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Title: History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

Author: Niccolò Machiavelli

Release date: March 31, 2006 [eBook #2464]
Most recently updated: February 7, 2013

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2464

Credits: Produced by John Bickers; Dagny; David Widger

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF
FLORENCE AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY ***

HISTORY OF FLORENCE
AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF
ITALY

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE
MAGNIFICENT

By Niccolo Machiavelli

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

THE FLORENTINE HISTORY OF NICCOLO
MACHIAVELLI

BOOK I
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

BOOK II
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII
CHAPTER VIII
CHAPTER IX

BOOK III
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII

BOOK IV

CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII

BOOK V
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII

BOOK VI
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII

BOOK VII
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI

BOOK VIII
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
CHAPTER IV
CHAPTER V
CHAPTER VI
CHAPTER VII

With an Introduction by
HUGO ALBERT RENNERT, Ph.D.
Professor of Romanic Languages and Literature,
University of Pennsylvania.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This text was typed up from a Universal Classics Library edition,
published in 1901 by W. Walter Dunne, New York and London. The
translator was not named. The book contains a "photogravure" of
Niccolo Machiavelli from an engraving.

INTRODUCTION
Niccolo Machiavelli, the first great Italian historian, and one of the most
eminent political writers of any age or country, was born at Florence, May
3, 1469. He was of an old though not wealthy Tuscan family, his father,
who was a jurist, dying when Niccolo was sixteen years old. We know
nothing of Machiavelli's youth and little about his studies. He does not
seem to have received the usual humanistic education of his time, as he
knew no Greek.[*] The first notice of Machiavelli is in 1498 when we find
him holding the office of Secretary in the second Chancery of the Signoria,
which office he retained till the downfall of the Florentine Republic in
1512. His unusual ability was soon recognized, and in 1500 he was sent on
a mission to Louis XII. of France, and afterward on an embassy to Cæsar
Borgia, the lord of Romagna, at Urbino. Machiavelli's report and
description of this and subsequent embassies to this prince, shows his
undisguised admiration for the courage and cunning of Cæsar, who was a
master in the application of the principles afterwards exposed in such a
skillful and uncompromising manner by Machiavelli in his Prince.
The limits of this introduction will not permit us to follow with any detail
the many important duties with which he was charged by his native state, all
of which he fulfilled with the utmost fidelity and with consummate skill.
When, after the battle of Ravenna in 1512 the holy league determined upon
the downfall of Pier Soderini, Gonfaloniere of the Florentine Republic, and
the restoration of the Medici, the efforts of Machiavelli, who was an ardent
republican, were in vain; the troops he had helped to organize fled before
the Spaniards and the Medici were returned to power. Machiavelli
attempted to conciliate his new masters, but he was deprived of his office,
and being accused in the following year of participation in the conspiracy of
Boccoli and Capponi, he was imprisoned and tortured, though afterward set
at liberty by Pope Leo X. He now retired to a small estate near San
Casciano, seven miles from Florence. Here he devoted himself to political
and historical studies, and though apparently retired from public life, his
letters show the deep and passionate interest he took in the political
vicissitudes through which Italy was then passing, and in all of which the

singleness of purpose with which he continued to advance his native
Florence, is clearly manifested. It was during his retirement upon his little
estate at San Casciano that Machiavelli wrote The Prince, the most famous
of all his writings, and here also he had begun a much more extensive work,
his Discourses on the Decades of Livy, which continued to occupy him for
several years. These Discourses, which do not form a continuous
commentary on Livy, give Machiavelli an opportunity to express his own
views on the government of the state, a task for which his long and varied
political experience, and an assiduous study of the ancients rendered him
eminently qualified. The Discourses and The Prince, written at the same
time, supplement each other and are really one work. Indeed, the treatise,
The Art of War, though not written till 1520 should be mentioned here
because of its intimate connection with these two treatises, it being, in fact,
a further development of some of the thoughts expressed in the Discorsi.
The Prince, a short work, divided into twenty-six books, is the best known
of all Machiavelli's writings. Herein he expresses in his own masterly way
his views on the founding of a new state, taking for his type and model
Cæsar Borgia, although the latter had failed in his schemes for the
consolidation of his power in the Romagna. The principles here laid down
were the natural outgrowth of the confused political conditions of his time.
And as in the Principe, as its name indicates, Machiavelli is concerned
chiefly with the government of a Prince, so the Discorsi treat principally of
the Republic, and here Machiavelli's model republic was the Roman
commonwealth, the most successful and most enduring example of popular
government. Free Rome is the embodiment of his political idea of the state.
Much that Machiavelli says in this treatise is as true to-day and holds as
good as the day it was written. And to us there is much that is of especial
importance. To select a chapter almost at random, let us take Book I., Chap.
XV.: "Public affairs are easily managed in a city where the body of the
people is not corrupt; and where equality exists, there no principality can be
established; nor can a republic be established where there is no equality."
No man has been more harshly judged than Machiavelli, especially in the
two centuries following his death. But he has since found many able
champions and the tide has turned. The Prince has been termed a manual
for tyrants, the effect of which has been most pernicious. But were
Machiavelli's doctrines really new? Did he discover them? He merely had
the candor and courage to write down what everybody was thinking and

what everybody knew. He merely gives us the impressions he had received
from a long and intimate intercourse with princes and the affairs of state. It
was Lord Bacon, I believe, who said that Machiavelli tells us what princes
do, not what they ought to do. When Machiavelli takes Cæsar Borgia as a
model, he in nowise extols him as a hero, but merely as a prince who was
capable of attaining the end in view. The life of the State was the primary
object. It must be maintained. And Machiavelli has laid down the
principles, based upon his study and wide experience, by which this may be
accomplished. He wrote from the view-point of the politician,—not of the
moralist. What is good politics may be bad morals, and in fact, by a strange
fatality, where morals and politics clash, the latter generally gets the upper
hand. And will anyone contend that the principles set forth by Machiavelli
in his Prince or his Discourses have entirely perished from the earth? Has
diplomacy been entirely stripped of fraud and duplicity? Let anyone read
the famous eighteenth chapter of The Prince: "In what Manner Princes
should keep their Faith," and he will be convinced that what was true nearly
four hundred years ago, is quite as true to-day.
Of the remaining works of Machiavelli the most important is the History
of Florence written between 1521 and 1525, and dedicated to Clement VII.
The first book is merely a rapid review of the Middle Ages, the history of
Florence beginning with Book II. Machiavelli's method has been censured
for adhering at times too closely to the chroniclers like Villani, Cambi, and
Giovanni Cavalcanti, and at others rejecting their testimony without
apparent reason, while in its details the authority of his History is often
questionable. It is the straightforward, logical narrative, which always holds
the interest of the reader that is the greatest charm of the History. Of the
other works of Machiavelli we may mention here his comedies the
Mandragola and Clizia, and his novel Belfagor.
After the downfall of the Republic and Machiavelli's release from prison
in 1513, fortune seems never again to have favoured him. It is true that in
1520 Giuliano de' Medici commissioned him to write his History of
Florence, and he afterwards held a number of offices, yet these latter were
entirely beneath his merits. He had been married in 1502 to Marietta
Corsini, who bore him four sons and a daughter. He died on June 22, 1527,
leaving his family in the greatest poverty, a sterling tribute to his honesty,
when one considers the many opportunities he doubtless had to enrich
himself. Machiavelli's life was not without blemish—few lives are. We

must bear in mind the atmosphere of craft, hypocrisy, and poison in which
he lived,—his was the age of Cæsar Borgia and of Popes like the monster
Alexander VI. and Julius II. Whatever his faults may have been,
Machiavelli was always an ardent patriot and an earnest supporter of
popular government. It is true that he was willing to accept a prince, if one
could be found courageous enough and prudent enough to unite
dismembered Italy, for in the unity of his native land he saw the only hope
of its salvation.
Machiavelli is buried in the church of Santa Croce at Florence, beside the
tomb of Michael Angelo. His monument bears this inscription:
"Tanto nomini nullum par eulogium."
And though this praise is doubtless exaggerated, he is a son of whom his
country may be justly proud.
Hugo Albert Rennert.

[*] Villari, Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi tempi, 2d ed.
Milan, 1895-97, the best work on the subject. The most
complete bibliography of Machiavelli up to 1858 is to be
found in Mohl, Gesch. u. Liter. der Staatswissenshaften,
Erlangen, 1855, III., 521-91. See also La Vita e gli
scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli nella loro Relazione col
Machiavellismo, by O. Tommasini, Turin, 1883 (unfinished).

The best English translation of Machiavelli with which I am
acquainted is: The Historical, Political, and Diplomatic
writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, translated by Christian E.
Detmold. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1882, 4 vols. 8vo.

THE FLORENTINE HISTORY OF NICCOLO
MACHIAVELLI

BOOK I

CHAPTER I
Irruption of Northern people upon the Roman territories—Visigoths—
Barbarians called in by Stilicho—Vandals in Africa—Franks and
Burgundians give their names to France and Burgundy—The Huns—
Angles give the name to England—Attila, king of the Huns, in Italy—
Genseric takes Rome—The Lombards.
The people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the Rhine and the
Danube, living in a healthy and prolific region, frequently increase to such
vast multitudes that part of them are compelled to abandon their native soil,
and seek a habitation in other countries. The method adopted, when one of
these provinces had to be relieved of its superabundant population, was to
divide into three parts, each containing an equal number of nobles and of
people, of rich and of poor. The third upon whom the lot fell, then went in
search of new abodes, leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of
their native country.
These migrating masses destroyed the Roman empire by the facilities for
settlement which the country offered when the emperors abandoned Rome,
the ancient seat of their dominion, and fixed their residence at
Constantinople; for by this step they exposed the western empire to the
rapine of both their ministers and their enemies, the remoteness of their
position preventing them either from seeing or providing for its necessities.
To suffer the overthrow of such an extensive empire, established by the
blood of so many brave and virtuous men, showed no less folly in the
princes themselves than infidelity in their ministers; for not one irruption
alone, but many, contributed to its ruin; and these barbarians exhibited
much ability and perseverance in accomplishing their object.
The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire after the
Cimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius, was the Visigoths—
which name in our language signifies "Western Goths." These, after some
battles fought along its confines, long held their seat of dominion upon the
Danube, with consent of the emperors; and although, moved by various
causes, they often attacked the Roman provinces, were always kept in
subjection by the imperial forces. The emperor Theodosius conquered them

with great glory; and, being wholly reduced to his power, they no longer
selected a sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms which he
granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns, and authority. On the
death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius and Honorius, succeeded to the
empire, but not to the talents and fortune of their father; and the times
became changed with the princes. Theodosius had appointed a governor to
each of the three divisions of the empire, Ruffinus to the eastern, to the
western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African. Each of these, after the death of
Theodosius, determined not to be governors merely, but to assume
sovereign dominion over their respective provinces. Gildo and Ruffinus
were suppressed at their outset; but Stilicho, concealing his design,
ingratiated himself with the new emperors, and at the same time so
disturbed their government, as to facilitate his occupation of it afterward. To
make the Visigoths their enemies, he advised that the accustomed stipend
allowed to this people should be withheld; and as he thought these enemies
would not be sufficient alone to disturb the empire, he contrived that the
Burgundians, Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern people in search of
new habitations), should assail the Roman provinces.
That they might be better able to avenge themselves for the injury they
had sustained, the Visigoths, on being deprived of their subsidy, created
Alaric their king; and having assailed the empire, succeeded, after many
reverses, in overrunning Italy, and finally in pillaging Rome.
After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor, Astolphus, having
married Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with them to go to the relief
of Gaul and Spain, which provinces had been assailed by the Vandals,
Burgundians, Alans, and Franks, from the causes before mentioned. Hence
it followed, that the Vandals, who had occupied that part of Spain called
Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by the Visigoths, and unable to resist
them, were invited by Boniface, who governed Africa for the empire, to
occupy that province; for, being in rebellion, he was afraid his error would
become known to the emperor. For these reasons the Vandals gladly
undertook the enterprise, and under Genseric, their king, became lords of
Africa.
At this time Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the empire; and,
bestowing little attention on the affairs of the west, caused those who had
taken possession to think of securing their acquisitions. Thus the Vandals

ruled Africa; the Alans and Visigoths, Spain; while the Franks and
Burgundians not only took Gaul, but each gave their name to the part they
occupied; hence one is called France, the other Burgundy. The good fortune
of these brought fresh people to the destruction of the empire, one of which,
the Huns, occupied the province of Pannonia, situated upon the nearer shore
of the Danube, and which, from their name, is still called Hungary. To these
disorders it must be added, that the emperor, seeing himself attacked on so
many sides, to lessen the number of his enemies, began to treat first with
the Vandals, then with the Franks; a course which diminished his own
power, and increased that of the barbarians. Nor was the island of Britain,
which is now called England, secure from them; for the Britons, being
apprehensive of those who had occupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people of
Germany, to their aid; and these under Vortigern their king, first defended,
and then drove them from the island, of which they took possession, and
after themselves named the country England. But the inhabitants, being
robbed of their home, became desperate by necessity and resolved to take
possession of some other country, although they had been unable to defend
their own. They therefore crossed the sea with their families, and settled in
the country nearest to the beach, which from themselves is called Brittany.
The Huns, who were said above to have occupied Pannonia, joining with
other nations, as the Zepidi, Eurili, Turingi, and Ostro, or eastern Goths,
moved in search of new countries, and not being able to enter France, which
was defended by the forces of the barbarians, came into Italy under Attila
their king. He, a short time previously, in order to possess the entire
monarchy, had murdered his brother Bleda; and having thus become very
powerful, Andaric, king of the Zepidi, and Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths,
became subject to him. Attila, having entered Italy, laid siege to Aquileia,
where he remained without any obstacle for two years, wasting the country
round, and dispersing the inhabitants. This, as will be related in its place,
caused the origin of Venice. After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he
directed his course towards Rome, from the destruction of which he
abstained at the entreaty of the pontiff, his respect for whom was so great
that he left Italy and retired into Austria, where he died. After the death of
Attila, Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, and the heads of the other nations,
took arms against his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled the
other, with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to their country; while

the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi established themselves in Pannonia, and the
Eruli and the Turingi upon the farther bank of the Danube.
Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, emperor of the west, thought of
restoring the country; and, that he might be more ready to defend it against
the barbarians, abandoned Rome, and removed the seat of government to
Ravenna. The misfortunes which befell the western empire caused the
emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many occasions to give up the
possession of it to others, as a charge full of danger and expense; and
sometimes, without his permission, the Romans, seeing themselves so
abandoned, created an emperor for their defense, or suffered some one to
usurp the dominion. This occurred at the period of which we now speak,
when Maximus, a Roman, after the death of Valentinian, seized the
government, and compelled Eudocia, widow of the late emperor, to take
him for her husband; but she, being of imperial blood, scorned the
connection of a private citizen; and being anxious to avenge herself for the
insult, secretly persuaded Genseric, king of the Vandals and master of
Africa to come to Italy, representing to him the advantage he would derive
from the undertaking, and the facility with which it might be accomplished.
Tempted by the hope of booty, he came immediately, and finding Rome
abandoned, plundered the city during fourteen days. He also ravaged many
other places in Italy, and then, loaded with wealth, withdrew to Africa. The
Romans, having returned to their city, and Maximus being dead, elected
Avitus, a Roman, as his successor. After this, several important events
occurred both in Italy and in the countries beyond; and after the deaths of
many emperors the empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and that
of Rome upon Orestes and Augustulus his son, who obtained the
sovereignty by fraud. While they were designing to hold by force what they
had obtained by treachery, the Eruli and the Turingi, who, after the death of
Attila, as before remarked, had established themselves upon the farther
bank of the Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy under Odoacer
their general. Into the districts which they left unoccupied, the Longobardi
or Lombards, also a northern people, entered, led by Godogo their king.
Odoacer conquered and slew Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped.
After this victory, that Rome might, with her change of power, also change
her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial name, caused himself to be
declared king of Rome. He was the first of those leaders who at this period
overran the world and thought of settling in Italy; for the others, either from

fear that they should not be able to hold the country, knowing that it might
easily be relieved by the eastern emperors, or from some unknown cause,
after plundering her, sought other countries wherein to establish themselves.

CHAPTER II
State of the Roman empire under Zeno—Theodoric king of the
Ostrogoths—Character of Theodoric—Changes in the Roman empire—
New languages—New names—Theodoric dies—Belisarius in Italy—Totila
takes Rome—Narses destroys the Goths—New form of Government in
Italy—Narses invites the Lombards into Italy—The Lombards change the
form of government.
At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by the following
princes: Zeno, reigning in Constantinople, commanded the whole of the
eastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths,
Suavi, and Alans, held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; the Franks
and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy. The kingdom of
the Ostrogoths had descended to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir, who, being
on terms of friendship with Zeno the eastern emperor, wrote to him that his
Ostrogoths thought it an injustice that they, being superior in valor to the
people thereabout, should be inferior to them in dominion, and that it was
impossible for him to restrain them within the limits of Pannonia. So,
seeing himself under the necessity of allowing them to take arms and go in
search of new abodes, he wished first to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that
he might provide for them, by granting some country in which they might
establish themselves, by his good favor with greater propriety and
convenience. Zeno, partly from fear and partly from a desire to drive
Odoacer out of Italy, gave Theodoric permission to lead his people against
him, and take possession of the country. Leaving his friends the Zepidi in
Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, slew Odoacer and his son, and,
moved by the same reasons which had induced Valentinian to do so,
established his court at Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of
Italy.
Theodoric possessed great talents both for war and peace; in the former
he was always conqueror, and in the latter he conferred very great benefits
upon the cities and people under him. He distributed the Ostrogoths over
the country, each district under its leader, that he might more conveniently
command them in war, and govern them in peace. He enlarged Ravenna,

restored Rome, and, with the exception of military discipline, conferred
upon the Romans every honor. He kept within their proper bounds, wholly
by the influence of his character, all the barbarian kings who occupied the
empire; he built towns and fortresses between the point of the Adriatic and
the Alps, in order, with the greater facility, to impede the passage of any
new hordes of barbarians who might design to assail Italy; and if, toward
the latter end of his life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of
cruelty, caused by various jealousies of his people, such as the death of
Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holiness, every point of his
character would have deserved the highest praise. By his virtue and
goodness, not only Rome and Italy, but every part of the western empire,
freed from the continual troubles which they had suffered from the frequent
influx of barbarians, acquired new vigor, and began to live in an orderly and
civilized manner. For surely if any times were truly miserable for Italy and
the provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those which occurred
from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only consider the evils
which arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of prince or of
government; not by foreign interference, but by civil discord (in which we
may see how even slight variations suffice to ruin the most powerful
kingdoms or states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy and the
other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed their forms of
government and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes of living,
religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes, by itself, without
being united with others, might, with thinking of it, to say nothing of the
seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the strongest minds.
From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and extension
of many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia, Luni,
Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice,
Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity we
omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan,
Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the ruin and restoration
of Rome, and of many other cities not previously mentioned.
From this devastation and new population arose new languages, as we
see in the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which, partaking of
the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman, formed a new
manner of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of provinces
changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain, and

Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from the ancient; as, omitting
many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, the Archipelago, are names
quite different from those which the ancients used; while instead of Cæsar
and Pompey we have Peter, Matthew, John, etc.
Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little importance;
for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with the miracles of
the new, very serious troubles and discords were created among men. And if
the Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorders would have
followed; but the contentions among themselves, of the churches of Rome,
Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the heretic sects with the Catholics,
served in many ways to render the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this;
having suffered more horrors from the Arian sect, whose doctrines were
believed by the Vandals, than from any avarice or natural cruelty of the
people themselves. Living amid so many persecutions, the countenances of
men bore witness of the terrible impressions upon their minds; for besides
the evils they suffered from the disordered state of the world, they scarcely
could have recourse to the help of God, in whom the unhappy hope for
relief; for the greater part of them, being uncertain what divinity they ought
to address, died miserably, without help and without hope.
Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoric
deserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years he reigned in
Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatness that her previous
sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at his death, the kingdom
descending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, his daughter, and the malice of
fortune not being yet exhausted, the old evils soon returned; for Atalaric
died soon after his grandfather, and the kingdom coming into the possession
of his mother, she was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she had called to
assist her in the government. He put her to death and made himself king;
and having thus become odious to the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian
entertained the hope of driving him out of Italy. Justinian appointed
Belisarius to the command of this expedition, as he had already conquered
Africa, expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule.
Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing into Italy,
occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew Theodatus their
king, whom they considered the cause of their misfortune, and elected
Vitiges in his stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besieged and taken by

Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to secure the advantages of
his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, and Joannes and Vitalis
were appointed in his place. Their principles and practices were so different
from those of Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus,
governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was slain, came Totila,
who routed the imperial forces, took Tuscany and Naples, and recovered
nearly the whole of what Belisarius had taken from them. On this account
Justinian determined to send him into Italy again; but, coming with only a
small force, he lost the reputation which his former victories had won for
him, in less time than he had taken to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with
his forces, took Rome before his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave
the city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, and took
the senators away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he led his people
into Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent from Greece.
Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to the performance
of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, he determined to
rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with as little delay as possible.
But fortune was opposed to this laudable enterprise; for Justinian, being at
this time assailed by the Parthians, recalled him; and his duty to his
sovereign compelled him to abandon Italy to Totila, who again took Rome,
but did not treat her with such severity as upon the former occasion; for at
the entreaty of St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for
sanctity, he endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having
arranged matters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to the
relief of Italy; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having crossed the
Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that Totila held
almost the whole country. Having conquered the Slavonians, Justinian sent
Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, who, having arrived in
Italy, routed and slew Totila. The Goths who escaped sought refuge in
Pavia, where they created Teias their king. On the other hand, Narses after
the victory took Rome, and coming to an engagement with Teias near
Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By this victory, the power of the
Goths in Italy was quite annihilated, after having existed for seventy years,
from the coming of Theodoric to the death of Teias.
No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, and
was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia, his wife,
recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those who preceded

him, he made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave a new form to
the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governors of provinces, as
the Goths had done, but in every city and town of importance placed a ruler
whom he called a duke. Neither in this arrangement did he respect Rome
more than the other cities; for having set aside the consuls and senate,
names which up to this time had been preserved, he placed her under a
duke, who was sent every year from Ravenna, and called her the duchy of
Rome; while to him who remained in Ravenna, and governed the whole of
Italy for the emperor, was given the name of Exarch. This division of the
country greatly facilitated the ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early
occasion of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged with the emperor, for
having recalled him from the government of the province, which he had
won with his own valor and blood; while Sophia, not content with the
injury done by withdrawing him, treated him in the most offensive manner,
saying she wished him to come back that he might spin with the other
eunuchs. Full of indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the
Lombards, who then reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of
Italy.
The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the
Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer
their king led them into Italy; where, having been established for some
time, their dominions were held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under
whom they crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with
Cunimund, king of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and slew
him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the captives,
took her to wife, and made himself sovereign of Pannonia; and, moved by
his savage nature, caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup,
from which, in memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into Italy by
Narses, with whom he had been in friendship during the war with the
Goths, he left Pannonia to the Huns, who after the death of Attila had
returned to their country. Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into
so many parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the
whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now called
Romagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the conquest
of Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and
having become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be
filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who sat

opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upon occasion of such
great joy she should drink with her father. These words were like a dagger
to the lady's bosom and she resolved to have revenge. Knowing that
Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she
arranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being acquainted
with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his mistress. Having effected
her design, Rosamond discovered herself to Helmichis, and gave him the
choice either of killing Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his
reward, or of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Helmichis
consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder, finding they could not
occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombards would put them to death
for the love they bore to Alboin, they seized the royal treasure, and fled
with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them favorably.
During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded by
Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not attend to
the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to present an opportunity,
by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king of the Lombards
and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design to her, persuaded her
to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her husband. To this end, having
prepared poisoned wine, she with her own hand presented it to Helmichis,
who complained of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it,
he suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occasioned and
compelled her to drink the remainder; so that in a few hours both came to
their end, and Longinus was deprived of the hope of becoming king.
In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves together in
Pavia, which was become the principal seat of their empire, made Clefis
their king. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied Remini and
almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of his victories.
Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers, but to his own
Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, did not create
another king, but appointed among themselves thirty dukes to govern the
rest. This prevented the Lombards from occupying the whole of Italy, or of
extending their dominion further than Benevento; for, of the cities of Rome,
Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza,
Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a time, and others never
fell under their dominion; since, not having a king, they became less prompt
for war, and when they afterward appointed one, they were, by living in

freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel among themselves;
which from the first prevented a fortunate issue of their military
expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their being driven out of Italy.
The affairs of the Lombards being in the state just described, the Romans
and Longinus came to an agreement with them, that each should lay down
their arms and enjoy what they already possessed.

