an agreement
between wife and husband, the tie may be broken without any question of
disgrace. But although divorce is frequent and easy, and can be claimed for
a variety of reasons, all who have dwelt among the Khasis testify to the
durable and happy marriages among them. Only when they find it
impossible to live amicably together do a couple agree to separate. In this
event the children always remain with the mother. For their mothers the
children cherish a very strong affection, for all their sympathies and
affection bind them to her and her family.
The conditions of divorce vary in the separate tribes. Among the Khasis
both parties must agree to the dissolution of the tie. With the Synteng and
War tribes such mutual consent is not necessary, but the partner who claims
release from the other, without his or her consent, must pay compensation.
A woman cannot be divorced during pregnancy. The form of divorce is
simple; among the Khasis it consists of the exchange of five cowries. This
is done in the presence of witnesses, and the ceremony must take place in
the open air. Then a crier goes around the village to proclaim the divorce,
using the following words—
“Kaw—hear, oh villagers! that—U and K have been separated in the presence of
the elders. Hei! thou, oh young men, canst go and make love to K—for she is now
unmarried, and thou, oh maidens, canst make love to U—Hei! there is no let or
hindrance from henceforth.”

And here I would pause, although it leads me a little aside, to make a
point that to me seems to be of special importance. Obviously this simple
divorce by mutual consent was made easy in its working by the maternal
system. The great drawback to the dissolution of the marriage tie in the
patriarchal family is the effect it has on the lives of the children; but in the

maternal family such evil does not exist, for the children always live with
the mother and take her name. By saying this, I do not wish to imply that I
am necessarily recommending such a system, but that it had its advantages
for the mother and her children, I think, cannot be denied. Its failure arises,
as is evident, from the alien position of the father in relation to his children.
In the primitive maternal family the place of the father, to a great extent,
is filled by the maternal uncle. Among the Khasis he is regarded in the light
of a father. It is his duty to assist the mother in the management of the
family. The husband is looked upon merely as u shong kha,[80] a begetter.
Only by the later marriage custom, when the wife and children leave the
home of her mother, has the father any recognised position in the home.
“There is no gainsaying the fact,” writes Mr. Gurdon, “that the husband is a
stranger in the wife’s home, and it is certain he can take no part in the rites
and ceremonies of his wife’s family.”
The important status assigned to women becomes clearer when we
consider the laws of inheritance. Daughters inherit, not sons. The youngest
daughter is heiress to the family property, but the other daughters are
entitled to a share on the mother’s death. No man can possess property
unless it is self-acquired. Among the Synteng, such property on the man’s
death goes to his mother. This would seem to be the primitive custom.
There is now a provision that, if the wife undertakes not to re-marry she has
half of her husband’s property, which descends to her youngest daughter. In
the Khasi states a man’s property, if acquired before his marriage, goes to
his mother, but what is gained afterwards goes to the wife, for the youngest
daughter. Only in the War country do the sons inherit from the father with
the daughters, but something in addition is given to the youngest daughter.
The family property always descends in the female line. For this reason,
daughters are of more importance than sons. A family without daughters
dies out, which among the Khasis is the greatest calamity, as there is no one
qualified to bury the dead and perform the religious rites. Thus both the
Khasis and the Syntengs have a plan of adoption. The male members of any
family, if left without females, are allowed to call in a young girl from
another family to perform the family religious ceremonies. She takes the
place of the youngest daughter, and becomes the head of the household. She
inherits the ancestral property.

In the face of these facts it can hardly be denied that mother-right and
mother-power among the Khasis are still very much alive. Here at least
descent through the mother does involve power to women, and confers
exceptional rights, especially as regards inheritance. I have already called
attention to the equality of the women with men in the code of sexual
morality. This is so important that it is worth while to follow it a little
further. That freedom in love carries with it domestic and social rights and
privileges to women I have no longer to prove. We found the same freedom
under the maternal family among the Iroquois and Zuñi Indians: there
courtship was in the hands of the woman; there also divorce was free, and a
couple would rather separate than live together inharmoniously. I have
given proof of the happy domestic life of these peoples. Equality in the
sexual relationships has always been closely associated with the status of
women. Wherever divorce is difficult, there woman’s lot is hard, and her
position low. It is part of the patriarchal custom which regards the man as
the owner of the woman. It would be easy to prove this by the history of
marriage in the races of the past, as also by an examination of the present
divorce laws in civilised countries. I cannot do this, but I make the assertion
without the least shadow of doubt. “Free divorce is the charter of Woman’s
Freedom.” I would point back in proof to these examples of the maternal
family, foremost among whose privileges is this equality of partnership in
marriage. Here you have before you, solved by these primitive peoples,
some of the most urgent questions that yet have to be faced by us to-day. To
hear of peoples who live gladly, and without those problems that are rotting
away our civilisation, brings a new courage to those of us, who sometimes
grow hopeless at our own needless wastage of love and life.
I must not say more upon this question, though it is one that tempts me
strongly. It is not, however, my purpose in this book to offer opinions of my
own on these problems of the relations of the two sexes; I prefer to leave
the facts of the mother-age to speak for themselves. Those whose eyes are
not blinded will not fail to see.[81]

FOOTNOTES:

[73] In an Introduction to The Khasis, by P. R. Gurdon. This work, written by
one who had a long and intimate knowledge of the Khasi tribes, gives an
admirable account of the people, their institutions and domestic life. See also Sir
J. Hooker, Himalayan Journal, Vol. II, pp. 273 et seq.; Dalton, Descriptive
Ethnology of Bengal; and a series of papers by J. R. Logan, in the Journal of the
Indian Archipelago, 1850-1857. Mr. Frazer (The Golden Bough, Part IV, Adonis,
Attis, Osiris, p. 387) gives a short account of the Khasis; also McGee in the
article The Beginning of Marriage already quoted.
[74] The Khasis, pp. 62, 64, 82. All the facts I have given of the Khasis are taken
from Mr. Gurdon’s work, unless otherwise stated.
[75] An incantation used in addressing this god begins: “O Father, Thaulang,
who hast enabled me to be born, who hast given me my stature and my life.”
This is very certain proof that the maternal system among the Khasis has no
connection with uncertainty of paternity.
[76] This is the opinion of Sir Charles Lyell and Mr. Gurdon. We may compare
the remark of Prof. Karl Pearson: “According to the evidence not only the seers
but the sacrificers among the early Teutons were women.”
[77] Fischer, Tour. As. Soc., Bengal, Vol. IX, Part II, p. 834.
[78] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 57.
[79] McGee, The Beginning of Marriage.
[80] The Khasis, p. 81.
[81] Mrs. Chapman Catt has an article in the April number of Harper’s
Magazine on “A Survival of Matriarchy.” It gives an account of her visit to the
Malay States, and the favourable position of the women under the maternal
customs. I have received a letter from the great American champion of Women’s
Rights in which she states how pleased she is that I am writing this book on the
Mother-age. “There are many facts,” she says, “of the early power of women
which the great world does not know.”

CHAPTER VII
FURTHER EXAMPLES OF THE MATERNAL FAMILY

Pursuing our inquiry into the social organisation of mother-right, an
interesting example occurs among the peoples of the Malay States, where,
notwithstanding the centres of Hindu and Moslem influence, much has been
retained of the maternal system, once universally prevalent. The maternal
marriage, here known as the ambel-anak, in which the husband lives with
the wife, paying nothing to the support of the family and occupying a
subordinate position, may be taken as typical of the former condition. But
among the tribes who have come in contact with outside influences the
custom of the husband visiting the wife, or residing in her house, is
modified, and in some cases has altogether disappeared.
From a private correspondent, a resident in the Malay States, I have
received some interesting notes about the present conditions of the native
tribes and the position of women. “In most of the Malay States exogamous
matriarchy has in comparatively modern times been superseded by
feudalism (i. e., the patriarchal rights of the father). But where the old
customs survive, the women are still to a large extent in control. The
husband goes to live in the wife’s village; thus the women in each group are
a compact unity, while the men are strangers to each other and enter as
unorganised individuals. This is the real basis of the women’s power. In
other tribes, where the old customs have changed, the women occupy a
distinctly inferior position, and under the influence of Islam the idea of
secluding adult women has been for centuries spreading and increasing in
force.” Here, again, clear proof is shown of the maternal system exercising
a direct influence on the position of women. And this statement is in
agreement with Robertson Smith, who, in writing of the maternal marriage,
says: “And it is remarkable that when both customs—the woman receiving
her husband in her own hut, and the man taking his wife to his—occur side
by side among the same people, descent in the former case is traced through
the mother, in the latter through the father.”[82]

In its ancient form the maternal communal family has notably persisted
among the Padang Highlanders of Sumatra. These people live in village
communities, with long timber houses placed in barrack-like rows, very
similar to the communal dwellings of the American Indians. The houses are
gay in appearance, and are adorned with carved and coloured woodwork.
One dwelling will contain as many as a hundred people, who form a sa-
mandei, or mother-hood. Again we find the family consisting of the house-
mother and her descendants in the female line—sons and daughters, and the
daughters’ children. McGee thus describes these maternal households—[83]
“If the visitor, mounting the ladder steps, looks in at one of the doors of the
separate dwellings, he may see seated beyond the family hearth the mother and her
children, eating the midday meal, and very likely the father, who may have been
doing a turn of work in his wife’s rice-plot. If he is a kindly husband, he is there much
as a friendly visitor, but his real home remains in the house in which he was born.”

The husband has no permanent residence in the woman’s house, and at
dusk each evening the men may be seen walking across the village to join
their wives and families. The father has no rights over his children, who
belong wholly to the wife’s suku, or clan. But this in no way implies that the
father is unknown, for monogamy is the rule; as is usual the question is one
rather of social right than of relationship. The maternal uncle is the male
head of the house, and exercises under the mother the duties of a father to
the children. The brother of the eldest grandmother is the male head of the
family settlement and the clan consists of a number of these families. It
would seem that these male rulers act as the agents of the female members,
whose authority is great. This power is dependent on the inheritance; as is
the descent, so is the property, and its transmission is arranged for the
benefit of the maternal lineage. For this reason daughters are preferred
rather than sons.
This account of the Padang Malays may be supplemented by the Jesuit
missionary De Mailla’s description of the maternal marriage in the Island of
Formosa.[84] Speaking of this marriage, McGee says: “If it had received the
notice it deserves, it might long ago have placed the study of maternal
institutions on a sounder basis.”
“The Formosan youth wishing to marry makes music day by day at the maid’s door,
till, if willing, she comes out to him, and when they are agreed, the parents are told,
and the marriage feast is prepared in the bride’s house, whence the bridegroom returns
no more to his father, regarding his father-in-law’s house as his own, and himself as

the support of it, while his own father’s house is no more to him than in Europe the
bride’s home is henceforth to her when she quits it to live with her husband. Thus the
Formosans set no store on sons, but aspire to have daughters, who procure them sons-
in-law to become the support of their old age.”

It will be noted that here the house is spoken of as the father’s, and not as
belonging to the mother. The bridegroom is the suitor, and we see the
creeping in of property considerations always associated with the rise of
father-right. Though the husband has as yet no recognised position and lives
in the wife’s home, he is valued for his service to his father-in-law, clearly a
step in the direction of property assertion. Among many of the Malay hill
tribes of Formosa the maternal system is dying out, though the old law
forbidding marriage within the clan remains in force.
These changes must be expected wherever the transition towards father-
right has begun; the older forms of courtship and marriage, so favourable to
the woman, are replaced by patriarchal customs. One or two curious
examples of primitive courtship, in which the initiative is taken entirely by
the girl may be noted here. Among the Garos tribe it is not only the
privilege, but the duty of the girl to select her lover, while an infringement
of this rule is severely and summarily punished. Any declaration made on
the part of the young man is regarded as an insult to the whole mahári
(motherhood) to which the girl belongs, a stain only to be expiated by
liberal presents made at the expense of the mahári of the over-forward
lover. The marriage customs are equally curious. On the morning of the
wedding a ceremony very similar to capture takes place, only it is the
bridegroom who is abducted. He pretends to be unwilling and runs away
and hides, but he is caught by the friends of the bride. Then he is taken by
force, weeping as he goes, in spite of the resistance and counterfeited grief
of his parents and friends, to the bride’s house, where he takes up his
residence with his mother-in-law. It is instructive to find that these
marriages are usually successful. Although divorce is easy, it is not
frequent. “The Garos will not hastily make engagements, because, when
they do make them, they intend to keep them.”[85]
In Paraguay, we are told, the women are generally endowed with stronger
passions than the men, and are allowed to make the proposals.[86] So also
among the Ahitas of the Philippine Islands, where, if her clan-parents will
not consent to a love match the girl seizes the young man by the hair,

carries him off, and declares she has run away with him. In such a case it
appears the marriage is held to be valid whether the parents consent or not.
[87] A similar custom of a gentler character, is practised by the Tarrahumari
Indians of Northern Mexico, among whom, according to Lumboltz, the
maiden is a persistent wooer employing a répertoire of really exquisite love
songs to soften the heart of a reluctant swain.[88] Again, in New Guinea,
where the women held a very independent position, “the girl is always
regarded as the seducer. Women steal men.” A youth who proposed to a girl
would be making himself ridiculous, would be called a woman, and laughed
at by the girls. The usual method by which a girl proposes is to send a
present to the youth by a third party, following this up by repeated gifts of
food; the young man sometimes waits a month or two, receiving presents all
the time, in order to assure himself of the girl’s constancy, before decisively
accepting her advances.[89]
It is clear that these cases, which I have chosen from a number of similar
courtship customs, differ very much from what is our idea of the customary
rôle of the girl and her lover. To me they are very instructive. They show the
error of the long-held belief in the passivity of the female as a natural law of
the sex.[90] Such openness of conduct in courtship is impossible except
where women hold an entirely independent position. Here, then, is another
advantage that may be claimed as arising for women out of the maternal
system. I claim this: the woman’s right of selection in love—yes, her
greatest right, one that is necessary for a freer and more beautiful mating.
Terminating this short digression, I return to my examination of the
peoples among whom the family is especially maternal.
The Pelew Islanders of the South Sea have customs in many respects the
same as those of the Khasi tribes. They preserve strict maternal descent, and
like the Khasis, the deities of all the clans are goddesses. The life and social
habits of the people have been described by Kubary, a careful and
sympathetic observer, for long resident in the island.[91] The tribes are
divided into exogamous clans, and intermarriage between any relations on
the mother’s side is unlawful. These clans are grouped together in villages
and the life is of a communal character. Each village consists of about a
score of clans, and forms with its lands a petty independent state.

Again we find the maternal system intimately connected with religious
ideas, and it is interesting to recall what was said by Bachofen: “Wherever
gynæcocracy meets us the mystery of religion is bound up with it, and lends
to motherhood an incorporation in some divinity.” Among these Islanders
every family traces its descent from a woman—the common mother of the
clan. And for this reason the members worship a goddess and not a god. In
the different states there are, besides other special deities, usually a goddess
and a god, but as these are held to be derived directly from a household-
goddess, it is evident that here, as among the Khasis, goddesses are older
than the gods. This is shown also by the names of the goddesses. There is
another fact of interest: some women are reputed to be the wives of the
gods, they are called Amalalieys and have a great honour paid to them,
while their children pass for the offspring of the gods.
The reverence paid to the ancestral goddesses is explained by Mr. Kubary
as arising from the importance of women in the clans.
“The existence of the clan depends entirely on the life of the women, and not at all
on the life of the men. If the women survive, it is no matter though every man in the
clan should perish, for the women will, as usual, marry men of another clan, and their
offspring will inherit their mother’s clan, and thereby prolong its existence. Whereas
if the women of the clan die out the clan necessarily becomes extinct, even if every
man in it should survive; for the men must, as usual, marry women of another clan,
and their offspring will inherit their mother’s clan and not the clan of the father, which
accordingly, with the death of the father, is wiped off the community.”

I quote this passage because it shows so clearly what I am claiming, that
descent through the mother, under the condition of strict exogamy,
conferred a very marked distinction on the female members of the clan,
whose existence depended on them; this cannot possibly have failed to act
favourably on their position. I may note, too, in passing, the fallacy of Mr.
McLennan’s view that polyandry (which, it will be remembered, he held to
have been developed from and connected with mother-descent) arose as a
result of female infanticide. Such a practice is clearly impossible in clans
whose existence depends on the life of its female members; daughters
among them are prized more highly than sons.
The case we are now examining affords the strongest confirmation of the
honour paid to women under the strict maternal system. Take alone the
titles that these Pelew islanders give to their women, as Adhalál a pelú,
“mothers of the land,” and Adhalál a blay, “mothers of the clan.” The

testimony of those who know their customs is that the women enjoy
complete equality with the men in every respect. Mr. Kubary affirms the
predominance of female influence in all the social life of the clan. He
asserts, without qualification, that the women both politically and socially
enjoy a position superior to that of the men. The eldest women in the clans
exercise the most decisive influence in the conduct of affairs; the head men
do nothing without full consultation with them, and their power extends to
affairs of state and even to foreign politics. No chief would venture to come
to a decision without the approval of the mothers of the families. As one
consequence of this power the women have clubs of association similar to
the clubs of men that are common in so many tribes. A curious privilege
given to women is recorded: “The women have an unlimited privilege of
striking, fining, or if it be done on the spot, killing any man who makes his
way into their bathing places.”[92]
The marriage customs I shall pass over briefly, as they are similar to
those of other tribes under the maternal system, though changes may be
noted, such, for instance, as presents in the form of a kind of bride-price
being given by the bridegroom to the parents of the bride. This is not a
maternal custom, and although half of such presents belongs by right to the
girl, it is clearly a form of wife-purchase. Then polygamy is practised,
though it is expressly stated to be uncommon.[93] There is now a marriage
ceremony. Divorce still remains free, and the conditions are favourable for
the wife. Jealousy is said to be prevalent both among the men and the
women. The wedding monologue is interesting and indicates the relative
position of the female and male members of the family. The salutation is as
follows—
“Hei, thou, oh mother; oh grandmothers; oh maternal uncle; oh elder grandmother;
oh younger grandfather; oh elder grandfather! As the flesh has fallen the ring has been
put on.... You will all of you give ear [the ancestresses and ancestors] you will
continue giving strength and spirit that they [the bride and bridegroom] may be well.”