CHAPTER III
Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy—Abuse of censures
and indulgences—The pope applies to Pepin, king of France, for assistance
—Donation of Pepin to the pontiff—Charlemagne—End of the kingdom of
the Lombards—The title of cardinal begins to be used—The empire passes
to the Germans—Berengarius, duke of Fruili, created king of Italy—Pisa
becomes great—Order and division of the states of Italy—Electors of the
emperor created.
In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal authority than
they had previously possessed; although the immediate successors of St.
Peter were more reverenced for the holiness of their lives, and the miracles
which they performed; and their example so greatly extended the Christian
religion, that princes of other states embraced it, in order to obviate the
confusion which prevailed at that period. The emperor having become a
Christian and returned to Constantinople, it followed, as was remarked at
the commencement of the book, that the Roman empire was the more easily
ruined, and the church more rapidly increased her authority. Nevertheless,
the whole of Italy, being subject either to the emperors or the kings till the
coming of the Lombards, the popes never acquired any greater authority
than what reverence for their habits and doctrine gave them. In other
respects they obeyed the emperors or kings; officiated for them in their
affairs, as ministers or agents, and were even sometimes put to death by
them. He who caused them to become of more importance in the affairs of
Italy, was Theodoric, king of the Goths, when he established the seat of his
empire at Ravenna; for, Rome being without a prince, the Romans found it
necessary, for their safety, to yield obedience to the pope; his authority,
however, was not greatly increased thereby, the only advantage being, that
the church of Rome was allowed to take precedence of that of Ravenna. But
the Lombards having taken possession, and Italy being divided into many
parts, the pope had an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the
head of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards
respected him; so that the Romans, by his means, entered into league with
the Lombards, and with Longinus, not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the

popes, at one time friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards,
increased their own power; but upon the ruin of the eastern empire, which
occurred during the time of Heraclius, their influence was reduced; for the
Sclavi, of whom we spoke before, again assailed Illyria, and having
occupied the country, named it Sclavonia, after themselves; and the other
parts were attacked by the Persians, then by the Saracens under
Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria, Africa, and Egypt.
These causes induced the reigning pope, in his distress, to seek new friends,
and he applied to the king of France. Nearly all the wars which the northern
barbarians carried on in Italy, it may be here remarked, were occasioned by
the pontiffs; and the hordes, with which the country was inundated, were
generally called in by them. The same mode of proceeding still continued,
and kept Italy weak and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events
which have taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the
empire will be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the pontificate
and of the other principalities which ruled Italy till the coming of Charles
VIII. It will be seen how the popes, first with censures, and afterward with
these and arms, mingled with indulgences, became both terrible and
venerable; and how, from having abused both, they ceased to possess any
influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others for assistance in
their wars.
But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III. occupied the
papacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was held by Astolphus, who,
contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna, and made war upon the pope. On
this account, Gregory no longer relying upon the emperor of
Constantinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable to assist
him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had frequently broken
their faith, had recourse to Pepin II., who, from being lord of Austria and
Brabant, had become king of France; not so much by his own valor as by
that of Charles Martel, his father, and Pepin his grandfather; for Charles
Martel, being governor of the kingdom, effected the memorable defeat of
the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, in which two hundred thousand of
them are said to have been left dead upon the field of battle. Hence, Pepin,
by his father's reputation and his own abilities, became afterward king of
France. To him Pope Gregory, as we have said, applied for assistance
against the Lombards, which Pepin promised to grant, but desired first to
see him and be honored with his presence. Gregory accordingly went to

France, passing uninjured through the country of his enemies, so great was
the respect they had for religion, and was treated honorably by Pepin, who
sent an army into Italy, and besieged the Lombards in Pavia. King
Astolphus, compelled by necessity, made proposals of peace to the French,
who agreed to them at the entreaty of the pope—for he did not desire the
death of his enemy, but that he should be converted and live. In this treaty,
Astolphus promised to give to the church all the places he had taken from
her; but the king's forces having returned to France, he did not fulfill the
agreement, and the pope again had recourse to Pepin, who sent another
army, conquered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the wishes
of the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope, with all the places that belonged
to the exarchate, and added to them Urbino and the Marca. But Astolphus,
while fulfilling the terms of his agreement, died, and Desiderius, a
Lombard, who was duke of Tuscany, took up arms to occupy the kingdom,
and demanded assistance of the pope, promising him his friendship. The
pope acceding to his request, the other princes assented. Desiderius kept
faith at first, and proceeded to resign the districts to the pope, according to
the agreement made with Pepin, so that an exarch was no longer sent from
Constantinople to Ravenna, but it was governed according to the will of the
pope. Pepin soon after died, and was succeeded by his son Charles, the
same who, on account of the magnitude and success of his enterprises, was
called Charlemagne, or Charles the Great. Theodore I. now succeeded to the
papacy, and discord arising between him and Desiderius, the latter besieged
him in Rome. The pope requested assistance of Charles, who, having
crossed the Alps, besieged Desiderius in Pavai, where he took both him and
his children, and sent them prisoners to France. He then went to visit the
pontiff at Rome, where he declared, THAT THE POPE, BEING VICAR OF
GOD, COULD NOT BE JUDGED BY MEN. The pope and the people of
Rome made him emperor; and thus Rome began to have an emperor of the
west. And whereas the popes used to be established by the emperors, the
latter now began to have need of the popes at their elections; the empire
continued to lose its powers, while the church acquired them; and, by these
means, she constantly extended her authority over temporal princes.
The Lombards, having now been two hundred and thirty-two years in the
country, were strangers only in name, and Charles, wishing to reorganize
the states of Italy, consented that they should occupy the places in which
they had been brought up, and call the province after their own name,

Lombardy. That they might be led to respect the Roman name, he ordered
all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been under the exarchate
of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. Besides this, he created his son Pepin,
king of Italy, whose dominion extended to Benevento; all the rest being
possessed by the Greek emperor, with whom Charles was in league. About
this time Pascal I. occupied the pontificate, and the priests of the churches
of Rome, from being near to the pope, and attending the elections of the
pontiff, began to dignify their own power with a title, by calling themselves
cardinals, and arrogated so great authority, that having excluded the people
of Rome from the election of pontiff, the appointment of a new pope was
scarcely ever made except from one of their own number: thus on the death
of Pascal, the cardinal of St. Sabina was created pope by the title of
Eugenius II. Italy having come into the hands of the French, a change of
form and order took place, the popes acquiring greater temporal power, and
the new authorities adopting the titles of count and marquis, as that of duke
had been introduced by Longinus, exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of
some pontiffs, Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on account
of his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and this was the
origin of that change of names which the popes adopt upon their election to
the pontificate.
In the meantime, the Emperor Charles died and was succeeded by Lewis
(the Pious), after whose death so many disputes arose among his sons, that
at the time of his grandchildren, the house of France lost the empire, which
then came to the Germans; the first German emperor being called Arnolfus.
Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only; their discords also
occasioned them the loss of Italy; for the Lombards, gathering strength,
offended the pope and the Romans, and Arnolfo, not knowing where to seek
relief, was compelled to create Berengarius, duke of Fruili, king of Italy.
These events induced the Huns, who occupied Pannonia, to assail Italy; but,
in an engagement with Berengarius, they were compelled to return to
Pannonia, which had from them been named Hungary.
Romano was at this time emperor of Greece, having, while prefect of the
army, dethroned Constantine; and as Puglia and Calabria, which, as before
observed, were parts of the Greek empire, had revolted, he gave permission
to the Saracans to occupy them; and they having taken possession of these
provinces, besieged Rome. The Romans, Berengarius being then engaged in
defending himself against the Huns, appointed Alberic, duke of Tuscany,

their leader. By his valor Rome was saved from the Saracens, who,
withdrawing from the siege, erected a fortress upon Mount Gargano, by
means of which they governed Puglia and Calabria, and harassed the whole
country. Thus Italy was in those times very grievously afflicted, being in
constant warfare with the Huns in the direction of the Alps, and, on the
Neapolitan side, suffering from the inroads of the Saracens. This state of
things continued many years, occupying the reigns of three Berengarii, who
succeeded each other; and during this time the pope and the church were
greatly disturbed; the impotence of the eastern, and the disunion which
prevailed among the western princes, leaving them without defense. The
city of Genoa, with all her territory upon the rivers, having been overrun by
the Saracens, an impulse was thus given to the rising greatness of Pisa, in
which city multitudes took refuge who had been driven out of their own
country. These events occurred in the year 931, when Otho, duke of Saxony,
the son of Henry and Matilda, a man of great prudence and reputation,
being made emperor, the pope Agapito, begged that he would come into
Italy and relieve him from the tyranny of the Berengarii.
The States of Italy were governed in this manner: Lombardy was under
Berengarius III. and Alfred his son; Tuscany and Romagna were governed
by a deputy of the western emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partly under
the Greek emperor, and partly under the Saracens; in Rome two consuls
were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed her according to
ancient custom; to these was added a prefect, who dispensed justice among
the people; and there was a council of twelve, who each year appointed
rectors for the places subject to them. The popes had more or less authority
in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion as they were favorites of the
emperor or of the most powerful states. The Emperor Otho came into Italy,
took the kingdom from the Berengarii, in which they had reigned fifty-five
years, and reinstated the pontiff in his dignity. He had a son and a nephew,
each named Otho, who, one after the other, succeeded to the empire. In the
reign of Otho III., Pope Gregory V. was expelled by the Romans;
whereupon the emperor came into Italy and replaced him; and the pope, to
revenge himself on the Romans, took from them the right to create an
emperor, and gave it to three princes and three bishops of Germany; the
princes of Brandenburg, Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza,
Treveri, and Colonia. This occurred in the year 1002. After the death of
Otho III. the electors created Henry, duke of Bavaria, emperor, who at the

end of twelve years was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his wife
Simeonda were persons of very holy life, as is seen by the many temples
built and endowed by them, of which the church of St. Miniato, near
Florence, is one. Henry died in 1024, and was succeeded by Conrad of
Suabia; and the latter by Henry II., who came to Rome; and as there was a
schism in the church of three popes, he set them all aside, and caused the
election of Clement II., by whom he was crowned emperor.

CHAPTER IV
Nicholas II. commits the election of the pope to the cardinals—First
example of a prince deprived of his dominions by the pope—Guelphs and
Ghibellines—Establishment of the kingdom of Naples—Pope Urban II.
goes to France—The first crusade—New orders of knighthood—Saladin
takes from the Christians their possessions in the east—Death of the
Countess Matilda—Character of Frederick Barbarossa—Schism—
Frederick creates an anti-pope—Building of Alexandria in Puglia—
Disgraceful conditions imposed by the pope upon Henry, king of England—
Reconciliation of Frederick with the pope—The kingdom of Naples passes
to the Germans—Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis.
Italy was at this time governed partly by the people, some districts by
their own princes, and others by the deputies of the emperor. The highest in
authority, and to whom the others referred, was called the chancellor. Of the
princes, the most powerful were Godfred and the Countess Matilda his
wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister of Henry II. She and her
husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and the whole of what is
now called THE PATRIMONY OF THE CHURCH. The ambition of the
Roman people caused many wars between them and the pontiffs, whose
authority had previously been used to free them from the emperors; but
when they had taken the government of the city to themselves, and
regulated it according to their own pleasure, they at once became at enmity
with the popes, who received far more injuries from them than from any
Christian potentate. And while the popes caused all the west to tremble with
their censures, the people of Rome were in open rebellion against them; nor
had they or the popes any other purpose, but to deprive each other of
reputation and authority.
Nicholas II. now attained the papacy; and as Gregory V. had taken from
the Romans the right to create an emperor, he in the same manner
determined to deprive them of their share in the election of the pope; and
confined the creation to the cardinals alone. Nor did this satisfy him; for,
having agreed with the princes who governed Calabria and Puglia, with
methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled the officers whom

the Romans appointed to their different jurisdictions, to render obedience to
him; and some of them he even deprived of their offices. After the death of
Nicholas, there was a schism in the church; the clergy of Lombardy refused
obedience to Alexander II., created at Rome, and elected Cadolo of Parma
anti-pope; and Henry, who hated the power of the pontiffs, gave Alexander
to understand that he must renounce the pontificate, and ordered the
cardinals to go into Germany to appoint a new pope. He was the first who
felt the importance of spiritual weapons; for the pope called a council at
Rome, and deprived Henry of both the empire and the kingdom. Some of
the people of Italy took the part of the pope, others of Henry; and hence
arose the factions of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines; that Italy, relieved
from the inundations of barbarians, might be distracted with intestine strife.
Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled by his people to come into
Italy, and fall barefooted upon his knees before the pope, and ask his
pardon. This occurred in the year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortly
afterward arose new discords between the pope and Henry; upon which the
pope again excommunicated him, and the emperor sent his son, also named
Henry, with an army to Rome, and he, with the assistance of the Romans,
who hated the pope, besieged him in the fortress. Robert Guiscard them
came from Puglia to his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival, and
returned to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city was sacked
by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this Robert sprung the
establishment of the kingdom of Naples, it seems not superfluous to relate
particularly his actions and origin.
Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charlemagne, occasion
was given to another northern people, called Normans, to assail France and
occupy that portion of the country which is now named Normandy. A part
of these people came into Italy at the time when the province was infested
with the Berengarii, the Saracans, and the Huns, and occupied some places
in Romagna, where, during the wars of that period, they conducted
themselves valiantly. Tancred, one of these Norman princes, had many
children; among the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, and Robert,
called Guiscard. When the principality was governed by William, the
troubles of Italy were in some measure abated; but the Saracens still held
Sicily, and plundered the coasts of Italy daily. On this account William
arranged with the princes of Capua and Salerno, and with Melorco, a Greek,
who governed Puglia and Calabria for the Greek emperor, to attack Sicily;

and it was agreed that, if they were victorious, each should have a fourth
part of the booty and the territory. They were fortunate in their enterprise,
expelled the Saracens, and took possession of the island; but, after the
victory, Melorco secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece, seized
Sicily in the name of the emperor, and appropriated the booty to himself
and his followers. William was much dissatisfied with this, but reserved the
exhibition of his displeasure for a suitable opportunity, and left Sicily with
the princes of Salerno and Capua. But when they had parted from him to
return to their homes, instead of proceeding to Romagna he led his people
towards Puglia, and took Melfi; and from thence, in a short time, recovered
from the Greek emperor almost the whole of Puglia and Calabria, over
which provinces, in the time of pope Nicholas II. his brother Robert
Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had many disputes with his
nephews for the inheritance of these states, requested the influence of the
pope to settle them; which his holiness was very willing to afford, being
anxious to make a friend of Robert, to defend himself against the emperor
of Germany and the insolence of the Roman people, which indeed shortly
followed, when, at the instance of Gregory, he drove Henry from Rome,
and subdued the people. Robert was succeeded by his sons Roger and
William, to whose dominion not only was Naples added, but all the places
interjacent as far as Rome, and afterward Sicily, of which Roger became
sovereign; but, upon William going to Constantinople, to marry the
daughter of the emperor, his dominions were wrested from him by his
brother Roger. Inflated with so great an acquisition, Roger first took the title
of king of Italy, but afterward contented himself with that of king of Puglia
and Sicily. He was the first who established and gave that name to this
kingdom, which still retains its ancient boundaries, although its sovereigns
have been of many families and countries. Upon the failure of the Normans,
it came to the Germans, after these to the French, then to the Aragonese,
and it is now held by the Flemish.
About this time Urban II. became pope and excited the hatred of the
Romans. As he did not think himself safe even in Italy, on account of the
disunion which prevailed, he directed his thoughts to a generous enterprise.
With his whole clergy he went into France, and at Anvers, having drawn
together a vast multitude of people, delivered an oration against the infidels,
which so excited the minds of his audience, that they determined to
undertake the conquest of Asia from the Saracens; which enterprise, with all

those of a similar nature, were afterward called crusades, because the
people who joined in them bore upon their armor and apparel the figure of a
cross. The leaders were Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts
of Boulogne, and Peter, a hermit celebrated for his prudence and sagacity.
Many kings and people joined them, and contributed money; and many
private persons fought under them at their own expense; so great was the
influence of religion in those days upon the minds of men, excited by the
example of those who were its principal ministers. The proudest successes
attended the beginning of this enterprise; for the whole of Asia Minor,
Syria, and part of Egypt, fell under the power of the Christians. To
commemorate these events the order of the Knights of Jerusalem was
created, which still continues, and holds the island of Rhodes—the only
obstacle to the power of the Mohammedans. The same events gave rise to
the order of the Knights Templars, which, after a short time, on account of
their shameless practices, was dissolved. Various fortunes attended the
crusaders in the course of their enterprises, and many nations and
individuals became celebrated accordingly. The kings of France and
England joined them, and, with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese,
acquired great reputation, till the time of Saladin, when, by whose talents,
and the disagreement of the Christians among themselves, the crusaders
were robbed of all that glory which they had at first acquired; and, after
ninety years, were driven from those places which they had so honorably
and happily recovered.
After the death of Urban, Pascal II. became pope, and the empire was
under the dominion of Henry IV. who came to Rome pretending friendship
for the pontiff but afterward put his holiness and all his clergy in prison; nor
did he release them till it was conceded that he should dispose of the
churches of Germany according to his own pleasure. About this time, the
Countess Matilda died, and made the church heir to all her territories. After
the deaths of Pascal and Henry IV. many popes and emperors followed, till
the papacy was occupied by Alexander III. and the empire by Frederick,
surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during this period had met with many
difficulties from the people of Rome and the emperors; and in the time of
Barbarossa they were much increased. Frederick possessed military talent,
but was so full of pride that he would not submit to the pontiff. However, at
his election to the empire he came to Rome to be crowned, and returned
peaceably to Germany, where he did not long remain in the same mind, but

came again into Italy to subdue certain places in Lombardy, which did not
obey him. It happened at this time that the cardinal St. Clement, of a Roman
family, separated from Alexander, and was made pope by some of the
cardinals. The Emperor Frederick, being encamped at Cerma, Alexander
complained to him of the anti-pope, and received for answer, that they were
both to go to him, and, having heard each side, he would determine which
was the true pope. This reply displeased Alexander; and, as he saw the
emperor was inclined to favor the anti-pope, he excommunicated him, and
then fled to Philip, king of France. Frederick, in the meantime, carrying on
the war in Lombardy, destroyed Milan; which caused the union of Verona,
Padua, and Vicenza against him for their common defense. About the same
period the anti-pope died, and Frederick set up Guido of Cremona, in his
stead.
The Romans, from the absence of the pope, and from the emperor being
in Lombardy, had reacquired some authority in Rome, and proceeded to
recover the obedience of those places which had been subject to them. And
as the people of Tusculum refused to submit to their authority, they
proceeded against them with their whole force; but these, being assisted by
Frederick, routed the Roman army with such dreadful slaughter, that Rome
was never after either so populous or so rich. Alexander now returned to the
city, thinking he could be safe there on account of the enmity subsisting
between the Romans and the emperor, and from the enemies which the
latter had in Lombardy. But Frederick, setting aside every other
consideration, led his forces and encamped before Rome; and Alexander
fled to William, king of Puglia, who had become hair of that kingdom after
the death of Roger. Frederick, however, withdrew from Rome on account of
the plague which then prevailed, and returned to Germany. The cities of
Lombardy in league against him, in order to command Pavia and Tortona,
which adhered to the imperial party, built a city, to be their magazine in
time of war, and named in Alexandria, in honor of the pope and in contempt
of Frederick.
Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni of Fermo was appointed in his
stead, who, being favored by the imperialists, lived at Montefiascone. Pope
Alexander being at Tusculum, whither he had been called by the
inhabitants, that with his authority he might defend them from the Romans,
ambassadors came to him from Henry, king of England, to signify that he
was not blamable for the death of Thomas à Becket, archbishop of

Canterbury, although public report had slandered him with it. On this the
pope sent two cardinals to England, to inquire into the truth of the matter;
and although they found no actual charge against the king, still, on account
of the infamy of the crime, and for not having honored the archbishop so
much as he deserved, the sentence against the king of England was, that
having called together the barons of his empire, he should upon oath before
them affirm his innocence; that he should immediately send two hundred
soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for one year; that, before the end of three years,
he should himself proceed thither with as large an army as he could draw
together; that his subjects should have the power of appealing to Rome
when they thought proper; and that he should annul whatever acts had been
passed in his kingdom unfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. These terms were
all accepted by Henry; and thus a great king submitted to a sentence that in
our day a private person would have been ashamed of. But while the pope
exercised so great authority over distant princes, he could not compel
obedience from the Romans themselves, or obtain their consent that he
should remain in Rome, even though he promised to intermeddle only with
ecclesiastical affairs.
About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and while he was preparing to
carry on new wars against the pope, his prelates and barons declared that
they would abandon him unless he reconciled himself with the church; so
that he was obliged to go and submit to the pope at Venus, where a
pacification was effected, but in which the pope deprived the emperor of all
authority over Rome, and named William, king of Sicily and Puglia, a
coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist without war, joined the
crusaders in Asia, that he might exercise that ambition against Mohammed,
which he could not gratify against the vicars of Christ. And being near the
river Cydnus, tempted by the clearness of its waters, bathed therein, took
cold, and died. Thus the river did a greater favor to the Mohammedans than
the pope's excommunications had done to the Christians; for the latter only
checked his pride, while the former finished his career. Frederick being
dead, the pope had now only to suppress the contumacy of the Romans;
and, after many disputes concerning the creation of consuls, it was agreed
that they should elect them as they had been accustomed to do, but that
these should not undertake the office, till they had first sworn to be faithful
to the church. This agreement being made, Giovanni the anti-pope took
refuge in Mount Albano, where he shortly afterward died. William, king of

Naples, died about the same time, and the pope intended to occupy that
kingdom on the ground that the king had left only a natural son named
Tancred. But the barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should
be king. Celestine III., the then pope, anxious to snatch the kingdom from
the hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of Frederick should be
elected emperor, and promised him the kingdom on the condition that he
should restore to the church all the places that had belonged to her. To
facilitate this affair, he caused Gostanza, a daughter of William, who had
been placed in a monastery and was now old, to be brought from her
seclusion and become the wife of Henry. Thus the kingdom of Naples
passed from the Normans, who had been the founders of it, to the Germans.
As soon as the affairs of Germany were arranged, the Emperor Henry came
into Italy with Gostanza his wife, and a son about four years of age named
Frederick; and, as Tancred was now dead, leaving only an infant named
Roger, he took possession of the kingdom without much difficulty. After
some years, Henry died in Sicily, and was succeeded in the kingdom by
Frederick, and in the empire by Otho, duke of Saxony, who was elected
through the influence of Innocent III. But as soon as he had taken the
crown, contrary to the general expectation, he became an enemy of the
pope, occupied Romagna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. On this
account the pope excommunicated him; he was abandoned by every one,
and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples, emperor in his stead.
Frederick came to Rome for his coronation; but the pope, being afraid of his
power, would not crown him, and endeavored to withdraw him from Italy
as he had done Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger, and, after
many battles with Otho, at length conquered him. Meanwhile, Innocent
died, who, besides other excellent works, built the hospital of the Holy
Ghost at Rome. He was succeeded by Honorius III., in whose time the
religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded, 1218.
Honorius crowned Frederick, to whom Giovanni, descended from Baldwin,
king of Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder of the Christian army in
Asia and still held that title, gave a daughter in marriage; and, with her
portion, conceded to him the title to that kingdom: hence it is that every
king of Naples is called king of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER V
The state of Italy—Beginning of the greatness of the house of Este—
Guelphs and Ghibellines—Death of the Emperor Frederick II.—Manfred
takes possession of the kingdom of Naples—Movements of the Guelphs
and Ghibellines in Lombardy—Charles of Anjou invested by the pope with
the kingdom of Naples and Sicily—Restless policy of the popes—
Ambitious views of pope Nicholas III.—Nephews of the popes—Sicilian
vespers—The Emperor Rodolph allows many cities to purchase their
independence—Institution of the jubilee—The popes at Avignon.
At this time the states of Italy were governed in the following manner:
the Romans no longer elected consuls, but instead of them, and with the
same powers, they appointed one senator, and sometimes more. The league
which the cities of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbarossa still
continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and the greater
number of the cities of Romagna, together with Verona, Vicenza, Padua,
and Trevisa. Those which took part with the emperor, were Cremona,
Bergamo, Parma, Reggio, and Trento. The other cities and fortresses of
Lombardy, Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favored, according to their
necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes the other.
In the time of Otho III. there had come into Italy a man called Ezelin,
who, remaining in the country, had a son, and he too had a son named
Ezelin. This person, being rich and powerful, took part with Frederick, who,
as we have said, was at enmity with the pope; Frederick, at the instigation
and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua, destroyed
Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the united cities, and then
directed his course towards Tuscany. Ezelin, in the meantime, had subdued
the whole of the Trevisian March, but could not prevail against Ferrara,
which was defended by Azone da Este and the forces which the pope had in
Lombardy; and, as the enemy were compelled to withdraw, the pope gave
Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from whom are descended those who now
govern that city. Frederick halted at Pisa, desirous of making himself lord of
Tuscany; but, while endeavoring to discover what friends and foes he had in
that province, he scattered so many seeds of discord as occasioned the ruin

of Italy; for the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibellines multiplied,—those
who supported the church taking the name of Guelphs, while the followers
of the emperor were called Ghibellines, these names being first heard at
Pistoia. Frederick, marching from Pisa, assailed and wasted the territories of
the church in a variety of ways; so that the pope, having no other remedy,
unfurled against him the banner of the cross, as his predecessor had done
against the Saracens. Frederick, that he might be suddenly abandoned by his
people, as Frederick Barbarossa and others had been, took into his pay a
number of Saracens; and to bind them to him, and establish in Italy a firm
bulwark against the church, without fear of papal maledictions, he gave
them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that, having a refuge of their own,
they might be placed in greater security. The pontificate was now occupied
by Innocent IV., who, being in fear of Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence
to France, where he appointed a council to be held at Lyons, where it was
the intention of Frederick to attend, but he was prevented by the rebellion of
Parma: and, being repulsed, he went into Tuscany, and from thence to
Sicily, where he died, leaving his son Conrad in Suabia; and in Puglia,
Manfred, whom he had created duke of Benevento, born of a concubine.
Conrad came to take possession of the kingdom, and having arrived at
Naples, died, leaving an infant son named Corradino, who was then in
Germany. On this account Manfred occupied the state, first as guardian of
Corradino, but afterward, causing a report to be circulated that Corradino
had died, made himself king, contrary to the wishes of both the pope and
the Neapolitans, who, however, were obliged to submit.
While these things were occurring in the kingdom of Naples, many
movements took place in Lombardy between the Guelphs and the
Ghibellines. The Guelphs were headed by a legate of the pope; and the
Ghibelline party by Ezelin, who possessed nearly the whole of Lombardy
beyond the Po; and, as in the course of the war Padua rebelled, he put to
death twelve thousand of its citizens. But before its close he himself was
slain, in the eightieth year of his age, and all the places he had held became
free. Manfred, king of Naples, continued those enmities against the church
which had been begun by his ancestors, and kept the pope, Urban IV., in
continual alarm; so that, in order to subdue him, Urban summoned the
crusaders, and went to Perugia to await their arrival. Seeing them few and
slow in their approach, he found that more able assistance was necessary to
conquer Manfred. He therefore sought the favor of France; created Louis of

Anjou, the king's brother, sovereign of Naples and Sicily, and excited him
to come into Italy to take possession of that kingdom. But before Charles
came to Rome the pope died, and was succeeded by Clement IV., in whose
time he arrived at Ostia, with thirty galleys, and ordered that the rest of his
forces should come by land. During his abode at Rome, the citizens, in
order to attach him to them, made him their senator, and the pope invested
him with the kingdom, on condition that he should pay annually to the
church the sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it was decreed that, from
thenceforth, neither Charles nor any other person, who might be king of
Naples, should be emperor also. Charles marched against Manfred, routed
his army, and slew him near Benevento, and then became sovereign of
Sicily and Naples. Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the state
belonged, having collected a great force in Germany, marched into Italy
against Charles, with whom he came to an engagement at Tagliacozzo, was
taken prisoner while endeavoring to escape, and being unknown, put to
death.
Italy remained in repose until the pontificate of Adrian V. Charles, being
at Rome and governing the city by virtue of his office of senator, the pope,
unable to endure his power, withdrew to Viterbo, and solicited the Emperor
Rodolph to come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes, sometimes in
zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition, were continually
calling in new parties and exciting new disturbances. As soon as they had
made a prince powerful, they viewed him with jealousy and sought his ruin;
and never allowed another to rule the country, which, from their own
imbecility, they were themselves unable to govern. Princes were in fear of
them; for, fighting or running away, the popes always obtained the
advantage, unless it happened they were entrapped by deceit, as occurred to
Boniface VIII., and some others, who under pretense of friendship, were
ensnared by the emperors. Rodolph did not come into Italy, being detained
by the war in which he was engaged with the king of Bohemia. At this time
Adrian died, and Nicholas III., of the Orsini family, became pontiff. He was
a bold, ambitious man; and being resolved at any event to diminish the
power of Charles, induced the Emperor Rodolph to complain that he had a
governor in Tuscany favorable to the Guelphic faction, who after the death
of Manfred had been replaced by him. Charles yielded to the emperor and
withdrew his governor, and the pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, as
governor for the emperor, who, for the honor done him, restored Romagna

to the church, which had been taken from her by his predecessors, and the
pope made Bertoldo Orsino duke of Romagna. As Nicholas now thought
himself powerful enough to oppose Charles, he deprived him of the office
of senator, and made a decree that no one of royal race should ever be a
senator in Rome. It was his intention to deprive Charles of Sicily, and to
this end he entered into a secret negotiation with Peter, king of Aragon,
which took effect in the following papacy. He also had the design of
creating two kings out of his family, the one in Lombardy, the other in
Tuscany, whose power would defend the church from the Germans who
might design to come into Italy, and from the French, who were in the
kingdom of Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. He was the
first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition; and, under pretense of
making the church great, conferred honors and emolument upon his own
family. Previous to his time no mention is made of the nephews or families
of any pontiff, but future history is full of them; nor is there now anything
left for them to attempt, except the effort to make the papacy hereditary.
True it is, the princes of their creating have not long sustained their honors;
for the pontiffs, being generally of very limited existence, did not get their
plants properly established.
To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV., of French origin, and consequently
favorable to the party of Charles, who sent him assistance against the
rebellion of Romagna; and while they were encamped at Furli, Guido
Bonatto, an astrologer, contrived that at an appointed moment the people
should assail the forces of the king, and the plan succeeding, all the French
were taken and slain. About this period was also carried into effect the plot
of Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of Aragon, by which the Sicilians
murdered all the French that were in that island; and Peter made himself
sovereign of it, saying, that it belonged to him in the right of his wife
Gostanza, daughter of Manfred. But Charles, while making warlike
preparations for the recovery of Sicily, died, leaving a son, Charles II., who
was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover his liberty promised to return to
his prison, if within three years he did not obtain the pope's consent that the
kings of Aragon should be invested with the kingdom of Sicily.
The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the empire the
advantage of having done so, by sending an ambassador, with authority to
make all those cities free which would redeem themselves with money.
Many purchased their freedom, and with liberty changed their mode of

living. Adolpho of Saxony succeeded to the empire; and to the papacy,
Pietro del Murrone, who took the name of Celestino; but, being a hermit
and full of sanctity, after six months renounced the pontificate, and
Boniface VIII. was elected.
After a time the French and Germans left Italy, and the country remained
wholly in the hands of the Italians; but Providence ordained that the pope,
when these enemies were withdrawn, should neither establish nor enjoy his
authority, and raised two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi
and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximity of their abode, kept
the pontificate weak. Boniface then determined to destroy the Colonnesi,
and, besides excommunicating, endeavored to direct the weapons of the
church against them. This, although it did them some injury, proved more
disastrous to the pope; for those arms which from attachment to the faith
performed valiantly against its enemies, as soon as they were directed
against Christians for private ambition, ceased to do the will of those who
wished to wield them. And thus the too eager desire to gratify themselves,
caused the pontiffs by degrees to lose their military power. Besides what is
just related, the pope deprived two cardinals of the Colonnesi family of
their office; and Sciarra, the head of the house, escaping unknown, was
taken by corsairs of Catalonia and put to the oar; but being afterward
recognized at Marseilles, he was sent to Philip, king of France, who had
been excommunicated and deprived of the kingdom. Philip, considering
that in a war against the pontiff he would either be a loser or run great
hazards, had recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to come to terms,
secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having arrived at Anagnia, where his
holiness then resided, assembled a few friends, and in the night took him
prisoner. And although the people of Anagnia set him at liberty shortly after,
yet from grief at the injury he died mad. Boniface was founder of the
jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it should be celebrated at each revolution of
one hundred years. In those times various troubles arose between the
Guelph and Ghibelline factions; and the emperors having abandoned Italy,
many places became free, and many were occupied by tyrants. Pope
Benedict restored the scarlet hat to the cardinals of the Colonnesi family,
and reblessed Philip, king of France. He was succeeded by Clement V.,
who, being a Frenchman, removed the papal court to Avignon in 1305.