There is left an important fact to consider, which explains the persistence
of the women’s authority under marriage conditions much less favourable
than the complete maternal form. The Pelew women have another source of
power; their position has an industrial as well as a kinship basis. In this
island the people subsist mainly on the produce of their taro fields, and the
cultivation of this, their staple food, is carried out by the women alone. And

this identification of women with the industrial process has without doubt
contributed materially to the predominance of female influence on the
social life of the people. Wherever the control over the means of production
is in the hands of women, we find them exercising influence and even
authority. Among these islanders the women do not merely bestow life on
the people, they also work to obtain that which is most essential for the
preservation of life, and therefore they are called “mothers of the land.”[94]
Now, considering this honour paid to the Pelew women, it is clearly
impossible to regard their work in cultivating the taro as a sign of their
subordinate position in the social order. The facts of primitive life are often
mistaken. This is a question to which I shall refer again in a later chapter.
In the same way among the Pani Kotches, tribes of Bengal, we find the
women in a privileged position, due to their greater industrial activity and
intelligence.
“It is the women’s business to dig the soil, to sow and plant, as well as to spin,
weave and brew beer; they refuse no task, and leave only the coarsest labour to the
men. The mother of the family marries her daughter at an early age; at the feast of
betrothal she dispenses half as much again to the bride as to the bridegroom-elect. As
for the grown-up girls and the widows, they know very well how to find husbands; the
wealthy never lack partners. The chosen one goes to reside with his mother-in-law,
who both reigns and governs, with her daughter for prime minister. If the consort
permits himself to incur expenses without special authorisation, he must meet them as
best he can. Fathers of families have been known to be sold as slaves, the wives
refusing to pay the penalties they incurred. Under these circumstances, it was lawful
for them to marry again.”[95]

Here, as among the Pelew islanders, special industrial conditions are
combined with the maternal system, and as a result we find what may,
perhaps, be termed “an economic matriarchy.” Another cause of authority,
quite as powerful, is the possession by women of inherited property. Among
barbarous peoples the importance of this is not so great, but where mother-
descent has, for any reason, been maintained up to a time when individual
possession has been developed and property is large, we meet with a
remarkable “pecuniary matriarchate,” based on the women holding the
magic power of money.
An example may be found in the interesting Touaregs of the Sahara, a
race very far advanced in civilisation, who, even at the present day, have
preserved their independence and many of their ancient customs. Among

them all relationship is still maternal and confers both rank and inheritance.
“The child follows the blood of the mother,” and the son of a slave or serf
father and a noble woman is noble. “It is the womb which dyes the child,”
the Touaregs say in their primitive language.[96] All property descends only
through the mother, and by means of accumulation the greatest part of the
fortune of the community is in the hands of women. This is the real basis of
the women’s power. “Absolute mistress of her fortune, her actions, and her
children, who belong to her and bear her name, the Targui woman goes
where she will and exercises a real authority.” The unusual position of the
wife is significantly indicated by the fact that, although polygamy is
permitted by the law, she practically enforces monogamy, for the conditions
of divorce are so favourable for a woman that she can at once separate from
a husband who attempts to give her a rival. Again the initiative in courtship
is taken by the woman, who chooses from her suitors the one whom she
herself prefers.[97]
It is interesting to note that the Targui women know how to read and
write in greater numbers than the men. Duveyrier states that to them is due
the preservation of the ancient Libyan and Berber writings.[98] “Leaving
domestic work to their slaves, the Targui ladies occupy themselves with
reading, writing, music and embroidery; they live as intelligent
aristocrats.”[99] “The ladies of the tribe of Ifoghas, in particular, are
renowned for their savoirvivre and their musical talent; they know how to
ride mehari better than all their rivals. Secure in their cages, they can ride
races with the most intrepid cavaliers, if one may give this name to riders
on dromedaries; in order, also, to keep themselves in practice in this kind of
riding, they meet to take short trips together, going wherever they like
without the escort of any man.”[100] In the tribe of Imanan, who are
descended from the ancient sultans, the women are given the title
Timanôkalîn, “royal women,” on account of their beauty and their talent in
the art of music. They often give concerts, to which the men come “from
long distances—decked out like male ostriches.” In these concerts the
women improvise the songs, accompanying themselves on the tambourine
and a sort of violin or rebâza. They are much sought after in marriage,
because of the title of cherif which they confer on their children.[101]
There is a touch of chivalrous sentiment in the relations between men and
women.[102] “If a woman is married,” Duveyrier tells us, “she is honoured

all the more in proportion to the number of her masculine friends, but she
must not show preference to any one of them. The lady may embroider on
the cloak, or write on the shield of her chevalier, verses in his praise and
wishes for his good fortune. Her friend may, without being censured, cut the
name of the lady on the rocks or chant her virtues. ‘Friends of different
sexes,’ say the Touaregs, ‘are for the eyes and heart, and not for the bed
only, as among the Arabs.’”[103] Letourneau, in quoting these passages from
Duveyrier, makes the following comment: “Such customs as these indicate
delicate instincts, which are absolutely foreign to the Arabs. They strongly
remind us of the times of our southern troubadours and of the cours
d’amour, which were the quintessence of chivalry.”[104]
The foregoing example is exceedingly interesting; it shows women
holding the position that as a rule belongs to men, and is thus worthy of
most careful study, but at the same time we must guard against according it
a general value which it does not possess. Such a case is exceptional,
though it by no means stands alone, and the social position of Targui
women is analogous to that of the women of ancient Egypt. It is important
to note that their great independence arose through the persistence of
maternal descent, and could not have been maintained apart from that
system, which placed in their hands the strong power of wealth. Here, then,
is certain proof of the favourable influence mother-descent may exercise on
the status of women. It is because of this I have brought forward this
example of the Targui women.
Enough has now been said. I have examined the institution of the
maternal family, both in the early communal stage and also under later
social conditions, where, in certain cases, mother-descent has been
maintained. In all the examples cited I have given the marriage customs and
domestic habits of the people as they are testified to by authorities whose
records cannot be questioned. Many similar examples, it may be said, might
be brought forward from other races, and the proof of mother-right and
mother-power greatly strengthened thereby. There is, however, so much
similarity in the maternal family, so much correspondence in the marriage
forms and social habits prevailing among races widely separated, that the
points of difference are little in comparison with those they have in
common. My object is not so much to exhaust the subject as to bring into
relief the radical differences between the maternal communal clan, with its

social life centred around the mothers, and the opposite patriarchal form in
which the solitary family is founded on the individual father. I hold that,
other conditions being equal, the one system is favourable to the authority
of women, the other to the authority of men. The facts which have been
cited are, I submit, amply sufficient to support this view.
We have seen that the life of the maternal clan is dependent on the
women—and not upon the men; we have noted that the inheritance of the
family name and the family property passing through the women adds
considerably to their importance, and that daughters are preferred to sons.
We have found women the organisers of the households, the guardians of
the household stores, and the distributors of food, under a social
organisation that may be termed “a communal matriarchy.” More important
than all else, we have noted the remarkable freedom of women in the sexual
relationships; in courtship they are permitted to take the active part; in
marriage their position is one of such power that, sometimes, they are able
to impose the form of the marriage; in divorce they enjoy equal, and even
superior, rights of separation; moreover, they are always the owners and
controllers of the children. Nor is the influence of women restricted to the
domestic sphere. We have found them the advisers, and in some cases the
dictators, in the social organisation under the headmen of the clan. Then we
examined the cases in which the women’s power has an industrial as well as
a kinship basis, and have proved the existence of an “economic matriarchy.”
And further even than this, we have found women the sole possessors of
accumulated wealth, and noted that, under the favourable conditions of such
a “pecuniary matriarchy,” they are able to obtain a position in learning and
the arts excelling that of the men. We have even seen goddesses set above
the gods, and women worshipped as deities.
Now I submit to the judgment of my readers—what do these examples of
mother-right show, if not that, broadly speaking, women were the dominant
force in this stage of the family. No doubt too much importance may be
attached to the idea of women ruling. This is an error I have tried to guard
against. My aim throughout has been to establish mother-right, not mother-
rule. I believe it is only by an extraordinary power of illusion that we can
recognise, in the favourable position of women under mother-descent
Bachofen’s view of an Amazonian gynæcocracy. But this does not weaken
at all my position. I maintain that such customs of courtship, marriage and

divorce, of property inheritance and possession, and of the domestic and
social rights, as those we have seen in the cases examined, afford
conclusive proof of women’s power in the maternal family. If this is denied,
the only conclusion that suggests itself to me is that, those who seek to
diminish the power of mother-right have done so in reinforcement of a
preconceived idea of the superiority of the man as the natural and
unchanging order in the relationships of the sexes. One suspects prejudice
here. To approach this question with any fairness, it is absolutely essential
to clear the mind from the current theories regarding the family. The order
is not sacred in the sense that it has always had the same form. It is this
belief in the immutability of our form of marriage and the family which
accounts for the prejudice with which this question is approached. The
modern civilised man cannot easily accustom himself to the idea that in the
maternal family the dominion of the mother was regarded as the natural,
and, therefore, the right and accepted order of the family. It is very difficult
for us even to believe in a relationship of the mother and the father that is so
exactly opposite to that with which we are accustomed.

FOOTNOTES:
[82] Marriage and Kinship in Early Arabia, p. 74. See also Marsden, History of
Sumatra, p. 225.
[83] “The Beginning of Marriage,” American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, p. 376.
[84] Lettres edefiantes et curieux, Vol. XVIII, p. 441, copied in Dunhalde,
Description de la Clune, Vol. I, p. 166, and cited by McGee.
[85] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 64, 142. See also Tylor, “The
Matriarchal Theory,” Nineteenth Century, July 1896, p. 89.
[86] Moore, Marriage Customs: Modes of Courtship, etc., p. 261. Rengger,
Naturgeschichte der Säugelliere von Paraguay, p. 11, cited by Westermarck, op.
cit., p. 158.
[87] J. M. Wheeler, “Primitive Marriage,” an article in Progress, 1885, p. 128.
[88] McGee, “The Beginning of Marriage,” American Anthropologist, Vol. IX.
[89] Haddon, “Western Tribes of the Torres States,” Journal of the
Anthropological Society, Vol. XIX, Feb. 1890. Cited by Havelock Ellis,
Psychology of Sex, Vol. III, p. 185.

[90] For further examination of this question of the supposed passivity of the
woman in courtship, see The Truth about Woman, pp. 65-69, 251-257.
[91] Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer. Die Religion, de Pelauer. Mr.
Frazer, Golden Bough, Part IV, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, pp. 387 et seq., summarises
the account of Kubary. See also Waitz-Gerland, Vol. V, Part II, p. 106 et seq., and
an account of the Pelews given by Ymer.
[92] Semper, Die Palau-Inseln, p. 68, cited by Westermarck op. cit., p. 211.
[93] Ymer, Vol. IV, p. 333.
[94] Frazer, op. cit., p. 380.
[95] Hodgson, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1847 (Dalton).
[96] Duveyrier, Toûareg du Nord, p. 337 et seq.
[97] Chavanne, Die Sahara, pp. 181, 209, 234.
[98] Ibid., p. 387.
[99] Duveyrier, op. cit., p. 430.
[100] Ibid., p. 362.
[101] Ibid., p. 347.
[102] Chavanne, op. cit., p. 208 et seq.
[103] Duveyrier, op. cit., p. 429.
[104] Letourneau, The Evolution of Marriage, pp. 180-181.

CHAPTER VIII
MOTHER-RIGHT CUSTOMS AND THE TRANSITION TO
FATHER-RIGHT

Endeavour has been made in the previous chapters to present the case for
mother-right as clearly and concisely as possible. The point we have now
reached is this: while mother-right does not constitute or make necessary
rule by women, under that system they enjoy considerable power as the
result (1) of their organised position under the maternal marriage among
their own clan-kindred, (2) of their importance to the male members of the
clan as the transmitters and holders of property.
It is necessary to remember the close connection between these mother-
right customs and the communal clan, which was a free association for
mutual protection. This is a point of much interest. As we have seen, the
undivided family of the clan could be maintained only by descent through
the mothers, since its existence depended on its power to retain and protect
all its members. In this way it destroyed the solitary family, by its
opposition to the authority and will of the husband and father.
These conclusions will be strengthened as we continue our examination
of mother-right customs as we shall find them in all parts of the world. I
must select a few examples only and describe them very briefly, not
because these cases offer less interest than the complete maternal families
already examined, but because of the length to which this part of my
inquiry is rapidly growing. The essential fact to establish is the prevalence
of mother-descent as a probable universal stage in the past history of
mankind, and then to show the causes which, by undermining the dominion
of the maternal clan, led to the adoption of father-right and the re-
establishment of the patriarchal family.
Let us begin with Australia, where the aboriginal population is in a more
primitive condition than any other race whose institutions have been
investigated. I can notice a few facts only from the harvest of information

brought together by anthropologists and travellers. The tribes are grouped
into exogamous sub-divisions, and each group has its own land from which
it takes a local name. Each group wanders about on its own territory in
order to hunt game and collect roots, sometimes in detached families and,
less often, in larger hordes, for there seems to be a tendency to local
isolation. A remarkable feature of the social organisation is found in the
more advanced tribes, where, in addition to the division into clans, the
group is divided into male and female classes. All the members of such
clans regard themselves as kinsmen, or brothers and sisters; they have the
same totem mark and are bound to protect each other. The totem bond is
stronger than any blood tie, while the sex totems are even more sacred than
the clan totems.
Much confusion has arisen out of the attempts to explain the Australian
system; and for long the close totem kinship was supposed to afford
evidence of group marriage, by which a man of one clan was held to have
sexual rights over all the women in another clan. But further insight into
their customs has proved the error of such a view, which arose from a
misunderstanding of the terms of relationship used among the tribes.
Nowhere is marriage bound by more severe laws; death is the penalty for
sexual intercourse with a person of a forbidden clan. And it is certain that
there is no evidence at all of communism in wives.[105]
A system of taboos is very strongly established, and as we should expect
the women appear to be most active in maintaining these sexual
separations. If a man, even by mistake, kills the sex-totem of the women,
they are as much enraged as if it were one of their own children, and they
will turn and attack him with their long poles.
In Australia it is easy to recognise a very early stage in human society.
The organisation of the family group into the clan is still taking place.
Moreover, the most primitive patriarchal conditions have not greatly
changed, for the males are great individualists and cannot readily suffer the
rights of others than themselves. Mother-right can hardly be said to exist,
and the position of women is low. It is not the custom among any tribes for
the husband to reside in the home of the wife; this in itself is sufficient to
explain the power of the husbands. Wives are frequently obtained by
capture, and fights for women are of common occurrence. Here it would

seem that progress has been very slow. Indeed, it is the chief interest of the
Australian tribes that we can trace the transformation from the early
patriarchal conditions to the communal clan.
There is still another fact of very special interest. In the large majority of
tribes known to us descent is traced through the mother; the proportion of
these tribes to those with father-descent being four to one. Now, the
question arises as to which of these two systems is the earlier custom? As a
rule it is assumed that in all cases descent was originally traced through the
mother. But is this really so? The evidence of the Australian tribes points to
the exact opposite opinion. For what do we find? The tribes that have
established mother-descent have advanced further, with a more developed
social organisation, which could hardly be the case if they were the more
primitive. To this question Starcke, in The Primitive Family, has drawn
particular attention; he regards “the female line as a later development,”
arrived at after descent through the father was recognised, such change
being due to an urgent necessity which arose in the primitive family for
cohesion among its members, making necessary sexual regulation and the
maternal clan.
It is certainly difficult to decide on the priority of this or that custom. But
what is significant is that in Australia the tribes which maintain the male
line of descent must be assigned to the lowest stage of development. The
rights established by marriage among them are less clearly defined, and the
use of the totem marks, with the sexual taboos arising from them, are less
developed. Everything tends to show that clan organisation and union in
peace have arisen with mother-descent, which cannot thus be regarded as a
survival from the earlier order, but as a later development—a step forward
in progress and social regulation.
I take this as being exceedingly important: it serves to establish what it
has been my purpose to show, that in the first stage the family was
patriarchal—small hostile groups living under the jealous authority of the
fathers; and that only as advancement came did the maternal clan develop,
since it arose through a community of purpose binding all its members in
peace, and thereby controlling the warring individual interests. The reasons
for mother-descent have been altogether misunderstood by those who
regard it as the earliest phase of the family, and connect the custom with

sexual disorder and uncertainty of paternity. In all cases the clan system
shows a marked organisation, with a much stronger cohesion than is
possible in the restricted family, which is held together by the force of the
father. It was within the clan that the rights of the father and husband were
endangered: he lost his position as supreme head of the family, and became
an alien member in a free association where his position was strictly
defined. The incorporation of the family into the clan arose through the
struggle for existence forcing it into association; it was the subordinate
position of the husband under such a system which finally made the women
the rulers of the household. If we regard the social conditions of the
maternal system as the first stage of development, they are as difficult to
understand as they become intelligible when we consider it as a later and
beneficent phase in the growth of society.
This, then, I claim as the chief good of the maternal system. As I see it,
each advance in progress rests on the conquest of sexual distrusts and
fierceness forcing into isolation. These jealous and odious monopolist
instincts have been the bane of humanity. Each race must inevitably in the
end outlive them; they are the surviving relics of the ape and the tiger. They
arise out of that self-concentration and intensity of animalism that binds the
hands of men and women from taking their inheritance. The brute in us still
resents association. Am I wrong in connecting this individual monopolist
idea of My power! My right! with the paternal as opposed to the maternal
family? At any rate I find it absent in the communal clan grouped around
the mothers, where the enlarged family makes common cause and life is
lived by all for and with each other.
An instructive example of the joint maternal family is furnished by the
Naïrs of Malabar, where we see a very late development of the clan system.
The family group includes many allied families, who live together in large
communal houses and possess everything in common. There is common
tenure of land, over which the eldest male member of the community
presides; while the mother, and after her death the eldest daughter, is the
ruler in the household. It is impossible to give the details of their curious
conjugal customs. The men do not marry, but frequent other houses as
lovers, without ceasing to live at home, and without being in any way
detached from the maternal family. There is, however, a symbolic marriage
for every girl, by a rite known as tying the tali; but this marriage serves the

purpose only of initiation, and the couple separate after one day. When thus
prepared for marriage, a Naïr girl chooses her lovers, and any number of
unions may be entered upon without any restrictions other than the strict
prohibitions relative to caste and tribe. These later marriages, unlike the
solemn initial rite, have no ceremony connected with them, and are entered
into freely at the will of the woman and her family.[106]
Now, if we regard these customs in the light of what has already been
established, it is clear that they cannot be regarded as the first stage in the
maternal family. Such a view is entirely to mistake the facts. The Naïrs are
in no respect a people of primitive culture. Through a long period they have
most strictly preserved the custom of matriarchal heredity, which has led to
an unusual concentration of the family group, and it is probable that here is
the best explanation of the conjugal liberty of the Naïr girls. However
singular their system may appear to us, it is the most logical and complete
of any polyandric system. If we compare it with the more usual form of
patriarchal polyandry we see at once the influence of maternal descent.
Here, the woman makes a free choice of her husbands; in no sense is she
their property. It is common for them to work for her, one husband taking
on himself to furnish her with clothes, another to give her rice and food, and
so on. It is, in fact, the wife who possesses, and it is through her that wealth
is transmitted. In fraternal polyandry, on the other hand (as, for instance, it
is practised in Thibet and Ceylon), the husbands of a woman are always
brothers; she belongs to them, and for her children there is a kind of
collective fatherhood. But among the Naïrs the man as husband and father
cannot be said to exist; he is reduced to the most subordinate rôle of the
male—he is simply the progenitor.
I know of no stronger case than this of the degraded position of the
father. And what I want to make clear is that in such negation of all father-
right rested the inherent weakness in the matriarchal conditions—a
weakness which led eventually to the re-establishment of the paternal
family. We must be very clear in our minds as to the sharp distinction
between the restricted family and the communal clan. The clan as a
confederation of members was opposed to the family whose interests were
necessarily personal and selfish. Such communism, to some may appear
strange at so early a stage of primitive cultures, yet, as I have more than
once pointed out, it was a perfectly natural development; it arose through

the fierce struggle for existence, forcing the primitive hostile groups to
expand and unite with one another for mutual protection. Such conditions
of primitive socialism were specially favourable for women. As I have
again and again affirmed, the collective motive was more considered by the
mothers, and must be sought in the organisation of the maternal clan. But
since individual desires can never be wholly subdued, and the male nature
is ever directed towards self-assertion, the clan, organised on the rights of
the mothers, had always to contend with an opposing force. At one stage the
clan was able to absorb the family, but only under exceptional conditions
could such a system be maintained. The social organisation of the clan was
inevitably broken up as society advanced. With greater security of life the
individual interests reasserted their power, and this undermined the
dominion of the mother.
To bring these facts home, we must now consider some further examples
of mother-right, in order to show how closely these customs are connected
with the conditions of the maternal familiar clan.
The Yaos of Africa have what may be regarded as a matriarchal
organisation. Kinship is reckoned and property is inherited through the
mother. When a man marries, he is expected to live in his wife’s village,
and his first conjugal duties are to build a house for her, and hoe a garden
for her mother. This gives the woman a very important position, and it is
she, and not the man, who usually proposes marriage.[107]
In Africa descent through the mother is the rule, though there are
exceptions, and these are increasing. The amusing account given by Miss
Kingsley[108] of Joseph, a member of the Batu tribe in French Congo,
strikingly illustrates the prevalence of the custom. When asked by a French
official to furnish his own name and the name of his father, Joseph was
wholly nonplussed. “My fader!” he said. “Who my fader?” Then he gave
the name of his mother. The case is the same among the negroes. The Fanti
of the Gold Coast may be taken as typical. Among them an intensity of
affection (accounted for partly by the fact that the mothers have exclusive
care of the children) is felt for the mother, while the father is almost
disregarded as a parent, notwithstanding the fact that he may be a wealthy
and powerful man. The practice of the Wamoimia, where the son of a sister
is preferred in legacies, “because a man’s own son is only the son of his

wife,” is typical. The Bush husband does not live with his wife, and often
has wives in different places.[109]
In Africa the clan system is firmly established, which explains the
prevalence of mother-descent. Women, on the whole, take an important
position, and here, as elsewhere, their inheritance of property enables them
to maintain their equality with their husbands. Individual possession of
wealth is allowed, but a married man usually cannot dispose of any property
unless his wife agrees, and she acts as the representative of the children’s
claims upon the father. The privilege that, according to Laing, the Soulima
women have, of leaving their husbands when they please, is also proof of
the maternal customs.[110] Moreover, among some tribes, the influence of
the mothers as the heads of families extends to the councils of state; it is
even said that the chiefs do not decide anything without their consent.[111]
Mother-right is still in force in many parts of India, though owing to the
influence of Brahminism on the aboriginal tribes the examples of the
maternal family are fewer than might be expected. Among the once
powerful Koochs the women own all the property, which is inherited from
mother to daughter. The husband lives with his wife and her mother, and,
we are told, is subject to them. These women are most industrious, weaving,
spinning, planting and sowing, in a word, doing all the work not above their
strength.[112] The Koochs may be compared with the Khasis, already
noticed, and these maternal systems among the Indian hill tribes may surely
be regarded as showing conditions at one time common. Even tribes who
have passed from the clan organisation to the patriarchal family preserve
numerous traces of mother-right. Thus, the choice of her lover often
remains with the girl; again, divorce is easy at the wish either of the woman
or the man.[113] Such freedom in love is clearly inconsistent with the
patriarchal authority of the husband. I must note too the practice, common
among many tribes, by which the husband remains in the wife’s home for a
probationary period, working for her family.[114] This is clearly a step
towards purchase marriage, as is proved by the Santals, where this service
is claimed when a girl is ugly or deformed and cannot be married otherwise,
while other tribes offer their daughters when in want of labourers. This
service-marriage must not be confused with the true maternal form, where
the bridegroom visits or lives with the wife and any service claimed is a test

of his fitness; it shows, however, the power of the woman’s kindred still
curbing the rights of the husband.
The existence of mother-descent among the peoples of Western Asia has
been ascertained with regard to some ancient tribes; but I may pass these
over, as they offer no points of special interest. I must, however, refer
briefly to the evidence brought forward by the late Prof. Robertson
Smith[115] of mother-right in ancient Arabia. We find a decisive example of
its favourable influence on the position of women in the custom of beena
marriage. Under this maternal form, the wife was not only freed from any
subjection involved by the payment of a bride-price in the form of
compulsory service or of gifts to her kindred (which always places her more
or less under authority), but she was the owner of the tent and the household
property, and thus enjoyed the liberty which ownership always entails. This
explains how she was able to free herself at pleasure from her husband, who
was really nothing but a temporary lover. Ibn Batua, even in the fourteenth
century found that the women of Zebid were perfectly ready to marry
strangers. The husband might depart when he pleased, but his wife in that
case could never be induced to follow him. She bade him a friendly adieu
and took upon herself the whole charge of any children of the marriage. The
women in Jâhilîya had the right to dismiss their husbands, and the form of
dismissal was this: “If they lived in a tent they turned it round, so that if the
door faced east it now faced west, and when the man saw this, he knew he
was dismissed and did not enter.” The tent belonged to the woman: the
husband was received there, and at her good pleasure. We find many cases
of beena marriage among widely different peoples. Frazer[116] cites an
interesting example among the tribes on the north frontier of Abyssinia,
partially Semitic peoples, not yet under the influence of Islam, who
preserve a maternal marriage closely resembling the beena form, but have
as well a purchase marriage, by which a wife is acquired by the payment of
a bride-price and becomes the property of her husband.
A very curious form of conjugal contract is recorded among the
Hassanyeh Arabs of the White Nile, where the wife passed by contract for a
portion of her time only under the authority of her husband. It illustrates in
a striking way the conflict in marriage between the old rights of the woman
and the rising power of the husband.