CHAPTER VI
The Emperor Henry comes into Italy—The Florentines take the part of
the pope—The Visconti originate the duchy of Milan—Artifice of Maffeo
Visconti against the family of de la Torre—Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti,
first duke of Milan—The Emperor Louis in Italy—John, king of Bohemia,
in Italy—League against the king of Bohemia and the pope's legate—Origin
of Venice—Liberty of the Venetians confirmed by Pepin and the Greek
emperor—Greatness of Venice—Decline of Venice—Discord between the
pope and the emperor—Giovanna, queen of Naples—Rienzi—The jubilee
reduced to fifty years—Succession of the duke of Milan—Cardinal Egidio
the pope's legate—War between the Genoese and the Venetians.
At this time, Charles II. of Naples died, and was succeeded by his son
Robert. Henry of Luxemburg had been elected to the empire, and came to
Rome for his coronation, although the pope was not there. His coming
occasioned great excitement in Lombardy; for he sent all the banished to
their homes, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines; and in consequence
of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the other, the whole province
was filled with war; nor could the emperor with all his endeavors abate its
fury. Leaving Lombardy by way of Genoa, he came to Pisa, where he
endeavored to take Tuscany from King Robert; but not being successful, he
went to Rome, where he remained only a few days, being driven away by
the Orsini with the consent of King Robert, and returned to Pisa; and that he
might more securely make war upon Tuscany, and wrest the country from
the hands of the king, he caused it to be assailed by Frederick, monarch of
Sicily. But when he was in hope of occupying Tuscany and robbing the king
of Naples of his dominions, he died, and was succeeded by Louis of
Bavaria. About the same period, John XXII. attained the papacy, during
whose time the emperor still continued to persecute the Guelphs and the
church, but they were defended by Robert and the Florentines. Many wars
took place in Lombardy between the Visconti and the Guelphs, and in
Tuscany between Castruccio of Lucca and the Florentines. As the family of
Visconti gave rise to the duchy of Milan, one of the five principalities

which afterward governed Italy, I shall speak of them from a rather earlier
date.
Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had been thrown by
Frederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her injuries, joined the league formed
by the Lombard cities for their common defense; this restrained him, and
for awhile preserved alive the interests of the church in Lombardy. In the
course of the wars which followed, the family of La Torre became very
potent in that city, and their reputation increased so long as the emperor
possessed little authority in the province. But Frederick II. coming into
Italy, and the Ghibelline party, by the influence of Ezelin having grown
powerful, seeds of the same faction sprang up in all the cities. In Milan
were the Visconti, who expelled the La Torres; these, however, did not
remain out, for by agreement between the emperor and the pope they were
restored to their country. For when the pope and his court removed to
France, and the emperor, Henry of Luxemburg, came into Italy, with the
pretext of going to Rome for his crown, he was received in Milan by
Maffeo Visconti and Guido della Torre, who were then the heads of these
families. But Maffeo, designing to make use of the emperor for the purpose
of expelling Guido, and thinking the enterprise not difficult, on account of
the La Torre being of the contrary faction to the imperial, took occasion,
from the remarks which the people made of the uncivil behavior of the
Germans, to go craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves
and throw off the yoke of these barbarians. When a suitable moment
arrived, he caused a person in whom he confided to create a tumult, upon
which the people took arms against the Germans. But no sooner was the
mischief well on foot, than Maffeo, with his sons and their partisans, ran to
Henry, telling him that all the disturbance had been occasioned by the La
Torre family, who, not content to remain peaceably in Milan, had taken the
opportunity to plunder him, that they might ingratiate themselves with the
Guelphs of Italy and become princes in the city; they then bade him be of
good cheer, for they, with their party, whenever he wished it, were ready to
defend him with their lives. Henry, believing all that Maffeo told him,
joined his forces to those of the Visconti, and attacking the La Torre, who
were in various parts of the city endeavoring to quell the tumult, slew all
upon whom they could lay hands, and having plundered the others of their
property, sent them into exile. By this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became a
prince of Milan. Of him remained Galeazzo and Azzo; and, after these,

Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became archbishop of Milan; and of
Luchino, who died before him, were left Bernabo and Galeazzo; Galeazzo,
dying soon after, left a son called the Count of Virtu, who after the death of
the archbishop, contrived the murder of his uncle, Bernabo, became prince
of Milan, and was the first who had the title of duke. The duke left Filippo
and Giovanmaria Angelo, the latter of whom being slain by the people of
Milan, the state fell to Filippo; but he having no male heir, Milan passed
from the family of Visconti to that of Sforza, in the manner to be related
hereafter.
But to return to the point from which we deviated. The Emperor Louis, to
add to the importance of his party and to receive the crown, came into Italy;
and being at Milan, as an excuse for taking money of the Milanese, he
pretended to make them free and to put the Visconti in prison; but shortly
afterwards he released them, and, having gone to Rome, in order to disturb
Italy with less difficulty, he made Piero della Corvara anti-pope, by whose
influence, and the power of the Visconti, he designed to weaken the
opposite faction in Tuscany and Lombardy. But Castruccio died, and his
death caused the failure of the emperor's purpose; for Pisa and Lucca
rebelled. The Pisans sent Piero della Corvara a prisoner to the pope in
France, and the emperor, despairing of the affairs of Italy, returned to
Germany. He had scarcely left, before John king of Bohemia came into the
country, at the request of the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord
of that city and of Bergamo. And as his entry was with the consent of the
pope, although he feigned the contrary, the legate of Bologna favored him,
thinking by this means to prevent the return of the emperor. This caused a
change in the parties of Italy; for the Florentines and King Robert, finding
the legate was favorable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines, became foes
of all those to whom the legate and the king of Bohemia were friendly.
Without having regard for either faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline,
many princes joined them, of whom, among others, were the Visconti, the
Della Scala, Filippo Gonzao of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of Este.
Upon this the pope excommunicated them all. The king, in fear of the
league, went to collect forces in his own country, and having returned with
a large army, still found his undertaking a difficult one; so, seeing his error,
he withdrew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure of the legate, leaving only
Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in the care of Marsilio and Piero
de' Rossi, who were the most powerful men in the city. The king of

Bohemia being gone, Bologna joined the league; and the leaguers divided
among themselves the four cities which remained of the church faction.
They agreed that Parma should pertain to the Della Scalla; Reggio to the
Gonzaga; Modena to the family of Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. But
in taking possession of these cities, many disputes arose which were
afterward in a great measure settled by the Venetians. Some, perhaps, will
think it a species of impropriety that we have so long deferred speaking of
the Venetians, theirs being a republic, which, both on account of its power
and internal regulations, deserves to be celebrated above any principality of
Italy. But that this surprise may cease when the cause is known, I shall
speak of their city from a more remote period; that everyone may
understand what were their beginnings, and the causes which so long
withheld them from interfering in the affairs of Italy.
When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the inhabitants, after
defending themselves a long time, began to despair of effecting their safety,
and fled for refuge to several uninhabited rocks, situated at the point of the
Adriatic Sea, now called the Gulf of Venice, carrying with them whatever
movable property they possessed. The people of Padua, finding themselves
in equal danger, and knowing that, having became master of Aquileia, Attila
would next attack themselves, also removed with their most valuable
property to a place on the same sea, called Rivo Alto, to which they brought
their women, children, and aged persons, leaving the youth in Padua to
assist in her defense. Besides these, the people of Monselice, with the
inhabitants of the surrounding hills, driven by similar fears, fled to the same
rocks. But after Attila had taken Aquileia, and destroyed Padua, Monselice,
Vicenza, and Verona, the people of Padua and others who were powerful,
continued to inhabit the marshes about Rivo Alto; and, in like manner, all
the people of the province anciently called Venetia, driven by the same
events, became collected in these marshes. Thus, under the pressure of
necessity, they left an agreeable and fertile country to occupy one sterile
and unwholesome. However, in consequence of a great number of people
being drawn together into a comparatively small space, in a short time they
made those places not only habitable, but delightful; and having established
among themselves laws and useful regulations, enjoyed themselves in
security amid the devastations of Italy, and soon increased both in
reputation and strength. For, besides the inhabitants already mentioned,
many fled to these places from the cities of Lombardy, principally to escape

from the cruelties of Clefis king of the Lombards, which greatly tended to
increase the numbers of the new city; and in the conventions which were
made between Pepin, king of France, and the emperor of Greece, when the
former, at the entreaty of the pope, came to drive the Lombards out of Italy,
the duke of Benevento and the Venetians did not render obedience to either
the one or the other, but alone enjoyed their liberty. As necessity had led
them to dwell on sterile rocks, they were compelled to seek the means of
subsistence elsewhere; and voyaging with their ships to every port of the
ocean, their city became a depository for the various products of the world,
and was itself filled with men of every nation.
For many years the Venetians sought no other dominion than that which
tended to facilitate their commercial enterprises, and thus acquired many
ports in Greece and Syria; and as the French had made frequent use of their
ships in voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned to them in
recompense for these services. While they lived in this manner, their name
spread terror over the seas, and was held in veneration throughout Italy.
This was so completely the case, that they were generally chosen to
arbitrate in controversies between the states, as occurred in the difference
between the Colleagues, on account of the cities they had divided among
themselves; which being referred to the Venetians, they awarded Brescia
and Bergamo to the Visconti. But when, in the course of time, urged by
their eagerness for dominion, they had made themselves masters of Padua,
Vicenza, Trevisa, and afterward of Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with
many cities in Romagna and the kingdom of Naples, other nations were
impressed with such an opinion of their power, that they were a terror, not
only to the princes of Italy, but to the ultramontane kings. These states
entered into an alliance against them, and in one day wrested from them the
provinces they had obtained with so much labor and expense; and although
they have in latter times reacquired some portions, still possessing neither
power nor reputation, like all the other Italian powers, they live at the mercy
of others.
Benedict XII. having attained the pontificate and finding Italy lost,
fearing, too, that the emperor would assume the sovereignty of the country,
determined to make friends of all who had usurped the government of those
cities which had been accustomed to obey the emperor; that they might
have occasion to dread the latter, and unite with himself in the defense of
Italy. To this end he issued a decree, confirming to all the tyrants of

Lombardy the places they had seized. After making this concession the
pope died, and was succeeded by Clement VI. The emperor, seeing with
what a liberal hand the pontiff had bestowed the dominions of the empire,
in order to be equally bountiful with the property of others, gave to all who
had assumed sovereignty over the cities or territories of the church, the
imperial authority to retain possession of them. By this means Galeotto
Malatesti and his brothers became lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano;
Antonio da Montefeltro, of the Marca and Urbino; Gentile da Varano, of
Camerino; Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi, of Furli and
Cesena; Giovanni Manfredi, of Faenza; Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and
besides these, many others in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns, or
fortresses of the church, few remained without a prince; for she did not
recover herself till the time of Alexander VI., who, by the ruin of the
descendants of these princes, restored the authority of the church.
The emperor, when he made the concession before named, being at
Tarento, signified an intention of going into Italy. In consequence of this,
many battles were fought in Lombardy, and the Visconti became lords of
Parma. Robert king of Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren,
the issue of his sons Charles, who had died a considerable time before him.
He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Giovanna or Joan,
should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for her husband Andrea, son of
the king of Hungary, his grandson. Andrea had not lived with her long,
before she caused him to be murdered, and married another cousin, Louis,
prince of Tarento. But Louis, king of Hungary, and brother of Andrea, in
order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy, and drove Queen Joan
and her husband out of the kingdom.
At this period a memorable circumstance took place at Rome. Niccolo di
Lorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who held the office of
chancellor at Campidoglio, drove the senators from Rome and, under the
title of tribune, made himself the head of the Roman republic; restoring it to
its ancient form, and with so great reputation of justice and virtue, that not
only the places adjacent, but the whole of Italy sent ambassadors to him.
The ancient provinces, seeing Rome arise to new life, again raised their
heads, and some induced by hope, others by fear, honored him as their
sovereign. But Niccolo, notwithstanding his great reputation, lost all energy
in the very beginning of his enterprise; and as if oppressed with the weight
of so vast an undertaking, without being driven away, secretly fled to

Charles, king of Bohemia, who, by the influence of the pope, and in
contempt of Louis of Bavaria, had been elected emperor. Charles, to
ingratiate himself with the pontiff, sent Niccolo to him, a prisoner. After
some time, in imitation of Rienzi, Francesco Baroncegli seized upon the
tribunate of Rome, and expelled the senators; and the pope, as the most
effectual means of repressing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent him
to Rome, and restored to him the office of tribune; so that he reoccupied the
state and put Francesco to death; but the Colonnesi becoming his enemies,
he too, after a short time, shared the same fate, and the senators were again
restored to their office. The king of Hungary, having driven out Queen Joan,
returned to his kingdom; but the pope, who chose to have the queen in the
neighborhood of Rome rather than the king, effected her restoration to the
sovereignty, on the condition that her husband, contenting himself with the
title of prince of Tarento, should not be called king. Being the year 1350,
the pope thought that the jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII. to take place
at the conclusion of each century, might be renewed at the end of each fifty
years; and having issued a decree for the establishment of it, the Romans, in
acknowledgment of the benefit, consented that he should send four
cardinals to reform the government of the city, and appoint senators
according to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis of Tarento,
king, and in gratitude for the benefit, Queen Joan gave Avignon, her
inheritance, to the church. About this time Luchino Visconti died, and his
brother the archbishop, remaining lord of Milan, carried on many wars
against Tuscany and his neighbors, and became very powerful. Bernabo and
Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him; but Galeazzo soon after died,
leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the state with Bernabo. Charles, king
of Bohemia, was then emperor, and the pontificate was occupied by
Innocent VI., who sent Cardinal Egidio, a Spaniard, into Italy. He restored
the reputation of the church, not only in Rome and Romagna, but
throughout the whole of Italy; he recovered Bologna from the archbishop of
Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept a foreign senator appointed
annually by the pope. He made honorable terms with the Visconti, and
routed and took prisoner, John Agut, an Englishman, who with four
thousand English had fought on the side of the Ghibellines in Tuscany.
Urban V., hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italy and Rome,
whither also the emperor came; after remaining a few months, he returned
to the kingdom of Bohemia, and the pope to Avignon. On the death of

Urban, Gregory XI. was created pope; and, as the Cardinal Egidio was
dead, Italy again recommenced her ancient discords, occasioned by the
union of the other powers against the Visconti; and the pope, having first
sent a legate with six thousand Bretons, came in person and established the
papal court at Rome in 1376, after an absence of seventy-one years in
France. To Gregory XI., succeeded Urban VI., but shortly afterwards
Clement VI. was elected at Fondi by ten cardinals, who declared the
appointment of Urban irregular. At this time, the Genoese threw off the
yoke of the Visconti under whom they had lived many years; and between
them and the Venetians several important battles were fought for the island
of Tenedos. Although the Genoese were for a time successful, and held
Venice in a state of siege during many months, the Venetians were at length
victorious; and by the intervention of the pope, peace was made in the year
1381. In these wars, artillery was first used, having been recently invented
by the Dutch.

CHAPTER VII
Schism in the church—Ambitious views of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti
—The pope and the Romans come to an agreement—Boniface IX.
introduces the practice of Annates—Disturbance in Lombardy—The
Venetians acquire dominion on terra firma—Differences between the pope
and the people of Rome—Council of Pisa—Council of Constance—Filippo
Visconti recovers his dominion—Giovanna II. of Naples—Political
condition of Italy.
A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen Joan favored the
schismatic pope, upon which Urban caused Charles of Durazzo, descended
from the kings of Naples, to undertake the conquest of her dominions.
Having succeeded in his object, she fled to France, and he assumed the
sovereignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis of Anjou
into Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to expel Urban from Rome,
and establish the anti-pope. But in the midst of this enterprise Louis died,
and his people being routed returned to France. In this conjuncture the pope
went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into prison for having taken the
part of France and the anti-pope. He then became offended with the king,
for having refused to make his nephew prince of Capua; and pretending not
to care about it, requested he would grant him Nocera for his habitation,
but, having fortified it, he prepared to deprive the king of his dominions.
Upon this the king pitched his camp before the place, and the pope fled to
Naples, where he put to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From
thence he proceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created twenty-
nine cardinals. At this time Charles, king of Naples, went to Hungary,
where, having been made king, he was shortly afterward killed in battle,
leaving a wife and two children at Naples. About the same time Giovanni
Galeazzo Visconti murdered Bernabo his uncle and took the entire
sovereignty upon himself; and, not content with being duke of Milan and
sovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master of
Tuscany; but while he was intent upon occupying the province with the
ultimate view of making himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX.

succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI., also died, and Benedict
XIII. was appointed his successor.
Many English, Germans, and Bretons served at this period in the armies
of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders who had from time to time
authority in the country, and partly by such as the pontiffs sent, when they
were at Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy long carried on
their wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento of Romagna, who formed a
body of Italian soldiery, called the Company of St. George, whose valor and
discipline soon caused the foreign troops to fall into disrepute, and gave
reputation to the native forces of the country, of which the princes afterward
availed themselves in their wars with each other. The pope, Boniface IX.,
being at enmity with the Romans, went to Scesi, where he remained till the
jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to induce him to return to the city,
consented to receive another foreign senator of his appointing, and also
allowed him to fortify the castle of Saint Angelo: having returned upon
these conditions, in order to enrich the church, he ordained that everyone,
upon vacating a benefice, should pay a year's value of it to the Apostolic
Chamber.
After the death of Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, although he left
two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state was divided into many
parts, and in the troubles which ensued Giovanmaria was slain. Filippo
remained some time in the castle of Pavia, from which, through the fidelity
and virtue of the castellan, he escaped. Among others who occupied cities
possessed by his father, was Guglielmo della Scala, who, being banished,
fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord of Padua, by whose means
he recovered the state of Verona, in which he only remained a short time,
for he was poisoned, by order of Francesco, and the city taken from him.
These things occasioned the people of Vicenza, who had lived in security
under the protection of the Visconti, to dread the greatness of the lord of
Padua, and they placed themselves under the Venetians, who, engaging in
arms with him, first took Verona and then Padua.
At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by Innocent VII.
The people of Rome supplicated him to restore to them their fortresses and
their liberty; but as he would not consent to their petition, they called to
their assistance Ladislaus, king of Naples. Becoming reconciled to the
people, the pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew Lodovico count

of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and Gregory XII. was created, upon
the understanding to renounce the papacy whenever the anti-pope would
also renounce it. By the advice of the cardinals, in order to attempt the
reunion of the church, Benedict, the anti-pope, came to Porto Venere, and
Gregory to Lucca, where they made many endeavors, but effected nothing.
Upon this, the cardinals of both the popes abandoned them, Benedict going
to Spain, and Gregory to Rimini. On the other hand, the cardinals, with the
favor of Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of Bologna, appointed a
council at Pisa, where they created Alexander V., who immediately
excommunicated King Ladislaus, and invested Louis of Anjou with the
kingdom; this prince, with the Florentines, Genoese, and Venetians,
attacked Ladislaus and drove him from Rome. In the head of the war
Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossa succeeded him, with the title of John
XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where he was elected, he went to Rome, and
found there Louis of Anjou, who had brought the army from Provence, and
coming to an engagement with Ladislaus, routed him. But by the
mismanagement of the leaders, they were unable to prosecute the victory, so
that the king in a short time gathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled
to Provence, the pope to Bologna; where, considering how he might
diminish the power of Ladislaus, he caused Sigismund, king of Hungary, to
be elected emperor, and advised him to come to Italy. Having a personal
interview at Mantua, they agreed to call a general council, in which the
church should be united; and having effected this, the pope thought he
should be fully enabled to oppose the forces of his enemies.
At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict, and Giovanni,
which kept the church weak and in disrepute. The city of Constance, in
Germany, was appointed for the holding of the council, contrary to the
expectation of Pope John. And although the death of Ladislaus had removed
the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still, having promised
to attend, he could not refuse to go there. In a few months after his arrival at
Constance he discovered his error, but it was too late; endeavoring to
escape, he was taken, put into prison, and compelled to renounce the
papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent his renunciation; Benedict, the
other, refusing to do the same, was condemned as a heretic; but, being
abandoned by his cardinals, he complied, and the council elected Oddo, of
the Colonnesi family, pope, by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was
united under one head, after having been divided by many pontiffs.

Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of Pavia. But Fazino
Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy had become lord of Vercelli,
Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona, and had amassed great riches, finding his
end approach, and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiress of his
estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should be effected
between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo became powerful, and
reacquired Milan and the whole of Lombardy. By way of being grateful for
these numerous favors, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice of
adultery and caused her to be put to death. Finding himself now possessed
of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscany and of
prosecuting the designs of Giovanni Galeazzo, his father.
Ladislaus, king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister Giovanna the
kingdom and a large army, under the command of the principal leaders of
Italy, among the first of whom was Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by the
soldiery of that period to be a very valiant man. The queen, to shun the
disgrace of having kept about her person a certain Pandolfello, whom she
had brought up, took for her husband Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman of
the royal line, on the condition that he should be content to be called Prince
of Tarento, and leave to her the title and government of the kingdom. But
the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed him king; so that
between the husband and the wife wars ensued; and although they
contended with varying success, the queen at length obtained the
superiority, and became an enemy of the pope. Upon this, in order to reduce
her to necessity, and that she might be compelled to throw herself into his
lap, Sforza suddenly withdrew from her service without giving her any
pervious notice of his intention to do so. She thus found herself at once
unarmed, and not having any other source, sought the assistance of Alfonzo,
king of Aragon and Sicily, adopted him as her son, and engaged Braccio of
Montone as her captain, who was of equal reputation in arms with Sforza,
and inimical to the pope, on account of his having taken possession of
Perugia and some other places belonging to the church. After this, peace
was made between the queen and the pontiff; but King Alfonzo, expecting
she would treat him as she had her husband, endeavored secretly to make
himself master of the strongholds; but, possessing acute observation, she
was beforehand with him, and fortified herself in the castle of Naples.
Suspicions increasing between them, they had recourse to arms, and the
queen, with the assistance of Sforza, who again resumed her service, drove

Alfonzo out of Naples, deprived him of his succession, and adopted Louis
of Anjou in his stead. Hence arose new contests between Braccio, who took
the part of Alfonzo, and Sforza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the
course of the war, Sforza was drowned in endeavoring to pass the river
Pescara; the queen was thus again unarmed, and would have been driven
out of the kingdom, but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, the duke of
Milan, who compelled Alfonzo to return to Aragon. Braccio, undaunted at
the departure of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against the queen, and
besieged L'Aquilla; but the pope, thinking the greatness of Braccio injurious
to the church, received into his pay Francesco, the son of Sforza, who went
in pursuit of Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he routed and slew him. Of
Braccio remained Oddo, his son, from whom the pope took Perugia, and
left him the state of Montone alone; but he was shortly afterward slain in
Romagna, in the service of the Florentines; so that of those who had fought
under Braccio, Niccolo Piccinino remained of greatest reputation.
Having continued our general narration nearly to the period which we at
first proposed to reach, what remains is of little importance, except the war
which the Florentines and Venetians carried on against Filippo duke of
Milan, of which an account will be given when we speak particularly of
Florence. I shall, therefore, continue it no further, briefly explaining the
condition of Italy in respect of her princes and her arms, at the period to
which we have now come. Joan II. held Naples, La Marca, the Patrimony
and Romagna; some of these places obeyed the church, while others were
held by vicars or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, by those of the
House of Este; Faenza by the Manfredi; Imola by the Alidossi; Furli by the
Ordelaffi; Rimini and Psaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by those of
Varano. Part of Lombardy was subject to the Duke Filippo, part to the
Venetians; for all those who had held single states were set aside, except the
House of Gonzaga, which ruled in Mantua. The greater part of Tuscany was
subject to the Florentines. Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their
own laws; Lucca was under the Guinigi; Sienna was free. The Genoese,
being sometimes free, at others, subject to the kings of France or the
Visconti, lived unrespected, and may be enumerated among the minor
powers.
None of the principal states were armed with their own proper forces.
Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apartments, and would not allow
himself to be seen; his wars were managed by commissaries. The Venetians,

when they directed their attention to terra firma, threw off those arms which
had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling into the customs of Italy,
submitted their forces to the direction of others. The practice of arms being
unsuitable to priests or women, the pope and Queen Joan of Naples were
compelled by necessity to submit to the same system which others practiced
from defect of judgment. The Florentines also adopted the same custom, for
having, by their frequent divisions, destroyed the nobility, and their republic
being wholly in the hands of men brought up to trade, they followed the
usages and example of others.
Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the lesser princes, or of
men who possessed no state; for the minor princes did not adopt the
practice of arms from any desire of glory, but for the acquisition of either
property or safety. The others (those who possessed no state) being bred to
arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no other art, and pursued war
for emolument, or to confer honor upon themselves. The most noticed
among the latter were Carmignola, Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino the
pupil of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto Attenduli, il
Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolini da Perugia, Niccolo da Tolentino, Guido
Torello, Antonia dal Ponte ad Era, and many others. With these, were those
lords of whom I have before spoken, to which may be added the barons of
Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen of the
kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy, who, being constantly in arms, had
such an understanding among themselves, and so contrived to
accommodate things to their own convenience, that of those who were at
war, most commonly both sides were losers; and they had made the practice
of arms so totally ridiculous, that the most ordinary leader, possessed of true
valor, would have covered these men with disgrace, whom, with so little
prudence, Italy honored.
With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my history must,
therefore, be filled; to which, before I descend, it will be necessary, as was
at first proposed, to speak of the origin of Florence, that it may be clearly
understood what was the state of the city in those times, and by what
means, through the labours of a thousand years, she became so imbecile.

BOOK II

CHAPTER I
The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of it
—Increased population tends to make countries more healthy—Origin of
Florence—Aggrandizement of Florence—Origin of the name of Florence—
Destruction of Florence by Totila—The Florentines take Fiesole—The first
division in Florence, and the cause of it—Buondelmonti—Buondelmonti
slain—Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence—Guelphic families—
Ghibelline families—The two factions come to terms.
Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and
principalities of antiquity that have now gone into disuse, was that by
means of which towns and cities were from time to time established; and
there is nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of a well-
regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon a province, as
the settlement of new places, where men are drawn together for mutual
accommodation and defense. This may easily be done, by sending people to
reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the
establishment of new cities, these removals render a conquered country
more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province properly distributed.
Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort, the inhabitants increase
rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, and defend themselves with
greater assurance. This custom, by the unwise practice of princes and
republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruin and weakness of territories
has followed; for this ordination is that by which alone empires are made
secure, and countries become populated. Safety is the result of it; because
the colony which a prince establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a
fortress and a guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience.
Neither can a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper
distribution of its inhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not
equally healthy, and hence some will abound to overflowing, while others
are void; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in
which they increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few
the country would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, and
the other a dense and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repair this

disorder, it is necessary that industry should effect it, for unhealthy
localities become wholesome when a numerous population is brought into
them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the air is purified
with fires—remedies which nature cannot provide. The city of Venice
proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in a marshy and
unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by the number of
industrious individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, on account of
its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the Saracens,
having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers unnavigable, caused the
Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, and thus render her populous
and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not adopted, conquered
countries are held with great difficulty; districts once uninhabited still
remain so, and those which populate quickly are not relieved. Hence it is
that many places of the world, and particularly in Italy, in comparison of
ancient times, have become deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded
from the negligence of princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and
of republics which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In
ancient times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those
already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had its
beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.
It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the
city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in order that
her markets might be more frequented, and afford greater accommodation
for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to
told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the foot of the
mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have occasioned
the first erections that were made in those places, and to have induced
merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for the reception of their
goods, and which, in time, became substantial buildings. And afterward,
when the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, rendered Italy
secure from foreign invasion, these buildings would greatly increase; for
men never endure inconveniences unless some powerful necessity compels
them. Thus, although the fear of war induces a willingness to occupy places
strong and difficult of access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men
gladly resort to more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the
security to which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused
the inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much

as to form a town, this was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this
occurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of Cæsar, and
Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Cæsar, and the parties who
undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, and afterward by
the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged the death of Cæsar, divided
the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either
in part or in whole, fixed their habitations in the plain, near to the then
rising town. By this increase, the place became so filled with dwellings, that
it might with propriety be enumerated among the cities of Italy.
There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word
Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principal
persons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, but
Fluentia, and suppose the word derived from fluente, or flowing of the
Arno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who
says, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." This, however, may
be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini, not of the
name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word Fluentini
were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at
nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini; for, in
the time of Tiberius, they were governed like the other cities of Italy.
Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of ambassadors from the
Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters of the Chiane might not
be allowed to overflow their country; and it is not at all reasonable that the
city should have two names at the same time. Therefore I think that,
however derived, the name was always Florentia, and that whatever the
origin might be, it occurred under the Roman empire, and began to be
noticed by writers in the times of the first emperors.
When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians, Florence was
destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of two
hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, till the
year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy; and, during
this period, first the descendants of Charles, then the Berengarii, and lastly
the German emperors, governed her, as in our general treatise we have
shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those ages, increase in numbers,
or effect anything worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those
to whom they were subject. Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast
of St. Romolo, a solemn day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed

Fiesole, which must have been performed either with the consent of the
emperors, or during the interim from the death of one to the creation of his
successor, when all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs
acquired greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was
in its wane, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for
the prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country was
divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines kept
themselves united until the year 1215, rendering obedience to the ruling
power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, as the diseases
which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as
they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in the sects of Italy,
was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause of her first division is
well known, having been recorded by Dante and many other writers; I shall,
however, briefly notice it.
Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti
and the Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati
family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for
whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young
gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but either
from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplished at any
time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that the
cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. This grieved
the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter's beauty,
to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the marriage; and from
an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her house alone, she
descended, and as he was passing she said to him, "I am glad to learn you
have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my daughter for you;" and,
pushing the door open, presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the
beauty of the girl, which was very uncommon, and considering the nobility
of her blood, and her portion not being inferior to that of the lady whom he
had chosen, became inflamed with such an ardent desire to possess her, that,
not thinking of the promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it,
or of the evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said,
"Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to
refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose;" and without any delay married
her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the Uberti, whose
families were allied, were filled with rage, and having assembled with many

others, connections of the parties, they concluded that the injury could not
be tolerated without disgrace, and that the only vengeance proportionate to
the enormity of the offence would be to put Buondelmonti to death. And
although some took into consideration the evils that might ensue upon it,
Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talk of many things effect nothing,
using that trite and common adage, Cosa fatta capo ha. Thereupon, they
appointed to the execution of the murder Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti,
Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who, on the morning of Easter
day, concealed themselves in a house of the Amidei, situate between the old
bridge and St. Stephen's, and as Buondelmonti was passing upon a white
horse, thinking it as easy a matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he
was attacked by them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of
Mars. This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing the cause of
the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these families
possessed men and means of defense, they contended with each other for
many years, without one being able to destroy the other.
Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II., who,
being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the church;
and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored the Uberti and
their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the Buondelmonti; thus
our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time been, became divided into
Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will not be superfluous, I shall record the
names of the families which took part with each faction. Those who
adopted the cause of the Guelphs were the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi,
Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi,
Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi,
Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni,
Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari,
Visdomini, Donati, Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the
Ghibelline faction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei,
Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri,
Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani,
Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, Giuochi, and
Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side above enumerated, each
party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the people, so that the
whole city was corrupted with this division. The Guelphs being expelled,
took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where part of their castles and

strongholds were situated, and where they strengthened and fortified
themselves against the attacks of their enemies. But, upon the death of
Frederick, the most unbiased men, and those who had the greatest authority
with the people, considered that it would be better to effect the reunion of
the city, than, by keeping her divided, cause her ruin. They therefore
induced the Guelphs to forget their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines
to lay aside their jealousies and receive them with cordiality.

CHAPTER II
New form of government in Florence—Military establishments—The
greatness of Florence—Movements of the Ghibellines—Ghibellines driven
out of the city—Guelphs routed by the forces of the king of Naples—
Florence in the power of the king of Naples—Project of the Ghibellines to
destroy Florence opposed by Farinata degli Uberti—Adventures of the
Guelphs of Florence—The pope gives his standard to the Guelphs—Fears
of the Ghibellines and their preparations for the defense of their power—
Establishment of trades' companies, and their authority—Count Guido
Novello expelled—He goes to Prato—The Guelphs restored to the city—
The Ghibellines quit Florence—The Florentines reform the government in
favor of the Guelphs—The pope endeavors to restore the Ghibellines and
excommunicates Florence—Pope Nicholas III. endeavors to abate the
power of Charles king of Naples.
Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for the
ordination of a free government, and that it would be desirable to provide
their means of defense before the new emperor should acquire strength.
They therefore divided the city into six parts, and elected twelve citizens,
two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were called Anziani, and
were elected annually. To remove the cause of those enmities which had
been observed to arise from judicial decisions, they provided two judges
from some other state,—one called captain of the people, the other podesta,
or provost,—whose duty it was to decide in cases, whether civil or criminal,
which occurred among the people. And as order cannot be preserved
without a sufficient force for the defense of it, they appointed twenty
banners in the city, and seventy-six in the country, upon the rolls of which
the names of all the youth were armed; and it was ordered that everyone
should appear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned, whether by
the captain of the people or the Anziani. They had ensigns according to the
kind of arms they used, the bowmen being under one ensign, and the
swordsmen, or those who carried a target, under another; and every year,
upon the day of Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the new
men, and new leaders were appointed for the whole establishment. To give

importance to their armies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who
were exhausted in the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they
might again make head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn
by two oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white
and red. When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought
into the New Market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people.
To give solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell called Martinella,
which was rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in
order that the enemy might have time to provide for his defense; so great
was the virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of
mind were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent
act to assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thought
disgraceful, and productive only of a fallacious advantage. This bell was
also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and relief of
guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of war.
With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines established
their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authority Florence
in a short time acquired. She became not only the head of Tuscany, but was
enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and would have attained
greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been afflicted with the
continual divisions of her citizens. They remained under the this
government ten years, during which time they compelled the people of
Pistoria, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league with them; and returning
with the army from Sienna, they took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and
led the inhabitants to Florence. All these enterprises were effected by the
advice of the Guelphs, who were much more powerful than the Ghibellines,
for the latter were hated by the people as well on account of their haughty
bearing while in power, during the time of Frederick, as because the church
party was in more favor than that of the emperor; for with the aid of the
church they hoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the emperor, they were
apprehensive of losing it.
The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested of
authority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessing the
government; and they thought the favorable moment come, when they
found that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of
Naples, and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore, secretly
communicated with him, to resume the management of the state, but could

not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of the Anziani,
who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them; but instead
of obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in their houses. The
people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with the assistance of the
Guelphs, compelled them to quit the city, and, with the whole Ghibelline
party, withdraw to Sienna. They then asked assistance of Manfred king of
Naples, and by the able conduct of Farinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were
routed by the king's forces upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that
those who escaped, thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought
refuge at Lucca.
Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputation in
arms, to command his forces. He after the victory, went with the
Ghibellines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king's authority,
annulling the magistracies and every other institution that retained any
appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with little prudence, excited
the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity against the Ghibellines,
whose ruin it eventually caused, was increased to the highest pitch. The
necessities of the kingdom compelling the Count Giordano to return to
Naples, he left at Florence as regal vicar the Count Guido Novallo, lord of
Casentino, who called a council of Ghibellines at Empoli. There it was
concluded, with only one dissenting voice, that in order to preserve their
power in Tuscany, it would be necessary to destroy Florence, as the only
means of compelling the Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party
of the church. To this so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city,
there was not a citizen who offered any opposition, except Farinata degli
Uberti, who openly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many
dangers and difficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country; that he
still wished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the
blessing which fortune now presented, even though by using it, he were to
become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise, as he had been
of the Guelphs; and that no one need be afraid the city would occasion the
ruin of their country, for he hoped that the valor which had expelled the
Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata was a man of
undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in military affairs: being the
head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimation with Manfred, his
authority put a stop to the discussion, and induced the rest to think of some
other means of preserving their power.

The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, for affording
refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could allow them to
remain no longer; so leaving Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence
they were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that
city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latter were
assigned to them; so that having increased in honors and riches, and
learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the
kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer him
their services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave them
a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after borne by
the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charles having taken the
kingdom from Manfred, and slain him, to which success the Guelphs of
Florence had contributed, their party became more powerful, and that of the
Ghibellines proportionately weaker. In consequence of this, those who with
Count Novello governed the city, thought it would be advisable to attach to
themselves, with some concession, the people whom they had previously
aggravated with every species of injury; but these remedies which, if
applied before the necessity came would have been beneficial, being
offered when they were no longer considered favors, not only failed of
producing any beneficial results to the donors, but hastened their ruin.
Thinking, however, to win them to their interests, they restored some of the
honors of which they had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens
from the higher rank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights or
gentlemen, brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the
city was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of the
people according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed a
magistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed under him.
They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every man was
expected to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts were at
first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor arts were afterward
increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present, twenty-one.
The thirty-six reformers also effected other changes for the common good.
Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for the support of the
soldiery; but during the discussion found so much difficulty, that he did not
dare to use force to obtain it; and thinking he had now lost the government,
called together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they determined to wrest
from the people those powers which they had with so little prudence

conceded. When they thought they had sufficient force, the thirty-six being
assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, which so alarmed them that
they retired to their houses, when suddenly the banners of the Arts were
unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them. These, learning that Count
Guido and his followers were at St. John's, moved toward the Holy Trinity,
and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their leader. The count, on the other
hand, being informed where the people were assembled, proceeded in that
direction; nor did the people shun the fight, for, meeting their enemies
where now stands the residence of the Tornaquinci, they put the count to
flight, with the loss of many of his followers. Terrified with this result, he
was afraid his enemies would attack him in the night, and that his own
party, finding themselves beaten, would murder him. This impression took
such hold of his mind that, without attempting any other remedy, he sought
his safety rather in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the
rectors, went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding himself in a place
of safety, his fears fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it, and on
the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned with his people to
Florence, to enter the city by force which he had abandoned in cowardice.
But his design did not succeed; for the people, who had had difficulty in
expelling him, kept him out with facility; so that with grief and shame he
went to the Casentino, and the Ghibellines withdrew to their villas.
The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the good
of the republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all the citizens as
well Guelph as Ghibelline, who yet remained without. The Guelphs
returned, after having been expelled six years; the recent offences of the
Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored to their country. They
were, however, most cordially hated, both by the people and the Guelphs,
for the latter could not forget their exile, and the former but too well
remembered their tyranny when they were in power; the result was, that the
minds of neither party became settled.
While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed that
Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany,
for the conquest of Naples; this gave the Ghibellines hope of recovering
power, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for their
security, requested assistance from Charles for their defense, in case of the
passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles rendered the

Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that they fled the city,
without being driven out, two days before the arrival of the troops.
The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorganized the
government of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supreme power,
were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not called Anziani or
"ancients," but Buono Uomini or "good men." They also formed a council
of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides these, from each
sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the Credenza and the twelve
Buono Uomini, were called the General Council. They also appointed
another council of one hundred and twenty citizens, elected from the people
and the nobility, to which all those things were finally referred that had
undergone the consideration of the other councils, and which distributed the
offices of the republic. Having formed this government, they strengthened
the Guelphic party by appointing its friends to the principal offices of state,
and a variety of other measures, that they might be enabled to defend
themselves against the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three
parts, one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani,
and the third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries they
had received. The pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in the Guelphic
interest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province. While the
Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved their influence at
home by laws, and abroad with arms, the pope died, and after a dispute,
which continued two years, Gregory X. was elected, being then in Syria,
where he had long lived; but not having witnessed the working of parties,
he did not estimate them in the manner his predecessors had done, and
passing through Florence on his way to France, he thought it would be the
office of a good pastor to unite the city, and so far succeeded that the
Florentines consented to receive the Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence
to consider the terms of their recall. They effected an agreement, but the
Ghibellines without were so terrified that they did not venture to return. The
pope laid the whole blame upon the city, and being enraged
excommunicated her, in which state of contumacy she remained as long as
the pontiff lived; but was reblessed by his successor Innocent V.
The pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III. of the Orsini
family. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of the popes
to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, even when its
growth had been occasioned by the favors of the church; and as they always

endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were the result.
Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase the influence of one
previously weak; his becoming great caused him also to be feared, and his
being feared made them seek the means of destroying him. This mode of
thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom of Naples to be taken from
Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as the latter became powerful his
ruin was resolved upon. Actuated by these motives, Nicholas III. contrived
that, with the influence of the emperor, the government of Tuscany should
be taken from Charles, and Latino his legate was therefore sent into the
province in the name of the empire.

CHAPTER III
Changes in Florence—The Ghibellines recalled—New form of
government in Florence—The Signory created—Victory over the Aretins—
The Gonfalonier of Justice created—Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier—
Giano della Bella—New reform by his advice—Giano della Bella becomes
a voluntary exile—Dissensions between the people and the nobility—The
tumults composed—Reform of Government—Public buildings—The
prosperous state of the city.
Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition; for the great
Guelphic families had become insolent, and set aside the authority of the
magistrates; so that murders and other atrocities were daily committed, and
the perpetrators escaped unpunished, under the protection of one or other of
the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order to restrain this insolence,
determined to recall those who had been expelled, and thus gave the legate
an opportunity of uniting the city. The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of
twelve governors, fourteen were appointed, seven for each party, who held
their office one year, and were to be chosen by the pope. The Florentines
lived under this government two years, till the pontificate of Martin, who
restored to Charles all the authority which had been taken from him by
Nicholas, so that parties were again active in Tuscany; for the Florentines
took arms against the emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghibellines of
power, and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government.
This was in the year 1282, and the companies of the Arts, since magistrates
had been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so great
influence, that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of fourteen
citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to hold the
government of the republic two months, and chosen from either the people
or the nobility. After the expiration of the first magistracy they were
augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixth of the city, and
this number was preserved till the year 1342, when the city was divided into
quarters, and the Priors became eight, although upon some occasions during
the interim they were twelve.

This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin of the
nobility; for the people by various causes excluded them from all
participation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. The nobles
at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made no opposition;
and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in the state, they lost it
altogether. To this government a palace was given, in which they were to
reside constantly, and all requisite officers were appointed; it having been
previously the custom of councils and magistrates to assemble in churches.
At first they were only called Priors, but to increase their distinction the
word signori, or lords, was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines
remained for some time in domestic quiet, during which they made war
with the Aretins for having expelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete
victory over them at Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and
population, it was found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which
was enlarged to the extent it at present remains, although its diameter was
previously only the space between the old bridge and the church of St.
Lorenzo.
Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph and
Ghibelline factions to become almost extinct; and the only party feeling
which seemed occasionally to glow, was that which naturally exists in all
cities between the higher classes and the people; for the latter, wishing to
live in conformity with the laws, and the former to be themselves the rulers
of the people, it was not possible for them to abide in perfect amity
together. This ungenial disposition, while their fear of the Ghibellines kept
them in order, did not discover itself, but no sooner were they subdued than
it broke forth, and not a day passed without some of the populace being
injured, while the laws were insufficient to procure redress, for every noble
with his relations and friends defended himself against the forces of the
Priors and the Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the Arts'
companies ordered that every Signory at the time of entering upon the
duties of office should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the
people, and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into twenty
companies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon or banner and
his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the laws whenever
called upon, either by the Signors themselves or the Capitano. The first
elected to this high office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man unfurled his
gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on account of a member

of that family having slain one of the Florentine people in France. The
violent animosities among the nobility enabled the companies of the Arts to
establish this law with facility; and the former no sooner saw the provision
which had been made against them than they felt the acrimonious spirit
with which it was enforced. At first it impressed them with greater terror,
but they soon after returned to their accustomed insolence, for one or more
of their body always making part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of
impeding the Gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his
office. Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the injury he
had received, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thus
in a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before, and the
tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever; for the decisions
of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentences were not carried
into execution.
In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Giano della
Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged the heads of
the Arts to reform the constitution of the city; and by his advice it was
ordered that the Gonfalonier should reside with the Priors, and have four
thousand men at his command. They deprived the nobility of the right to sit
in the Signory. They condemned the associates of a criminal to the same
penalty as himself, and ordered that public report should be taken as
evidence. By these laws, which were called the ordinations of justice, the
people acquired great influence, and Giano della Bella not a small share of
trouble; for he was thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their
power, while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought he
possessed too great authority. This became very evident upon the first
occasion that presented itself.
It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in a riot, in
which several of the nobility had taken a part, and among the rest Corso
Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the death was attributed.
He was, therefore, taken by the captain of the people, and whether he was
really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was afraid of condemning him,
he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased the people so much, that, seizing
their arms, they ran to the house of Giano della Bella, to beg that he would
compel the execution of those laws which he had himself made. Giano, who
wished Corso to be punished, did not insist upon their laying down their
arms, as many were of opinion he ought to have done, but advised them to

go to the Signory, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it into
consideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted by the
Capitano and abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going to the
Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made themselves
masters, and plundered it.
This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin of
Giano laid the entire blame upon him; and as in the succeeding Signory
there was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as the originator
of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people took arms, and,
proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against the Signory and his
enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burst of popular favor to
the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for he feared the malignity of
the latter and the instability of the former; so, in order to remove an
occasion for his enemies to injure him, or his friends to offend the laws, he
determined to withdraw, deliver his countrymen from the fear they had of
him, and, leaving the city which at his own charge and peril he had
delivered from the servitude of the great, become a voluntary exile.
After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began to entertain
hopes of recovering their authority; and judging their misfortune to have
arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to the Signory,
which they thought was favorable to them, to beg they would be pleased to
moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soon as their
demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited; for
they were afraid the Signors would submit to them; and so, between the
desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were resorted to.
The nobility were drawn together in three places: near the church of St.
John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi, under three
leaders, Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people
assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before the palace of
the Signory, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo; and, as they
suspected the integrity of the Signory, they added six citizens to their
number to take part in the management of affairs.
While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, as well
of the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests of respectable
character, mingled among them for the purpose of effecting a pacification,
reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and the laws which were

made against them, had been occasioned by their haughty conduct, and the
mischievous tendency of their proceedings; that resorting to arms to recover
by force what they had lost by illiberal measures and disunion, would tend
to the destruction of their country and increase the difficulties of their own
position; that they should bear in mind that the people, both in riches,
numbers, and hatred, were far stronger than they; and that their nobility, on
account of which they assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win
battles, and would be found, when they came to arms, to be but an empty
name, and insufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand,
they reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have the
last blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation, for he
who is without hope is also without fear; that they ought not to forget that in
the wars the nobility had always done honor to the country, and therefore it
was neither wise nor just to pursue them with so much bitterness; and that
although the nobility could bear with patience the loss of the supreme
magistracy, they could not endure that, by the existing laws, it should be in
the power of everyone to drive them from their country; and, therefore, it
would be well to qualify these laws, and, in furtherance of so good a result,
be better to lay down their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of
a battle; for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety
of opinion was found among the people; many wished to decide the
question by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done
some time, and that it would be better to do so then than delay till the
enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought a mitigation
of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be glad to comply, but
that the pride of the nobility was so great they would not submit unless they
were compelled. To many others, who were more peaceable and better
disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the laws a little than to come to
battle; and their opinion prevailing, it was provided that no accusation
against the nobility could be received unless supported with sufficient
testimony.
Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion,
and each fortified itself with men and places of strength. The people
reorganized the government, and lessened the number of its officers, to
which measure they were induced by finding that the Signors appointed
from the families, of which the following were the heads, had been
favorable to the nobility, viz.: the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and

Cerretani. Having settled the government, for the greater magnificence and
security of the Signory, they laid the foundation of their palace; and to make
space for the piazza, removed the houses that had belonged to the Uberti;
they also at the same period commenced the public prisons. These buildings
were completed in a few years; nor did our city ever enjoy a greater state of
prosperity than in those times: filled with men of great wealth and
reputation; possessing within her walls 30,000 men capable of bearing
arms, and in the country 70,000, while the whole of Tuscany, either as
subjects or friends, owed obedience to Florence. And although there might
be some indignation and jealousy between the nobility and the people, they
did not produce any evil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace.
And if this peace had not been disturbed by internal enmities there would
have been no cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to
fear either from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasons
kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states of Italy
with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powers could not
effect, was brought about by those within.

CHAPTER IV
The Cerchi and the Donati—Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions in
Pistoia—They come to Florence—Open enmity of the Donati and the
Cerchi—Their first conflict—The Cerchi head the Bianca faction—The
Donati take part with the Nera—The pope's legate at Florence increases the
confusion with an interdict—New affray between the Cerchi and the Donati
—The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the advice of
Dante Alighieri—Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence—The
Florentines suspect him—Corso Donati and the rest of the Nera party return
to Florence—Veri Cerchi flies—The pope's legate again in Florence—The
city again interdicted—New disturbances—The Bianchi banished—Dante
banished—Corso Donati excites fresh troubles—The pope's legate
endeavors to restore the emigrants but does not succeed—Great fire in
Florence.
The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the number and
influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguished families in
Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country, there had arisen
between them some slight displeasure, which, however, had not occasioned
an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have produced any serious effect
if the malignant humors had not been increased by new causes. Among the
first families of Pistoia was the Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of
Gulielmo, and Geri, son of Bertacca, both of this family, playing together,
and coming to words, Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased
Gulielmo; and, designing by a suitable apology to remove all cause of
further animosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of the
youth whom he had wounded and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; but
this act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, and having
caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignity to his brutal
act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's hand upon a block used
for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, "Go to thy father, and tell him
that sword wounds are cured with iron and not with words."
The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Gulielmo that
he ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bertacca prepared for

his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city of Pistoia, became
divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended from a Cancelliere who had
had two wives, of whom one was called Bianca (white), one party was
named by those who were descended from her BIANCA; and the other, by
way of greater distinction, was called NERA (black). Much and long-
continued strife took place between the two, attended with the death of
many men and the destruction of much property; and not being able to
effect a union among themselves, but weary of the evil, and anxious either
to bring it to an end, or, by engaging others in their quarrel, increase it, they
came to Florence, where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the
Donati, were favored by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account
the Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against
the Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect inferior to
Corso.
This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased the old
animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, and it was already so
manifest, that the Priors and all well-disposed men were in hourly
apprehension of its breaking out, and causing a division of the whole city.
They therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he would interpose his
authority between these turbulent parties, and provide the remedy which
they found themselves unable to furnish. The pope sent for Veri, and
charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Veri exhibited great
astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them, and that as
pacification presupposes war, he did not know, there being no war between
them, how peacemaking could be necessary. Veri having returned from
Rome without anything being effected, the rage of the parties increased to
such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed sufficient to make it burst
forth, as indeed presently happened.
It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is the
custom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughout the
city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, upon horseback,
were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look at a party of ladies
who were dancing; thither also came some of the Cerchi, like the Donati,
accompanied with many of the nobility, and, not knowing that the Donati
were before them, pushed their horses and jostled them; thereupon the
Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drew their swords, nor were the
Cerchi at all backward to do the same, and not till after the interchange of

many wounds, they separated. This disturbance was the beginning of great
evils; for the whole city became divided, the people as well as the nobility,
and the parties took the names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were
at the head of the Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati,
a part of the Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the
Nerli, and of the Manelli; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti,
Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. To these were
joined many families of the people, and all the Ghibellines then in Florence,
so that their great numbers gave them almost the entire government of the
city.
The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Nera party, to
which also adhered those members of the above-named families who did
not take part with the Bianchi; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi, the
Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti,
Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself to the city
alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that the Captains of the
Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphic party or the well-
being of the republic, were very much afraid that this new division would
occasion the destruction of the city, and give new life to the Ghibelline
faction. They, therefore, sent again to Pope Boniface, desiring that, unless
he wished that city which had always been the shield of the church should
either be ruined or become Ghibelline, he would consider some means for
her relief. The pontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate, Cardinal
Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the most
powerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdicted the
city, and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailed than had
done previously to his coming.
The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at a funeral
which many of the Donati and the Cerchi attended, they first came to words
and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merely tumult resulted
at the moment. However, having each retired to their houses, the Cerchi
determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valor of Corso, they were
repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city was in arms. The
laws and the Signory were set at nought by the rage of the nobility, and the
best and wisest citizens were full of apprehension. The Donati and their
followers, being the least powerful, were in the greatest fear, and to provide
for their safety they called together Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the

other leaders of the Neri, and resolved to apply to the pope to appoint some
personage of royal blood, that he might reform Florence; thinking by this
means to overcome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became
known to the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy
against the liberties of the republic. Both parties being in arms, the Signory,
one of whom at that time was the poet Dante, took courage, and from his
advice and prudence, caused the people to rise for the preservation of order,
and being joined by many from the country, they compelled the leaders of
both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso, with many of the
Neri. And as an evidence of the impartiality of their motives, they also
banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon afterward, under
pretense of some justifiable cause, returned.
Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favorable to their party, went to
Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previously forwarded a
statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of the king of
France, was then at the papal court, having been called into Italy by the
king of Naples, to go over into Sicily. The pope, therefore, at the earnest
prayers of the banished Florentines, consented to send Charles to Florence,
till the season suitable for his going to Sicily should arrive. He therefore
came, and although the Bianchi, who then governed, were very
apprehensive, still, as the head of the Guelphs, and appointed by the pope,
they did not dare to oppose him, and in order to secure his friendship, they
gave him authority to dispose of the city as he thought proper.
Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which step
gave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them of their
liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in order to be ready,
if Charles should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the leaders of the
Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having, while at the head
of the republic, conducted themselves with unbecoming pride; and this
induced Corso and the banished of the Neri party to return to Florence,
knowing well that Charles and the Captains of the Parts were favorable to
them. And while the citizens, for fear of Charles, kept themselves in arms,
Corso, with all the banished, and followed by many others, entered
Florence without the least impediment. And although Veri de Cerchi was
advised to oppose him, he refused to do so, saying that he wished the
people of Florence, against whom he came, should punish him. However,

the contrary happened, for he was welcomed, not punished by them; and it
behooved Veri to save himself by flight.
Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San Pietro
Maggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a great
number of friends and people desirous of change, he set at liberty all who
had been imprisoned for offenses, whether against the state or against
individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdraw privately to
their own houses, elected a new one from the people of the Neri party, and
for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The Cerchi, and the other
heads of their faction, finding Charles opposed to them, withdrew from the
city, and retired to their strongholds. And although at first they would not
listen to the advice of the pope, they were now compelled to turn to him for
assistance, declaring that instead of uniting the city, Charles had caused
greater disunion than before. The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his
legate, who made peace between the Cerchi and the Donati, and
strengthened it with marriages and new betrothals. But wishing that the
Bianchi should participate in the employments of the government, to which
the Neri who were then at the head of it would not consent, he withdrew,
with no more satisfaction nor less enraged than on the former occasion, and
left the city interdicted for disobedience.
Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented; the Neri
from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending the loss of their
power, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor or
authority; and to these natural causes of animosity new injuries were added.
Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his estates, and being
arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked by Simone, son of Corso
Donati. The contest was obstinate, and one each side had a sorrowful
conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone was so severely wounded
that he died on the following night.
This event again disturbed the entire city; and although the Neri were
most to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head of affairs;
and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi with Piero
Ferrante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles, was discovered,
by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the government. The
matter became known from letters addressed to him by the Cerchi, although
some were of opinion that they were not genuine, but written and pretended

to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamy which their party had
acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole of the Cerchi were, however,
banished,—with their followers of the Bianchi party, of whom was Dante
the poet,—their property confiscated, and their houses pulled down. They
sought refuge, with a great number of Ghibellines who had joined them, in
many places, seeking fresh fortunes in new undertakings. Charles, having
effected the purpose of his coming, left the city, and returned to the pope to
pursue his enterprise against Sicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more
fortunate than he had been at Florence; so that with disgrace and the loss of
many of his followers, he withdrew to France.
After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone was
restless, thinking he did not possess that sort of authority in the city which
was due to his rank; for the government being in the hands of the people, he
saw the offices of the republic administered by many inferior to himself.
Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under the pretense of an
honorable design, to justify his own dishonorable purposes, and accused
many citizens who had the management of the public money, of applying it
to their private uses, and recommended that they should be brought to
justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by many who had the same
views as himself; and many in ignorance joined them, thinking Corso
actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other hand, the accused citizens,
enjoying the popular favor, defended themselves, and this difference arose
to such a height, that, after civil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the
one party were Corso and Lottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the
nobility and some of the people; on the other side were the Signory, with
the greater part of the people; so that skirmishes took place in many parts of
the city. The Signory, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese,
and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their assistance
the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people retained the
government and their liberty, without attempting by any other means to
punish the movers of the disorder.
The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent his legate,
Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both for his
quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much of the
people's confidence, that authority was given him to establish such a
government as he should think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin, he
determined to recall the banished; but designing first to gain the affections

of the lower orders, he renewed the ancient companies of the people, which
increased the popular power and reduced that of the nobility. The legate,
thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavored to recall the banished,
and, after attempting in many ways, none of which succeeded, he fell so
completely under the suspicion of the government, that he was compelled to
quit the city, and returned to the pope in great wrath, leaving Florence full
of confusion and suffering under an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed
with one division alone, but by many; first the enmity between the people
and the nobility, then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, of
the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were, therefore, in arms, for many
were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate, and wished for the return
of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on foot were the Medici
and the Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovered themselves in favor of
the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place in many parts of the city.
In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke out at the
garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati; it thence extended to
those of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed them, with those of the Macci,
Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New
Market; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it to the
ground; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses of the
Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and with these so many others
that the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion of many
that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the disturbances.
Others affirm that it was begun willfully by Neri Abati, prior of St. Pietro
Scarragio, a dissolute character, fond of mischief, who, seeing the people
occupied with the combat, took the opportunity of committing a wicked act,
for which the citizens, being thus employed, could offer no remedy. And to
insure his success, he set fire to the house of his own brotherhood, where he
had the best opportunity of doing it. This was in the year 1304, Florence
being afflicted both with fire and the sword. Corso Donati alone remained
unarmed in so many tumults; for he thought he would more easily become
the arbitrator between the contending parties when, weary of strife, they
should be inclined to accommodation. They laid down their arms, however,
rather from satiety of evil than from any desire of union; and the only
consequence was, that the banished were not recalled, and the party which
favored them remained inferior.