“When the parents of the man and the woman meet to settle the price of the
woman, the price depends on how many days in the week the marriage tie is to be
strictly observed. The woman’s mother first of all proposes that, taking everything
into consideration, with due regard to the feelings of the family, she could not think of
binding her daughter to a due observance of that chastity which matrimony is
expected to command for more than two days in the week. After a great deal of
apparently angry discussion, and the promise on the part of the relations of the man to
pay more, it is arranged that the marriage shall hold good, as is customary among the
first families of the tribe, for four days in the week, viz. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday
and Thursday, and in compliance with old established custom, the marriage rites
during the three remaining days shall not be insisted on, during which days the bride
shall be perfectly free to act as she may think proper, either by adhering to her
husband and home, or by enjoying her freedom and independence from all observance
of matrimonial obligations.”[117]

A further striking example of mother-right is furnished by the Mariana
Islands, where the position of women was distinctly superior.
“Even when the man had contributed an equal share of property on marriage, the
wife dictated everything, and the man could undertake nothing without her approval;
but if the woman committed an offence, the man was held responsible and suffered
the punishment. The women could speak in the assembly; they held property, and if a
woman asked anything of a man, he gave it up without a murmur. If a wife was
unfaithful, the husband could send her home, keep her property, and kill the adulterer;
but if the man was guilty or even suspected of the same offence, the women of the
neighbourhood destroyed his house and all his visible property, and the owner was
fortunate if he escaped with a whole skin; and if the wife was not pleased with her
husband, she withdrew, and a similar attack followed. On this account many men
were not married, preferring to live with paid women.”[118]

A similar case of the rebellion of men against their position is recorded in
Guinea, where religious symbolism was used by the husband as a way of
obtaining control and possession of his wife. The maternal system held with
respect only to the chief wife.
“It was customary, however, for a man to buy and take to wife a slave, a friendless
person with whom he could deal at pleasure, who had no kindred who could interfere
with her, and to consecrate her to his Bossum, or god. The Bossum wife, slave as she
had been, ranked next to the chief wife, and was exceptionally treated. She alone was
very jealously guarded, she alone was sacrificed at her husband’s death. She was, in
fact, wife in a peculiar sense. And having by consecration been made of the kindred
and worship of her husband her children could be born of his kindred and
worship.”[119]

It will be readily seen that the special rights held by the husband over
these captive-wives would come to be greatly desired. But the capture of
women was always difficult, as it frequently led to quarrels and even

warfare with the woman’s tribe, and for this reason was never widely
practised. It would therefore be necessary for another way of escape from
the bonds of the maternal marriage to be found. This was done by a system
of buying the wife from her clan-kindred, in which case she became the
property of her husband.
The change did not, of course, take place at once, and we have many
examples of a transition period where the old customs are in conflict with
the new. Both forms of marriage, the maternal and the purchase contract,
are practised side by side by many peoples. These cases are so instructive
that I must add one or two examples to those already noticed. The ambel-
anak marriage of Sumatra is the maternal form, but there is another
marriage known as djudur, by which a man buys his wife as his absolute
property. There is a complicated system of payments, on which the
husband’s rights to take the wife to his home depends. If the final sum is
paid (but this is not commonly claimed except in the case of a quarrel
between the families) the woman becomes to all intents and purposes the
slave of the man; but if, on the other hand, as is not at all uncommon, the
husband fails or has difficulty in making the main payment, he becomes the
debtor of his wife’s family, and he is practically the slave, all his labour
being due to his wife’s family without any reduction in the debt, which
must be paid in full, before he regains his liberty.[120] In Ceylon, again,
there are two forms of marriage, called beena and deega, which cause a
marked difference in the position of the wife. A woman married under the
beena form lives in the house or immediate neighbourhood of her parents,
and if so married she has the right of inheritance along with her brothers;
but if married in deega she goes to live in her husband’s house and village
and loses her rights in her own family.[121]
In Africa where the beena maternal marriage is usual, and the husband
serves for his wife and lives with her family, it is said that families are
usually more or less willing for value received to give a woman to a man to
take away with him, or to let him have his beena wife to transfer to his own
house. Among the Wayao and Mang’anja of the Shirehighlands, south of
Lake Nyassa, a man on marrying leaves his own village and goes to live in
that of his wife; but, as an alternative, he is allowed to pay a bride-price, in
which case he takes his wife away to his home.[122] Again among the
Banyai on the Zambesi, if the husband gives nothing the children of the

marriage belong to the wife’s family, but if he gives so many cattle to his
wife’s parents the children are his.[123] Similar cases may be found
elsewhere. In the Watubela Islands between New Guinea and Celebes a man
may either pay for his wife before marriage, or he may, without paying, live
as her husband in her parents’ house, working for her. In the former case,
the children belong to him, in the latter to the mother’s family, but he may
buy them subsequently at a price.[124] Campbell records of the Limboo tribe
(where the bride is usually purchased and lives with the husband), that if
poverty compels the bridegroom to serve for his wife, he becomes the slave
of her father, “until by his work he has redeemed his bride.”[125] An
interesting case occurs in some Californian tribes where the husband has to
live with the wife and work, until he has paid to her kindred the full price
for her and her child. So far has custom advanced in favour of father-right
that the children of a wife not paid for are regarded as bastards and held in
contempt.[126]
Wherever we find the payment of a bride-price, in whatever form, there
is sure indication of the decay of mother-right: woman has become
property. Among the Bassa Komo of Nigeria marriage is usually effected by
an exchange of sisters or other female relatives. The men may marry as
many wives as they have women to give to other men. In this tribe the
women look after the children, but the boys, when four years old, go to live
and work with the fathers.[127] The husbands of the Bambala tribe
(inhabiting the Congo states between the rivers Inzia and Kwilu) have to
abstain from visiting their wives for a year after the birth of each child, but
they are allowed to return to her on the payment to her father of two goats.
[128] Among the Bassanga on the south-west of Lake Moeru the children of
the wife belong to the mother’s kin, but the children of slaves are the
property of the father.
The right of a father to his children was established only by contract.
Even where the wife had been given up by her kindred and allowed to live
with her husband, we find that the children may be claimed by her family.
Thus among the Makolo the price paid on marriage might merely cover the
right to have the wife, and in this case the children belonged to the wife’s
family. It might, however, cover a certain right to the children if that had
been contracted for, but never such a right as separated them wholly from
the mother’s family. To effect this it was necessary that a further price

should be paid at the father’s death. This sum once paid, her family had
“given her up” and her children were entirely severed from them.[129] The
legal acknowledgment of fatherhood in all cases had to be paid for.
There are many customs pointing to this new father-force asserting itself,
and pushing aside the mother-power. In Africa, among the Bavili the mother
has the right to pawn her child, but she must first consult the father, so that
he may have a chance of giving her goods to save the pledging.[130] This is
very plainly a step towards father-right. There is no distinction between
legitimate and illegitimate children. Similar conditions prevail among the
Alladians of the Ivory Coast, but here the mother cannot pledge her children
without the consent of her brother or other male head of the family. The
father has the right to ransom the child.[131] An even stronger example of
the property value of children is furnished by the custom found among
many tribes, by which the father has to make a present to the wife’s family
when a child dies: this is called “buying the child.”[132] A similar custom
prevails among the Maori people of New Zealand; when a child dies, or
even meets with an accident, the mother’s relations, headed by her brothers,
turn out in force against the father. He must defend himself until wounded.
Blood once drawn, the combat ceases; but the attacking party plunders his
house and appropriates the husband’s property, and finally sits down to a
feast provided by him.[133]
These cases, with the inferences they suggest, show that the power a
husband and father possessed over his wife and her children was gained
through purchase. And it is not the fact of the husband’s power, however
great it might be, that is so important, but the fact that by the change in the
form of marriage the wife and her children were cut off from the woman’s
clan-kindred, whose duty to protect them was now withdrawn. Here, then,
was the reason of the change from mother-right to father-right. The
monopolist desire of the husband to possess for himself the woman and her
children (perhaps the deepest rooted of all the instincts) reasserted itself.
But the regaining of this individual possession by man was due, not to male
strength, but to purchase. I must insist upon this. As soon as women became
sexually marketable their freedom was doomed.
There are many interesting cases of transition in which the children
belong sometimes to the mother and sometimes to the father. Again I can

give one or two examples only. In the island of Mangia the parents at the
birth of the child arranged between themselves whether it should be
dedicated to the father’s god or to the mother’s. The dedication took place
forthwith, and finally determined which parent had the ownership of the
child.[134] Among the Haidis, children belong to the clan of the mother, but
in exceptional cases when the clan of the father is reduced in numbers, the
new-born child may be given to the father’s sister to suckle. It is then
spoken of as belonging to the paternal aunt and is counted to its father’s
clan.[135] It is also possible to transfer a child to the father by giving it one
of the names common to his clan. There are many curious customs
practised by certain tribes, wavering between mother and father descent. In
Samoa religion decides the question. At the birth of a child the totem of
each parent is prayed to in turn (usually, though not always, starting with
that of the father) and whichever totem happens to be invoked at the
moment of birth is the child’s totem for life and decides whether he or she
belongs to the clan of the mother or the father.[136] Equally curious was the
custom of the Liburni, where the children were all brought up together until
they were five years old. They were then collected and examined in order to
trace their likeness to the men and they were assigned to their fathers
accordingly. Whoever received a boy from his mother in this way regarded
him as his son.[137] Similarly with the Arabs, where one woman was the
wife of several men, the custom was either for the woman to decide to
which of them the child was to belong, or the child was assigned by an
expert to one of the joint husbands to be regarded as his own.[138]
These facts throw a strong light on the bond between the father and the
child, which was a legal bond, not dependent, as it is with us, upon blood
relationship. Fatherhood really arose out of the ownership of purchase. And
for this reason the father’s right came to extend to all the children of the
wife. It does not appear that the husband makes any distinction between his
wife’s children, even if they were begotten by other men. Chastity is not
regarded as a virtue, and in those cases where unfaithfulness in a wife is
punished, it is always because the woman, who has passed from the
protection of her kindred, acts without her husband’s permission.
Interchange of wives is common, while it is one of the duties of hospitality
to offer a wife to a stranger guest. Husbands sometimes, indeed, seek other
men for their wives, believing they will obtain sons who will excel all

others. Thus of the Arabs we are told, there is one form of marriage
according to which a man says to his wife, “Send a message to such a one
and beg him to have intercourse with you.” The husband acts in this way in
order that his offspring may be noble.[139] When a Hindu marries, all the
children previously born from his wife become his own; in Pakpatan, even
when a woman has forsaken her husband for ten years, the children she
brings forth are divided between her and her lover.[140] Similarly in
Madagascar, when a woman is divorced, any children she afterwards bears
belong to her husband.[141] Campbell tells us of children born out of
wedlock in the Limboo tribe that the father may obtain possession of the
boys by purchase and by naming them, but the girls belong to the mother.
[142]

I am very certain that it was through property considerations and for no
moral causes that the stringency of the moral code was tightened for
women. It seems to me of very great importance that women should grasp
firmly this truth: the virtue of chastity owes its origin to property. Our
minds fall so readily under the spell of such ideas as chastity and purity.
There is a mass of real superstition on this question—a belief in a kind of
magic in chastity. But, indeed, continence had at first no connection with
morals. The sense of ownership has been the seed-plot of our moral code.
To it we are indebted for the first germs of the sexual inhibitions which,
sanctified, by religion and supported by custom, have, under the unreasoned
idealism of the common mind, filled life with cruelties and jealous
exclusions, with suicides, and murders, and secret shames.[143]
This brings me to summarise the point we have reached. Father-right was
dependent on purchase-possession and had nothing to do with actual
fatherhood. The payment of a bride-price, the giving of a sister in exchange,
as also marriage with a slave, gained for the husband the control over his
wife and ownership of the children. I could bring forward much more
evidence in proof of this fact that property, and not kinship, was the basis of
fatherhood, did the limits of my space allow me to do so; such cases are
common in all parts of the world where the transitional stage has been
reached. The maternal clan, with its strong social cohesion is then broken
up by the growing power of individual interests pushing aside the old
customs, and bringing about the restoration of the family. I believe that the
causes by which the father gained his position as the dominant partner in

marriage must be clear to every one from the examples I have given.
Fatherhood established in the first stage of the family on jealous authority,
now, after a period of more or less complete obscuration, rises again as the
dominant force in marriage. The father has bought back his position as
patriarch. On the other hand the mother has lost her freedom that came with
the protection of her kindred, under the social organisation of the clan.
Looking back through the lengthening record, we find that another step has
been taken in the history of the family. This time is it a step forward, or a
step backward? This is a question I shall not try to answer, for, indeed, I am
not sure.
Yet in case I am mistaken here, let me say at once I am certain that this
return to the restricted family was a necessary and inevitable step. The
individual forces had to triumph. This may seem a contradiction to all I
have just said. What I wish to show is this: one and all the phases in the
development of society have been needful and fruitful as successive stages
in growth; yet none can continue—none be regarded as the final stage, for
each becomes insufficient and narrow from the standpoint of the needs of a
later stage. We have reached the third stage—the patriarchal family which
still endures. And last and hardest to eradicate is that monopoly of sexual
possession, which says: “This woman and her children are mine: I have
tabooed her for life.” Mankind has still to outlive this brute instinct in its
upward way to civilisation.

FOOTNOTES:
[105] See Westermarck, op. cit., pp. 54-56.
[106] Starcke’s Primitive Family, pp. 85-88. Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage,
pp. 80-81, 311-312. Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. I, pp. 269, 288.
[107] Alice Werner, “Our Subject Races”, National Reformer, Aug. 1897, p. 169.
[108] Travels, p. 109.
[109] Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, etc., Vol. II, p. 57. Hartland, Primitive
Paternity, Vol. I, pp. 274, 286.
[110] Letourneau, pp. 306-307; citing Laing, Travels in Western Africa.
[111] Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage et de la famille, pp. 215 et seq.

[112] Hodgson, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1855, Vol. XVIII, p. 707,
cited by Starcke, op. cit., pp. 79, 285.
[113] Hartland, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 155-157.
[114] This custom prevails, for instance, among the Kharwârs and Parahiya
tribes, and is common among the Ghasiyas, and is also practised among the
Tipperah of Bengal.
[115] Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia. See also Barton, Semitic Origins.
[116] Academy, March 27, 1886.
[117] Spencer, Descriptive Sociology, Vol. V, p. 8, citing Petherick, Egypt, the
Soudan, and Central Africa, pp. 140-141.
[118] Thomas, Sex and Society, pp. 73-74, quoting Waitz-Gerland.
[119] McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, p. 235.
[120] Marsden, History of Sumatra, pp. 225-227.
[121] Forbes, Eleven Years in Ceylon, Vol. I, p. 333.
[122] Macdonald, Africana, Vol I, p. 136.
[123] Livingstone, Travels, p. 622.
[124] Riedel, p. 205; cited by McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, p. 326.
[125] Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. IX, p. 603.
[126] Bancroft, Vol. I, p. 549.
[127] Journal African Society, VIII, 15 et seq.
[128] Torday and Joyce, J. A. I., XXXV, 410.
[129] McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, pp. 324-325, 240.
[130] Dennett, Jour. Afr. Soc., I, 266.
[131] Jour. Afr. Soc., I, 412.
[132] Hartland, Primitive Paternity, Vol. I, pp. 275 et seq.
[133] Old New Zealand, p. 110.
[134] McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory.
[135] Survey of Canada, Report for 1878-79, 134 B. Cited by Frazer, Totemism,
p. 76.
[136] Turner, Samoa, p. 78.
[137] Das Mutterrecht, p. 20, quoted by Starcke, op. cit., pp. 126-127.
[138] Wilken, Das Matriarchat bei den alten Arabern, p. 26.

[139] Wilken, op. cit., p. 26.
[140] Wade, Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI, p. 196.
[141] See Truth about Woman, pp. 160-161, for account of Madagascar.
[142] Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. IX, p. 603.
[143] This passage is quoted from The Truth about Woman, p. 171. I give it here,
because its importance seems to me to be very great.