CHAPTER V
The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do so
—The companies of the people restored—Restless conduct of Corso Donati
—The ruin of Corso Donati—Corso Donati accused and condemned—Riot
at the house of Corso—Death of Corso—His character—Fruitless attempt
of the Emperor Henry against the Florentines—The emigrants are restored
to the city—The citizens place themselves under the king of Naples for five
years—War with Uguccione della Faggiuola—The Florentines routed—
Florence withdraws herself from subjection to King Robert, and expels the
Count Novello—Lando d'Agobbio—His tyranny—His departure.
The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbance
which had occurred, persuaded the pope that if he wished to unite the
Florentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizens appear
before him, and having thus removed the principal causes of disunion, he
might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this advice, and the citizens,
among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed the summons. These having left
the city, the legate told the exiles that now, when the city was deprived of
her leaders, was the time for them to return. They, therefore, having
assembled, came to Florence, and entering by a part of the wall not yet
completed, proceeded to the piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark,
that those who, a short time previously, when they came unarmed and
begged to be restored to their country, had fought for their return, now,
when they saw them in arms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to
oppose them (so much more was the common good esteemed than private
friendship), and being joined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to
return to the places whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking
by having left part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the
arrival of Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three
hundred horse; for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give
them the victory; and it often happens, in similar enterprises, that delay robs
us of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of the
power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared.

The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her old divisions;
and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority, the people took
from them the Stinche, a castle situated in the Val di Greve, and anciently
belonging to the family. And as those who were taken in it were the first
who were put into the new prisons, the latter were, and still continue,
named after it,—the Stinche. The leaders of the republic also re-established
the companies of the people, and gave them the ensigns that were first used
by the companies of the Arts; the heads of which were called Gonfaloniers
of the companies and colleagues of the Signory; and ordered, that when any
disturbance arose they should assist the Signory with arms, and in peace
with counsel. To the two ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff,
who, with the Gonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of the
nobility.
In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returned
from Rome; and all would have been well if his restless mind had not
occasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contrary
opinion to the most powerful men in the city; and whatever he saw the
people inclined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect, in order to
attach them to himself; so that he was a leader in all differences, at the head
of every new scheme, and whoever wished to obtain anything extraordinary
had recourse to him. This conduct caused him to be hated by many of the
highest distinction; and their hatred increased to such a degree that the Neri
faction to which he belonged, became completely divided; for Corso, to
attain his ends, had availed himself of private force and authority, and of the
enemies of the state. But so great was the influence attached to his person,
that everyone feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular
favor (which by this means may easily be done), a report was set on foot
that he intended to make himself prince of the city; and to the design his
conduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of living quite
exceeded all civil bounds; and the opinion gained further strength, upon his
taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione della Faggiuola, head of the
Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of the most powerful men in
Tuscany.
When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries,
and they took arms against him; for the same reason the people ceased to
defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of his enemies, the
leaders of whom were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and

Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers, and the greater part of the
people, assembled before the palace of the Signory, by whose command a
charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of the people, against Corso,
of intending, with the aid of Uguccione, to usurp the government. He was
then summoned, and for disobedience, declared a rebel; nor did two hours
pass over between the accusation and the sentence. The judgment being
given, the Signory, with the companies of the people under their ensigns,
went in search of him, who, although seeing himself abandoned by many of
his followers, aware of the sentence against him, the power of the Signory,
and the multitude of his enemies, remained undaunted, and fortified his
houses, in the hope of defending them till Uguccione, for whom he had
sent, should come to his Relief. His residences, and the streets approaching
them, were barricaded and taken possession of by his partisans, who
defended them so bravely that the enemy, although in great numbers, could
not force them, and the battle became one of the hottest, with wounds and
death on all sides. But the people, finding they could not drive them from
their ground, took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved
passages obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes,
no longer retaining any hope of assistance from Uguccione, and without a
chance of victory, thought only of effecting his personal safety, and with
Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends, fought
a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and effected their escape
from the city by the Gate of the Cross. They were, however, pursued by vast
numbers, and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge of Affrico by Boccaccio
Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and made prisoner by a party of Catalan
horse, in the service of the Signory, at Rovezzano. But when approaching
Florence, that he might avoid being seen and torn to pieces by his victorious
enemies, he allowed himself to fall from horseback, and being down, one of
those who conducted him cut his throat. The body was found by the monks
of San Salvi, and buried without any ceremony due to his rank. Such was
the end of Corso, to whom his country and the Neri faction were indebted
for much both of good and evil; and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he
would have left behind him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he
deserves to be enumerated among the most distinguished men our city has
produced. True it is, that his restless conduct made both his country and his
party forgetful of their obligation to him. The same cause also produced his
miserable end, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his

country. Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at
Remoli that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he
could not render him any assistance, in order to avoid bringing evil upon
himself without occasion, he returned home.
After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, the
disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it was reported
that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him all the
Florentine emigrants, to whom he had promised restoration to their country.
The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessen the number of
their enemies, it would be well to recall, of their own will, all who had been
expelled, excepting such as the law had expressly forbidden to return. Of
the number not admitted, were the greater part of the Ghibellines, and some
of those of the Bianchi faction, among whom were Dante Alighieri, the sons
of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano della Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to
Robert, king of Naples, and not being able to obtain it of him as friends,
they gave their city to him for five years, that he might defend them as his
own people. The emperor entered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded
by the marshes to Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then,
having determined to subdue the Florentines, he approached their city by
the way of Perugia and Arezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery
of San Salvi, about a mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days
without effecting anything. Despairing of success against Florence, he
returned to Pisa, where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of
Sicily, to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his people
accordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, and carrying dismay
into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, he died.
Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by means of the
Ghibelline party become lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with the
assistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighbouring
places. In order to effect their relief the Florentines requested King Robert
would allow his brother Piero to take the command of their armies. On the
other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power; and either by force
or fraud obtained possession of many castles in the Val d'Arno and the Val
di Nievole; and having besieged Monte Cataini, the Florentines found it
would be necessary to send to its relief, that they might not see him burn
and destroy their whole territory. Having drawn together a large army, they
entered the Val di Nievole where they came up with Uguccione, and were

routed after a severe battle in which Piero the king's brother and 2,000 men
were slain; but the body of the Prince was never found. Neither was the
victory a joyful one to Uguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the
leaders of his army, fell in the strife.
The Florentines after this defeat fortified their territory, and King Robert
sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count d'Andria, usually called
Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it is natural to the
Florentines to find every state tedious, the city, notwithstanding the war
with Uguccione, became divided into friends and enemies of the king.
Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain others of the people who had
attained greater influence in the government than the rest, were leaders of
the party against the king. By these means messengers were sent to France,
and afterward into Germany, to solicit leaders and forces that they might
drive out the count, whom the king had appointed governor; but they failed
of obtaining any. Nevertheless they did not abandon their undertaking, but
still desirous of one whom they might worship, after an unavailing search in
France and Germany, they discovered him at Agobbio, and having expelled
the Count Novello, caused Lando d'Agobbio to be brought into the city as
Bargello (sheriff), and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens.
This man was cruel and rapacious; and going through the country
accompanied with an armed force, he put many to death at the mere
instigation of those who had endowed him with authority. His insolence
rose to such a height, that he stamped base metal with the impression used
upon the money of the state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose
him, so powerful had he become by the discords of Florence. Great,
certainly, but unhappy city! which neither the memory of past divisions, the
fear of her enemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her own
advantage; so that she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness,
harassed without by Uguccione, and plundered within by Lando d'Agobbio.
The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers,
were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and all Guelphs;
but their adversaries being in power they could not discover their minds
without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however, determined to
deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they secretly wrote to
King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar in Florence Count
Guido da Battifolle. The king complied; and the opposite party, although
the Signory were opposed to the king, on account of the good quality of the

count, did not dare to resist him. Still his authority was not great, because
the Signory and Gonfaloniers of the companies were in favor of Lando and
his party.
During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passed
through Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of King
Robert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of the
king, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the
tyranny of Lando and his partisans; so that through her influence and the
exertions of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, and before her
departure, Lando was stripped of all authority and send back to Agobbio,
laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government, the sovereignty
of the city was continued to the king for another three years, and as there
were then in office seven Signors of the party of Lando, six more were
appointed of the king's friends, and some magistracies were composed of
thirteen Signors; but not long afterward the number was reduced to seven
according to ancient custom.

CHAPTER VI
War with Castruccio—Castruccio marches against Prato and retires
without making any attempt—The emigrants not being allowed to return,
endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed—Change in the mode
of electing the great officers of state—The Squittini established—The
Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed by Castruccio at
Altopascio—Treacherous designs of Raymond—The Florentines give the
sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria, who appoints the duke
of Athens for his vicar—The duke of Calabria comes to Florence—The
Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy—The excitement he produces—
Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of Calabria—Reform of
government.
About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and of
Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord of them,
who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his enterprises, in
a short time became the head of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. On this account
the discords among the Florentines were laid aside for some years, at first to
abate the increasing power of Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means
for mutual defense against him. And in order to give increased strength and
efficacy to their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they
called Buonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing
of any importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the
sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government
into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies, and
were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many efforts against
the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of which the Florentines
having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses, and proceeded thither
in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and one thousand five
hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of Castruccio's friends
and augment their own, the Signory declared that every rebel of the
Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prato would be restored to
his country; they thus increased their army with an addition of four
thousand men. This great force being quickly brought to Prato, alarmed

Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune of battle, he retired
toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances arose in the Florentine camp
between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom wished to pursue
the foe and destroy him; the former were for returning home, saying they
had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety of Florence on its
account, which they did not regret under the circumstances, but now, that
necessity no longer existing, the propriety of further risk ceased also, as
there was little to be gained and much to lose. Not being able to agree, the
question was referred to the Signory, among whom the difference of
opinion was equally great; and as the matter spread throughout the city, the
people drew together, and used such threatening language against the
nobility that they, being apprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the
resolution being adopted too late, and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy
time to withdraw in safety to Lucca.
This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against the
great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made to the exiles,
and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to be beforehand, and were
at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into the city before the rest of the
forces; but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being foreseen,
they were repulsed by those who had remained at home. They then
endeavored to acquire by entreaty what they had failed to obtain by force;
and sent eight men as ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the
promise given, and of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the
reward which had been held out to them. And although the nobility, who
felt the obligation on account of their having particularly undertaken to
fulfill the promise for which the Signory had bound themselves, used their
utmost exertion in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the
multitude on account of their only partial success against Castruccio, that
they could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to
the city; for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding,
endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their prayers,
and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the city, and that
those within would arm themselves in their defense. But the affair was
discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that those without found the
city in arms, and prepared to resist them. So completely subdued were those
within, that none dared to take arms; and thus the undertaking was
abandoned, without any advantage having been obtained by the party. After

the departure of the exiles it was determined to punish those who had been
instrumental in bringing them to the city; but, although everyone knew who
were the delinquents, none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It
was, therefore, resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should
write the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writing
secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo,
Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judges being
more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeeds deserved,
each escaped by paying a fine.
The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to the
gates, showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies of the
people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should have three or
four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers)
were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a part might
operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, after any
disturbance, some old laws are annulled and others renewed, so on this
occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint the Signory for a
time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues, feeling themselves
possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix upon the Signors
that would have to sit during the next forty months, by putting their names
into a bag or purse, and drawing them every two months. But, before the
expiration of the forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names
had not been deposited among the rest, and a new emborsation was made.
From this beginning arose the custom of emborsing or enclosing the names
of all who should take office in any of the magistracies for a long time to
come, as well those whose offices employed them within the city as those
abroad, though previously the councils of the retiring magistrates had
elected those who were to succeed them. These emborsations were
afterward called Squittini, or pollings,—and it was thought they would
prevent much trouble to the city, and remove the cause of those tumults
which every three, or at most five, years, took place upon the creation of
magistrates, from the number of candidates for office. And not being able to
adopt a better expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the
defects which lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation.
In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so
powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, before he
should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack him and

withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered
an army amounting to 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, and with this body
encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the place and thus
preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in the first part of
their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the country waste in their
progress; but from the little prudence and less integrity of their leader,
Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small progress; for he, having
observed them upon former occasions very prodigal of their liberty, placing
it sometimes in the hands of a king, at others in those of a legate, or persons
of even inferior quality, thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty,
it might easily happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he
fail frequently to mention these matters, and required to have that authority
in the city which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show
that otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. As
the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed
Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants of
Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo,
having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, now found
himself unable to escape; for Castruccio coming up with him at Altopascio,
a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain and taken prisoners,
and among the former fell Ramondo, who received from fortune that
reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels which he had richly deserved
from the Florentines. The injury they suffered from Castruccio, after the
battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite
indescribable; for, without any opposition, during many months, he led his
predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the
Florentines if, after such a terrible event, they could save their city.
Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them from
raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friends for
assistance; but all they could do was insufficient to restrain such a powerful
enemy; so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles duke of
Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come to their
defense; for these princes, being accustomed to rule Florence, preferred her
obedience to her friendship. But Charles, being engaged in the wars of
Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city, sent in
his stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and duke of Athens. He, as viceroy,
took possession of the city, and appointed the magistracies according to his

own pleasure; but his mode of proceeding was quite correct, and so
completely contrary to his real nature, that everyone respected him.
The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with a
thousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, and his
coming prevented further pillage of the Florentine territory by Castruccio.
However, the influence which they acquired without the city was lost within
her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their enemies were
brought upon them by their friends; for the Signory could not do anything
without the consent of the duke of Calabria, who, in the course of one year,
drew from the people 400,000 florins, although by the agreement entered
into with him, the sum was not to exceed 200,000; so great were the
burdens with which either himself or his father constantly oppressed them.
To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies; for the
Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles in
Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, by money
and promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected
emperor contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. After passing
through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the assistance of
Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from whence, having been
pacified with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. This
caused the duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples; he
therefore left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy Filippo da Saggineto.
After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master of
Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her from
obedience to him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia, and persevered with so
much vigor and resolution, that although the Florentines often attempted to
relieve her, by attacking first his army and then his country, they were
unable either by force or policy to remove him; so anxious was he to punish
the Pistolesi and subdue the Florentines. At length the people of Pistoia
were compelled to receive him for their sovereign; but this event, although
greatly to his glory, proved but little to his advantage, for upon his return to
Lucca he died. And as one event either of good or evil seldom comes alone,
at Naples also died Charles duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in
a short time, beyond the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the
Florentines found themselves delivered from the domination of the one and
the fear of the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of the

city, annulled all the old councils, and created two new ones, the one
composed of 300 citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250
from the nobility and the people.
The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council of
the Commune.

CHAPTER VII
The Emperor at Rome—The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and
repent of it—Enterprises of the Florentines—Conspiracy of the Bardi and
the Frescobaldi—The conspiracy discovered and checked—Maffeo da
Marradi appeases the tumult—Lucca is purchased by the Florentines and
taken by the Pisans—The duke of Athens at Florence—The nobility
determine to make him prince of the city.
The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did many
things in opposition to the church, and attempted many others, but without
effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace, and went to Pisa, where, either
because they were not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 German horse
mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaro upon the Ceruglio; and
when the emperor had left Pisa to go into Lombardy, they took possession
of Lucca and drove out Francesco Castracani, whom he had left there.
Designing to turn their conquest to account, they offered it to the
Florentines for 80,000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della Tosa,
was refused. This resolution, if they had remained in it, would have been of
the greatest utility to the Florentines; but as they shortly afterward changed
their minds, it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might
have obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not,
they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger
amount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in
Florence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by
Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often
less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which they
cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known, and for
how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were seized
with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those by whose
advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in order
to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they sent troops to
plunder and overrun the country of the Lucchese.
About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of the
Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the death of

Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till 1340,
and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many wars were
carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John king of
Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this period Florence
was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice of Giotto, the
most distinguished painter of his time, they built the tower of Santa
Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333, risen twelve
feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the bridges and many
buildings, all which were restored with great care and expense.
In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had two
ways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrain the
emborsation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselves or their
friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors, they were always
favorable to their party. This second mode they considered of so great
importance, that the ordinary rectors not being sufficient for them, they on
some occasions elected a third, and at this time they had made an
extraordinary appointment, under the title of captain of the guard, of Jacopo
Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed him with unlimited authority over the
citizens. This man, under the sanction of those who governed, committed
constant outrages; and among those whom he injured were Piero de' Bardi
and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the nobility, and naturally proud,
could not endure that a stranger, supported by a few powerful men, should
without cause injure them with impunity, and consequently entered into a
conspiracy against him and those by whom he was supported. They were
joined by many noble families, and some of the people, who were offended
with the tyranny of those in power. Their plan was, that each should bring
into his house a number of armed men, and on the morning after the day of
All Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying for their dead,
they should take arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of
affairs, and then, with a new Signory and new ordinances, reform the
government.
But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willingly it
is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed
between the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution, that
the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de' Bardi
was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of the matter, the fear
of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him than the desire of

revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo Alberti, his brother-in-law.
Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and they informed the government. And as the
danger was near, All Saints' day being just at hand, many citizens met
together in the palace; and thinking their peril increased by delay, they
insisted that the Signory should order the alarm to be rung, and called the
people together in arms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and
Francesco Salviati one of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi,
were unwilling to summon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that
it is by no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion,
for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never
beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, but a difficult
thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would be taking a more prudent
course if they were to inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish the
delinquents by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon a simple
information, to correct it by such a tumultuous means, and thus hazard the
safety of the city. None would listen to these remarks; the Signory were
assailed with insolent behavior and indecent expressions, and compelled to
sound the alarm, upon which the people presently assembled in arms. On
the other hand, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, finding themselves
discovered, that they might conquer with glory or die without shame, armed
themselves, in the hope that they would be able to defend that part of the
city beyond the river, where their houses were situated; and they fortified
the bridge in expectation of assistance, which they expected from the nobles
and their friends in the country. Their design was frustrated by the people
who, in common with themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these
took arms in favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus
circumstanced, they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the
street in which the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any
other; and this they defended with great bravery.
Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against
himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himself surrounded
with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the other rectors, who were
much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and especially the podesta
or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He presented himself
among the combatants without any fear, and passing the bridge of the
Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that he wished to
speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his noble demeanor,

and the excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an immediate
cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen to him patiently. He
very gravely, but without the use of any bitter or aggravating expressions,
blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they would incur if they still
contended against the popular feeling, gave them reason to hope their
complaints would be heard and mercifully considered, and promised that he
himself would use his endeavors in their behalf. He then returned to the
Signory, and implored them to spare the blood of the citizens, showing the
impropriety of judging them unheard, and at length induced them to consent
that the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city,
and without impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their
departure the people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded against
those only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To
lessen their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that
of Vernia; and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should be
allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of
Florence.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of his
family banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued
the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the more
authority they possessed the worse use they made of it and the more
insolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard
who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, with
unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might abide
neither within nor without. And they excited them to such excesses against
the whole of the nobility, that these were driven to desperation, and ready to
sell both themselves and the city to obtain revenge. The occasion at length
came, and they did not fail to use it.
The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca
under the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound by
contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for, being
lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not
trouble himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines joined
the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino to the brink of
ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit from this beyond the slight
satisfaction of having conquered him; for the Venetians, like all who enter
into league with less powerful states than themselves, having acquired

Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino without the least regard for
the Florentines. Shortly after this, the Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken
Parma from Mastino, he found himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore
determined to sell it. The competitors for the purchase were the Florentines
and the Pisans; and in the course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the
Florentines, being the richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to
arms, and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The
Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but
having agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money, gave
security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernadino
de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to take possession, who
entered Lucca by force, and Mastino's people delivered the city to them.
Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and the Florentines used their
utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a long war, loss of money, and
accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to retire, and the Pisans
became lords of Lucca.
The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperated the
people of Florence against the members of the government; at every street
corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entire
misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement.
At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to
undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini to the
command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and less prudence,
they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and he sent them
Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it, to bring about the
approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the moment when the
undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon this the Twenty, seeing
the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with fresh hopes by the
appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at least abate, the causes
of calumny against themselves. As there was much to be feared, and that the
duke of Athens might have greater authority to defend them, they first chose
him for their coadjutor, and then appointed him to the command of the
army. The nobility, who were discontented from the causes above
mentioned, having many of them been acquainted with Walter, when upon a
former occasion he had governed Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought
they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, of subduing
their enemies; for there was no means of prevailing against those who had

oppressed them but of submitting to the authority of a prince who, being
acquainted with the worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would
restrain the latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the
benefits they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality
by their means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with him
secretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly upon himself,
offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence and
entreaty were also added those of some families of the people; these were
the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being
overwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for those
of others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of their country, to deliver
themselves from their servitude to their creditors. These demonstrations
excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desire of dominion, and in
order to gain himself the reputation of strict equity and justice, and thus
increase his favor with the plebeians, he prosecuted those who had
conducted the war against Lucca, condemned many to pay fines, others to
exile, and put to death Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo
Altoviti.

CHAPTER VIII
The Duke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florence—The
Signory address the duke upon the subject—The plebeians proclaim him
prince of Florence for life—Tyrannical proceedings of the duke—The city
disgusted with him—Conspiracies against the duke—The duke discovers
the conspiracies, and becomes terrified—The city rises against him—He is
besieged in the palace—Measures adopted by the citizens for reform of the
government—The duke is compelled to withdraw from the city—Miserable
deaths of Guglielmo da Scesi and his son—Departure of the duke of Athens
—His character.
These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens, but gave
satisfaction to the great and to the plebeians;—to the latter, because it is
their nature to delight in evil; and to the former, by thus seeing themselves
avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from the people. When the
duke passed along the streets he was hailed with loud cheers, the boldness
of his proceedings was praised, and both parties joined in open entreaties
that he would search out the faults of the citizens, and punish them.
The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, while the power of the
duke became great, and the influence of fear excessive; so that everyone, in
order to appear friendly to him, caused his arms to be painted over their
houses, and the name alone was all he needed to be absolutely prince.
Thinking himself upon such a footing that he might safely attempt anything,
he gave the Signory to understand that he judged it necessary for the good
of the city, that the sovereignty should be freely given to him, and that as
the rest of the citizens were willing that it should be so, he desired they
would also consent. The Signory, notwithstanding many had foreseen the
ruin of their country, were much disturbed at this demand; and although
they were aware of the dangerous position in which they stood, that they
might not be wanting in their duty, resolutely refused to comply. The duke
had, in order to assume a greater appearance of religion and humanity,
chosen for his residence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce, and
in order to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed that all the people
should, on the following morning, present themselves before him in the

piazza of the convent. This command alarmed the Signory much more than
his discourse to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens
whom they thought most attached to their country and to liberty; but they
could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of which the duke was
possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to induce him either to forego his
design or to make his government less intolerable. A party of them was,
therefore, appointed to wait upon him, one of whom addressed him in the
following manner:—
"We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the demand which you
have made, and then by the orders you have given for a meeting of the
people; for it appears to us very clearly, that it is your intention to effect by
extraordinary means the design from which we have hitherto withheld our
consent. It is not, however, our intention to oppose you with force, but only
to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself, and the dangerous
course you adopt; to the end that you may remember our advice and that of
those who, not by consideration of what is beneficial for you, but for the
gratification of their own unreasonable wishes, have advised you
differently. You are endeavoring to reduce to slavery a city that has always
existed in freedom; for the authority which we have at times conceded to
the kings of Naples was companionship and not servitude. Have you
considered the mighty things which the name of liberty implies to such a
city as this, and how delightful it is to those who hear it? It has a power
which nothing can subdue, time cannot wear away, nor can any degree of
merit in a prince countervail the loss of it. Consider, my lord, how great the
force must be that can keep a city like this in subjection, no foreign aid
would enable you to do it; neither can you confide in those at home; for
they who are at present your friends, and advise you to adopt the course you
now pursue, as soon as with your assistance they have overcome their
enemies, will at once turn their thoughts toward effecting your destruction,
and then take the government upon themselves. The plebeians, in whom
you confide, will change upon any accident, however trivial; so that in a
very short time you may expect to see the whole city opposed to you, which
will produce both their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any
remedy for this; for princes who have but few enemies may make their
government very secure by the death or banishment of those who are
opposed to them; but when the hatred is universal, no security whatever can
be found, for you cannot tell from what direction the evil may commence;

and he who has to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself
assured of anyone. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or two, you
would only increase the dangers of your situation; for the hatred of the rest
would be increased by your success, and they would become more
resolutely disposed to vengeance.
"That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for freedom is most
certain; for it has been often observed, that those have reassumed their
liberty who in their own persons had never tasted of its charms, and love it
only from remembrance of what they have heard their fathers relate; and,
therefore, when recovered, have preserved it with indomitable resolution
and at every hazard. And even when their fathers could not remember it, the
public buildings, the halls of the magistracy, and the insignia of free
institutions, remind them of it; and these things cannot fail to be known and
greatly desired by every class of citizens.
"What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an equivalent for the
sweets of liberty, or make men lose the desire of their present conditions?
No; if you were to join the whole of Tuscany to the Florentine rule, if you
were to return to the city daily in triumph over her enemies, what could it
avail? The glory would not be ours, but yours. We should not acquire
fellow-citizens, but partakers of our bondage, who would serve to sink us
still deeper in ignominy. And if your conduct were in every respect upright,
your demeanor amiable, and your judgments equitable, all these would be
insufficient to make you beloved. If you imagine otherwise, you deceive
yourself; for, to one accustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, the slightest
chains feel heavy, and every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides,
it is impossible to find a violent people associated with a good prince, for of
necessity they must soon become alike, or their difference produce the ruin
of one of them. You may, therefore, be assured, that you will either have to
hold this city by force, to effect which, guards, castles, and external aid
have oft been found insufficient, or be content with the authority we have
conferred; and this we would advise, reminding you that no dominion can
be durable to which the governed do not consent; and we have no wish to
lead you, blinded by ambition, to such a point that, unable either to stand or
advance, you must, to the great injury of both, of necessity fall."
This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the obdurate mind of
the duke, who replied that it was not his intention to rob the city of her