CHAPTER IX
WOMEN AND PRIMITIVE INDUSTRY

I have referred in an earlier chapter to a letter from Mr. H. G. Wells, sent
to me after the publication of my book, The Truth about Woman. Now, there
is one sentence in this letter that I wish to quote here, because it brings
home just what it is my purpose in this chapter to show—that the mother-
age was a civilisation owing its institutions, and its early victories over
nature, rather to the genius of woman than to that of man. Mr. Wells does
not, indeed, say this. He rejects the mother-age, and in questioning my
acceptance of it as a stage in the past histories of societies, he writes: “The
primitive matriarchate never was anything more than mother at the
washing-tub and father looking miserable.”
It seems to me that here, in his own inimitable way, Mr. Wells (though I
think quite unconsciously) sums up the past labour-history of woman and
man. His statement has very far-reaching considerations. It forces us to
accept the active utility of primitive woman in the community—a utility
more developed and practical than that of man. This was really the basis of
women’s position of power. The constructive quality of the female mind, at
a time when the male attention and energy were fixed chiefly on the
destructive activities of warfare, was liberated for use and invention.
Women were the seekers, slowly increasing their efficiency.
Very much the same account of the primitive sexual division in work was
given by an Australian Kurnai to Messrs. Fison and Howitt, in a sentence
that has been quoted very frequently: “A man hunts, spears fish, fights and
sits about, all the rest is woman’s work.” This may be accepted as a fair
statement of how work is divided between the two sexes among primitive
peoples. Now, what I wish to make plain is that it was an arrangement in
which the advantage was really on the side of the woman rather than on that
of the man. I would refer the reader back to what has been said on this
subject in Chapter III, where I summed up the conditions acting on the
women in the hypothetical first stage of the primordial family. We saw that

the males were chiefly concerned with the absorbing duties of sex and
fighting rivals, and also hunting for game. The women’s interest, on the
other hand, was bent on domestic activities—in caring for their children and
developing the food supplies immediately around them. From the hearth-
home, or shelter, as the start of settled life, and with their intelligence
sharpened by the keen chisel of necessity, women carried on their work as
the organisers and directors of industrial occupations. Very slowly did they
make each far-reaching discovery; seeds cast into the ground sprouted and
gave the first start of agriculture. The plant world gave women the best
returns for the efforts they made, and they began to store up food.
Contrivance followed contrivance, each one making it possible for women
to do more. Certain animals, possibly brought back by the hunters from the
forests, were kept and tamed. Presently the use of fire was discovered—we
know not how—but women became the guardians of this source of life.
And now, instead of caves or tree-shelters, there were huts and tents and
houses, and of these, too, women were frequently the builders. The home
from the first was of greater importance to the women; it was the place
where the errant males rejoined their wives and children, and hence the
women became the owners of the homes and the heads of households. For
as yet the men were occupied in fighting. The clumsy and the stupid among
them were killed soonest; the fine hand, the quick eye—these prevailed age
by age. Tools and weapons were doubtless fashioned by these fighters, but
for destruction; the male’s attention was directed mainly by his own desires.
And may we not accept that among the most pressing activities of women
was the need to tame man and make him social, so that he could endure the
rights of others than himself?
So through the long generations the life of human societies continued.
Those activities, due to female influence, developing and opening up new
ways in all directions, until we have that early civilisation, which I have
called the mother-age.
All the world over, even to this day, this separation in the labour activities
of the two sexes can be traced. Destructive work, demanding a special
development of strength, with corresponding periods of rest, falls to men;
and contrasted with this violent and intermittent male force we find, with
the same uniformity, that the work of women is domestic and constructive,
being connected with the care of children and all the various industries

which radiate from the home—work demanding a different kind of strength,
more enduring, more continuous, but at a lower tension.
Bonwick’s account of the work of Tasmanian women may be taken as
typical—
“In addition to the necessary duty of looking after the children, the women had to
provide all the food for the household excepting that derived from the chase of the
kangaroo. They climbed up hills for the opossum” (a very difficult task, requiring
great strength and also skill), “delved in the ground for yams, native bread, and
nutritious roots, groped about the rocks for shellfish, dived beneath the sea for oysters,
and fished for the finny tribe. In addition to this, they carried, on their frequent
tramps, the household stuffs in native baskets of their own manufacture.”[144]

Among the Indians of Guiana the men’s work is to hunt, and to cut down
the trees when the cassava is to be planted. When the men have felled the
trees and cleaned the ground, the women plant the cassava and undertake all
the subsequent operations; agriculture is entirely in their hands. They are
little, if at all, weaker than the men, and they work all day while the men are
often in their hammocks smoking; but there is no cruelty or oppression
exercised by the men towards the women.[145]
In Africa we meet with much the same conditions of labour. “The work is
done chiefly by the women, this is universal; they hoe the fields, sow the
seed, and reap the harvest. To them, too, falls all the labour of house-
building, grinding corn, brewing beer, cooking, washing, and caring for
almost all the material interests of the community. The men tend the cattle,
hunt, go to war; they also spend much time sitting in council over the
conduct of affairs.”[146]
I may note the interesting account of Prof. Haddon[147] of the work of the
Western Tribes of the Torres Straits—
“The men fished, fought, built houses, did a little gardening, made fish-lines, fish-
hooks, spears, and other implements, constructed dance-masks and head-dresses, and
all the paraphernalia for the various ceremonies and dances. They performed all the
rites and dances, and in addition did a good deal of strutting up and down, loafing and
‘yarning.’ The women cooked and prepared the food, did most of the gardening,
collected shell-fish, and speared fish on the reefs, made petticoats, baskets and mats.”

Similar examples might be almost indefinitely multiplied. Among the
Andamanese, while the men go into the jungle to hunt pigs, the women
fetch drinking water and firewood, catch shell-fish, make fishing nets and

baskets, spin thread, and cook the food ready for the return of the men.[148]
The Moki women of America have fifty ways of preparing corn for food.
They make all the preparations necessary for these varied dishes, involving
the arts of the stonecutter, the carrier, the mason, the miller and the cook.
[149] In New Caledonia “girls work in the plantations, boys learn to
fight.”[150]
We should, however, fall into a popular error concerning the division of
labour in savagery, if we consider that all women’s work is regarded as
degrading to men and all men’s work is tabooed to women. The duties of
war and the chase are the chief occupation of men, yet in all parts of the
world women have fought at need, and sometimes habitually, both to assist
their men and also against them. Thus Buckley, who lived for many years
among the Australian tribes, relates that when the tribe he lived with was
attacked by a hostile party, the men “raised a war-cry; on hearing this the
women threw off their rugs and, each armed with a short club, flew to the
assistance of their husbands and brothers.”[151] In Central Australia the men
occasionally beat the women through jealousy, but on such occasions it is
by no means rare for the women, single handed, to beat the men severely.
[152] Again, men carry on, as a rule, the negotiations on tribal concerns, but
in such matters exceptions are very numerous. Among the Australian
Dieyerie, Curr states that the women act as ambassadors to arrange treaties,
and invariably succeed in their mission.[153] The same conditions are found
among the American Indians. Men are the hunters and fishers, but women
also hunt and fish. Among the Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego fishing is left
entirely to the women,[154] and this is not at all unusual. Mrs. Allison states
of the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia that formerly “the women
were nearly as good hunters as the men,” but being sensitive to the ridicule
of the white settlers, they have given up hunting.[155] In hunting trips, the
help of women is often not to be despised. Warburton Pike writes thus: “I
saw what an advantage it is to take women on a hunting trip. If we killed
anything, we had only to cut up and cache the meat, and the women would
carry it. On returning to camp we could throw ourselves down on a pile of
caribou skins and smoke our pipes in comfort, but the women’s work was
never finished.”[156] This account is very suggestive. The man undergoes
the fatigue of hunting, and when he has thrown the game at the woman’s
feet his part is done; it is her duty to carry it and to cook it, as well as to

make the vessels in which the food is placed. The skins and the refuse are
hers to utilise, and all the industries connected with clothing are chiefly in
her hands.[157] Hearne, in his delightful old narrative, speaks of the
assistance of women on hunting expeditions—
“For when all the men are heavy laden they can neither hunt nor travel to any
considerable distance; and in case they meet with any success in hunting, who is to
carry the produce of their labour?”

He adds with a charming frankness—
“Women were made for labour; one of them can carry or haul as much as two men
can do. They also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night,
and, in fact, there is no such thing as travelling any considerable distance, or any
length of time, in this country without their assistance.”[158]

Numerous other examples might be added which illustrate how women
take part in the destructive work of men; conversely we find not a few cases
of the co-operation of men in the women’s activities. The world over,
women are usually the weavers and spinners; but with the Navajo and in
some of the Pueblos the men are among the best weavers.[159] Among the
Indians of Guiana the men are specially skilful in basket-weaving, and here
also they as well as the women spin and weave.[160] More curious is the
custom in East Africa where all the sewing for their own and the women’s
garments is done by the men, and very well done. Sewing is here so entirely
recognised as men’s work that a wife may obtain a divorce if she “can show
a neglected rend in her petticoat.”[161]
It is a common mistake, arising from insufficient knowledge, to suppose
that savage women are specially subject to oppression. Their life is hard as
we look at it, but not as they look at it. We have still much to learn on these
matters. An even greater error is the view that these women are a source of
weakness to the male members of their families. The very reverse is the
truth. Primitive women are strong in body and capable in work. Fison and
Howitt, in discussing this question, state of the Australian women, “In times
of peace, they are the hardest workers and the most useful members of the
community.” And in times of war, “they are perfectly capable of taking care
of themselves at all times, and so far from being an encumbrance on the
warriors, they will fight, if need be, as bravely as the men, and with even
greater ferocity.”[162] This is no exceptional case. The strength of savage
women is proved by reports from widely different races, of which all testify

to their physical capability and aptness for labour. Schellong,[163] who has
carefully studied the Papuans of the German protectorate of New Guinea,
from the anthropological point of view, “considers that the women are more
strongly built than the men.” Nor does heavy work appear to damage the
health or beauty of the women, but the contrary. Thus among the
Andombies on the Congo, to give one instance, the women, though working
very hard as carriers, and as labourers in general, lead an entirely happy
existence; they are often stronger than the men and more finely developed:
some of them, we are told, have really splendid figures. And Parke,
speaking of the Manyuema of the Arruwimi in the same region, says that
“they are fine animals, and the women very handsome; they carry loads as
heavy as those of the men and do it quite as well.”[164] Again, McGee[165]
comments on the extraordinary capacity of quite aged women for heavy
labour. He tells of “a withered crone, weighing apparently not more than 80
to 90 lb. who carried a kilio containing a stone mortar 196 lb. in weight for
more than half a mile on a sandy road without any perceptible exhaustion.
The proportion of the active aged is much larger than among civilised
people.”
I may pause to note some of the numerous industries of which women
were the originators. First of all, woman is the food-giver; all the labours
relating to the preparation of food, and to the utilisation of the side products
of foodstuffs are usually found in the hands of women. Women are
everywhere the primitive agriculturists. They beat out the seeds from plants;
dig for roots and tubers, strain the poisonous juices from the cassava and
make bread from the residue; and it was under their attention that a southern
grass was first developed into what we know as Indian corn.[166] The
removal of poisonous matter from tapioca by means of hot water is also the
discovery of savage women.[167] All the evolution of primitive agriculture
may be traced to women’s industry. Power tells of the Yokia women in
Central California who employ neither plough nor hoe, but cultivate the
ground by digging the earth deep and rubbing it fine with their hands, and
by this means they get an excellent yield.[168] Women have everywhere
been the first potters; vessels were needed for use in cooking, to carry and
to hold water, and to store the supplies of food. For the same reason baskets
were woven. Women invented and exercised in common multifarious
household occupations and industries. Curing food, tanning the hides of

animals, spinning, weaving, dyeing—all are carried on by women. The
domestication of animals is usually in women’s hands. They are also the
primitive architects; the hut, in widely different parts of the world—among
Kaffirs, Fuegians, Polynesians, Kamtschatdals—is built by women. We
have seen that the communal houses of the American Indians are mainly
erected by the women. Women were frequently, though not always, the
primitive doctors. Among the Kurds, for instance, all the medical
knowledge is in the hands of the women, who are the hereditary hakims.
[169] Women seem to have prepared the first intoxicating liquors. The
Quissama women in Angola climb the gigantic palm trees to obtain palm-
beer.[170] In the ancient legends of the North, women are clearly represented
as the discoverers of ale.[171]
It would be easy to go on almost indefinitely multiplying examples of the
industries of primitive women. There can be no doubt at all that their work
is exacting and incessant; it is also inventive in its variety and its ready
application to the practical needs of life. If a catalogue of the primitive
forms of labour were made, each woman would be found doing at least
half-a-dozen things while a man did one. We may accept the statement of
Prof. Mason that in the early history of mankind “women were the
industrial, elaborative, conservative half of society. All the peaceful arts of
to-day were once women’s peculiar province. Along the lines of
industrialism she was pioneer, inventor, author, originator.”[172]
There is another matter that must be noted. The primitive division of
labour between the sexes was not in any sense an arrangement dictated by
men, nor did they impose the women’s tasks upon them. The view that the
women are forced to work by the laziness of the men, and that their heavy
and incessant labour is a proof of their degraded position is entirely out of
focus. Quite the reverse is the truth. Evidence is not wanting of the great
advantage arising to women from their close connection with labour. It was
largely their control over the food supply and their position as actual
producers which gave them so much influence, and even authority in the
mother-age. In this connection I may quote the statement of Miss Werner
about the African women as representing the true conditions—
“I cannot say that, so far as my own observations went, the women’s lot seemed to
be a specially hard one. In fact, they are too important an element in the community
not to be treated with consideration. The fact that they do most of the heavy field-

work does not imply that they are a down-trodden sex. On the contrary, it gives them
a considerable pull, as a man will think twice before endangering his food
supply.”[173]

Mr. Horatio Hale, a well-known American anthropologist likewise
observes—
“The common opinion that women among savage tribes in general are treated with
harshness, and regarded as slaves, or at least as inferiors, is, like many common
opinions, based on error, originating in too large and indiscriminate deduction from
narrow premises.... The wife of a Samoan landowner or Navajo shepherd has no
occasion, so far as her position in her family or among her people, to envy the wife of
a German peasant.”[174]

Certainly savage women do not count their work as any degradation.
There is really an equal division of labour between the sexes, though the
work of the men is accomplished more fitfully than that of the women. The
militant activities of fighting and hunting are essential in primitive life. The
women know this, and they do their share—the industrial share, willingly,
without question, and without compulsion. It is entirely absurd in this work-
connection to regard men as the oppressors of women. Rather the advantage
is on the women’s side. For one thing, just because they are accustomed to
hard labour all their lives, they are little, if any, weaker than men. Primitive
women are strong in body, and capable in work. The powers they enjoy as
well as their manifold activities are the result of their position as mothers,
this function being to them a source of strength and not a plea of weakness.
“They who are accustomed to the ways of civilised women only,” remarks Mr.
Fison, “can hardly believe what savage women are capable of, even when they may
well be supposed to be at their weakest. For instance, an Australian tribe on the march
scarcely take the trouble to halt for so slight a performance as childbirth. The newly
born infant is wrapped in skins, the march is resumed, and the mother trudges on with
the rest. Moreover, as is well known, among many tribes elsewhere it is the father
who is put to bed, while the mother goes about her work as if nothing had
happened.”[175]

Another important advantage arising to women, through their
identification with the early industrial process, was their position as the first
property owners. They were almost the sole creators of ownership in land,
and held in this respect a position of great power. This explains the fact that
in the transactions of the North American tribes with the Colonial
Government many deeds of assignment bear female signatures.[176] A form
of divorce used by a husband in ancient Arabia was: “Begone, for I will no

longer drive thy flocks to pasture.”[177] In almost all cases the household
goods belonged to the woman. The stores of roots and berries laid up for a
time of scarcity were the property of the wife, and the husband would not
touch them without her permission. In many cases such property was very
extensive. Among the Menomini Indians, for instance, a woman of good
circumstances would own as many as 1200 to 1500 birch-bark vessels.[178]
In the New Mexico Pueblos what comes from the outside of the house as
soon as it is inside is put under the immediate control of the women.
Bandelier, in his report of his tour in Mexico, tells us that “his host at
Cochiti, New Mexico, could not sell an ear of corn or a string of chili
without the consent of his fourteen-year-old daughter, Ignacia, who kept
house for her widowed father.”[179]
I must now bring this brief chapter to a close. But first I would give one
further example. It is an account of the Pelew matrons’ work in the taro
fields. Here the richest and most influential women count it their privilege
to labour, and it will be remembered that these women are called “mothers
of the land.” They are politically and socially superior to the men; and their
position is dependent largely on their close connection with the staple
industry of the island.
“The richest woman in the village looks with pride on her taro patch, and although
she has female followers enough to allow her merely to superintend the work without
taking part in it, she nevertheless prefers to lay aside her fine apron, and to betake
herself to the field, merely clad in a small apron that barely hides her nakedness, with
a little mat on her back to protect her from the burning heat of the sun, and with a
shade of banana leaves for her eyes. There, dripping with sweat in the burning sun,
and coated with mud to the hips and over the elbows, she toils to set the younger
women a good example. Moreover, as in every other occupation, the Kalitho, the gods
must be invoked, and who could be better fitted for the discharge of so important a
duty than ‘the Mother of the House.’”

Here is a picture of labour that may well make women pause to think.

FOOTNOTES:
[144] Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, p. 55.
[145] Everard im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana.

[146] Macdonald, “East Central African Customs,” Journal Anthropological
Institute, Feb. 1890, p. 342.
[147] Journal Anthropological Institute, Feb. 1890, p. 342.
[148] Owen, Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series, Vol. II, p. 36.
[149] Mason, Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture, p. 143.
[150] Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 424.
[151] Life and Adventures of William Buckley, p. 43.
[152] Journal Anthropological Institute, Aug. 1890, p. 61.
[153] Australian Races, cited by Ellis, Man and Woman, p. 9 note.
[154] Haydes et Deniker, Mission Scientifique de Cape Horn, tome vii, 1891.
[155] Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Feb. 1892, p. 307.
[156] Warburton Pike, Barren Grounds, p. 75.
[157] Havelock Ellis, Man and Woman, p. 5.
[158] A Journey from Prince of Wales’s Fort to the Northern Ocean, p. 55.
[159] Mason, op. cit., p. 10.
[160] Im Thurn, Among the Indians of British Guiana.
[161] Macdonald, Journal Anthropological Institute, Aug. 1892.
[162] Kamilaroi and Kurnai, pp. 133, 147.
[163] Cited by Ellis, Man and Woman, p. 4.
[164] H. H. Johnston, The Kilimanjaro Expedition; Parke, Experiences in
Equatorial Africa. These examples are cited by Ellis.
[165] “The Beginnings of Agriculture,” American Anthropologist, Oct. 1895, p.
37.
[166] Thomas, Sex and Society, p. 136.
[167] Mason, op. cit. p. 24.
[168] Cont. North American Ethnology, Vol. III, p. 167.
[169] Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, cited by H. Ellis, op. cit.,
p. 6.
[170] Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. I, p. 190.
[171] “Magic Songs of the Finns,” Folk-lore, Mar. 1892.
[172] American Antiquarian, Jan. 1899.
[173] “Our Subject Races,” The Reformer, April 1897, p. 43.

[174] Journal Anthropological Institute, May 1892, p. 427, cited by H. Ellis.
[175] Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 358.
[176] Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, p. 130.
[177] Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 65.
[178] Hoffman, “The Menomini Indians,” Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, p. 288.
[179] Papers of the Archæological Institute of America, Vol. II, p. 138.

CHAPTER X
TRACES OF MOTHER-RIGHT CUSTOMS IN ANCIENT
AND
MODERN CIVILISATIONS

I propose in this chapter to examine, as fully as I can, the traces that
mother-right customs have left among some of the great races of antiquity,
as also in the early records of western civilisations. It is the more necessary
to do this because there is so marked a tendency to minimise the importance
of the mother-age, and to regard the patriarchal family as primeval and
universal. So much interesting material is available, and so wide a field of
inquiry must be covered, that I shall be able to give a mere outline sketch,
for the purpose of suggesting, rather than proving, the widespread
prevalence of the communal clan and the maternal family.
As to whether this maternal-stage, with kinship and inheritance passing
through the mother, has everywhere preceded the second patriarchal period,
it is difficult to be at all certain. Dr. Westermarck, Mr. Crawley and others
have argued against this view. But (as I have before had occasion to point
out) their chief motive has been to discredit the theory of promiscuity, with
which mother-descent has been so commonly, and so mistakenly,
connected. It does not seem to have been held as possible that the mother-
age was a much later development, whose social customs were made for the
regulation of the family relationships. A number of very primitive races
exhibit no traces, that have yet been discovered, of such a system, and have
descent in the male line. This has been thought to be a further proof against
a maternal stage. But here again is an error; we are not entitled to regard
mother-descent as necessarily the primitive custom. I believe and have tried
to show, from the examples of the Australian tribes and elsewhere, that in
many cases the stage of the maternal clan has not been reached. If I am
right here, we have the way cleared from much confusion. I would suggest,
as also possible, that there may among some people, have been
retrogressions, customs and habits found out as beneficial, and perhaps for

long practised, have by some tribes been forgotten. There can be no hard
and fast rule of progress for any race. The whole subject is thorny and
obscure, and the evidence on the question is often contradictory. Still I hold
the claim I make is not without foundation. I have tried to show how the
causes which led to the maternal system were perfectly simple and natural
causes, arising out of needs that must have operated universally in the past
history of mankind. And this indicates a maternal stage at some period for
all branches of the human family. Again the widespread prevalence of
mother-right survivals among races where the patriarchal system has been
for long firmly established lends support to such a view, which will be
strengthened by the evidence now to be brought forward. It will be
necessary to go step by step, from one race to another, and to many
different countries, and I would ask my readers not to shrink from the
trouble of following me.
Let us turn first to ancient Egypt, where women held a position more free
and more honourable than they have in any country to-day.
Herodotus, who was a keen observer, records his astonishment at this
freedom, and writes—
“They have established laws and customs opposite for the most part to those of the
rest of mankind.... With them women go to market and traffic; men stay at home and
weave.... The men carry burdens on their heads; the women on their shoulders.... The
boys are never forced to maintain their parents unless they wish to do so; the girls are
obliged to, even if they do not wish it.”[180]

From this last rule it is logical to infer that women inherited property, as
is to-day the case among the Beni-Amer of Africa,[181] where daughters
have to provide for their parents.
Diodorus goes further than Herodotus: he affirms that in the Egyptian
family it is the man who is subjected to the woman.
“All this explains why the queen receives more power and respect than the king,
and why, among private individuals, the woman rules over the man, and that it is
stipulated between married couples, by the terms of the dowry-contract, that the man
shall obey the woman.”[182]

There is probably some exaggeration in this account, nevertheless, the
demotic deeds, in a measure, confirm it. By the law of maternal inheritance,
an Egyptian wife was often richer than her husband, and enjoyed the dignity

and freedom always involved by the possession of property. More than
three thousand three hundred years ago men and women were recognised as
equal in this land.
Under such privileges the wife was entirely preserved from any
subjection; she was able to dictate the terms of the marriage. She held the
right of making contracts without authorisation; she remained absolute
mistress of her dowry. The marriage-contract also specified the sums that
the husband was to pay to his wife, either as a nuptial gift or annual
pension, or as compensation in case of divorce. In some cases the whole
property of the husband was made over to the wife, and when this was
done, it was stipulated that she should provide for him during his life, and
discharge the expenses of his burial and tomb.
These unusual proprietary rights of the Egyptian wife can be explained
only as being traceable to an early period of mother-right. Without proof of
any absolutely precise text, we have an accumulation of facts that render it
probable that, at one time, descent was traced through the mother. It is
significant that the word husband never occurs in the marriage deeds before
the reign of Philometor. This ruler (it would appear in order to establish the
position of the father in the family) decreed that all transfers of property
made by the wife should henceforth be authorised by the husband. Up to
this time public deeds often mention only the mother, but King Philometor
ordered the names of contractors to be registered according to the paternal
line. Besides this, the hieroglyphic funeral inscriptions frequently bear the
name of the mother, without indicating that of the father.[183]
All these facts attest that women in Egypt enjoyed an exceptionally
favourable position. We may compare this position with that held by the
Touareg women of the Sahara, who, through the custom of maternal
inheritance, for long continued, have in their hands the strong power of
wealth, and thus exercise extraordinary authority, giving rise to what I have
called “a pecuniary matriarchy.”
It is probable that in Egypt property was originally entirely in the hands
of women, as is usual under the matriarchal system. Later, a tradition in
favour of the old privileges would seem to have persisted after descent was
changed from the maternal to the paternal line. The marriage-contracts may

thus be regarded as enforcing by agreement what would occur naturally
under the maternal customs. The husband’s property was made over by
deed to the wife (at first entirely, and afterwards in part) to secure its
inheritance by the children of the marriage. It was in such wise way the
Egyptians arranged the difficult problem of the fusing of mother-right with
father-right.
In the very ancient civilisation of Babylon we find women in a position
of honour, with privileges similar in many ways to those they enjoyed in
Egypt. There are even indications that the earliest customs may have gone
beyond those of the Egyptians in exalting women. All the available
evidence points to the conclusion that at the opening of Babylonian history
women had complete independence and equal rights with their husbands
and brothers. It is significant that the most archaic texts in the primitive
language are remarkable for the precedence given to the female sex in all
formulas of address: “Goddesses and gods;” “Women and men,” are
mentioned always in that order; this is in itself a decisive indication of the
high status of women in this early period. And there are other traces all
pointing to the conclusion that in the civilisation of primitive Babylon
mother-right was still in active force. Later (as is shown by the Code of
Hammurabi) a woman’s rights, though not her duties, were more
circumscribed; in the still later Neo-Babylonian periods, she again acquired,
through the favourable conditions with regard to property, full liberty of
action and equal rights with her husband.[184]
Let us now turn our attention to the Græco-Roman civilisation. It is
convenient to take first a brief glance at Rome. I may note that the family
here would certainly appear to have developed from the primitive clan, or
gens. At the dawn of history the patriarchal system was already firmly
established, with individual property, and an unusually strong subjection of
woman to her father first and afterwards to her husband. There are,
however, numerous indications of a prehistoric phase of communism. I can
mention only the right of the gens to the heritage, and in certain cases the
possession of an ager publicus, which certainly bears witness in favour of
an antique community of property.[185] Can we, then, accept that there was
once a period of the maternal family, when descent and inheritance were
traced through the mother? Frazer[186] has brought forward facts which
point to the view that the Roman kingship was transmitted in the female

line; and, if this can be accepted, we may fairly conclude that at one time
the maternal customs were in force. The plebeian marriage ceremonies of
Rome should be noted. The funeral inscriptions in Etruria in the Latin
language make much greater insistence on the maternal than the paternal
descent; giving usually the name of the mother alone, or indicating the
father’s name by a simple initial, whilst that of the mother is written in full.
[187] This is very significant. Very little trustworthy evidence, however, is
forthcoming, and of the position of women in Rome in the earliest periods
we know little or nothing. And for this reason I shall refer my readers to
what I have written elsewhere[188] on this matter; merely saying that there
are indications and traditions pointing to the view that here, as in so many
great civilisations, women’s actions were once unfettered, and this, as I
believe, can be explained only on the hypothesis of the existence of a
maternal stage, before the establishment of the individual male authority
under the patriarchal system.
The evidence with regard to prehistoric Greece is much more complete.
The Greek γένος resembled the Roman gens. Its members had a common
sepulture, common property, the mutual obligation of the vendetta and
archon.[189] In the prehistoric clans maternal descent would seem to have
been established. Plutarch relates that the Cretans spoke of Crete as their
motherland, and not fatherland. In primitive Athens, the women had the
right of voting, and their children bore their name—privileges that were
taken from them, says the legend, to appease the wrath of Poseidon, after
his inundation of the city, owing to the quarrel with Athene. Tradition also
relates that at Athens, until the time of Cecrops, children bore the name of
their mother.[190] Among the Lycians, whose affinity to the Greeks was so
pronounced, a matriarchate prevailed down to the time of Herodotus. Not
the name only, but the inheritance and status of the children depended on
the mother. The Lycians “honoured women rather than men;” they are
represented “as being accustomed from of old to be ruled by their
women.”[191]
One of the most remarkable instances of a gynæcocratic people has only
now been fully discovered as having existed in ancient Crete. It seems
probable that women enjoyed greater powers than they had even in Egypt.
The new evidence that has come to light is certainly most interesting; the
facts are recorded by Mr. J. R. Hall in a recent book, Ancient History in the

Far East, and I am specially glad to bring them forward. He affirms: “It
may eventually appear that in religious matters, perhaps even the
government of the State itself as well, were largely controlled by the
women.” From the seals we gather a universal worship of a supreme female
goddess, the Rhea of later religions, who is accompanied sometimes by a
youthful male deity. Wherever we find this preponderating feminine
principle in worship we shall find also a corresponding feminine influence
in the customs of the people. We have seen this, for instance, among the
Khasis, where also goddesses are placed before gods. Mr. Hall further
states: “It is certain that they [the women in Crete] must have lived on a
footing of greater equality with men than in any other ancient civilisation.”
And again: “We see in the frescoes of Knossos conclusive indications of an
open and free association of men and women, corresponding to our idea of
‘Society,’ at the Minoan court, unparalleled till our own day.” The women
are unveiled, and the costumes and setting are extraordinarily modern. Mr.
Hall draws attention to the curious fact that in appearance the women are
very similar to the men, so that often the sexes can be distinguished only by
the conventions of the artists, representing the women in white, and the men
in red outline; the same convention that was used in Egypt. I may recall to
the reader the likeness of the men to the women among the North American
Indians, and the same similarity between the sexes occurs among the
ancient Egyptians.[192] It is perhaps impossible to search for an explanation.
I would, however, point out that in all these cases, where the sexes appear to
be more alike than is common, we find women in a position of equality
with men. This is really very remarkable; I think it is a fact that demands
more attention than as yet it has received.
At one time there would seem to have been in prehistoric Greece a period
of fully established mother-right. Ancient Attic traditions are filled with
recollections of female supremacy. Women in the Homeric legends hold a
position and enjoy a freedom wholly at variance with a patriarchal
subjection. Not infrequently the husband owes to his wife his rank and his
wealth; always the wife possesses a dignified place and much influence.
Even the formal elevation of women to positions of authority is not
uncommon. “There is nothing,” says Homer, “better and nobler than when
husband and wife, being of one mind, rule a household. Penelope and
Clytemnestra were left in charge of the realms of their husbands during

their absence in Troy; the beautiful Chloris ruled as queen in Pylos. Arete,
the beloved wife of Alcinous played an important part as peacemaker in the
kingdom of her husband.”[193]
If we turn to the evidence of the ancient mythology and art, it is also
clear that the number of female deities must be connected with the early
predominance of women in Greece. We have to remember that “the gods”
are shaped by human beings in their own image, and the status of women
on earth is reflected in the status of a goddess. Five out of the eight
divinities of immemorial Greek worship were female, Hera, Demeter,
Persephone, Athene and Aphrodite. In addition there were numerous lesser
goddesses. One must consider also that it was not uncommon for cities to
be named after women; and the Greek stories seem to point to tribes with
totem names. How can these things be explained, unless we accept a
maternal stage? There are numerous other facts all indicating this same
conclusion. We find relationships on the mother’s side regarded as much
more close than those on the father’s side. In Athens and Sparta a man
might marry his father’s sister, but not his mother’s sister. Lycaon, in
pleading with Achilles, says in order to appease him, that he is not the
uterine brother of Hector. It is also noteworthy to find that the Thebans,
when pressed in war, seek assistance from the Æginetans as their nearest
kin, recollecting that Thebe and Æginia had been sisters. A similar case is
that of the Lycaones in Crete, who claimed affinity with Athens and with
Sparta, which affinity was traced through the mother.[194]
There is much evidence I am compelled to pass over. It must, however,
be noted that there seems clear proof of the maternal form of marriage
having at one time been practised. Plutarch mentions that the relations
between husband and wife in Sparta were at first secret.[195] The story told
by Pausanias about Ulysses’ marriage certainly points to the custom of the
bridegroom going to live with the wife’s family.[196] In this connection the
action of Intaphernes is significant, who, when granted by Darius
permission to claim the life of a single man, chose her brother, saying that
both husband and children could be replaced.[197] Similarly the declaration
of Antigone that neither for husband nor children would she have performed
the toil she undertook for Polynices[198] clearly shows that the tie of the
common womb was held as closer than the tie of marriage; and this points
to the conditions of the communal clan.

Andromache, when she relates to Hector how her father’s house has been
destroyed, with all who are in it, turns to him and says: “But now, Hector,
thou art my father and gracious mother, thou art my brother, nay, thou art
my valiant husband.”[199] It is easy, I think, to see in this speech how the
early idea of the relationships under mother-right had been transferred to
the husband, as the protector of the woman conditioned by father-right. As
in so many countries, the patriarchal authority of the husband does not seem
to have existed in Greece at this early stage of development. It may,
however, be said that all this, though proving the high status of women in
the prehistoric period, does not establish the existence of the maternal
family. I would ask: how, then, are these mother-right customs to be
explained? In the later history of Greece, with the family based on
patriarchal authority, all this was changed. We find women occupying a
much less favourable position, their rights and freedom more and more
restricted. In Sparta alone, where the old customs for long were preserved,
did the women retain anything of their old dignity and influence. The
Athenian wives, under the authority of their husbands, sank almost to the
level of slaves.[200]
The patriarchal system is connected closely in our thought with the
Hebrew family, where the father, who is chief, holds grouped under his
despotic sway his wives, their children, and slaves. Yet this Semitic
patriarch has not existed from the beginning; numerous survivals of mother-
right customs afford proof that the Hebrew race must have passed through a
maternal stage. These survivals have a special interest, as we are all familiar
with them in Bible history, but we have not understood their significance. It
is possible to give a few illustrations only. In the history of Jacob’s service
for his wives, we have clear proof of the maternal custom of beenah
marriage. As a suitor Jacob had to buy his position as husband and to serve
Laban for seven years before he was permitted to marry Leah, and seven
years for Rachel, while six further years of service were claimed before he
was allowed the possession of his cattle.[201] Afterwards, when he wished to
depart with his wives and his children, Laban made the objection, “these
daughters are my daughters, and these children are my children.”[202] Now,
according to the patriarchal custom, Laban’s daughters should have been
cut off from their father by marriage, and become of the kindred of their
husbands. Such a claim on the part of the father proves the subordinate

position held by the husband in the wife’s family, who retained control over
her and the children of the marriage, and even over the personal property of
the man, as was usual under the later matriarchal custom. Even when the
marriage is not in the maternal form, and the wife goes to the husband’s
home, we find compensation has to be paid to her kindred. Thus when
Abraham sought a wife for Isaac, presents were taken by the messenger to
induce the bride to leave her home; and these presents were given not to the
father of the bride, but to her mother and brother.[203] This is the early form
of purchase marriage, such bridal-gifts being the forerunners of the payment
of a fixed bride-price. We still find purchase marriage practised side by side
with beenah marriage in the countries where the transitional stage has been
reached and mother-right contends with father-right. But there is stronger
evidence even than these two cases. The injunction in Gen. ii, 24:
“Therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave
unto his wife,” refers without any doubt to the early form of marriage under
mother-right, when the husband left his own kindred and went to live with
his wife and among her people. We find Samson visiting his Philistine wife
who remained with her own people.[204] Even the obligation to blood
vengeance rested apparently on the maternal kinsmen (Judges viii, 19). The
Hebrew father did not inherit from the son, nor the grandfather from the
grandson, which points back to a time when the children did not belong to
the clan of the father.[205] Among the Hebrews individual property was
instituted at a very early period,[206] but various customs show clearly the
early existence of communal clans. Thus the inheritance, especially the
paternal inheritance, must remain in the clan “then shall their inheritance be
added unto the inheritance of the tribe.” Marriage in the tribe is obligatory
for daughters. “Let them marry to whom they think best; only to the family
of the tribe of their father shall they marry. So shall no inheritance of the
children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe.”[207] We have here an
indication of the close relation between father-right and property.
Under mother-right there is naturally no prohibition against marriage
with a half-sister upon the father’s side. This explains the marriage of
Abraham with Sarah, his half-sister by the same father. When reproached
for having passed his wife off as his sister to the King of Egypt, the
patriarch replies: “For indeed she is my sister; she is the daughter of my
father, but not the daughter of my mother, and she became my wife.”[208] In

the same way Tamar could have married her half-brother Amnon, though
they were both the children of David: “Speak to the King, for he will not
withhold me from thee.” And it was her uterine brother, Absalom, who
revenged the rape of Tamar by slaying; afterwards he fled to the kindred of
his mother.[209] Again, the father of Moses and Aaron married his father’s
sister, who legally was not considered to be related to him.[210] Nabor, the
brother of Abraham, took to wife his fraternal niece, the daughter of his
brother.[211] It was only later that paternal kinship became legally
recognised among the Hebrews by the same titles as the natural kinship
through the mother.
It is by considering these survivals of mother-right in connection with
similar customs to be found among existing maternal peoples that we see
their true significance. They warrant us in believing that the patriarchal
family, as we know it among the Hebrews and elsewhere, was a later stage
of an evolution, which had for its starting-point the communal clan, and that
these races have passed through the maternal phase. We come to understand
the change in the privileged position of women. As the husband and father
continued to gain in power, with the reassertion of individual interests, it
was inevitable that the mother should lose the authority she had held, under
the free social organisation of the undivided clan.
Traces of a similar evolution of the family may, I am convinced, be found
by all who will undertake an inquiry for themselves. The subject is one of
great interest. So far as my own study goes, I believe that these survivals of
the maternal-group customs may be discovered in the early history of every
people, where the necessary material for such knowledge is available. I
wish it were possible for me even to summarise all the evidence, direct and
inferential, that I have collected for my own satisfaction. I must reluctantly
pass over many countries I would like to include; some of these—China,
Japan, Burma and Madagascar—have been noticed briefly in The Truth
about Woman.[212] There is surprising similarity between the facts; and, the
more of such survivals that can be found, the more the evidence seems to
grow in favour of the acceptance of a universal maternal stage in the
evolution of society.
I must now, before closing this chapter (whose accumulation of facts
may, I fear, have wearied my readers), refer briefly to the races of barbarous

Europe. The point of interest is, of course—how far mother-right may be
accepted, as at one period, having existed. The earliest direct evidence is the
account given by Strabo of the Iberians of ancient Spain. And first it is
important to note that the Iberians belonged to the Berber race, now widely
regarded as the parent of the chief and largest element in the population of
Europe. There is another fact that must be noted. The general characteristic
of the Berber family seems to have been the privileged position they
accorded to their women, privileges so great that we meet with strong
tendencies towards the matriarchate. This last is still in force among the
Touaregs of the Sahara; and there are as well numerous traces of its former
existence among the neighbouring Kabyles, though there the most rigorous
patriarchate has replaced the maternal family.[213] We have seen, too, that in
ancient Egypt, where the Berbers were largely represented, women enjoyed
a position of extraordinary freedom and authority.
Bearing this in mind, we may accept the statement of Strabo: “Among
the Cantabrians usage requires that the husband shall bring a dower to his
wife, and the daughters inherit, being charged with the marriage of their
brothers, which constitutes a kind of gynæcocracy.” There is possibly some
exaggeration in the term gynæcocracy; yet if there is no proof of “rule by
women,” there can be no doubt that, through the system of female
inheritance, property was held by them, and this must certainly have given
them the power always involved by the possession of wealth.
The freedom of the women of ancient Spain is sufficiently indicated by
the fact that they took part in the activities usually considered as belonging
to men. It was these women who played their part in driving back the
Roman legions from the mountainous districts of northern Spain; we read of
them fighting side by side with men, where they used their weapons with
courage and determination. They received their wounds with silent
fortitude, and no cry of pain ever escaped their lips, even when the wounds
which laid them low were mortal. To women as well as men liberty was a
possession more valued than life, and, when taken prisoners, they fell upon
their own swords, and dashed their little ones to death rather than suffer
them to live to be slaves. Nor were the activities of women confined to
warfare. Justin speaks of women as not only having the care of all domestic
matters, but also cultivating the fields. And Strabo, writing of these
Amazons, tells us that they would often step aside out of the furrows “to be

brought to bed,” and then, having borne a child, would return to their work
“just as if they had only laid an egg.” He notes, too, as being practised
among them the couvade, whereby the husband, in assertion of his legal
fatherhood, retired to bed when a child was born.[214]
Spain is a land that I know well, and for this reason I have chosen to
write of it in fuller detail. Persistent relics of the early maternal period even
yet may be traced in the customs of this strongly conservative people.
Women are held in honour. There is a proverb common all over Spain to the
effect that “he who is unfortunate and needs assistance should seek his
mother.” Many primitive customs survive, and one of the most interesting is
that by which the eldest daughter in some cases takes precedence over the
sons in inheritance. Among the Basques, until quite recently, the
administration of the family property passed to the eldest child, whether a
boy or a girl; and in the case of a daughter, her husband was obliged to take
the name of the family and to live in the wife’s home. Spanish women
always retain their own names after marriage, and as far back as the fourth
century we find them at the Synod of Elvira resisting an attempt to limit this
freedom. The practice is still common for children to use the name of the
mother coupled with that of the father, and even, in some cases, alone,
showing a quite unusual absence of preference for paternal descent. This is
very significant. It explains the recognition given in old Spain to the
unmarried mother; even to-day in no country, that I know, does less social
stigma fall on a child born out of wedlock. The profound Spanish
veneration of the Virgin Mary, as well as the number of female saints, is
another indication of the honour paid to women, which must, I am certain,
be connected with a far back time when goddesses were worshipped. I
would note, too, the fine Spanish understanding of hospitality. This belongs
to the ideals of communal life. I know nothing to equal it in the common
habits of other European countries. It may be compared with the conditions
in the joint-family communities of the American Indians.[215]
Much more might be said on the position of the Spanish women. I have,
however, written elsewhere of these women,[216] of their intelligence, and
strength, and beauty, and of the active part they take still in the industrial
life of the country. There can be no question that some features of the
maternal customs have left their imprint on the domestic life of Spain, and
this, as I believe, explains how women here have in certain directions,

preserved a freedom of action and privileges, which even in England have
never been established, and only of late claimed.
As we may expect, there is less direct evidence of mother-right in the
other European countries than is the case in conservative Spain. Dargun,
who has written much on this subject,[217] believes that maternal descent
was formerly practised among the Germans. He holds further “that the
ancient Aryans at the time of their dispersion regarded kinship through the
mother as the sole, or chief, basis of blood-kinship, and all their family
rights were governed by this principle.” There is much conflict of opinion
on this matter, and it would, perhaps, be rash to make any definite
statement. We may recall what Tacitus says of the Germans:
“The son of a sister is as dear to his uncle as to his father; some even
think that the first of these ties is the most sacred and close; and in taking
hostages they prefer nephews, as inspiring a stronger attachment, and
interesting the family on more sides.” The same authority tells us that the
Germans of his day met together to take a clan meal, to settle clan business,
i. e. for the clan council—and to arrange marriages. This is strong
confirmation of what I am trying to establish.[218] Further evidence may be
gathered from the ancient religion. There are many Teutonic goddesses,
who may well be connected with the primitive tribal-mothers.[219] Religion
here, as so often elsewhere, would seem to have been symbolised as
feminine. Not only the seers, but the sacrificers among the early Teutons
were women.[220] To this evidence may be added that in Germany up to a
late period the mother could be the guardian of her children; that a wife had
to be bought by the husband, both she and her children remaining under the
guardianship of her father. All this points to mother-right and the existence
of the maternal clan.[221] Let us note also that in the Slav communities
women had the right to vote, and might be elected to the government of the
community.
It will interest my readers to know that mother-descent must once have
prevailed in Britain. Among the Picts of Scotland kingship was transmitted
through women.[222] Bede tells us that down to his own time—the early part
of the eighth century—whenever a doubt arose as to the succession, the
Picts chose their king from the female rather than from the male line.[223]
There is an ancient legend which represents the Irish as giving three

hundred wives to the Picts, on the condition that the succession to the
crown should always be through their females—