liberty, but to restore it to her; for those cities alone are in slavery that are
disunited, while the united are free. As Florence, by her factions and
ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he should restore, not take it from
her; and as he had been induced to take this charge upon himself, not from
his own ambition, but at the entreaty of a great number of citizens, they
would do well to be satisfied with that which produced contentment among
the rest. With regard to the danger he might incur, he thought nothing of it;
for it was not the part of a good man to avoid doing good from his
apprehension of evil, and it was the part of a coward to shun a glorious
undertaking because some uncertainty attended the success of the attempt;
and he knew he should so conduct himself, that they would soon see they
had entertained great apprehensions and been in little danger.
The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better, that on the
following morning the people should be assembled in their accustomed
place of meeting, and with their consent the Signory should confer upon the
duke the sovereignty of the city for one year, on the same conditions as it
had been intrusted to the duke of Calabria. It was upon the 8th of
November, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni della Tosa and
all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to the piazza or court of
the palace, and having, with the Signory mounted upon the ringhiera, or
rostrum (as the Florentines call those steps which lead to the palace), the
agreement which had been entered into between the Signory and himself
was read. When they had come to the passage which gave the government
to him for one year, the people shouted, "FOR LIFE." Upon this, Francesco
Rustichelli, one of the Signory, arose to speak, and endeavored to abate the
tumult and procure a hearing; but the mob, with their hootings, prevented
him from being heard by anyone; so that with the consent of the people the
duke was elected, not for one year merely, but for life. He was then borne
through the piazza by the crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded.
It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of the palace shall,
in the absence of the Signory, remain locked within. This office was at that
time held by Rinieri di Giotto, who, bribed by the friends of the duke,
without waiting for any force, admitted him immediately. The Signory,
terrified and dishonored, retired to their own houses; the palace was
plundered by the followers of the duke, the Gonfalon of the people torn to
pieces, and the arms of the duke placed over the palace. All this happened

to the indescribable sorrow of good men, though to the satisfaction of those
who, either from ignorance or malignity, were consenting parties.
The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in order to strip
those of all authority who had been defenders of her liberty, forbade the
Signory to assemble in the palace, and appointed a private dwelling for their
use. He took their colors from the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the
people; abolished the ordinances made for the restraint of the great; set at
liberty those who were imprisoned; recalled the Bardi and the Frescobaldi
from exile, and forbade everyone from carrying arms about his person. In
order the better to defend himself against those within the city, he made
friends of all he could around it, and therefore conferred great benefits upon
the Aretini and other subjects of the Florentines. He made peace with the
Pisans, although raised to power in order that he might carry on war against
them; ceased paying interest to those merchants who, during the war against
Lucca, had lent money to the republic; increased the old taxes, levied new
ones, and took from the Signory all authority. His rectors were Baglione da
Perugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were the
persons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposed burdensome
taxes upon the citizens; his decisions between contending parties were
unjust; and that precision and humanity which he had at first assumed,
became cruelty and pride; so that many of the greatest citizens and noblest
people were, either by fines, death, or some new invention, grievously
oppressed. And in completing the same bad system, both without the city
and within, he appointed six rectors for the country, who beat and plundered
the inhabitants. He suspected the great, although he had been benefited by
them, and had restored many to their country; for he felt assured that the
generous minds of the nobility would not allow them, from any motives, to
submit contentedly to his authority. He also began to confer benefits and
advantages upon the lowest orders, thinking that with their assistance, and
the arms of foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The month
of May, during which feasts are held, being come, he caused many
companies to be formed of the plebeians and very lowest of the people, and
to these, dignified with splendid titles, he gave colors and money; and while
one party went in bacchanalian procession through the city, others were
stationed in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As the report of
the duke's authority spread abroad, many of French origin came to him, for
all of whom he found offices and emoluments, as if they had been the most

trustworthy of men; so that in a short time Florence became not only subject
to French dominion, but adopted their dress and manners; for men and
women, without regard to propriety or sense of shame, imitated them. But
that which disgusted the people most completely was the violence which,
without any distinction of quality or rank, he and his followers committed
upon the women.
The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty of the state
overturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws annulled, and every decent
regulation set at naught; for men unaccustomed to royal pomp could not
endure to see this man surrounded with his armed satellites on foot and on
horseback; and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they were
compelled to honor him whom they in the highest degree hated. To this
hatred, was added the terror occasioned by the continual imposition of new
taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with which he impoverished and
consumed the city.
The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing strongly in the
people's minds, nor was he without fear of the consequences; but still
pretended to think himself beloved; and when Matteo di Morozzo, either to
acquire his favor or to free himself from danger, gave information that the
family of the Medici and some others had entered into a conspiracy against
him he not only did not inquire into the matter, but caused the informer to
be put to a cruel death. This mode of proceeding restrained those who were
disposed to acquaint him of his danger and gave additional courage to such
as sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, having ventured to speak against the taxes
with which the people were loaded, had his tongue cut out with such
barbarous cruelty as to cause his death. This shocking act increased the
people's rage, and their hatred of the duke; for those who were accustomed
to discourse and to act upon every occasion with the greatest boldness,
could not endure to live with their hands tied and forbidden to speak.
This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely the
Florentines, who though unable to preserve their liberty cannot endure
slavery, but the most servile people on earth would have been roused to
attempt the recovery of freedom; and consequently many citizens of all
ranks resolved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny or die
in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed; one of the great;
another of the people, and the third of the working classes; each of which,

besides the general causes which operated upon the whole, were excited by
some other particular grievance. The great found themselves deprived of all
participation in the government; the people had lost the power they
possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in the usual
remuneration of their labor.
Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time archbishop of Florence, and by his
discourses had formerly greatly favored the duke, and procured him many
followers among the higher class of the people. But when he found him lord
of the city, and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode of proceeding,
it appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen; and to correct the evil
he had done, he saw no other course, but to attempt the cure by the means
which had caused it. He therefore became the leader of the first and most
powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali
Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of the second, the principals were
Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and
Albizzi. Of the third the first was Antonio Adimari, and with him the
Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. It was the intention of these
last, to slay him in the house of the Albizzi, whither he was expected to go
on St. John's day, to see the horses run, but he not having gone, their design
did not succeed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode through the
city; but they found this would be very difficult; for he was always
accompanied with a considerable armed force, and never took the same
road twice together, so that they had no certainty of where to find him. They
had a design of slaying him in the council, although they knew that if he
were dead, they would be at the mercy of his followers.
While these matters were being considered by the conspirators, Antonio
Adimari, in expectation of getting assistance from them, disclosed the affair
to some Siennese, his friends, naming certain of the conspirators, and
assuring them that the whole city was ready to rise at once. One of them
communicated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with a design to
injure the plot, but in the hope that he would join them. Francesco, either
from personal fear, or private hatred of some one, revealed the whole to the
duke; whereupon, Pagolo del Mazecha and Simon da Monterappoli were
taken, who acquainted him with the number and quality of the conspirators.
This terrified him, and he was advised to request their presence rather than
to take them prisoners, for if they fled, he might without disgrace, secure
himself by banishment of the rest. He therefore sent for Antonio Adimari,

who, confiding in his companions, appeared immediately, and was detained.
Francesco Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised the duke to
take as many of the conspirators prisoners as he could, and put them to
death; but he, thinking his strength unequal to his foes, did not adopt this
course, but took another, which, had it succeeded, would have freed him
from his enemies and increased his power. It was the custom of the duke to
call the citizens together upon some occasions and advise with them. He
therefore having first sent to collect forces from without, made a list of
three hundred citizens, and gave it to his messengers, with orders to
assemble them under the pretense of public business; and having drawn
them together, it was his intention either to put them to death or imprison
them.
The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces, which could
not be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and more particularly those who
were in the plot, so that the boldest of them refused to attend, and as each
had read the list, they sought each other, and resolved to rise at once and die
like men, with arms in their hands, rather than be led like calves to the
slaughter. In a very short time the chief conspirators became known to each
other, and resolved that the next day, which was the 26th July, 1343, they
would raise a disturbance in the Old Market place, then arm themselves and
call the people to freedom.
The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according to agreement,
they took arms, and at the call of liberty assembled, each party in its own
district, under the ensigns and with the arms of the people, which had been
secretly provided by the conspirators. All the heads of families, as well of
the nobility as of the people, met together, and swore to stand in each
other's defense, and effect the death of the duke; except some of the
Buondelmonti and of the Cavalcanti, with those four families of the people
which had taken so conspicuous a part in making him sovereign, and the
butchers, with others, the lowest of the plebeians, who met armed in the
piazza in his favor.
The duke immediately fortified the place, and ordered those of his people
who were lodged in different parts of the city to mount upon horseback and
join those in the court; but, on their way thither, many were attacked and
slain. However, about three hundred horse assembled, and the duke was in
doubt whether he should come forth and meet the enemy, or defend himself

within. On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other
families who had been most injured by him, fearful that if he came forth,
many of those who had taken arms against him would discover themselves
his partisans, in order to deprive him of the occasion of attacking them and
increasing the number of his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace.
Upon this, those families of the people who had declared for the duke,
seeing themselves boldly attacked, changed their minds, and all took part
with the citizens, except Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the
palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of his
followers to the new market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that those
who were going in arms to the piazza, would take the part of the duke. In
order to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people and
threatened all with death who should obstinately persevere in their
undertaking against their sovereign. But not finding any one either to follow
him, or to chastise his insolence, and seeing his labor fruitless, he withdrew
to his own house.
In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the people and the
forces of the duke was very great; but although the place served them for
defense, they were overcome, some yielding to the enemy, and others,
quitting their horses, fled within the walls. While this was going on, Corso
and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people, broke open the stinche, or
prisons; burnt the papers of the provost and of the public chamber; pillaged
the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had held offices under the duke
whom they could find. The duke, finding the piazza in possession of his
enemies, the city opposed to him, and without any hope of assistance,
endeavored by an act of clemency to recover the favor of the people.
Having caused those whom he had made prisoners to be brought before
him, with amiable and kindly expressions he set them at liberty, and made
Antonio Adimari a knight, although quite against his will. He caused his
own arms to be taken down, and those of the people to be replaced over the
palace; but these things coming out of season, and forced by his necessities,
did him little good. He remained, notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the
palace, and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all, and would
most likely, after a few days, die either of hunger, or by the weapons of his
enemies. The citizens assembled in the church of Santa Reparata, to form
the new government, and appointed fourteen citizens, half from the nobility
and half from the people, who, with the archbishop, were invested with full

authority to remodel the state of Florence. They also elected six others to
take upon them the duties of provost, till he who should be finally chosen
took office, the duties of which were usually performed by a subject of
some neighboring state.
Many had come to Florence in defense of the people; among whom were
a party from Sienna, with six ambassadors, men of high consideration in
their own country. These endeavored to bring the people and the duke to
terms; but the former refused to listen to any whatever, unless Guglielmo da
Scesi and his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were first given up to them.
The duke would not consent to this; but being threatened by those who were
shut up with him, he was forced to comply. The rage of men is certainly
always found greater, and their revenge more furious upon the recovery of
liberty, than when it has only been defended. Guglielmo and his son were
placed among the thousands of their enemies, and the latter was not yet
eighteen years old; neither his beauty, his innocence, nor his youth, could
save him from the fury of the multitude; but both were instantly slain.
Those who could not wound them while alive, wounded them after they
were dead; and not satisfied with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their
bodies with swords, tore them with their hands, and even with their teeth.
And that every sense might be satiated with vengeance, having first heard
their moans, seen their wounds, and touched their lacerated bodies, they
wished even the stomach to be satisfied, that having glutted the external
senses, the one within might also have its share. This rabid fury, however
hurtful to the father and son, was favorable to Cerrettieri; for the multitude,
wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite forgot him, so that he,
not being asked for, remained in the palace, and during night was conveyed
safely away by his friends.
The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an agreement
was made that the duke and his people, with whatever belonged to him,
should quit the city in safety; that he should renounce all claim, of whatever
kind, upon Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Casentino he should
ratify his renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out, accompanied by
many citizens, and having arrived at the Casentino he ratified the
agreement, although unwillingly, and would not have kept his word if
Count Simon had not threatened to take him back to Florence. This duke, as
his proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious, difficult to speak with,
and haughty in reply. He desired the service of men, not the cultivation of

their better feelings, and strove rather to inspire them with fear than love.
Nor was his person less despicable than his manners; he was short, his
complexion was black, and he had a long, thin beard. He was thus in every
respect contemptible; and at the end of ten months, his misconduct deprived
him of the sovereignty which the evil counsel of others had given him.

CHAPTER IX
Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel—Prudent
conduct adopted upon this occasion—The city is divided into quarters—
Disputes between the nobility and the people—The bishop endeavors to
reconcile them, but does not succeed—The government reformed by the
people—Riot of Andrea Strozzi—Serious disagreements between the
nobility and the people—They come to arms, and the nobility are subdued
—The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks.
These events taking place in the city, induced all the dependencies of the
Florentine state to throw off their yoke; so that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia,
Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano rebelled. Thus Florence found herself
deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at the same moment, and in
recovering her liberty, taught her subjects how they might become free. The
duke being expelled and the territories lost, the fourteen citizens and the
bishop thought it would be better to act kindly toward their subjects in
peace, than to make them enemies by war, and to show a desire that their
subjects should be free as well as themselves. They therefore sent
ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to renounce all dominion over that
city, and to enter into a treaty with them; to the end that as they could not
retain them as subjects, they might make use of them as friends. They also,
in the best manner they were able, agreed with the other places that they
should retain their freedom, and that, being free, they might mutually assist
each other in the preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was
attended with a most favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward,
returned to the Florentine rule, and the other places, in the course of a few
months, returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequently occurs that
we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them, than by more
obstinate pursuit.
Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration of
those within the city; and after some altercation between the nobility and
the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one-third of the
Signory and fill one-half of the other offices. The city was, as we have
before shown, divided into sixths; and hence there would be six signors,

one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary cause, there
had been twelve or thirteen created; but when this had occurred they were
again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable to make an alteration in
this respect, as well because the sixths were not properly divided, as that,
wishing to give their proportion to the great, it became desirable to increase
the number. They therefore divided the city into quarters, and for each
created three signors. They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice,
and also the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and instead of the
twelve Buonuomini, or good men, created eight counsellors, four from each
party. The government having been established in this manner, the city
might have been in repose if the great had been content to live in that
moderation which civil society requires. But they produced a contrary
result, for those out of office would not conduct themselves as citizens, and
those who were in government wished to be lords, so that every day
furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride. These things were
very grievous to the people, and they began to regret that for one tyrant put
down, there had sprung up a thousand. The arrogance of one party and the
anger of the other rose to such a degree, that the heads of the people
complained to the bishop of the improper conduct of the nobility, and what
unfit associates they had become for the people; and begged he would
endeavor to induce them to be content with their share of administration in
the other offices, and leave the magistracy of the Signory wholly to
themselves.
The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmness
rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the instance of his associates, he
at first favored the duke of Athens, and afterward, by the advice of other
citizens, conspired against him. At the reformation of the government, he
had favored the nobility, and now he appeared to incline toward the people,
moved by the reasons which they had advanced. Thinking to find in others
the same instability of purpose, he endeavored to effect an amicable
arrangement. With this design he called together the fourteen who were yet
in office, and in the best terms he could imagine advised them to give up the
Signory to the people, in order to secure the peace of the city; and assured
them that if they refused, ruin would most probably be the result.
This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch, and
Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man of little faith;
reminding him of his friendship for the duke, to prove the duplicity of his

present conduct, and saying, that in driving him away he had acted the part
of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, that the honors they had acquired
at their own peril, they would at their own peril defend. They then left the
bishop, and in great wrath, informed their associates in the government, and
all the families of the nobility, of what had been done. The people also
expressed their thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made
preparations for the defense of their signors, they determined not to wait till
they had perfected their arrangements; and therefore, being armed, hastened
to the palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must give up
their share in the government.
The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors of the nobility
found themselves abandoned; for their friends, seeing all the people in
arms, did not dare to rise in their defense, but each kept within his own
house. The Signors of the people endeavored to abate the excitement of the
multitude, by affirming their associates to be good and moderate men; but,
not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, sent them home to
their houses, whither they were with difficulty conducted. The nobility
having left the palace, the office of the four councillors was taken from their
party, and conferred upon twelve of the people. To the eight signors who
remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and sixteen Gonfaloniers of
the companies of the people; and the council was so reformed, that the
government remained wholly in the hands of the popular party.
At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity in the city,
and discontent prevailed both among the highest and the lowest classes; in
the latter for want of food, and in the former from having lost their power in
the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi to think of making
himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a lower price than others
did, a great many people flocked to his house; emboldened by the sight of
these, he one morning mounted his horse, and, followed by a considerable
number, called the people to arms, and in a short time drew together about
4,000 men, with whom he proceeded to the Signory, and demanded that the
gates of the palace should be opened. But the signors, by threats and the
force which they retained in the palace, drove them from the court; and then
by proclamation so terrified them, that they gradually dropped off and
returned to their homes, and Andrea, finding himself alone, with some
difficulty escaped falling into the hands of the magistrates.

This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended with the result
that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope in the minds of the nobility
of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of the plebeians were at
enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance, they resolved to arm
themselves, and with justifiable force recover those rights of which they
had been unjustly deprived. Their minds acquired such an assurance of
success, that they openly provided themselves with arms, fortified their
houses, and even sent to their friends in Lombardy for assistance. The
people and the Signory made preparation for their defense, and requested
aid from Perugia and Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed
followers of either party. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided
themselves into three parts; the one occupied the houses of the Cavicciulli,
near the church of St. John; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati,
near the great church of St. Peter; and the third those of the Cavalcanti in
the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified the bridges and the streets
in which their houses stood; the Nerli defended the bridge of the Carraja;
the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the church of the Holy Trinity; and the
Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the Rubaconte and the Old Bridge. The
people were drawn together under the Gonfalon of justice and the ensigns
of the companies of the artisans.
Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thought it
imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced by the
Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the Cavicciulli, where the houses
of the latter open upon the piazza of St. John. Here both parties contended
with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from the towers by
stones and other missiles, and from below by arrows. They fought for three
hours; but the forces of the people continuing to increase, and the
Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by numbers, and hopeless of other
assistance, submitted themselves to the people, who saved their houses and
property; and having disarmed them, ordered them to disperse among their
relatives and friends, and remain unarmed. Being victorious in the first
attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi and the Donati, whose numbers
were less than those they had subdued; so that there only remained on this
side of the Arno, the Cavalcanti, who were strong both in respect of the post
they had chosen and in their followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the
Gonfalons against them, and that the others had been overcome by three
Gonfalons alone, they yielded without offering much resistance. Three parts

of the city were now in the hands of the people, and only one in possession
of the nobility; but this was the strongest, as well on account of those who
held it, as from its situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it was first
necessary to force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and
offered a brave resistance; for the towers were armed, the streets barricaded,
and the barricades defended by the most resolute men; so that the people
were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point fruitless, they
endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no better success resulting,
they left four Gonfalons in charge of the two bridges, and with the others
attacked the bridge of the Carraja. Here, although the Nerli defended
themselves like brave men, they could not resist the fury of the people; for
this bridge, having no towers, was weaker than the others, and was attacked
by the Capponi, and many families of the people who lived in that vicinity.
Being thus assailed on all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave
way to the people, who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all
those beyond the Arno took part with the conquerors.
There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remained
undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union of the
people against them, and the little chance of success which they seemed to
have. They resolved to die fighting, and rather see their houses burned and
plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies. They defended
themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitless attempts were made to
overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and the Rubaconte; but their foes
were always repulsed with loss. There had in former times been a street
which led between the houses of the Pitti, from the Roman road to the walls
upon Mount St. George. By this way the people sent six Gonfalons, with
orders to assail their houses from behind. This attack overcame the
resolution of the Bardi, and decided the day in favor of the people; for when
those who defended the barricades in the street learned that their houses
were being plundered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their
defense. This caused the Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all
directions and were received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi,
and Mozzi. The people, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil,
sacked and destroyed their houses, and pulled down and burned their towers
and palaces with such outrageous fury, that the most cruel enemy of the
Florentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton
destruction.

The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government;
and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower class,
it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the two latter three
each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately from either
party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraint of the nobility were
renewed; and in order to weaken them still more, many were reduced to the
grade of the people. The ruin of the nobility was so complete, and depressed
them so much, that they never afterward ventured to take arms for the
recovery of their power, but soon became humbled and abject in the
extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosity of her character and her
distinction in arms.
After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In the
course of this period occurred the memorable plague, described with so
much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000
souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by the
archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was concluded, dissensions
again arose in the city; for although the nobility were destroyed, fortune did
not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles.

BOOK III

CHAPTER I
Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics—A parallel between
the discords of Rome and those of Florence—Enmities between the families
of the Ricci and the Albizzi—Uguccione de' Ricci causes the laws against
the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injure the Albizzi—Piero degli
Albizzi derives advantage from it—Origin of admonitions and the troubles
which result from them—Uguccione de' Ricci moderates their injustice—
Difficulties increase—A meeting of the citizens—They address the Signory
—The Signory attempt to remedy the evils.
Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between the popular
classes and the nobility, arising from the desire of the latter to command,
and the disinclination of the former to obey, are the causes of most of the
troubles which take place in cities; and from this diversity of purpose, all
the other evils which disturb republics derive their origin. This kept Rome
disunited; and this, if it be allowable to compare small things with great,
held Florence in disunion; although in each city it produced a different
result; for animosities were only beginning with the people and nobility of
Rome contended, while ours were brought to a conclusion by the
contentions of our citizens. A new law settled the disputes of Rome; those
of Florence were only terminated by the death and banishment of many of
her best people. Those of Rome increased her military virtue, while that of
Florence was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of Rome
established different ranks of society, those of Florence abolished the
distinctions which had previously existed. This diversity of effects must
have been occasioned by the different purposes which the two people had in
view. While the people of Rome endeavored to associate with the nobility
in the supreme honors, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobility from
all participation in them: as the desire of the Roman people was more
reasonable, no particular offense was given to the nobility; they therefore
consented to it without having recourse to arms; so that, after some disputes
concerning particular points, both parties agreed to the enactment of a law
which, while it satisfied the people, preserved the nobility in the enjoyment
of their dignity.

On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence being insolent
and unjust, the nobility, became desperate, prepared for their defense with
their utmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the exile of citizens followed.
The laws which were afterward made, did not provide for the common
good, but were framed wholly in favor of the conquerors. This too, must be
observed, that from the acquisition of power, made by the people of Rome,
their minds were very much improved; for all the offices of state being
attainable as well by the people as the nobility, the peculiar excellencies of
the latter exercised a most beneficial influence upon the former; and as the
city increased in virtue she attained a more exalted greatness.
But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were deprived
of all participation in the government; and in order to regain a portion of it,
it became necessary for them not only to seem like the people, but to be like
them in behavior, mind, and mode of living. Hence arose those changes in
armorial bearings, and in the titles of families, which the nobility adopted,
in order that they might seem to be of the people; military virtue and
generosity of feeling became extinguished in them; the people not
possessing these qualities, they could not appreciate them, and Florence
became by degrees more and more depressed and humiliated. The virtue of
the Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon found that the
business of the state could not be carried on without a prince. Florence had
now come to such a point, that with a comprehensive mind at the head of
affairs she would easily have been made to take any form that he might
have been disposed to give her; as may be partly observed by a perusal of
the preceding book.
Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencement of
her liberty, with the causes of her divisions, and shown how the factions of
the nobility and the people ceased with the tyranny of the duke of Athens,
and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of the animosities between
the citizens and the plebeians and the various circumstances which they
produced.
The nobility being overcome, and the war with the archbishop of Milan
concluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence. But the
evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her laws, gave rise to
enmities between the family of the Albizzi and that of the Ricci, which
divided her citizens as completely as those of the Buondelmonti and the

Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly done. The pontiffs, who
at this time resided in France, and the emperors, who abode in Germany, in
order to maintain their influence in Italy, sent among us multitudes of
soldiers of many countries, as English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, upon
the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though still in the country,
they, under the standard of some soldier of fortune, plundered such people
as were least prepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these
companies came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, of
Provence, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The Florentines
not only provided themselves forces, but many citizens, among whom were
the Albizzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their own defense. These
families were at the time full of hatred against each other, and each thought
to obtain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming his enemy. They
had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only contended in the
magistracies and councils. The city being all in arms, a quarrel arose in the
Old Market place, and, as it frequently happens in similar cases, a great
number of people were drawn together. The disturbance spreading, it was
told the Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed their partisans, and to the Albizzi
that the Ricci were in quest of them. Upon this the whole city arose, and it
was all the magistrates could do to restrain these families, and prevent the
actual occurrence of a disaster which, without being the fault of either of
them, had been willfully though falsely reported as having already taken
place. This apparently trifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of
the parties, and make each the more resolved to increase the number of their
followers. And as the citizens, since the ruin of the nobility, were on such an
equality that the magistrates were more respected now than they had
previously been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of this
disorder with civil authority alone.
We have before related, that after the victory of Charles I. the
government was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thus acquired
great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a variety of circumstances,
and new divisions had so contributed to sink this party feeling into oblivion,
that many of Ghibelline descent now filled the highest offices. Observing
this, Uguccione, the head of the family of the Ricci, contrived that the law
against the Ghibellines should be again brought into operation; many
imagining the Albizzi to be of that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo,
and come long ago to Florence. Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive

the Albizzi of participation in the government, for all of Ghibelline blood
who were found to hold offices, would be condemned in the penalties
which this law provided. The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero
son of Filippo degli Albizzi, and he resolved to favor it: for he saw that to
oppose it would at once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which
was renewed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of
robbing Piero degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his
influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it possible
for a republic to enact a law more pernicious than one relating to matters
which have long transpired. Piero having favored this law, which had been
contrived by his enemies for his stumbling-block, it became the stepping-
stone to his greatness; for, making himself the leader of this new order of
things, his authority went on increasing, and he was in greater favor with
the Guelphs than any other man.
As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who were
Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was therefore of
small value, it was provided that authority should be given to the Capitani
to find out who were of this faction; and, having discovered, to signify and
ADMONISH them that they were not to take upon themselves any office of
government; to which ADMONITIONS, if they were disobedient, they
became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all those who in Florence are
deprived of the power to hold offices are called ammoniti, or
ADMONISHED.
The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not only
those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at the
suggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when this law
was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens. The
Captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus become
powerful; for every one honored them for fear of being admonished; and
most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da
Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding was
offensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it as the Ricci;
for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they saw it involved the
ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi, contrary to their
intention, became great in consequence.