“There were oathes imposed on them,
By the stars, by the earth,
That from the nobility of the mother
Should always be the right to the sovereignty.”[224]

Similar traces are found in England: Canute, the Dane, when
acknowledged King of England, married Emma, the widow of his
predecessor, Ethelred. Ethelbald, King of Kent, married his stepmother,
after the death of his father Ethelbert; and, as late as the ninth century,
Ethelbald, King of the West Saxons, wedded Judith, the widow of his father.
Such marriages are intelligible only if we suppose that the queen had the
power of conferring the kingdom upon her consort, which could only
happen where maternal descent was, or had been, practised. These
marriages with the widow of a king were at one time very common. The
familiar example of Hamlet’s uncle is one, who, after murdering his brother,
married his wife and became king. His acceptance by the people, in spite of
his crime, is explained if it was the old Danish custom for marriage with the
king’s widow to carry the kingdom with it. In Hamlet’s position as avenger,
and his curious hesitancy, we have really an indication of the conflict
between the old and the new ways of descent.[225]
The Celtic population of Britain preserved the institution of the clan
much longer than the other European races. In Wales and in Ireland, in
particular, communism was strongly established. The clan was responsible
for the crimes of its members, paid the fines, and received the
compensations.[226] There are numerous indications of mother-right. In
Ireland women retained a very high position and much freedom, both
before and after marriage, to a late period: temporary unions were freely
allowed, and customs having the force of law safeguarded the rights of the
wife. “Every woman,” it was said, “is to go the way she willeth freely.”[227]
The early Celtic mythologies and folk-records are full of these survivals.
Goddesses are frequent as primeval tribal-mothers. Let me give one
instance. The Irish goddess Brigit (whose attributes at a later date were
transferred to St. Bridget) is referred to in a ninth-century glossary as—

operum atque artificiorum initia. She was the tribal-mother of the
Bringantes. Similarly Vote was tribal-mother of the Burgundians; and the
goddess Bil of the Billings, and there are numerous other cases. In a recent
book on Ulster Folk-lore,[228] I have been fortunate enough to find a most
interesting passage referring to the Irish goddess Brigit. I quote it with
pleasure as a fitting ending to this chapter.[229]
“Now, St. Bridget had a pagan predecessor, Brigit, a poetess of the Tuatha de
Danann, and whom we may perhaps regard as a female Apollo. Cormac in his
Glossary tells us she was a daughter of the Dagda and a goddess whom all poets
adored, and whose sisters were Brigit the physician and Brigit the smith. Probably the
three sisters represent the same divine, or semi-divine, person whom we may identify
with the British goddess Brigantia and the Gaulish Brigindo.”

FOOTNOTES:
[180] Herodotus, Book II, p. 35.
[181] Starcke, The Primitive Family, p. 67.
[182] Diodorus, Book I, p. 27.
[183] For a fuller account of the position of women in Egypt, see the chapter on
this subject in The Truth about Woman, pp. 179-201.
[184] H. Ellis, Psychology of Sex, Vol. VI, p. 393.
[185] Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 335.
[186] Golden Bough, Part I. The Magic Art, Vol. II, pp. 270, 289, 312.
[187] Müller and Bachofen, cited by Giraud-Teulon, op. cit. pp. 283-284.
[188] The Truth About Woman, pp. 227-242.
[189] Grote, History of Greece, Vol. III, p. 95.
[190] Letourneau, op. cit. pp. 335-336.
[191] Herodotus, Book I, p. 172.
[192] See pp. 129-131, also The Truth about Woman, pp. 199-201.
[193] Gladstone, Homeric Studies, Vol. II, p. 507. Donaldson, Woman, pp. 18-
19.
[194] McLennan, “Kinship in Ancient Greece”; Essay in Studies in Ancient
History, pp. 195-246.
[195] Plutarch, Apophthegms of the Lacedæmonians, LXV.

[196] Pausanias, III, 20 (10), (Frazer’s translation).
[197] Herodotus, III, 119.
[198] Sophocles, Antigone, line 905 et seq.
[199] Iliad, VI, 429-430.
[200] The Truth about Woman, pp. 210-227.
[201] Gen. xxx, 18-30; xxxi, 14, 41.
[202] Gen. xxxi, 43.
[203] Gen. xxiv, 5, 53.
[204] Judges xv, 1.
[205] Numb., xxxii, 8-11. See Letourneau, Evolution of Marriage, p. 326.
[206] Gen. xxiii, 13.
[207] Numb. xxxvi, 4-8.
[208] Gen. xii, 10-20.
[209] 2 Sam. xiii, 13-16 and 37.
[210] Exod. vi, 20.
[211] Gen. xi. 26-29.
[212] See pp. 156-161.
[213] Letourneau, op. cit. 328.
[214] See in this connection my book, Spain Revisited, pp. 291-304.
[215] See pp. 107-109.
[216] Spain Revisited; Things Seen in Spain; Moorish Cities.
[217] Mutterrecht und Raubehe und ihre Reste im Germanischen Recht und
Leben, Vol. XVI, quoted by Starcke, The Primitive Family, pp. 103 et seq.
[218] De moribus Germanorum, XX. See also K. Pearson, The Chances of
Death, Vol. II, p. 132.
[219] Grimm, Mythologie, Vol. I, p. 248.
[220] K. Pearson, The Chances of Death, Vol. II, p. 102.
[221] Starcke, op. cit. p. 105, citing Dargun and Grimm. See also Letourneau,
op. cit. pp. 339-340.
[222] Giraud-Teulon, op. cit. pp. 41-42.
[223] Bede, II. 1-7.
[224] McLennan, Studies, p. 46.

[225] See Frazer, Golden Bough, Part I. The Magic Art, Vol. II, 282-283.
[226] Letourneau, op. cit. p. 338. Maine, Early Institutions, pp. 113 et seq.
[227] Rhys and Brynmor-Jones, The Welsh People.
[228] By E. Andrews, p. 18.
[229] I would refer the reader to a most interesting article on “Old English
Clans” (Cornhill, Sept. 1881); this I had not read when I wrote this chapter. The
author holds that the clan system was once common to the whole Aryan race. In
the Teutonic stock its memory died out in an early stage of development, owing
to the strong individuality of the Teutonic mind. Yet it has left behind it many
traces. Numerous examples are given. Perhaps the most interesting is the
evidence showing that totemism seems to have existed; the clan names being
taken from animals or plants.

CHAPTER XI
THE SURVIVALS OF MOTHER-RIGHT IN FOLK-LORE,
IN HEROIC LEGENDS, AND IN FAIRY STORIES

In the preceding chapter we have found the former existence of the
maternal family, or some indication of it, in the early records of many races,
proving this by numerous survivals of customs entirely at variance with the
patriarchal conditions. Should it be thought that this claim has not been
supported by sufficient evidence, I must plead the difficulties of such an
inquiry. My survey has been very incomplete. I am certain, however, that
these survivals will be recognised by any one who will undertake for
themselves the collection and interpretation of the facts from the records of
the past.
There is a point to consider here. The absence, or rather the rarity, of
mother-right survivals in some civilisations cannot be counted as proof that
the maternal system never existed. As I have shown in the earlier chapters
of this book, the mother-age was a transitional stage, between the very early
brute-conditions of the family and the second firmly established
patriarchate. Now, it is clear that the customs of a transitional stage are very
likely to disappear; they are also very likely to be mistaken. Bearing this in
mind, the number of survivals that do occur are, I hold, extraordinary, and,
indeed, impossible to account for if the maternal family was not a universal
stage in the development of society. Moreover, I am certain from my own
study that these survivals are of much wider occurrence than is believed,
but as yet the facts are insufficiently established.
It now remains to consider a new field of inquiry; and that is the
abundant evidence of mother-right to be found in folk-lore, in heroic
legends, and in the fairy-stories of our children. There is a special value in
these old-world stories, that date back to a time long before written history.
They belong to all countries in slightly different forms. We have regarded
them as fables, but there was never a fable that did not arise out of truth—
not, of course, the outside truth of facts, but from that inward truth of the

life and thought of a people, which is what really matters. I cannot, then, do
better than conclude the evidence for the mother-age by referring to some
few of these myths and legends.
In order to group the great mass of material I will take first the creation
myths. One only out of many examples can be given. The Zuñi Indians,
who, it will be remembered, are a maternal people, give this account of the
beginning of the world. We read how the Sun-god, withdrawing strength
from his flesh, impregnated the great waters, until there arose upon them,
waxing wide and weighty, the “Fourfold Mother-earth” and the “All-
covering Father-sky.”
“From the lying together of these twain, upon the great world water, so vitalising,
life was conceived, whence began all beings of the earth, men and creatures, in the
four-fold womb of the world. Thereupon the Earth-mother repulsed the Sky-father,
growing big and sinking deep into the embrace of the waters below, thus separated
from the Sky-father, in the embrace of the waters above.” The story states, “Warm is
the Earth-mother and cold the Sky-father, even as woman is warm and man is cold.”
Then it goes on, “‘So is thy will,’ said the Sky-father, ‘yet not alone shalt thou helpful
be unto our children’;” and we learn how the Sky-father assisted the Earth-mother.
“Thus in other ways, many diversed, they worked for their offspring.”[230]

There is one reflection only I desire to offer on this most beautiful
maternal version of the creation legend. Here we find complete
understanding of the woman’s part; she is the one who gives life; she is the
active partner. The Sky-father is represented as her agent, her helper. Why
should this be? Contrast this idea with the patriarchal creation story of the
Bible.
“And the Lord God said, It is not good that man should be alone; I will make him
an help meet for him.... And the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon the man,
and he slept; and he took one of his ribs, and closed up the flesh instead thereof: and
the rib which the Lord God had taken from the man made he a woman, and brought
her unto the man. And the man said, This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my
flesh: she shall be called Woman, because she was taken out of Man.”[231]

I would again assert my strong belief that in the religious conception of a
people we find the true thoughts and the customs of the period in which
they originated. A patriarchal people could not have given expression to a
creation myth in which the female idea prevailed, and the mother, and not
the father, was dominant. For men have ever fashioned the gods in their
own human image, endowing them with their thoughts and actions. The
sharp change in the view of woman’s part in the relationship of the sexes is

clearly symbolised in these creation myths. Yes, it marks the degradation of
woman; she has fallen from the maternal conception of the feminine
principle, guiding, directing, and using the male, to that of the woman made
for the man in the patriarchal Bible story.
Another group of legends that I would notice refer to the conflict
between the right of the mother and that of the father in relation to the
children. These stories belong to a period of transition. In ancient Greece, as
we have seen, the paternal family succeeded the maternal clan. In his
Orestia, Æschylus puts in opposition before Pallas Athene the right of the
mother and the right of the father. The chorus of the Eumenides,
representing the people, defends the position of the mother; Apollo pleads
for the father, and ends by declaring, in a fit of patriarchal delirium, that the
child is not of the blood of the mother. “It is not the mother who begets
what is called her child; she is only the nurse of the germ poured into her
womb; he who begets is the father. The woman receives the germ merely as
guardian, and when it pleases the gods, she preserves it.” Plato also brings
forward this view, and states that the mother contributes nothing to the
child’s being. “The mother is to the child what the soil is to the plant; it
owes its nourishment to her, but the essence and structure of its nature are
derived from the father.” Again the Orestes of Euripides takes up the same
theory, when he says to Tyndarus: “My father has begotten me, and thy
daughter has given birth to me, as the earth receives the seed that another
confides to it.” Here we trace a different world of thoughts and conceptions;
the mother was so little esteemed as to be degraded into the mere nourisher
of the child. These patriarchal theories naturally consecrated the slavery of
woman.[232]
Another point strikingly illustrated by many of these ancient legends is
the struggle for power between the two sexes—a struggle that would seem
to have been present at all stages of civilisation, but always most active in
periods of transition. One out of many examples is all that I can give. In
Hawaii, worship is given to the goddess Pele, the personification of the
volcano Kilauea, and the god Tamapua, the personification of the sea, or
rather, of the storm which lashes the sea and hurls wave after wave upon the
land. The myth tells that Tamapua wooed Pele, who rejected his suit,
whereupon he flooded the crater with water, but Pele drank up the water
and drove him back into the sea.[233]

Here a brief digression into the early mythologies may be made, although
this question of the connection between mother-right and religious ideas is
one on which I have already enlarged. The most primitive theogony is that
of Mother-Earth and her son. Goddesses are at first of greater importance
than gods. The Earth-mother springs from chaos, and in the beginning her
children have no father.[234] Traces of such a goddess are to be found in
many ancient religions. Afterwards as a modification, or rather a
development, of the Earth-mother, we have the goddesses of fertility. This
idea arose with the development of agriculture, and was closely connected
in the primitive mind with the sex functions. Demeter is of this type; and
there are many of these mother-deities who once were universally
worshipped. Virgin goddesses are a much later creation, and must be
connected with the patriarchal ideals for women. The original god-idea
symbolised as woman is the free mother; she is the source of all fertility;
she is the goddess of love. The servants of these goddesses were priestesses,
or at a later date men dressed as women. At first the gods, in so far as they
had any existence, appear in the form of temporary lovers of the goddesses;
they are very plainly the transitory male element needful for fertilisation,
and then destined to disappear.[235] We find very early the brother as the
husband and dependent of the Mother-goddess. Thus Isis did not change or
lose her independent position after her marriage to her brother Osiris; her
importance as a deity remained always greater than his.[236] Only at a much
later stage—the patriarchal stage—was the wandering lover-god or
dependent brother-spouse raised to the position of authority of the All-
Father. We may find in the religious sexual festivals, common to all
civilisations, abundant confirmation of these facts. As one illustration out of
many that might be chosen, I will refer to the account given by Prof. K.
Pearson[237] of the festival of Sakäēs, held in Babylon in honour of the great
goddess Mylitta, who was essentially a mother-goddess of fertility. The
festival lasted for five days in the month of July. It was presided over by the
priestess of the goddess, who represented the goddess herself. She sat
enthroned on a mound which for the time was the sanctuary of the deity,
with the altar with oil and incense before her. To her came the god-lover
represented by a slave, who made homage and worshipped. From her he
received the symbols of kingly power, and she raised him to the throne by
her side. As her accepted lover and lord of the festival, he remained for five
days, during which the law of the goddess prevailed. Afterwards on the fifth

day the god-lover was sacrificed on the pyre. The male element had
performed its function.
I cannot leave this subject without emphasising the importance of these
erotic-religious festivals, once of universal occurrence. They afford the
strongest evidence of the early privileged position of women in the
relationships between the two sexes. It is, I think, impossible to avoid
giving to this a matriarchal interpretation. For it is by contrasting the
religious-sex standpoints of the maternal and the paternal ideals that the
inferior position of women under the later system can be demonstrated.
Moreover, in much later periods, and even to our own day, we may yet find
broken survivals of the old customs. Illustrations are not far to seek in the
common festivals of the people in Germany and elsewhere, and as I have
myself witnessed them in Spain, a land which has preserved its old customs
much more unchanged than is usual.[238] One example may be noted in
England, which would seem to have a very ancient origin; it is given by
Prof. K. Pearson.[239] “The Roman Lupercalia held on February 15 was
essentially a worship of fertility, and the privileges supposed to be attached
to women in our own country during this month—especially on February
14 and 29—are probably fossils of the same sex-freedom.”
Passing again to the old legends, we find not a few that attempt to
account for both the rise and the decline of the custom of maternal descent.
I will give an example of each. Newbold relates that in Menangkabowe,
where the female line is observed, it is accounted for by this legend—

“Perpati Sabatang built a magnificent vessel, which he loaded with gold and
precious stones so heavily that it got aground on the sands at the foot of the fiery
mountains, and resisted the efforts of all the men to get it off. The sages were
consulted, and declared that all attempts would be in vain until the vessel had passed
over the body of a pregnant woman. It happened that the Rajah’s own daughter was in
the condition desired; she was called upon to immolate herself for the sake of her
country, but refused. At this juncture the pregnant sister of the Rajah boldly stepped
forward, and cast herself beneath the prow of the vessel, which instantly put itself in
motion, and again floated on the waves without injury to the princess. Whereupon the
Rajah disinherited the offspring of his disobedient daughter in favour of the child of
his sister, and caused this to be enrolled in the records of the empire as the law of
succession in time to come.”[240]

The second illustration is taken from the quarrel between Pallas Athene
and Poseidon to which already I have referred. The myth tells us—
“A double wonder sprang out of the earth at the same time—at one place the olive
tree and at another water. The people in terror sent to Delphi to ask what should be
done. The god answered that the olive tree signified the power of Athene, and the
water that of Poseidon; and that it remained with the burgesses to choose after which
of the two they would name their town. An assembly was called of the burgesses, both
men and women, for it was then the custom to let the women take part in the public
councils. The men voted for Poseidon, the women for Athene; and as there were more
women than men by one, Athene conquered. Thereupon Poseidon was enraged, and
immediately the sea flowed over all the lands of Athens. To appease the sea-god, the
burgesses found it necessary to impose a threefold punishment on their wives. They
were to lose their votes; the children were to receive no more the mother’s name, and
they themselves were no longer to be called after the goddess.”[241]

The origin of these myths is perfectly clear. There is no reason to force
their interpretation by regarding them as historical evidence of a struggle
taking place between the maternal and the paternal custom of tracing
descent;[242] rather they are poetical explanations, plainly invented to
account for women’s predominance at a time when such power had come to
be considered as unusual. The same may be said of many of these old
myths. Man’s fancy begins to weave poetic inventions around anything he
considers abnormal or is not able to understand. The idea or custom for
which an explanation is being sought must, however, have been present for
long in the common life and thought of the people. Without realising this,
all these old stories become unintelligible. I believe they have been greatly
misinterpreted in the thought of writers bound by patriarchal ideas.
The limitation of my space does not allow me to enter into the great
amount of evidence provided by these mythical stories of the privileged

position of women. One instance, however, may be referred to as an
illustration. We find a wide range of stories connected with the mythical
Amazons. Now, if I am right, the frequency of these legends among so
many races points to the acceptance of the Amazon heroines as an historical
fact. Fancy, without doubt, wove the details of their stories, occurrences
would be chosen or imagined to give colour to the narratives, but such
poetic inventions, with all their repetitions, all their reproductions of what is
practically one situation, would take only definite form from conditions so
impressed on the popular mind by facts that must have had a real existence.
Bearing this in mind, special significance attaches to a discovery recently
made by Prof. d’Allosso. In the ancient necropolis of Belmonte, dating
from the iron age, are two very rich tombs of women warriors with war
chariots over their remains. Prof. d’Allosso states that several details given
by Virgil of the Amazon Camilla, who fought and died on the field of battle,
coincide with the details on these tombs. The importance of this discovery
is thus very great, as it certainly seems to indicate what I am claiming—that
the existence of the Amazon heroines, leaders of armies and sung by the
ancient poets, is not a poetic fancy, but an historic reality.[243]
I must turn now to the last group of evidence that I am able to bring
forward; to find this we must enter that realm of fancy—the world of
fairyland. We shall see that this land has its own customs, and its own laws,
entirely at variance with all those to which we are accustomed. How is this
to be explained? These stories are founded really on the life of the common
people, and they have come down from generation to generation, handed on
by the storytellers, from a time long before the day when they were ever
collected and written in books. It is the popular and social character of these
stories that is so important; they are records of customs and habits long
forgotten, but once common in the daily life of the people. In them the past
is potent with life, and for this reason they claim the most careful and
patient study. I speak of the most familiar stories that we have regarded as
foolish fables. Nowhere else can we gain so clear and vivid a picture of the
childhood of civilisation, when women were the transmitters of inheritance
and the guardians of property.
Let me try to prove this. I have before me a collection of these folk-
stories, gathered from many countries. Now, the most popular story (whose
theme occurs again and again, the details varied in the different renderings)

is concerned with the gaining of a princess as a bride by a wooer, usually of
humble birth. This lover to obtain his wife achieves some mighty deed of
valour, or performs tasks set for him by the parents of the bride; he thus
inherits the kingdom through the daughter of the king. Hans, faring forth to
seek his luck; the Dummling in the Golden Goose story; the miller’s son,
who gained his bride by the wit of his cat, and Aladdin with his magic lamp
are well-known examples of this story. The Scottish and Irish legends are
particularly rich in examples of these hero lovers. Assipattle, the dirty ash-
lad, who wins the fair Gemdelovely and then reigns with her as queen and
king, is one of the most interesting. Similar stories may be found in the
folk-lore of every country. Ash-lad figures in many of the Norwegian tales.
There is a charming version in the Lapp story of the “Silk Weaver and her
husband,” where we read, “Once upon a time a poor lad wooed a princess
and the girl wanted to marry him, but the Emperor was against the match.
Nevertheless she took him at last and they were wed together.”[244]
This “fairy theory” of marriage is really the maternal or beenah form:
such a marriage as was made by Jacob and is still common among all
maternal peoples. The inheritance passes through the daughters; the suitors
gain their position by some deed of valour or by service done for the bride’s
family; sometimes it is the mother who sets the task, more often it is the
father, while, in some cases, the girl herself imposes the conditions of
marriage. It is possible to trace a development in these stories. We can see
the growth of purchase-marriage in the service demanded by the parents of
the bride, this taking the place of the earlier custom of the bridegroom
proving his fitness by some test of strength. Again, those stories in which
the arrangement of the marriage remains with the mother or with the girl,
and not with the father, must be regarded as the older versions. This change
appears also in the conditions of inheritance; in some cases the kingdom
passes at once with the bride, in others the half of the kingdom is the
marriage portion, while in the later stories the full authority to rule comes
only after the death of the king. But always sooner or later the daughter of
the king conveys the kingdom to her husband. The sons of the king do not
inherit; they are of much less importance than the daughters; they are sent
forth to seek their own fortunes. This is the law where the inheritance
passes through the daughter.