On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Signory, resolved
to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated, and with a
new law provided that to the six Captains of Parts an additional three should
be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from the companies of minor
artificers, and that before any party could be declared Ghibelline, the
declaration of the Capitani must be confirmed by twenty-four Guelphic
citizens, appointed for the purpose. This provision tempered for a time the
power of the Capitani, so that the admonitions were greatly diminished, if
not wholly laid aside. Still the parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were
continually on the alert to oppose each other's laws, deliberations, and
enterprises, not from a conviction of their inexpediency, but from a hatred
of their promoters.
In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the
Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of the
Buondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of
his merit in a war against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been
admitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office among the
Signory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law was made that no
nobleman who had become of the popular class should be allowed to
assume that office. This gave great offense to Benchi, who, in union with
Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful of the popular
party with ADMONITIONS, and obtain the government for themselves. By
the interest which Benchi possessed with the ancient nobility, and that of
Piero with most of the influential citizens, the Guelphic party resumed their
ascendancy, and by new reforms among the PARTS, so remodeled the
administration as to be able to dispose of the offices of the captains and the
twenty-four citizens at pleasure. They then returned to the ADMONITIONS
with greater audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi became
powerful as the head of this faction.
On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions against
their designs; so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin was
apprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this a great number
of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in the church of St. Piero
Scarraggio, and after a long consideration of the existing disorders,
presented themselves before the Signors, whom one of the principal among
them addressed in the following terms:—

"Many of us, magnificent Signors! were afraid of meeting even for
consideration of public business, without being publicly called together, lest
we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned as ambitious. But
seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the lodges and halls of the
palace, not for any public utility, but only for the gratification of their own
ambition, we have thought that as those who assemble for the ruin of the
republic are fearless, so still less ought they to be apprehensive who meet
together only for its advantage; nor ought we to be anxious respecting the
opinion they may form of our assembling, since they are so utterly
indifferent to the opinion of others. Our affection for our country,
magnificent Signors! caused us to assemble first, and now brings us before
you, to speak of grievances already great and daily increasing in our
republic, and to offer our assistance for their removal: and we doubt not
that, though a difficult undertaking, it will still be attended with success, if
you will lay aside all private regards, and authoritatively use the public
force.
"The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent Signors!
has infested and still vitiates your own; for when this province had shaken
off the imperial yoke, her cities not being subject to any powerful influence
that might restrain them, administered affairs, not as free men do, but as a
factious populace; and hence have arisen all the other evils and disorders
that have appeared. In the first place, there cannot be found among the
citizens either unity or friendship, except with those whose common guilt,
either against their country or against private individuals, is a bond of
union. And as the knowledge of religion and the fear of God seem to be
alike extinct, oaths and promises have lost their validity, and are kept as
long as it is found expedient; they are adopted only as a means of deception,
and he is most applauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient and
secure. On this account bad men are received with the approbation due to
virtue, and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools.
"And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible and corrupting is
assembled. The young are idle, the old lascivious, and each sex and every
age abounds with debasing habits, which the good laws, by misapplication,
have lost the power to correct. Hence arises the avarice so observable
among the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory, but for unworthy
honors; from which follow hatred, animosities, quarrels, and factions;
resulting in deaths, banishments, affliction to all good men, and the

advancement of the most unprincipled; for the good, confiding in their
innocence, seek neither safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the
wicked do, and thus unhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion.
"From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attachment for and
influence of parties; bad men follow them through ambition and avarice,
and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And most
lamentable is it to observe how the leaders and movers of parties sanctify
their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue; they have the
name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their actions prove them
her greatest enemies. The reward which they desire from victory is not the
glory of having given liberty to the city, but the satisfaction of having
vanquished others, and of making themselves rulers; and to attain their end,
there is nothing too unjust, too cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt.
Thus laws and ordinances, peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and
pursued, not for the public good, not for the common glory of the state, but
for the convenience or advantage of a few individuals.
"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than any
infected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances are not, nor
have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in a state of
freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has been uppermost at
the time. Hence it follows that, when one party is expelled, or faction
extinguished, another immediately arises; for, in a city that is governed by
parties rather than by laws, as soon as one becomes dominant and
unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide against itself; for the private
methods at first adapted for its defense will now no longer keep it united.
The truth of this, both the ancient and modern dissensions of our city prove.
Everyone thought that when the Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs
would long continue happy and honored; yet after a short time they divided
into the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the
Bianchi were overcome, the city was not long free from factions; for either,
in favor of the emigrants, or on account of the animosity between the
nobility and the people, we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved
to give up to others, what in mutual harmony we either would not or were
unable to retain, we confided the care of our precious liberty first to King
Robert, then to his brother, next to his son, and at last to the duke of Athens.
Still we have never in any condition found repose, but seem like men who
can neither agree to live in freedom nor be content with slavery. Nor did we

hesitate (so greatly does the nature of our ordinances dispose us to
division), while yet under allegiance to the king, to substitute for his
majesty, one of the vilest of men born at Agobbio.
"For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to be
consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition, however, might
have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live; but no sooner was he
expelled than we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred, and
greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion; so that the
ancient nobility were vanquished the city was left at the disposal of the
people. It was generally supposed that no further occasion of quarrel or of
party animosity could arise, since those whose pride and insupportable
ambition had been regarded as the causes of them were depressed; however,
experience proves how liable human judgment is to error, and what false
impressions men imbibe, even in regard to the things that most intimately
concern them; for we find the pride and ambition of the nobility are not
extinct, but only transferred from them to the people who at this moment,
according to the usual practice of ambitious men, are endeavoring to render
themselves masters of the republic; and knowing they have no chance of
success but what is offered by discord, they have again divided the city, and
the names of Guelph and Ghibelline, which were beginning to be forgotten
(and it would have been well if they had never been heard among us), are
repeated anew in our ears.
"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs there
may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all republics there are
what may be called fatal families, born for the ruin of their country. Of this
kind of pest our city has produced a more copious brood than any other; for
not one but many have disturbed and harassed her: first the Buondelmonti
and the Uberti; then the Donati and the Cerchi; and now, oh ridiculous! oh
disgraceful thought! the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a division of her
citizens.
"We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continual
dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes; to
show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in view,
and to remind you that their results ought not to make you diffident of your
power to repress the disorders of the present time. The ancient families
possessed so much influence, and were held in such high esteem, that civil

force was insufficient to restrain them; but now, when the empire has lost its
ascendancy, the pope is no longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is
reduced to a state of the most complete equality, there can be no difficulty.
Our republic might more especially than any other (although at first our
former practices seem to present a reason to the contrary), not only keep
itself united but be improved by good laws and civil regulations, if you, the
Signory, would once resolve to undertake the matter; and to this we,
induced by no other motive than the love of our country, would most
strongly urge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great, and much
discretion will be requisite to correct it; but do not impute the past disorders
to the nature of the men, but to the times, which, being changed, give
reasonable ground to hope that, with better government, our city will be
attended with better fortune; for the malignity of the people will be
overcome by restraining the ambition and annulling the ordinances of those
who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their stead only such
principles as are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured, that these
desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the benign influence of the
laws, than by a delay which will compel the people to effect them by force
and arms."
The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were
previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who now
addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety
of the republic. It is usually found that most men are better adapted to
pursue a good course already begun, than to discover one applicable to
immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather of extinguishing
existing factions than of preventing the formation of new ones, and effected
neither of these objects. The facilities for the establishment of new parties
were not removed; and out of those which they guarded against, another
more powerful arose, which brought the republic into still greater danger.
They, however, deprived three of the family of the Albizzi, and three of that
of the Ricci, of all the offices of government, except those of the Guelphic
party, for three years; and among the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and
Uguccione de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace,
except during the sittings of the Signory. They provided that if any one were
beaten, or possession of his property detained from him, he might bring his
case before the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of
the nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should be subject to the

usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci, and
increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied equally to both, the
Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if Piero was excluded from the
palace of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelphs, in which he possessed
the greatest authority, remained open to him; and if he and his followers had
previously been ready to ADMONISH, they became after this injury,
doubly so. To this pre-disposition for evil, new excitements were added.

CHAPTER II
The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the causes of it
—League against the pope—The censures of the pope disregarded in
Florence—The city is divided into two factions, the one the Capitani di
Parte, the other of the eight commissioners of the war—Measures adopted
by the Guelphic party against their adversaries—The Guelphs endeavor to
prevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier—Salvestro de
Medici Gonfalonier—His law against the nobility, and in favor of the
Ammoniti—The Collegi disapprove of the law—Salvestro addresses the
council in its favor—The law is passed—Disturbances in Florence.
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors,
residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and avaricious,
oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then at Bologna, taking
advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavored to render
himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld provisions from the
Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes of the future harvest, upon
the approach of spring, attacked them with a large army, trusting that being
famished and unarmed, he should find them an easy conquest. He might
perhaps have been successful, had not his forces been mercenary and
faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon the enterprise for the sum of
130,000 florins, which the Florentines paid them. People may go to war
when they will, but cannot always withdraw when they like. This contest,
commenced by the ambition of the legate, was sustained by the resentment
of the Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and
with the cities hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for the
administration of it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to
expend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without rendering an
account of the outlay.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead,
reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in
opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed the
church, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of war were all
enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da

Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves more closely
in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on the war, and the
others admonished during three years, when the death of the pontiff put an
end to the hostilities, which had been carried on which so much ability, and
with such entire satisfaction to the people, that at the end of each year the
eight were continued in office, and were called Santi, or holy, although they
had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their
property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much did
citizens at that time prefer the good of their country to their ghostly
consolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her friends they had
defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the whole of Romagna, the
Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.
Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable to
defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their faction; for the
insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained such a pitch, that they
could not restrain themselves from abusive behavior, not merely against
some of the most distinguished citizens, but even against the eight
themselves; and the captains of the parts conducted themselves with such
arrogance, that they were feared more than the Signory. Those who had
business with them treated them with greater reverence, and their court was
held in higher estimation: so that no ambassador came to Florence, without
commission to the captains.
Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; there still
prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the Guelphs was
insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them presented itself,
it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determine which party
was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the ancient nobility, and the
greater part of the most popular leaders, of which number, as already
remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side, were all the
lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eight commissioners of war,
Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and
Medici. The rest of the multitude, as most commonly happens, joined the
discontented party.
It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies would
be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger in case a
hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous, therefore, of

being prepared against this calamity, the leaders of the party assembled to
take into consideration the state of the city and that of their own friends in
particular, and found the ammoniti so numerous and so great a difficulty,
that the whole city was excited against them on this account. They could not
devise any other remedy than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all
the offices of honor, they should banish their opponents from the city, take
possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole state to
their own party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times, who found no
safety in the city, till they had driven all their adversaries out of it. They
were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of
carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year 1378,
when Lapo, thinking delay inadvisable, expressed his opinion, that
procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves; as in the
next Signory, Salvestro de' Medici would very probably be elected
Gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli
Albizzi, on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would
require forces, which could not be assembled without exciting observation,
and if they were discovered, they would incur great risk. He thereupon
judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of St. John on which,
being the most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes would be
assembled, among whom they might conceal whatever numbers they
pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to be ADMONISHED,
and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they would "ADMONISH"
one of the Colleague of his quarter, and upon redrawing, as the ballot-boxes
would be nearly empty, chance would very likely occasion that either he or
some associate of his would be drawn, and he would thus be rendered
incapable of sitting as Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion
proposed by Piero, though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the
delay dangerous, and that, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable,
he who waits for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an
attempt, or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They
"admonished" the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of
Salvestro, for the design was discovered by the Eight, who took care to
render all attempts upon the drawing futile.
Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and,
being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that the
people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having resolved to

put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classes favorably
disposed, and many of the highest of the people on his side, he
communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and
Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They, therefore, secretly
draw up a law which had for its object to revive the restrictions upon the
nobility, to retrench the authority of the Capitani di Parte, and recall the
ammoniti to their dignity. In order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one
and the same time, having to consult, first the Colleagues and then the
Councils, Salvestro being Provost (which office for the time makes its
possessor almost prince of the city), he called together the Colleagues and
the Council on the same morning, and the Colleagues being apart, he
proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a
novelty, encountered in their small number so much opposition, that he was
unable to have it passed.
Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave the
room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went immediately
to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which he could be both seen
and heard, said:—"That considering himself invested with the office of
Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in private cases (for which proper
judges were appointed, who have their regular sittings), as to guard the
state, correct the insolence of the powerful, and ameliorate those laws by
the influence of which the republic was being ruined, he had carefully
attended to both these duties, and to his utmost ability provided for them,
but found the perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as to
deprive him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not only of the
means of assisting him with their counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore
finding he no longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic or of
the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for his longer
holding the magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or others
thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that the people
might appoint another in his stead, who would either have greater virtue or
better fortune than himself." And having said this, he left the room as if to
return home.
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of
novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues came
together, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and
authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council room,

which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were
threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo Strozzi by
the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but was with
difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatest disturbance,
and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto degli Alberti, who, from a
window of the palace, loudly called the people to arms; and presently the
courtyards were filled with armed men, and the Colleagues granted to
threats, what they had refused to entreaty. The Capitani di Parte had at the
same time drawn together a great number of citizens to their hall to consult
upon the means of defending themselves against the orders of the Signors,
but when they heard the tumult that was raised, and were informed of the
course the Councils had adopted, each took refuge in his own house.
Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterward
control them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to the
commission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and compose
the city; but it happened otherwise; for the feelings of all had become so
excited, that they shut up the shops; the citizens fortified themselves in their
houses; many conveyed their valuable property into the churches and
monasteries, and everyone seemed to apprehend something terrible at hand.
The companies of the Arts met, and each appointed an additional officer or
Syndic; upon which the Priors summoned their Colleagues and these
Syndics, and consulted a whole day how the city might be appeased with
satisfaction to the different parties; but much difference of opinion
prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the following day the Arts
brought forth their banners, which the Signory understanding, and being
apprehensive of evil, called the Council together to consider what course to
adopt. But scarcely were they met, when the uproar recommenced, and
soon the ensigns of the Arts, surrounded by vast numbers of armed men,
occupied the courts. Upon this the Council, to give the Arts and the people
hope of redress, and free themselves as much as possible from the charge of
causing the mischief, gave a general power, which in Florence is called
Balia, to the Signors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte, and to
the Syndics of the Arts, to reform the government of the city, for the
common benefit of all. While this was being arranged, a few of the ensigns
of the Arts and some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the
recent injuries they had received from the Guelphs, separated themselves
from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo da Castiglionchio,

who, when he learned the proceedings of the Signory against the Guelphs,
and saw the people in arms, having no other resource but concealment or
flight, first took refuge in Santa Croce, and afterward, being disguised as a
monk, fled into the Casentino, where he was often heard to blame himself
for having consented to wait till St. John's day, before they had made
themselves sure of the government. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi
hid themselves upon the first outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it
was over, by the interest of their numerous friends and relations, they might
remain safely in Florence.
The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with difficulty but
easily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred, or private
malice, shared the same fate; and the rioters, that they might have
companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their work of
plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery of
the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito, whither many citizens had taken
their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the public chambers have
escaped these destroyers' hands, except out of reverence for one of the
Signors, who on horseback, and followed by many citizens in arms,
opposed the rage of the mob.

CHAPTER III
Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a pacification—
Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfalonier entreats the magistrates of the Arts to
endeavor to pacify the people—Serious riot caused by the plebeians—The
woolen Art—The plebeians assemble—The speech of a seditious plebeian
—Their resolution thereupon—The Signory discover the designs of the
plebeians—Measures adopted to counteract them.
This popular fury being abated by the authority of the Signors and the
approach of night, on the following day, the Balia relieved the admonished,
on condition that they should not for three years be capable of holding any
magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs to the prejudice of
the citizens; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and his companions, rebels,
and with them many others, who were the objects of universal detestation.
After these resolutions, the new Signory were drawn for, and Luigi
Guicciardini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hope that the tumults
would soon be appeased; for everyone thought them to be peaceable men
and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened, nor did the citizens lay
down their arms, but continued to patrol the city in great numbers; so that
the Signory did not assume the magistracy with the usual pomp, but merely
assembled within the palace, omitting all ceremony.
This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in the beginning of
their magistracy than to restore peace, caused a relinquishment of arms;
ordered the shops to be opened, and the strangers who had been called to
their aid, to return to their homes. They appointed guards in many parts of
the city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet, order
would soon have been re-established. But they were not satisfied to wait
three years for the recovery of their honours; so that to gratify them the Arts
again met, and demanded of the Signory, that for the benefit and quiet of
the city, they would ordain that no citizens should at any time, whether
Signor, Colleague, Capitano di Parte, or Consul of any art whatever, be
admonished as a Ghibelline; and further, that new ballots of the Guelphic
party should be made, and the old ones burned. These demands were at

once acceded to, not only by the Signors, but by all the Councils; and thus it
was hoped the tumults newly excited would be settled.
But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is their own, but
wish to possess the property of others and to revenge themselves, those who
were in hopes of benefiting by these disorders persuaded the artificers that
they would never be safe, if several of their enemies were not expelled from
the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine coming to the knowledge of the
Signory, they caused the magistrates of the Arts and their Syndics to be
brought before them, and Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed
them in the following words: "If these Signors, and I with them, had not
long been acquainted with the fate of this city, that as soon as external wars
have ceased the internal commence, we should have been more surprised,
and our displeasure would have been greater. But as evils to which we are
accustomed are less annoying, we have endured past disturbances patiently,
they having arisen for the most part without our fault; and we hoped that,
like former troubles, they would soon have an end, after the many and great
concessions we had made at your suggestion. But finding that you are yet
unsettled, that you contemplate the commission of new crimes against your
fellow-citizens, and are desirous of making new exiles, our displeasure
increases in proportion to your misconduct. And certainly, could we have
believed that during our magistracy the city was to be ruined, whether with
or without your concurrence, we should certainly, either by flight or exile,
have avoided these horrors. But trusting that we had to do with those who
possessed some feelings of humanity and some love of their country, we
willingly accepted the magistracy, thinking that by our gentleness we
should overcome your ambition. But we perceive from experience that the
more humble our behavior, the more concessions we make, the prouder you
become, and the more exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak
thus, it is not in order to offend, but to amend you. Let others tell you
pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what is for your good.
Now we would ask you, and have you answer on your honor, What is there
yet ungranted, that you can, with any appearance of propriety, require? You
wished to have authority taken from the Capitani di Parte; and it is done.
You wished that the ballotings should be burned, and a reformation of them
take place; and we consent. You desired that the admonished should be
restored to their honours; and it is permitted. At your entreaty we have
pardoned those who have burned down houses and plundered churches;

many honorable citizens have been exiled to please you; and at your
suggestion new restraints have been laid upon the Great. When will there be
an end of your demands? and how long will you continue to abuse our
liberality? Do you not observe with how much more moderation we bear
defeat than you your victory? To what end will your divisions bring our
city? Have you forgotten that when disunited Castruccio, a low citizen of
Lucca, subdued her? or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain did so too?
But when the citizens were united in her defense, an archbishop of Milan
and a pope were unable to subdue it, and, after many years of war, were
compelled to retire with disgrace.
"Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery in a time of
peace, that city, which so many powerful enemies have left free, even in
war? What can you expect from your disunion but subjugation? or from the
property of which you already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, but
poverty? for this property is the means by which we furnish occupation for
the whole city, and if you take it from us, our means of finding that
occupation is withdrawn. Besides, those who take it will have difficulty in
preserving what is dishonestly acquired, and thus poverty and destitution
are brought upon the city. Now, I, and these Signors command, and if it
were consistent with propriety, we would entreat that you allow your minds
to be calmed; be content, rest satisfied with the provisions that have been
made for you; and if you should be found to need anything further, make
your request with decency and order, and not with tumult; for when your
demands are reasonable they will always be complied with, and you will
not give occasion to evil designing men to ruin your country and cast the
blame upon yourselves." These words conveying nothing but the truth,
produced a suitable effect upon the minds of the citizens, who thanking the
Gonfalonier for having acted toward them the part of a king Signor, and
toward the city that of a good citizen, offered their obedience in whatever
might be committed to them. And the Signors, to prove the sincerity of their
intentions, appointed two citizens for each of the superior magistracies,
who, with Syndics of the arts, were to consider what could be done to
restore quite, and report their resolutions to the Signors.
While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, much more
injurious to the republic than anything that had hitherto occurred. The
greatest part of the fires and robberies which took place on the previous
days were perpetrated by the very lowest of the people; and those who had

been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greater differences were
composed, they would be punished for the crimes they had committed; and
that as usual, they would be abandoned by those who had instigated them to
the commission of crime. To this may be added, the hatred of the lower
orders toward the rich citizens and the principals of the arts, because they
did not think themselves remunerated for their labor in a manner equal to
their merits. For in the time of Charles I., when the city was divided into
arts, a head or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that the
individuals of each art, should be judged in civil matters by their own
superiors. These arts, as we have before observed, were at first twelve; in
the course of time they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much
power, that in a few years they grasped the entire government of the city;
and as some were in greater esteem than others, they were divided into
MAJOR and MINOR; seven were called "major," and fourteen, the "minor
arts." From this division, and from other causes which we have narrated
above, arose the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte; for those citizens who
had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant disposal of that
magistracy, favored the followers of the major and persecuted the minor arts
and their patrons; and hence arose the many commotions already
mentioned. When the companies of the arts were first organized, many of
those trades, followed by the lowest of the people and the plebeians, were
not incorporated, but were ranged under those arts most nearly allied to
them; and, hence, when they were not properly remunerated for their labor,
or their masters oppressed them, they had no one of whom to seek redress,
except the magistrate of the art to which theirs was subject; and of him they
did not think justice always attainable. Of the arts, that which had always
had, and now has, the greatest number of these subordinates, is the woolen;
which being both then, and still, the most powerful body, and first in
authority, supports the greater part of the plebeians and lowest of the
people.
The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the woolen, but also
of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes just mentioned; and
their apprehension of punishment for the burnings and robberies they had
committed, did not tend to compose them. Meetings took place in different
parts during the night, to talk over the past, and to communicate the danger
in which they were, when one of the most daring and experienced, in order
to animate the rest, spoke thus:

"If the question now were, whether we should take up arms, rob and burn
the houses of the citizens, and plunder churches, I am one of those who
would think it worthy of further consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer
poverty and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we
have already armed, and many offenses have been committed, it appears to
me that we have to consider how to lay them aside, and secure ourselves
from the consequences of what is already done. I certainly think, that if
nothing else could teach us, necessity might. You see the whole city full of
complaint and indignation against us; the citizens are closely united, and the
signors are constantly with the magistrates. You may be sure they are
contriving something against us; they are arranging some new plan to
subdue us. We ought therefore to keep two things in view, and have two
points to consider; the one is, to escape with impunity for what has been
done during the last few days, and the other, to live in greater comfort and
security for the time to come. We must, therefore, I think, in order to be
pardoned for our faults, commit new ones; redoubling the mischief, and
multiplying fires and robberies; and in doing this, endeavor to have as many
companions as we can; for when many are in fault, few are punished; small
crimes are chastised, but great and serious ones rewarded. When many
suffer, few seek vengeance; for general evils are endured more patiently
than private ones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, make
forgiveness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure what we
require for our own liberty. And it appears evident that the gain is certain;
for our opponents are disunited and rich; their disunion will give us the
victory, and their riches, when they have become ours, will support us. Be
not deceived about that antiquity of blood by which they exalt themselves
above us; for all men having had one common origin, are all equally
ancient, and nature has made us all after one fashion. Strip us naked, and we
shall all be found alike. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours, we shall
appear noble, they ignoble—for poverty and riches make all the difference.
It grieves me much to think that some of you are sorry inwardly for what is
done, and resolve to abstain from anything more of the kind. Certainly, if it
be so, you are not the men I took you for; because neither shame nor
conscience ought to have any influence with you. Conquerors, by what
means soever, are never considered aught but glorious. We have no business
to think about conscience; for when, like us, men have to fear hunger, and
imprisonment, or death, the fear of hell neither can nor ought to have any

influence upon them. If you only notice human proceedings, you may
observe that all who attain great power and riches, make use of either force
or fraud; and what they have acquired either by deceit or violence, in order
to conceal the disgraceful methods of attainment, they endeavor to sanctify
with the false title of honest gains. Those who either from imprudence or
want of sagacity avoid doing so, are always overwhelmed with servitude
and poverty; for faithful servants are always servants, and honest men are
always poor; nor do any ever escape from servitude but the bold and
faithless, or from poverty, but the rapacious and fraudulent. God and nature
have thrown all human fortunes into the midst of mankind; and they are
thus attainable rather by rapine than by industry, by wicked actions rather
than by good. Hence it is that men feed upon each other, and those who
cannot defend themselves must be worried. Therefore we must use force
when the opportunity offers; and fortune cannot present us one more
favorable than the present, when the citizens are still disunited, the Signory
doubtful, and the magistrates terrified; for we may easily conquer them
before they can come to any settled arrangement. By this means we shall
either obtain the entire government of the city, or so large a share of it, as to
be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to threaten the city
with a renewal of them at some future time. I confess this course is bold and
dangerous, but when necessity presses, audacity becomes prudence, and in
great affairs the brave never think of dangers. The enterprises that are begun
with hazard always have a reward at last; and no one ever escaped from
embarrassment without some peril. Besides, it is easy to see from all their
preparations of prisons, racks, and instruments of death, that there is more
danger in inaction than in endeavoring to secure ourselves; for in the first
case the evils are certain, in the latter doubtful. How often have I heard you
complain of the avarice of your superiors and the injustice of your
magistrates. Now then is the time, not only to liberate yourself from them,
but to become so much superior, that they will have more causes of grief
and fear from you, than you from them. The opportunity presented by
circumstances passes away, and when gone, it will be vain to think it can be
recalled. You see the preparations of our enemies; let us anticipate them;
and those who are first in arms will certainly be victors, to the ruin of their
enemies and their own exaltation; and thus honors will accrue to many of us
and security to all." These arguments greatly inflamed minds already
disposed to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as soon as

they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and bound themselves
by oath to mutual defense, in case any of them were subdued by the civil
power.
While they were arranging to take possession of the republic, their design
became known to the Signory, who, having taken a man named Simone,
learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that the outbreak
was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger so pressing, they
called together the colleagues and those citizens who with the syndics of the
arts were endeavoring to effect the union of the city. It was then evening,
and they advised the signors to assemble the consuls of the trades, who
proposed that whatever armed force was in Florence should be collected,
and with the Gonfaloniers of the people and their companies, meet under
arms in the piazza next morning. It happened that while Simone was being
tortured, a man named Niccolo da San Friano was regulating the palace
clock, and becoming acquainted with what was going on, returned home
and spread the report of it in his neighborhood, so that presently the piazza
of St. Spirito was occupied by above a thousand men. This soon became
known to the other conspirators, and San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo,
their places of assembly, were presently full of them, all under arms.

CHAPTER IV
Proceedings of the plebeians—The demand they make of the Signory—
They insist that the Signory leave the palace—The Signory leave the palace
—Michael di Lando Gonfalonier—Complaints and movements of the
plebeians against Michael di Lando—Michael di Lando proceeds against
the plebeians and reduces them to order—Character of Michael di Lando.
At daybreak on the 21st of July, there did not appear in the piazza above
eighty men in arms friendly to the Signory, and not one of the Gonfaloniers;
for knowing the whole city to be in a state of insurrection they were afraid
to leave their homes. The first body of plebeians that made its appearance
was that which had assembled at San Pietro Maggiore; but the armed force
did not venture to attack them. Then came the other multitudes, and finding
no opposition, they loudly demanded their prisoners from the Signory; and
being resolved to have them by force if they were not yielded to their
threats, they burned the house of Luigi Guicciardini; and the Signory, for
fear of greater mischief, set them at liberty. With this addition to their
strength they took the Gonfalon of Justice from the bearer, and under the
shadow of authority which it gave them, burned the houses of many
citizens, selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately excited
their hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for private injuries,
conducted them to the houses of their enemies; for it was quite sufficient to
insure its destruction, if a single voice from the mob called out, "To the
house of such a one," or if he who bore the Gonfalon took the road toward
it. All the documents belonging to the woolen trade were burned, and after
the commission of much violence, by way of associating it with something
laudable, Salvestro de Medici and sixty-three other citizens were made
knights, among whom were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso
Strozzi and others similarly their friends; though many received the honor
against their wills. It was a remarkable peculiarity of the riots, that many
who had their houses burned, were on the same day, and by the same party
made knights; so close were the kindness and the injury together. This
circumstance occurred to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice.