This law of female inheritance must at one time have been universal. We
are brought, indeed, constantly back to that opinion—so amply evidenced
by these folk-relics. In the old West country ballad “The Golden Vanity” or
“The Lowland’s Low,” the boy who saves the ship from the Spanish pirate
galleon is promised as a reward “silver and gold, with the skipper’s pretty
little daughter who lives upon the shore.” Similarly in the well-known
folksong “The Farmer’s Boy,” the lad who comes weary and lame to the
farmer’s door, seeking work, eventually marries the farmer’s daughter and
inherits the farm. Again, Dick Whittington, the poor country lad, who
faithfully serves his master in London, marries his employer’s daughter.
This theme is very frequently found in ballads, romances, and dramas; in all
cases the way to fortune for the lover is through marriage—the daughter
carries the inheritance.
Let us take Assipattle of the Scottish legend as a type of these hero
wooers. He is represented always as the youngest son, held in contempt by
his brothers, and merely tolerated by his parents. He lies in the ashes, from
which he gains his name. Some emergency arises; a great danger threatens
the land or, more often, a princess has to be delivered from a position of
peril. Assipattle executes the deed, when his brothers and all others have
failed; he frees the land or rescues the king’s daughter, and is covered with
honour. He marries the princess and inherits the kingdom. Assipattle always
begins in the deepest degradation, and ends on the highest summit of glory.
There is a special interest in this story. The reader will not have failed to
notice the similarity of Assipattle with Cinderella. In both stories the
circumstances are the same, only the Ash-lad has been replaced by the
Cinder-girl. There is no doubt which version is the older:[245] the one is the
maternal form, the other the patriarchal.
The setting of these stories should be noticed. We see the simplicity of
the habits and life so vividly represented. All folk-legends deal with country
people living near to nature. So similar, indeed, are the customs depicted
throughout that these folk-records might well be taken as a picture of the
social organisation among many barbarous tribes. I should like to wait to
point out these resemblances, such, for instance, as the tendency to
personify natural objects, the identification of human beings with animals
and trees, found so often in the stories, as well as many other things—the
belief in magic and the power of wise women. And what I want to make

clear is the very early beginning of these folk-tales; they take us back to the
social institutions of the mother-age. Thus there is nothing surprising to find
that kingdoms and riches are won by hero-lovers, and that daughters carry
the inheritance. This is really what used to happen. It is our individual ideas
and patriarchal customs that make these things seem so strange.
I wish I had space in which to follow further these still-speaking relics of
a past, whose interest offers such rich reward. In his essay “Ashiepattle, or
Hans seeks his Luck” (The Chances of Death, Vol. II, pp. 51-91), Prof. Karl
Pearson has fully and beautifully shown the evidence for mother-right to be
found in these stories. To this essay the reader, who still is in doubt, is
referred. All that has been possible to me is to suggest an inquiry that any
one can pursue for himself. It is the difficulty of treating so wide and
fascinating a subject in briefest outline that so many things that should be
noticed have to be passed over.
The witness afforded by these folk-stories for mother-right cannot be
neglected. For what interpretation are we to place on the curious facts they
record? Are we to regard this maternal marriage with descent through the
daughter, and not the son, as idle inventions of the storytellers? Do these
princesses and their peasant wooers belong to the topsy-turvy land of
fairies? No: in these stories, drawn from so many various countries, we
have echoes of a very distant past. It is by placing the customs here
represented by the side of similar social conditions still to be found among
primitive maternal peoples, that we find their significance. We then
understand that these old, old stories of the folk really take us back to the
age in which they first took form. We have read these “fairy stories” to our
children, unknowing what they signified—a prophetic succession of
witnesses, pointing us back to the ripening of that phase of the communal
family, before the establishment of the individual patriarchal rule, when the
law was mother-right, and all inheritance was through women.
I would add to this chapter a notice I have just recently lighted on[246] of
the ancient warrior, Queen Meave of Ireland. She is represented as tall and
beautiful, terrible in her battle chariot, when she drove full speed into the
press of fighting men. Her virtues were those of a warlike barbarian king,
and she claimed the like large liberty in morals. Her husband was Ailill, the
Connaught king; their marriage was literally a partnership wherein Meave,

making her own terms, demanded from her husband exact equality of
treatment. The three essential qualities on which she insisted were that he
should be brave, and generous, and completely devoid of jealousy.

FOOTNOTES:
[230] Cushing, Zuñi Creation Myths.
[231] Gen. ii, 18, 21-23.
[232] McLennan, Studies, “Kinship in Ancient Greece”; Letourneau, Evolution
of Marriage, pp. 336-337, and Starcke, The Primitive Family, pp. 115-116.
[233] Starcke, pp. 249-250, citing Bachofen’s Antiquarische Briefe, Vol. I, p.
140.
[234] K. Pearson, Chances of Death, Vol. II, Essays on the Mother-age
Civilisation, etc. Many of the facts given in this chapter are taken from these
illuminative essays.
[235] K. Pearson, Ibid., p. 102.
[236] The Truth about Woman, p. 198.
[237] Ibid., pp. 109-110.
[238] See Spain Revisited, and Things Seen in Spain.
[239] Ibid., p. 158.
[240] Newbold, Account of the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Vol.
II, p. 221.
[241] McLennan, Studies, “Kinship in Ancient Greece,” p. 235.
[242] This is done by Bachofen, and also, to some extent, by McLennan.
[243] See The Truth about Woman, p. 228.
[244] K. Pearson, The Truth about Woman, p. 70 note.
[245] In this connection, see K. Pearson in the essay already quoted, p. 85 et seq.
[246] “Ancient Irish Sagas,” Century, Jan. 1907.

CHAPTER XII
CONCLUDING REMARKS

My investigation of the mother-age might fitly have terminated with the
preceding chapter; but the immense interest which attaches to the subject,
and the amount of misconception which prevails regarding the origin and
conditions of the maternal family, as well as my own special views upon it,
induce me to devote a brief final chapter to a few observations that to me
seem to be important.
In my little book (which must be regarded rather as a sketch or design
than as a finished work) an attempt has been made to approach the problem
of the primitive family from a new and decisive standpoint. I am well aware
that in certain directions I have crossed the threshold only of the subjects
treated. I hope that at least I have opened up suggestions of many questions
on which I could not dwell at length. All this may bring the hesitation that
leads to further inquiry. And I believe that those of my readers who will
follow out an investigation for themselves in any direction—either in the
collecting of maternal customs among existing primitive peoples, or in
noting the relics of such customs to be met with in historical records and in
folk-lore, will find an ever increasing store of evidence, and that then the
discredited mother-age, with its mother-right customs, will become for
them what it is for me, a necessary and accepted stage in the evolution of
human societies.
Many of the conclusions to which I have come are so completely
opposed to those which generally have been accepted as correct, that now, I
am at the end of my inquiry it will be well to sum up briefly its result.
The facts I have so rapidly enumerated have a very wide bearing; they
serve to destroy the accepted foundations on which the claim for mother-
right has hitherto been based. The first stage of the family was patriarchal.
All the evidence we possess tends to show that tracing descent through the
mother was not the primitive custom. Throughout my aim has been to bring

into uniformity the opposing theories of the primeval patriarchate and the
maternal family. The current view, so often asserted, and manifestly
inspired by a Puritanical ideal, insists that mother-descent arose through
uncertain fatherhood, and was connected with an early period of
promiscuous relationships between the two sexes. This view has been
proved to be entirely wrong. The system of maternal descent was a system
framed for order, and had in its origin, at least, no connection with sexual
disorder. Further than this, it is certain that marriage in some form has
always existed, and that the sexual relationships have never been
unregulated. We must renounce any theory of primitive promiscuity. And
there is more than this to be said. Such freedom in love and in marriage as
we do find in barbarous societies is so strong a proof of friendly feeling and
security that it is certain it could not have existed in the first stage of the
jealous patriarchate; rather it must have developed at a subsequent period
with the growth of the social-tribal spirit, and the liberty of women from the
thrall of sexual ownership. In these particulars my opinion differs from all
other writers who have sought to establish a theory of matriarchy. I venture
to claim that the position of the mother-age has been strengthened, and, as I
hope, built up on surer foundations.
Let us cast a brief glance backward over the way that we have travelled.
Our most primitive ancestors, half-men, half-brutes, lived in small,
solitary and hostile family groups, held together by a common subjection to
the strongest male, who was the father and the owner of all the women, and
their children. There was no promiscuity, for there could be no possible
union in peace. Here was the most primitive form of jealous ownership by
the male, as he killed or drove off his rivals; his fights were the brutal
precursors of all sexual restrictions for women. These customs of brute
ownership are still in great measure preserved among the least developed
races. This explains how there are many rude peoples that exhibit no traces
at all of the system of mother-descent. In the lowest nomad bands of
savages of the deserts and forests we find still these rough paternal groups,
who know no social bonds, but are ruled alone by brute strength and jealous
ownership. With them development has been very slow; they have not yet
advanced to the social organisation of the maternal clan.

From these first solitary families, grouped submissively around one
tyrant-ruler, we reach a second stage out of which order and organisation
sprang. In this second stage the family expanded into the larger group of the
communal clan. The upward direction of this transformation is evident; the
change was from the most selfish individualism to a communism more or
less complete—from the primordial patriarchate to a free social
organisation, all the members of which are bound together by a strict
solidarity of interests. The progress was necessarily slow from the
beginning to this first phase of social life. Yet the change came. With the
fierce struggle for existence, association was the only possible way, not
only to further progress, but to prevent extermination.
It has been shown that the earliest movements towards peace came
through the influence of the women, for it was in their interest to
consolidate the family, and, by means of union, to establish their own
power. Collective motives were more considered by women, not at all
because of any higher standard of feminine moral virtue, but because of the
peculiar advantages arising to themselves and to their children—advantages
of freedom which could not exist in a society inspired by individual
inclination. And for this reason the clan system may be considered as a
feminine creation, which had special relation to motherhood. Under this
influence, the marital rights of the male members were restricted and
confined. A system of taboos was established, which as time advanced was
greatly strengthened by the sacred totem marks, and became of inexorable
strictness. In this way association between the jealous fighting males was
made possible.
Here, then, are the reasons that led to the formation of the maternal
family and the communal clan. It was a movement that had nothing about it
that was exceptional; it was a perfectly natural arrangement—the practical
outgrowth of the practical needs of primitive peoples. The strong and
certain claim for the acceptance for the mother-age, with its privileged
position for women, rests on this foundation.
Let us be quite clear as to the real question involved, for it is a crucial
one. I refer to the complete disturbance arising through this change in the
family organisation in the relationships between the two sexes. A wife was
no longer the husband’s property. Her position was unchanged by marriage,

for her rights were safeguarded by her kindred, whose own interests could
be protected only through her freedom.
If we turn next to the status of men—of the husband and father—in the
maternal kindred group, we find their power and influence at first gradually,
and then rapidly, decreasing. It was under these conditions of family
communism that the rights of the husband and father were restricted on
every side. Not only does he not stand out as a principal person from the
background of the familial clan; he has not even any recognised social
existence in the family group. This restriction of the husband and father was
clearly dependent on the form of marriage. We have seen that the individual
relationships between the sexes began with the reception of temporary
lovers by the woman in her own home. But a relationship thus formed
would tend under favourable circumstances to be continued, and, in some
cases, perpetuated. The lover became the husband; he left the home of his
mother to reside with his wife among her kin; he was still without property
or any recognised rights in her clan, with no—or very little—control over
the woman and none over her children, occupying, indeed, the position of a
more or less permanent guest in her hut or tent. The wife’s position and that
of her children was assured, and in the case of a separation it was the man
who departed, leaving her in possession.
Under such an organisation the family and social customs were in most
cases—and always, I believe, in their complete maternal form—favourable
to women. Kinship was reckoned through the mother, since in this way
alone could the undivided family be maintained. The continuity of the clan
thus depending on the women, they were placed in a very special position
of importance, the mother was at least the nominal head of the household,
shaping the destiny of the clan through the aid of her clan-kindred. Her
closest male relation was not her husband, but her brother and her son; she
was the conduit by which property passed to and from them. Often women
established their own claims and all property was held by them; which
under favourable circumstances developed into what may literally be called
a matriarchate. In all cases the child’s position was dependent entirely on
the mother and not on the father. Such a system of inheritance may be
briefly summarised as “mother-right.”

There is another matter to notice. Every possible experiment in sexual
association has been tried, and is still practised among various barbarous
races, with very little reference to those moral ideas to which we are
accustomed. It is, however, very necessary to remember that monogamy is
frequent and indeed usual under the maternal system. We have seen many
examples where, with complete freedom of separation held by the wife,
lasting and most happy marriages are the rule. When the husband lives with
his wife in a dependent position to her family he can do so only in the case
of one woman. For this reason polygamy is much less deeply rooted under
the conditions in which the communal life is developed than in patriarchal
communities. In the complete maternal family it is never common, and is
even prohibited.[247]
As we might expect, the case is quite opposite with polyandry. This form
of marriage has evident advantages for women when compared with
polygamy; it is also a form that requires a certain degree of social
civilisation. It clearly involves the limitation of the individual marital rights
of the husband. Polyandry in the joint family group was not due to a
licentious view of marriage; far otherwise, it was an expression of the
communism which is characteristic of this organisation. This fact has been
forgotten by many writers, who have regarded this form of the sexual
relationships as a very primitive development, connected with group-
marriage and promiscuous ownership of women. It is very necessary to be
clear on this point. Under the maternal conditions, nothing is more certain
than the equality of women with men in all questions of sexual morality. In
proof of this it is necessary only to recall the facts we have noted. We find
little or no importance attached to virginity, which in itself indicates the
absence of any conception of the woman as property. Thus no bride-price is
claimed from the husband, who renders service in proof of his fitness as a
lover, not to gain possession of the bride. The girl is frequently the wooer,
and, in certain cases, she or her mother imposes the conditions of the
marriage. After marriage the free provision for divorce (often more
favourable to the wife than to the husband) is perhaps of even greater
significance. There can, I think, be no doubt that this freedom in love was
dependent on the wife’s position of security under the maternal form of
marriage.

I hold that the facts brought forward entitle us to claim that the maternal
communal clan was an organisation in which there was a freer community
of interest, far more fellowship in labour and partnership in property, with a
resulting liberty for woman, than we find in any patriarchal society. For this
reason, shall we, then, look back to this maternal stage as to a golden
period, wherein was realised a free social organisation, carrying with it
privileges for women, which even to-day among ourselves have never been
established, and only of late claimed? It is a question very difficult to
answer, and we must not in any haste rush into mistakes. We found that the
mother-age was a transitional stage in the history of the evolution of
society, and we have indicated the stages of its gradual decline. It is thus
proved to have been a less stable social system than the patriarchate which
again succeeded it, or it would not have perished in the struggle with it.
Must we conclude from this that the one form of the family is higher than
the other—that the superior advantage rests with the patriarchal system?
Not at all: rather it proves how difficult is the struggle to socialise. Human
nature tends so readily towards individualism; it yields itself up to the joy of
possession whenever it is possible.
The impulse to dominate by virtue of strength or property possession has
manifested itself in every age. It cannot be a matter of surprise, therefore,
that at this period of social development a rebellion arose against the
customs of maternal communism. Within the large and undivided family of
the clan the restricted family became gradually re-established by a
reassertion of individual interests. In proportion as the family gained in
importance (which would arise as the struggle for existence lessened and
the need of association was less imperative) the interest of the individual
members would become separated from the group to which they belonged.
Each one would endeavour to get himself as large a share as possible of
what was formerly held in common. As society advanced property would
increase in value, and the social and political significance of its possession
would also increase. Afterwards, when personal property was acquired,
each man would aim at gaining a more exclusive right over his wife and
children; he would not willingly submit to the bondage of the maternal form
of marriage.
In the earlier days the clan spirit was too strong, now men had shaken off,
to a degree sufficient for their purpose, the female yoke, which bound the

clan together. We have seen the husband and father moving towards the
position of a fully acknowledged legal parent by a system of buying off his
wife and her children from their clan-group. The movement arose in the
first instance through a property value being connected with women
themselves. As soon as the women’s kindred found in their women the
possibility of gaining worldly goods for themselves, they began to claim
service and presents from their lovers. It was in this way for economic
reasons, and for no moral considerations that the maternal marriage fell into
disfavour. The payment of a bride-price was claimed, and an act of purchase
was accounted essential. As we have seen, it was regarded as a condition,
not so much of the marriage itself, but of the transference of the wife to the
home of the husband and of the children to his kindred. The change was, of
course, effected slowly; and often we find the two forms of marriage—the
maternal and the purchase-marriage—occurring side by side. What,
however, is certain is that the purchase-marriage in the struggle was the one
that prevailed.
This reversal in the form of the marriage brought about a corresponding
reversal in the status of women. This is so plain. The women of the family
do not now inherit property, but are themselves property, passing from the
hands of their father to that of a husband. As purchased wives they are
compelled to reside in the husband’s house and among his kin, who have no
rights or duties in regard to them, and where they are strangers. In a word,
the wife occupies the same position of disadvantage as the man had done in
the maternal marriage. And her children kept her bound to this alien home
in a much closer way than the husband could ever have been bound to her
home. The protection of her own kindred was the source of the woman’s
power and strength. This was now lost. The change was not brought about
without a struggle, and for long the old customs contended with the new.
But as the patriarchate developed, and men began to gain individual
possession of their children by the purchase of their mothers, the father
became the dominant power in the family. Little by little individual interests
prevailed. Moral limits were set up. Women’s freedom was threatened on
every side as the jealous ownership, which always arises wherever women
are regarded as property, asserted itself. Mother-right passed away,
remaining only as a tradition, or preserved in isolated cases among
primitive peoples. The patriarchal age, which still endures, succeeded.

Yet in this connection it is very necessary to remember that the
reassertion of the patriarchate was as necessary a stage in human
development as the maternal stage. Whatever may have been the
advantages arising to women from the clan organisation (and that the
advantages were great I claim to have proved) such conditions could not
remain fixed for ever. For society is not stable; it cannot be, as the need for
adjustment is always arising, and at certain stages of development different
tendencies are active. No one cause can be isolated, and, therefore, it is
necessary in estimating any change to take a synthetic view of many facts
that are contemporaneous and interacting. Yet, it would seem that the social
and domestic habits of a people are decided largely by the degree of
dominance held either by women or men; and almost everything else
depends on the accurate adjustment of the rights of the two sexes.
The social clan organised around the mothers carried mankind a long
way—a way the length of which we are only beginning to realise. But it
could not carry mankind to that family organisation from which so much
was afterwards to develop. It was no more possible for society to be built up
on mother-right alone than it is possible for it to remain permanently based
on father-right.
But there is another aspect of this question that I must briefly touch upon.
The opinion that the reversal in the position of authority of the mother and
the father arose from male mastery, or was due to any unfair domination on
the part of the husband must be set aside. To me the history of the mother-
age does not teach this. I believe that the change to the individual family
must have been regarded favourably by the women themselves, for such a
change could not have arisen, at all events it would not have persisted, if
women, with the power they then enjoyed, had not desired it. Nor need this
bring any surprise. An arrangement that would give a closer relationship in
marriage and the protection of a husband for herself and her children may
well have come to be preferred by the wife. Nor do I think it unlikely that
she, quite as strongly as the man, may have desired to live apart from her
mother and her kindred in her husband’s home. Individual interests are not
confined to men.
With all the evils father-right has brought to women, we have got to
remember that the woman owes the individual relation of the man to herself

and her children to the patriarchal system. The father’s right in his children
(which, unlike the right of the mother, was not founded upon kinship, but
rested on the quite different and insecure basis of property) had to be re-
established. Without this being done, the family in its complete
development was impossible. The survival value of the patriarchal age
consists in the additional gain to the children of the father’s to the mother’s
care. I do not think this gain will ever be lost. We women need to remember
this lest bitterness stains our sense of justice. It may be that progress could
not have been accomplished otherwise; that the cost of love’s development
has been the enslavement of women. If so, then women will not, in the long
account of Nature, have lost in the payment of the price. They may be
(when they come again to understand their power) better fitted for their
refound freedom.
Such is the history of the past, what is the promise of the future?
We have traced three stages in the past evolution of the family—two
individual and patriarchal, one communal and maternal. Is the patriarchal
stage, then, the final stage? Has the upward growth, ever yet continuous,
been arrested here? The social ideal of the mother-age was a transition and a
dream—but as a moment of peace in the records of struggle, following the
bloody opening drama in man’s history, and then passing into a
forgetfulness so complete that its existence by many has been denied. Yet
the feet of the race were in the way, though men and women let it pass,
blindly unknowing.
Our age is working for scarcely yet formulated changes in the ownership
of property and in the status of women. The patriarchal view of woman’s
subjection to man is being questioned in every direction. What do these
movements indicate? If, as seems probable, the individual evolution,
already for so long continued, is perishing, what is to take its place? What
form will the family take in the future? These are questions to which it is
not possible for me here even to attempt to find the answer.[248]
Let us look for a moment in this new direction, the direction of the
future, because it is there that the past becomes so important. In our
contemporary society there is a deep-lying dissatisfaction with existing
conditions, a yearning and restless need for change. We stand in the first

rush of a great movement. It is the day of experiments, when again the old
customs are in struggle with the new. We are questioning where before we
have accepted, and are seeking out new ways in which mankind will go—
will go because it must.
Social institutions alter very slowly as a rule; for long a change may pass
unnoticed, until one day it is discovered that a step forward has been taken.
Those changes that appear so new and are bringing fear to many to-day, are
but the last consequences of causes that for long have been operating
slowly. The extraordinary enthusiasm now sweeping through womanhood
reveals behind its immediate feverish expression a great power of emotional
and spiritual initiative. Wide and radically sweeping are the changes in
women’s outlook. So much stronger is the promise of a vital force when
they have refound their emancipation. To this end women must gain
economic security, and the freedom for the full expression of their
womanhood. The ultimate goal I conceive—at least I hope—is the right to
be women, not the right to become like men. There can be no gain for
women except this. To be mothers were women created and to be fathers
men. This rightly considered is the deepest of all truths.
What is needed at present is that women should be allowed to rediscover
for themselves what is their woman’s work, rather than that they should
continue to accept perforce the rôle which men (rightly or wrongly) have at
various times allowed to them throughout the patriarchal ages. This
necessity is as much a necessity for men as it is for women.
I do not think that women will fail (even if for a time they stumble a
little) in finding the way. The vital germinal spot of each forward step in
women’s position must be sought with the women who are the conscious
mothers of the race. The great women reformers are not those who would
have women act just like men in all externals, but those who are conscious
that all men are born of women. In this lies women’s strength in the past
and in this must be their strength in that glad future that is to be. But only if
motherhood is regarded as an intrinsic glory, and children are born in
freedom. Think what this means. The birth of a child, in so far as its mother
has not received the sanction of a man, is subject to the fire and brimstone
of public scorn. And this scorn is the most pitiful result in all the patriarchal
record. A woman’s natural right is her right to be a mother, and it is the

most inglorious page in the history of woman that too often she has allowed
herself to be deprived of that right. Women have this lesson first to learn.
We, and not men, must fix the standard in sex, for we have to play the chief
part in the racial life. Let us, then, reacquire our proud instinctive
consciousness, which we are fully justified in having, of being the mothers
of humanity; and having that consciousness, once more we shall be
invincible.

FOOTNOTES:
[247] It is significant that in Sumatra polygamy occurs with the djudur
marriages, where the wife is bought and lives with her husband, while it is
unknown in the maternal marriages. It is frequent in Africa and elsewhere, when
the marriage is not the maternal form.
[248] I hope to do so in a future book on Motherhood.

INDEX
A
Absorption by the male of female
ideas, 75
Advance of the family to the clan and
tribe, 36, 67-91, 170, 256 et seq.
Africa, 174-176, 204-205
Agriculture and women, 60 et seq.,
116, 158, 194-208
Ahitas of Philippines, 152
Alladians of Gold Coast, 185
Allison, Mrs., 198
Amazons, 34, 36, 38, 228, 245-246
Amazons, revolt of, 31, 32, 36, 38
Ambel-anak marriage, 147, 182
American aborigines, 27, 95-131,
148, 198, 206
Andamanese, women’s work among,
197
Andombies, women’s work among,
201
Apes, anthropoid, 72, 80, 81
Arabia, 178, 206
Arabs, 179-180, 189

Architects, women as primitive, 117,
203
Arruwimi tribe, 201
Aryans, mother-descent among, 230
et seq.
Athens, 216, 220
Atkinson, Mr., 24, 47, 51, 52, 56, 69,
71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 84,
85, 86
Australia, 102, 167-170, 178
Australia, work of women in, 197,
200, 210

B
Babylon, position of women in
ancient, 214-215
Bacchanalian festivals, 38, 241, 243
Bachofen, 26 et seq., 40, 97, 154,
165, 216, 240, 245
Bachofen’s theory of matriarchy, 26-
44
Bancroft, 116, 119, 124, 125, 184
Bandelier, 207
Banyai tribe, 183
Barton, 178
Basques, 229
Batu tribe, 175
Bavili tribe, 185

Beena marriage, 178, 182, 183, 223,
248
Benefits of marriage law for women,
32
Beni-Amer of Africa, 211
Berbers, 222-227
Bonwick, 195
Brewers, women as, 203
Bride-price, 159, 184, 190, 260, 263
Brute-force of male, 44.
See Father as tyrant.
Buckley, 197, 198

C
Californian Redskins, 124
Campbell, 183
Capture of wives, 51, 64, 74, 80, 83,
169, 181
Celts, 233, 234
Ceylon, 173, 182
Charleroix, 114
Chavanne, 160, 161
Chivalry, 162
Choice in love, the right of the
female, 64, 113, 151-153, 177,
260
Clan, primitive, 18, 103, 166, 167,
176, 190, 209, 257 et seq.

Communal living, 75, 88, 103 et seq.,
116, 117 et seq., 148 et seq., 154,
166, 174, 231, 256 et seq.
Contrast between the work of women
and men, 195 et seq.
Conventional morality, 36
Courtship, 45, 120 et seq., 151-153.
See Choice in love.
Couvade, 206, 228
Crawley, 47, 77, 82, 95, 96, 209
Creek Indians, 118-119
Crete, matriarchy in ancient, 216,
217-218, 220
Criticism of mother-right, 19, 21, 23,
24, 27, 35, 40, 42, 48, 95-96, 170,
192, 210, 253
Curr, 128
Cushing, 117, 237

D
D’Allosso, Prof., 246
Dalton, 133, 152
Dances, 100
Dargun, 230, 231
Darwin, 45
Deega marriage, 182
De Mailla, 150
Deniker, 198
Dennett, 185

Dependence of the human child, 58
Descent through the mother, 17, 26,
33, 88, 119, 160, 162 et seq., 163-
165, 213-214, 220 et seq., 224,
227, 230, 232-233, 249 et seq.,
257, 258 et seq.
Diodorus, 211, 212
Divinities, women as, 136 et seq.,
154, 214, 217, 219, 229, 231, 240
Divorce, 113, 121, 141-143, 157, 179,
206, 260
Djudur marriage, 182, 259
Doctors, women as, 203
Domestication of animals, 203
Duveyrier, 160, 161, 162

E
Economic matriarchy, 159 et seq.
Egypt, position of women in ancient,
162, 211-214, 227
Ellis, Havelock, 153, 192, 199, 201,
203, 205, 215
Euripedes, 239
Exogamy, 76-77, 87, 119, 123, 135,
141, 154
Expansion of the family into the clan,
67 et seq., 79 et seq., 86-87, 97,
256 et seq.

F

Fairy stories, their evidence for
mother-right, 246-252
Family, primitive, 41, 48 et seq., 54-
55, 68 et seq., 168-169, 256 et
seq.
Fanti of Gold Coast, 175
Father as tyrant, 34, 44, 48, 50, 54,
57, 63, 68, 70, 72, 74, 81, 83, 168,
255
Father the true parent, 38, 39, 239
Father-right dependent on purchase,
182 et seq., 185-186, 188, 190,
262-263
Female dominance, 35, 111, 133, 156,
159.
See Gynæcocracy.
Ferrass, Max Henry, 80
Fison, 193, 200, 206
Folk-lore as evidence of mother-right,
233, 234, 236 et seq., 249, 251
Food and women, 59 et seq.
See Industry and women.
Forbes, 183
Formosans, 150-151
Frazer, 133, 179, 187, 215, 220, 233
Fuegians, 203

G

Garos, 151-152
Germans, mother-descent among,
230-231
Giraud-Teulon, 28, 176, 216
Greece, ancient, traces of mother-
right in, 216-222
Grimm, 231
Grote, 216
Guinea, 181
Gurdon, P. R., 132, 135, 137, 139,
140, 143
Gynæcocracy, 27, 30, 34, 38, 97, 112,
133, 156, 159-162, 176

H
Haddon, 153, 196
Haidis, 187
Hale, Horatio, 205
Hall, J. R., 217, 218
Hammurabi, Code of, 214
Hartland, 114, 123, 125, 172, 177,
186
Hassanyah Arabs, 179-180
Haydes, 198
Hearne, 178
Hebrew patriarchs, 13, 222 et seq.
Heriot, 110, 113, 120
Herodotus, 211, 217, 221

Herrera, 117
Hodgson, 159, 177
Hoffman, 208
Home, woman’s connection with the,
34-35, 36, 59, 84, 150, 193 et
seq., 263
Homer, 219
Hooker, Sir J., 133
Hopis, 122-123
Hospitality, American-Indian, 108,
230
Howitt, 193, 200
Husband as “consort guest,” 15.
See Maternal marriage.
Husband visiting the wife by night,
81, 83, 140-141, 220, 258

I

Iberians, mother-right among, 226-
227
Ibn Batua, 178
Illegitimacy, 122, 184, 185, 189
Im Thurn, 196, 200
Importance of mother-descent, 17,
20, 21, 27, 32-33, 88-89, 99, 100,
119, 121, 133, 139, 143, 149 et
seq., 153, 155, 156, 166, 170,
173, 175, 258-259, 261
Incest, paternal, 79, 176-178

India, 102.
See Khasis.
Indians of Guiana, 195, 200
Industry and women, 60-62, 102, 116,
117, 134, 135, 150, 175, 192-208

J
Jealousy, 45 et seq., 51-53, 54, 60, 62,
65, 67, 68, 73, 86, 90, 104, 157,
170, 191, 253
Johnstone, H. H., 201
Joint tenement houses, 106, 117, 148-
149, 230
Joyce.
See Torday.
Justin, 228

K

Kaffirs, 203
Kamilaroi and Kurnai tribes, 193, 201
Kamtschatdals, 203
Khasis, 132-146, 177, 218
Kingsley, Miss, 175
Kinship through women.
See Descent through mother.
Koochs, 176-177
Kubary, 155-156
Kurds, 204

L

Laing, 176
Lang, Andrew, 24, 47, 51, 56, 95
Legends, 33, 101, 137, 217, 219, 232,
236-240, 243-246
Letourneau, 162, 172, 176, 215, 233,
239
Liburni tribes, 188, 231
Limboltz, 152
Limboo tribe, 183
Lippert, 176
Livingstone, 183
Logan, J. R., 133
Lyell, Sir Chas., 132, 137

M

Macdonald, 183, 200
McGee, 16, 27, 117, 126, 133, 149,
152, 201
McLennan, 26, 27, 33, 38, 40, 41, 42,
43, 44, 52, 76, 105, 155, 181, 183,
185, 187, 220, 229, 244, 245
McLennan, theory of mother-right, 40
et seq.
Madagascar, 189, 226
Maine, Sir H., 18, 223
Malay States, 147 et seq.
Malwlo tribe, 185

Mang’anja tribe, 188
Manyuema tribe, 201
Maoris, 186
Marsden, 182
Marvana Islanders, 180
Mason, O., 197, 200, 202
Maternal love, 69, 70 et seq., 263
Maternal marriage, 15, 17, 41, 85, 86,
87, 100, 112 et seq., 114, 119,
123, 127, 147, 149, 158, 166, 176,
177, 183, 223, 232, 233, 247 et
seq., 258
Matriarchal theory, mistakes in, 15,
16, 19, 39 et seq., 90-91, 97, 98.
See Criticism of mother-right.
Matriarchate. See Gynæcocracy.
Meave, Queen of Ireland, 252
Menomini Indians, 207
Monogamy, 119, 122, 123, 125, 149,
259
Monopolist desire of male, 186-187.
See Unsocial conduct of males.
Moore, 152
Moral prohibition, primitive, 119.
See Taboos.
Morgan, 27, 40, 103, 104, 105, 109,
111, 117, 118
Müller, 216
Musical faculty of women, 161

N

Naïrs of Malabar, 171-174
Newbold, 243
New Caledonia, women’s work in,
197
New Guinea, 152-153
New theory of mother-right, 35, 43-
44, 48 et seq., 72, 90-91, 96, 97,
170, 212, 254, 257
Nicaraguans, 125

O
Origin of the human family, 21, 24,
25, 41-42, 50 et seq., 77, 90, 255
et seq.
Origin of the maternal system, 16, 41,
43, 88-89, 166, 257 et seq.
Owen, 115, 197
Ownership of children, 115, 141, 183
et seq., 187

P

Pakpatan, 189
Pani Kotches, 158-159
Papuans of New Guinea, 201
Paraguay, 152
Parenthood, 37, 268-269
Parke, 201

Passivity of female in love, 153
Patriarchal authority of father, 19, 35,
48, 51, 63, 68, 72, 74, 81.
See Father as tyrant.
Patriarchal family, 35, 45, 91, 215,
222, 255 et seq.
Patriarchal theory, 24, 26, 35, 45 et
seq., 254
Pearson, K., 231, 240, 241, 243, 248,
250, 251
Pecuniary matriarchy, 159
Pedangs of Sumatra, 148-150
Pelew Islanders, 152-159, 207-208
Petherick, 180
Picts, mother-descent among, 232
Pike, W., 198
Plato, 239
Plutarch, 216, 220
Polyandry, 42, 51, 112, 125, 136, 173,
260
Polygamous males, 49, 50, 52
Polygamy, 112, 125, 157, 259
Polynesians, 203
Position of the father, 13, 15, 17, 21,
58 et seq., 141, 143, 149, 165,
170, 173, 191, 225, 238, 242, 257
Position of the mother, 13, 15, 17, 21,
58 et seq., 111, 165, 176, 191,
225, 238, 257

Position of women, 18, 20, 21, 25,
26, 106, 143, 152, 158, 192, 204,
238
Powell, 114, 116
Power, 202, 224
Pre-matriarchal period, 35, 169, 255
Present social and economic
condition, 14, 267-269
Prevalence of mother-descent, 17,
128-129, 209-210, 233
Primal law, 24, 47, 52, 73, 74, 75, 77
Promiscuity, 23, 25, 27, 31, 32, 40 et
seq., 43, 45 et seq., 76, 97, 99,
168, 209-210, 255
Property ownership, its importance
for women, 43, 45 et seq., 77, 97,
99, 168, 209-210, 255
Pueblos, 116 et seq., 200, 207
Purchase marriage, 124, 177, 182,
233
Puritan spirit, 36, 96, 255

Q
Quissama women, 203

R
Race, responsibility to, 37, 268-269
Ratzel, 206

Religions, position of women in
primitive, 29, 37, 238, 241.
See Divinities, women as.
Religious festivals, 241, 242-243
Religious myths, 29-30, 33, 236-238
Revolt of women, 31, 34, 35, 44, 267
Rhys and Brynmor-Jones, 233
Riedel, 183
Rome, ancient, traces of mother-right
in, 215-216

S

Sai tribe, 123-124
Salish tribe, 127
Samoa, 187
Santals, 177
Schellong, 201
School craft, 110, 112, 116
Semper, 157
Senecas. See Iroquois.
Seri Indians, 126-128
Service marriage, 147-150, 184, 222-
223
Sex antagonism, 36, 55, 264 et seq.
Sexual egoism of male, 61, 67.
See Unsocial conduct of males.
Sexual freedom for women, 120, 127,
171, 173, 178, 179-180, 260

Sexual subjection of female, 53, 63,
68, 189, 191, 265-266
Similarity of sexes, 129-131, 218
Similkameen Indians, 198
Slavs, the clan among the, 231
Social conduct of women, 31, 34, 55
et seq., 59-65, 68, 70, 72, 75, 81,
90, 107, 193, 256 et seq.
Social habits, primitive, 23, 49, 58 et
seq., 67, 81, 107 et seq., 170.
See Maternal marriage.
Soulima women, 176
Spain, position of women in, 227-230
Sparta, 220, 222
Spencer, H., 180
Spiritual quality in women, 31, 56, 68
Stages in the development of the
family, 17, 23, 97, 168, 174, 194,
254 et seq.

T
Taboos, primitive sexual, 73, 77-78,
107, 168, 170, 257
Tacitus, 230
Tarrahumari Indians, 152
Tasmanian women, 195
Thebans, 220
Thibet, 173
Thomas, C., 129

Thomas, I. T., 181, 202
Thomas, N. W., 95
Torday and Joice, 184
Torres Straits, women’s work in, 196
Totem names, 77, 87, 119, 168, 257
Touaregs of the Saraha, 159-162, 227
Transition period, 12, 23, 151, 169,
184 et seq., 187, 235, 261
Tribal ancestresses, 135, 155, 226,
231, 233, 234
Turner, 188, 197
Tylor, 25, 98, 104, 117, 152

U
Uncertainty of paternity, 27, 41, 42,
99, 141, 254
Unsocial conduct of male, 55 et seq.,
61-64, 68, 71, 72, 75, 90, 193,
256

V

Visiting wife in secret, 140-141, 147,
220, 222-223, 258
Volti, 123

W

Wade, 189
Waitz-Gerland, 181

Wamoimia, 175
War and women, 115-116, 197-198,
246
Watubela tribe, 183
Wayao tribe, 183
Wells, Mr. H. G., 24, 52, 192
Werner, Alice, 175, 204
Westermarck, 18, 35, 42, 47, 76, 95,
99, 125, 152, 168, 209
Wheeler, J. M., 152
Wilkin, 188, 189
Woman as food-giver, 60, 202 et seq.
Woman’s movement, 11 et seq., 267-
268
Women, primitive, not ill-treated by
men, 200 et seq.
Women, spiritual superiority, 30
Wright, Asher, Rev., 111
Wyandots. See Iroquois.

Y

Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego, 198
Yaos of Africa, 175
Ymer, 157
Yokia women of California, 202

Z
Zuñi Indians, 117-118, 120-122

Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London
and Bungay.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

THE TRUTH ABOUT
WOMAN
By C. GASQUOINE HARTLEY
(Mrs. Walter Gallichan)
Fourth Edition 7s. 6d. net
SOME PRESS OPINIONS
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