In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves abandoned by
their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the Gonfaloniers,
became dismayed; for none had come to their assistance in obedience to
orders; and of the sixteen Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion and of
the Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi alone appeared;
and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew. Of the citizens, on
the other hand, some, seeing the fury of this unreasonable multitude and the
palace abandoned, remained within doors; others followed the armed mob,
in the hope that by being among them, they might more easily protect their
own houses or those of their friends. The power of the plebeians was thus
increased and that of the Signory weakened. The tumult continued all day,
and at night the rioters halted near the palace of Stefano, behind the church
of St. Barnabas. Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak
they obtained by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which and the
Gonfalon of Justice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of
the provost, who refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it
by force.
The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrain
them by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to proceed to the palace of
the provost, and endeavor to learn what was their intention. They found that
the leaders of the plebeians, with the Syndics of the trades and some
citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory. They therefore
returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who demanded that the woolen
trade should not be allowed to have a foreign judge; that there should be
formed three new companies of the arts; namely, one for the wool combers
and dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and such like, and
the third for the lowest class of people. They required that the three new arts
should furnish two Signors; the fourteen minor arts, three; and that the
Signory should provide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also
made it a condition that no member of these companies should be expected
during two years to pay any debt that amounted to less than fifty ducats;
that the bank should take no interest on loans already contracted, and that
only the principal sum should be demanded; that the condemned and the
banished should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to
participation in the honors of government. Besides these, many other
articles were stipulated in favor of their friends, and a requisition made that
many of their enemies should be exiled and admonished. These demands,

though grievous and dishonorable to the republic, were for fear of further
violence granted, by the joint deliberation of the Signors, Colleagues, and
Council of the people. But in order to give it full effect, it was requisite that
the Council of the Commune should also give its consent; and, as they
could not assemble two councils during the same day it was necessary to
defer it till the morrow. However the trades appeared content, the plebeians
satisfied; and both promised, that these laws being confirmed, every
disturbance should cease.
On the following morning, while the Council of the Commune were in
consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the piazza, under
their respective ensigns, with loud and fearful shouts, which struck terror
into all the Council and Signory; and Guerrente Marignolli, one of the
latter, influenced more by fear than anything else, under pretense of
guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and fled to his house. He was
unable to conceal himself from the multitude, who, however, took no
notice, except that, upon seeing him, they insisted that all the Signors
should quit the palace, and declared that if they refused to comply, their
houses should be burned and their families put to death.
The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their own apartments;
the Council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving the
palace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges and courts
below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in the multitude,
and such perversity or fear in those who might either have restrained or
suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dismayed and fearful for the safety
of their country, finding themselves abandoned by one of their associates,
and without any aid or even advice; when, at this moment of uncertainty as
to what was about to happen, or what would be best to be done, Tommaso
Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either from motives of ambition (being
desirous of remaining masters of the palace), or because they thought it the
most advisable step, persuaded them to give way to the popular impulse,
and withdraw privately to their homes. This advice, given by those who had
been the leaders of the tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamanno
Acciajuoli and Niccolo del Bene, two of the Signors, with anger; and,
reassuming a little vigor, they said, that if the others would withdraw they
could not help it, but they would remain as long as they continued in office,
if they did not in the meantime lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled
the fears of the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the Gonfalonier,

disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dishonor than in danger,
recommended himself to the care of Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew him
from the palace and conducted him to his house. The other Signors were,
one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno and
Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves left alone,
also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeians and the Eight
Commissioners of War, who had not yet laid down their authority.
When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the Gonfalonier of
Justice was in the hands of Michael di Lando, a wool comber. This man,
barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at his heels,
ascended the staircase, and, having entered the audience chamber of the
Signory, he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, "You see this palace
is now yours, and the city is in your power; what do you think ought to be
done?" To which they replied, they would have him for their Gonfalonier
and lord; and that he should govern them and the city as he thought best.
Michael accepted the command; and, as he was a cool and sagacious man,
more favored by nature than by fortune, he resolved to compose the tumult,
and restore peace to the city. To occupy the minds of the people, and give
himself time to make some arrangement, he ordered that one Nuto, who had
been appointed bargello, or sheriff, by Lapo da Castiglionchio, should be
sought. The greater part of his followers went to execute this commission;
and, to commence with justice the government he had acquired by favor, he
commanded that no one should either burn or steal anything; while, to strike
terror into all, he caused a gallows to be erected in the court of the palace.
He began the reform of government by deposing the Syndics of the trades,
and appointing new ones; he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues of
their magistracy, and burned the balloting purses containing the names of
those eligible to office under the former government.
In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into the court, was
suspended from the gallows by one foot; and those around having torn him
to pieces, in little more than a moment nothing remained of him but the foot
by which he had been tied.
The Eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand, thinking
themselves, after the departure of the Signors, left sole masters of the city,
had already formed a new Signory; but Michael, on hearing this, sent them
an order to quit the palace immediately; for he wished to show that he could

govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled the Syndics of
the trades, and created as a Signory, four from the lowest plebeians; two
from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besides this, he made a new
selection of names for the balloting purses, and divided the state into three
parts; one composed of the new trades, another of the minor, and the third
of the major trades. He gave to Salvestro de' Medici the revenue of the
shops upon the Old Bridge; for himself he took the provostry of Empoli,
and conferred benefits upon many other citizens, friends of the plebeians;
not so much for the purpose of rewarding their labors, as that they might
serve to screen him from envy.
It seemed to the plebeians that Michael, in his reformation of the state,
had too much favored the higher ranks of the people, and that themselves
had not a sufficient share in the government to enable them to preserve it;
and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they again took arms, and
coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, each body under their
particular ensigns, insisted that the Signory should immediately descend
and consider new means for advancing their well-being and security.
Michael, observing their arrogance, was unwilling to provoke them, but
without further yielding to their request, blamed the manner in which it was
made, advised them to lay down their arms, and promised that then would
be conceded to them, what otherwise, for the dignity of the state, must of
necessity be withheld. The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to
Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their party,
with officers, and other regulations to ensure influence and respect; so that
the city possessed two governments, and was under the direction of two
distinct powers. These new leaders determined that Eight, elected from their
trades, should constantly reside in the palace with the Signory, and that
whatever the Signory should determine must be confirmed by them before
it became law. They took from Salvestro de' Medici and Michael di Lando
the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, and distributed to
many of their party offices and emoluments to enable them to support their
dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render them valid they sent two
of their body to the Signory, to insist on their being confirmed by the
Council, with an intimation, that if not granted they would be vindicated by
force. This deputation, with amazing audacity and surpassing presumption,
explained their commission to the Signory, upbraided the Gonfalonier with
the dignity they had conferred upon him, the honor they had done him, and

with the ingratitude and want of respect he had shown toward them.
Coming to threats toward the end of their discourse, Michael could not
endure their arrogance, and sensible rather of the dignity of the office he
held than of the meanness of his origin, determined by extraordinary means
to punish such extraordinary insolence, and drawing the sword with which
he was girt, seriously wounded, and cause them to be seized and
imprisoned.
When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, and
thinking that by their arms they might ensure what without them they had
failed to effect, they seized their weapons and with the utmost fury resolved
to force the Signory to consent to their wishes. Michael, suspecting what
would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his credit rather
required him to be first to the attack than to wait the approach of the enemy,
or, like his predecessors, dishonor both the palace and himself by flight. He
therefore drew together a good number of citizens (for many began to see
their error), mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds of armed men,
proceeded to Santa Maria Novella, to encounter his adversaries. The
plebeians, who as before observed were influenced by a similar desire, had
set out about the same time as Michael, and it happened that as each took a
different route, they did not meet in their way, and Michael, upon his return,
found the piazza in their possession. The contest was now for the palace,
and joining in the fight, he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of
the city, and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or
conceal themselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory,
the tumults were composed, solely by the talents of the Gonfalonier, who in
courage, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of his time,
and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who have greatly
benefited their country; for had he possessed either malice or ambition, the
republic would have been completely ruined, and the city must have fallen
under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens. But his goodness
never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the universal welfare:
his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in such a manner, that a great
majority of his own faction reposed the most entire confidence in him; and
he kept the rest in awe by the influence of his authority. These qualities
subdued the plebeians, and opened the eyes of the superior artificers, who
considered how great must be the folly of those, who having overcome the

pride of the nobility, could endure to submit to the nauseous rule of the
rabble.

CHAPTER V
New regulations for the elections of the Signory—Confusion in the City
—Piero degli Albizzi and other citizens condemned to death—The
Florentines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo—The measures
adopted in consequence thereof—Insolent Conduct of Giorgio Scali—
Benedetto Alberti—Giorgio Scali beheaded.
By the time Michael di Lando had subdued the plebeians, the new
Signory was drawn, and among those who composed it, were two persons
of such base and mean condition, that the desire increased in the minds of
the people to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen; and
when, upon the first of September, the new Signory entered office and the
retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full of armed
men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them, that none of the lowest
of the people should hold office among the Signory. The obnoxious two
were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Il Tira, of the other
Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and Francesco di
Michele. The company of the lowest trade was also dissolved, and its
members deprived of office, except Michael di Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio
and a few others of better quality. The honors of government were divided
into two parts, one of which was assigned to the superior trades, the other to
the inferior; except that the latter were to furnish five Signors, and the
former only four. The Gonfalonier was to be chosen alternately from each.
The government thus composed, restored peace to the city for the time;
but though the republic was rescued from the power of the lowest plebeians,
the inferior trades were still more influential than the nobles of the people,
who, however, were obliged to submit for the gratification of the trades, of
whose favor they wished to deprive the plebeians. The new establishment
was supported by all who wished the continued subjugation of those who,
under the name of the Guelphic party, had practiced such excessive violence
against the citizens. And as among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio
Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these
four almost became princes of the city. This state of the public mind
strengthened the divisions already commenced between the nobles of the

people, and the minor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the
Albizzi; from which, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as
they will hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the former the
popular party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things continued
three years, during which many were exiled and put to death; for the
government lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both within and
without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Those within, either
attempted or were suspected of attempting every day some new project
against them; and those without, being under no restraint, were continually,
by means of some prince or republic, spreading reports tending to increase
the disaffection.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command
under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who,
designing to undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Giovanna,
retained his captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who
was at enmity with the queen. Many Florentine emigrants were also at
Bologna, in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the
rulers in Florence to live in continual alarm, and induced them to lend a
willing ear to any calumnies against the suspected. While in this disturbed
state of feeling, it was disclosed to the government that Gianozzo da
Salerno was about to march to Florence with the emigrants, and that great
numbers of those within were to rise in arms, and deliver the city to him.
Upon this information many were accused, the principal of whom were
Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi: and after these Cipriano Mangione,
Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni
Anselmi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi who fled, were made
prisoners; and the Signory, to prevent any one from taking arms in their
favor, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti with a strong
armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens were examined, and
although nothing was elicited against them sufficient to induce the Capitano
to find them guilty, their enemies excited the minds of the populace to such
a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury against them, that they were
condemned to death, as it were, by force. Nor was the greatness of his
family, or his former reputation of any service to Piero degli Albizzi, who
had once been, of all the citizens, the man most feared and honored. Some
one, either as a friend to render him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to
threaten him with the fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his

making a feast for many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweetmeats,
among which a large nail was found, and being seen by many present, was
taken for a hint to him to fix the wheel of fortune, which, having conveyed
him to the top, must if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom.
This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward by his
death.
After this execution the city was full of consternation, for both victors
and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst effects arose from the
apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs; for every
accident, however trivial, caused them to commit fresh outrages, either by
condemnations, admonitions, or banishment of citizens; to which must be
added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws and regulations
which were made for defense of the government, all of which were put in
execution to the injury of those opposed to their faction. They appointed
forty-six persons, who, with the Signory, were to purge the republic of all
suspected by the government. They admonished thirty-nine citizens,
ennobled many of the people, and degraded many nobles to the popular
rank. To strengthen themselves against external foes, they took into their
pay John Hawkwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who had
long served the pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without were
increased by a report that several bodies of men were being assembled by
Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of Naples, and many Florentine
emigrants were said to have joined him. Against these dangers, in addition
to the forces which had been raised, large sums of money were provided;
and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from the Florentines 40,000
ducats, and promised he would not molest them. His enterprise was
immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdom of Naples, he
sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victory renewed the
fears of those who managed the affairs of Florence, for they could not
persuade themselves that their money would have a greater influence on the
king's mind than the friendship which his house had long retained for the
Guelphs, whom they so grievously oppressed.
This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions; which again, instead
of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it; so that most men lived in the
utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso
Strozzi (who by their popular influence overawed the magistrates) also
contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by the power these men

possessed with the plebeians they could set them at defiance; and hence it is
evident that not only to good men, but even to the seditious, this
government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put a period to the
outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servant of his accused
Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, but the Capitano declared
him innocent. Upon this, the judge determined to punish the accuser with
the same penalties that the accused would have incurred had he been guilty,
but Giorgio Scali, unable to save him either by his authority or entreaties,
obtained the assistance of Tommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of armed
men, set the informer at liberty and plundered the palace of the Capitano,
who was obliged to save himself by flight. This act excited such great and
universal animosity against him, that his enemies began to hope they would
be able to effect his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power of the
plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogant control.
To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly contributed, for the
tumult having subsided, he presented himself before the signors, and said
"He had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they had appointed him,
for he thought he should serve upright men who would take arms for the
defense of justice, and not impede its progress. But now that he had seen
and had experience of the proceedings of the city, and the manner in which
affairs were conducted, that dignity which he had voluntarily assumed with
the hope of acquiring honor and emolument, he now more willingly
resigned, to escape from the losses and danger to which he found himself
exposed." The complaint of the Capitano was heard with the utmost
attention by the Signory, who promising to remunerate him for the injury he
had suffered and provide for his future security, he was satisfied. Some of
them then obtained an interview with certain citizens who were thought to
be lovers of the common good, and least suspected by the state; and in
conjunction with these, it was concluded that the present was a favorable
opportunity for rescuing the city from Giorgio and the plebeians, the last
outrage he had committed having completely alienated the great body of the
people from him. They judged it best to profit by the occasion before the
excitement had abated, for they knew that the favor of the mob is often
gained or lost by the most trifling circumstance; and more certainly to
insure success, they determined, if possible, to obtain the concurrence of
Benedetto Alberti, for without it they considered their enterprise to be
dangerous.

Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners,
an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whom tyrannical
measures were in the highest degree offensive; so that he was easily
induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin. His enmity
against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, and his friendship for the
plebeians, were caused by the insolence and tyrannical proceedings of the
former; but finding that the plebeians had soon become quite as insolent, he
quickly separated himself from them; and the injuries committed by them
against the citizens were done wholly without his consent. So that the same
motives which made him join the plebeians induced him to leave them.
Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side, they
provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso fled.
The next day Giorgio was beheaded; which struck so great a terror into his
party, that none ventured to express the slightest disapprobation, but each
seemed anxious to be foremost in defense of the measure. On being led to
execution, in the presence of that people who only a short time before had
idolized him, Giorgio complained of his hard fortune, and the malignity of
those citizens who, having done him an undeserved injury, had compelled
him to honor and support a mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude.
Observing Benedetto Alberti among those who had armed themselves for
the preservation of order, he said, "Do you, too, consent, Benedetto, that
this injury shall be done to me? Were I in your place and you in mine, I
would take care that no one should injure you. I tell you, however, this day
is the end of my troubles and the beginning of yours." He then blamed
himself for having confided too much in a people who may be excited and
inflamed by every word, motion, and breath of suspicion. With these
complaints he died in the midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall.
Some of his most intimate associates were also put to death, and their
bodies dragged about by the mob.

CHAPTER VI
Confusion and riots in the city—Reform of government in opposition to
the plebeians—Injuries done to those who favored the plebeians—Michael
di Lando banished—Benedetto Alberti hated by the Signory—Fears excited
by the coming of Louis of Anjou—The Florentines purchase Arezzo—
Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and is banished—His discourse upon
leaving the city—Other citizens banished and admonished—War with
Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan.
The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement; many took arms at
the execution in favor of the Signory and the Capitano; and many others,
either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same. The
city was full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular end in view,
and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. The ancient nobility,
called the GREAT, could not bear to be deprived of public honors; for the
recovery of which they used their utmost exertions, and earnestly desired
that authority might be restored to the Capitani di Parte. The nobles of the
people and the major trades were discontented at the share the minor trades
and lowest of the people possessed in the government; while the minor
trades were desirous of increasing their influence, and the lowest people
were apprehensive of losing the companies of their trades and the authority
which these conferred.
Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to be disturbed
by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms; sometimes
the major and sometimes the minor trades and the lowest of the people; and
it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at once in
insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the different parties
or with the forces of the palace; for the Signory sometimes yielding, and at
other times resisting, adopted such remedies as they could for these
numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies of the people, and many
Balias appointed for the reformation of the city; after much toil, labor, and
imminent danger, a government was appointed, by which all who had been
banished since Salvestro de' Medici was Gonfalonier were restored. They
who had acquired distinctions or emoluments by the Balia of 1378 were

deprived of them. The honors of government were restored to the Guelphic
party; the two new Companies of the Trades were dissolved, and all who
had been subject to them assigned to their former companies. The minor
trades were not allowed to elect the Gonfalonier of Justice, their share of
honors was reduced from a half to a third; and those of the highest rank
were withdrawn from them altogether. Thus the nobles of the people and
the Guelphs repossessed themselves of the government, which was lost by
the plebeians after it had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when
these changes took place.
The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or less
troublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been; for
many of the nobles of the people, who had distinguished themselves as
defenders of the plebeians, were banished, with a great number of the
leaders of the latter, among whom was Michael di Lando; nor could all the
benefits conferred upon the city by his authority, when in danger from the
lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that was now in
power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude in his countrymen.
The neglect of their benefactors is an error into which princes and republics
frequently fall; and hence mankind, alarmed by such examples, as soon as
they begin to perceive the ingratitude of their rulers, set themselves against
them.
As these banishments and executions had always been offensive to
Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured them
both publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began to fear
him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends of the
plebeians, and thought he had not consented to the death of Giorgio Scali
from disapprobation of his proceeding, but that he might be left himself
without a rival in the government. His discourse and his conduct alike
served to increase their suspicions, so that all the ruling party had their eyes
upon him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushing him.
During this state of things, external affairs were not of serious
importance, for some which ensued were productive of apprehension rather
than of injury. At this time Louis of Anjou came into Italy, to recover the
kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles of Durazzo.
His coming terrified the Florentines; for Charles, according to the custom of
old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis, like those who seek new

alliances, required their neutrality. The Florentines, that they might seem to
comply with the request of Louis, and at the same time assist Charles,
discharged from their service Sir John Hawkwood, and transferred him to
that of Pope Urban, who was friendly to Charles; but this deceit was at once
detected, and Louis considered himself greatly injured by the Florentines.
While the war was carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new
forces were sent from France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany,
were by the emigrants of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took it from
those who held possession for Charles. And when they were about to
change the government of Florence, as they had already done that of
Arezzo, Louis died, and the order of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was
changed accordingly; for Charles secured the kingdom, which had been all
but lost, and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city,
purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, having secured
Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he was heir, leaving,
with his wife, his children Ladislaus and Giovanna, who were yet infants.
He took possession of Hungary, but was soon after slain there.
As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of this acquisition
as ever took place in any city for a real victory, which served to exhibit the
public and private wealth of the people, many families endeavoring to vie
with the state itself in displays of magnificence. The Alberti surpassed all
others; the tournaments and exhibitions made by them were rather suitable
for a sovereign prince than for any private individuals. These things
increased the envy with which the family was regarded, and being joined
with suspicions which the state entertained of Benedetto, were the causes of
his ruin. The rulers could not endure him, for it appeared as if, at any
moment, something might occur, which, with the favor of his friends,
would enable him to recover his authority, and drive them out of the city.
While in this state of suspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was
Gonfalonier of the Companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was
drawn Gonfalonier of Justice; and this circumstance increased the fears of
the government, for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence,
and place the state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy,
without creating much disturbance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his
relative and enemy, to signify to the Signory that Filippo, not having
attained the age required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor
ought to hold it.

The question was examined by the signors, and part of them out of
hatred, others in order to avoid disunion among themselves, declared
Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn Bardo Mancini,
who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests, and an inveterate foe of
Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the duties of his office, created a
Balia for the reformation of the state, which banished Benedetto Alberti and
admonished all the rest of his family except Antonio. Before his departure,
Benedetto called them together, and observing their melancholy demeanor,
said, "You see, my fathers, and you the elders of our house, how fortune has
ruined me and threatened you. I am not surprised at this, neither ought you
to be so, for it always happens thus to those who among a multitude of the
wicked, wish to act rightly, and endeavor to sustain, what the many seek to
destroy. The love of my country made me take part with Salvestro de
Medici and afterward separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same cause
compelled me to detest those who now govern, who having none to punish
them, will allow no one to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my
banishment should deliver them from the fears they entertain, not of me
only, but of all who they think perceives or is acquainted wit their
tyrannical and wicked proceedings; and they have aimed their first blow at
me, in order the more easily to oppress you. I do not grieve on my own
account; for those honors which my country bestowed upon me while free,
she cannot in her slavery take from me; and the recollection of my past life
will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted by the sorrows
of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left a prey to the greediness and
pride of the few who keep her in subjection. I grieve for you; for I fear that
the evils which this day cease to affect me, and commence with you, will
pursue you with even greater malevolence than they have me. Comfort,
then, each other; resolve to bear up against every misfortune, and conduct
yourselves in such a manner, that when disasters befall you (and there will
be many), every one may know they have come upon you undeservedly."
Not to give a worse impression of his virtue abroad than he had done at
home, he made a journey to the sepulcher of Christ, and while upon his
return, died at Rhodes. His remains were brought to Florence, and interred
with all possible honors, by those who had persecuted him, when alive, with
every species of calumny and injustice.
The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during these
troubles of the city; for many others were banished and admonished. Of the

former were Piero Benini, Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del
Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many members of
the minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, Rinucci,
Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was customary to create the
Balia for a limited time; and when the citizens elected had effected the
purpose of their appointment, they resigned the office from motives of good
feeling and decency, although the time allowed might not have expired. In
conformity with this laudable practice, the Balia of that period, supposing
they had accomplished all that was expected of them, wished to retire; but
when the multitude were acquainted with their intention, they ran armed to
the palace, and insisted, that before resigning their power, many other
persons should be banished and admonished. This greatly displeased the
signors; but without disclosing the extent of their displeasure, they
contrived to amuse the multitude with promises, till they had assembled a
sufficient body of armed men, and then took such measures, that fear
induced the people to lay aside the weapons which madness had led them to
take up. Nevertheless, in some degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to
reduce the authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided, that as the latter
had previously possessed a third of the honors, they should in future have
only a fourth. That there might always be two of the signors particularly
devoted to the government, they gave authority to the Gonfalonier of
Justice, and four others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens, from
which, in every Signory, two should be drawn.
This government from its establishment in 1381, till the alterations now
made, had continued six years; and the internal peace of the city remained
undisturbed until 1393. During this time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti,
usually called the Count of Virtú, imprisoned his uncle Bernabo, and thus
became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had become duke of
Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italy by force. In 1391
he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines; but such various
changes occurred in the course of the war, that he was frequently in greater
danger than the Florentines themselves, who, though they made a brave and
admirable defense, for a republic, must have been ruined, if he had
survived. As it was, the result was attended with infinitely less evil than
their fears of so powerful an enemy had led them to apprehend; for the duke
having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a diadem
with which to be crowned king of Italy at Florence, died before he had

tasted the fruit of his victories, or the Florentines began to feel the effect of
their disasters.

CHAPTER VII
Maso degli Albizzi—His violence excites the anger of the people—They
have recourse to Veri de' Medici—The modesty of Veri—He refuses to
assume the dignity of prince, and appeases the people—Discourse of Veri to
the Signory—The banished Florentines endeavor to return—They secretly
enter the city and raise a tumult—Some of them slain, others taken to the
church of St. Reparata—A conspiracy of exiles supported by the duke of
Milan—The conspiracy discovered and the parties punished—Various
enterprises of the Florentines—Taking of Pisa—War with the king of
Naples—Acquisition of Cortona.
During the war with the duke of Milan the office of Gonfalonier of
Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379, had
become the inveterate enemy of the Alberti: and as party feeling is
incapable either of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstanding
Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his magistracy, he
would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He seized the
opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examined respecting
correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto
degli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested, which so
greatly excited the people, that the Signory, having provided themselves
with an armed force, called the citizens to a general assembly or parliament,
and appointed a Balia, by whose authority many were banished, and a new
ballot for the offices of government was made. Among the banished were
nearly all the Alberti; many members of the trades were admonished, and
some put to death. Stung by these numerous injuries, the trades and the
lowest of the people rose in arms, considering themselves despoiled both of
honor and life. One body of them assembled in the piazza; another ran to
the house of Veri de' Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of
the family. The Signory, in order to appease those who came to the piazza
or court of the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the
Guelphs and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato
Acciajuoli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to the interests
of the plebeians than any other. Those who went to the house of Veri de'

Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake the government, and
free them from the tyranny of those citizens who were destroying the peace
and safety of the commonwealth.
It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of this period,
that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he might without any
impediment have become prince of the city; for the unfeeling treatment
which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon the trades and their
friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance, that all they required
was some one to be their leader. Nor were there wanting those who could
inform him of the state of public feeling; for Antonio de' Medici with whom
he had for some time been upon terms of most intimate friendship,
endeavored to persuade him to undertake the government of the republic.
To this Veri replied: "Thy menaces when thou wert my enemy, never
alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thou art my friend, do me any
harm." Then, turning toward the multitude, he bade them be of good cheer;
for he would be their defender, if they would allow themselves to be
advised by him. He then went, accompanied by a great number of citizens,
to the piazza, and proceeded directly to the audience chamber of the
Signory, whom he addressed to this effect: That he could not regret having
lived so as to gain the love of the Florentines; but he was sorry they had
formed an opinion of him which his past life had not warranted; for never
having done anything that could be construed as either factious or
ambitious, he could not imagine how it had happened, that they should
think him willing to stir up strife as a discontented person, or usurp the
government of his country like an ambitious one. He therefore begged that
the infatuation of the multitude might not injure him in their estimation; for,
to the utmost of his power, their authority should be restored. He then
recommended them to use good fortune with moderation; for it would be
much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city, than a
complete one at her ruin. The Signory applauded Veri's conduct; begged he
would endeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he and
the other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Veri then
returned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him were joined
by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the united companies
that he had found the Signory most kindly disposed toward them; that many
things had been taken into consideration, which the shortness of time, and
the absence of the magistrates, rendered incapable of being finished. He

therefore begged they would lay down their arms and obey the Signory;
assuring them that humility would prevail rather than pride, entreaties rather
than threats; and if they would take his advice, their privileges and security
would remain unimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to
their homes.
The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the piazza, enrolled
2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equally by Gonfalons,
and ordered to be in readiness to give their assistance whenever required;
and they forbade the use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having
adopted these precautionary measures, they banished and put to death many
of those members of the trades who had shown the greatest audacity in the
late riots; and to invest the office of Gonfalonier of Justice with more
authoritative majesty, they ordered that no one should be eligible to it,
under forty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the defense of the
state were made, which appeared intolerable to those against whom they
were directed, and were odious even to the friends of the Signory
themselves, for they could not believe a government to be either good or
secure, which needed so much violence for its defense, a violence
excessively offensive, not only to those of the Alberti who remained in the
city, and to the Medici, who felt themselves injured by these proceedings,
but also to many others. The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the
son of Jacopo Acciajuoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior
rather than the equal of Maso degli Albizzi (who on account of the events
which took place while he was Gonfalonier of Justice, was almost at the
head of the republic), could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent,
or, like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, and
therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to their country, or
at least their offices to the admonished. He went from one to another,
disseminating his views, showing that the people would not be satisfied, or
the ferment of parties subside, without the changes he proposed; and
declared that if he were in the Signory, he would soon carry them into
effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and haste danger. To avoid
what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attempt what involved
danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and Niccolo Ricoveri his friend,
were of the Signory. This seemed to Donato a conjuncture of circumstances
too favorable to be lost, and he requested they would propose a law to the
councils, which would include the restoration of the citizens. They, at his

entreaty, spoke about the matter to their associates, who replied, that it was
improper to attempt any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful
and the danger certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other
means he could think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that
since they would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures,
he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so great
offense, that being communicated to the heads of the government, Donato
was summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to
whom he had intrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta.
Alamanno and Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that
family, who were descended from Alamanno, with many who, although of
the inferior artificers, possessed influence with the plebeians. These events
took place two years after the reform of government effected by Maso degli
Albizzi.
At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and others
banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at Bologna Picchio
Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto degli Spini,
Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone, and two others of the lowest
order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country at
any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and Baroccio Cavicciulli,
who, being admonished, lived in Florence, that if they came to the city they
should be concealed in their house; from which they might afterward issue,
slay Maso degli Albizzi, and call the people to arms, who, full of discontent,
would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci,
Adimari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these
hopes, on the fourth of August, 1397, they came to Florence, and having
entered unobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their
party to watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was
observed to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary, near the
church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who went to
watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators, who took their
arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that Maso had
gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their first attempt, they
proceeded to the Old Market, where they slew one of the adverse party, and
with loud cries of "people, arms, liberty, and death to the tyrants," directed
their course toward the New Market, and at the end of the Calimala slew
another. Pursuing their course with the same cries, and finding no one join

them in arms, they stopped at the Loggia Nighittosa, where, from an
elevated situation, being surrounded with a great multitude, assembled to
look on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to take arms and
deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so heavily upon them;
declaring that the complaints of the discontented in the city, rather than their
own grievances, had induced them to attempt their deliverance. They had
heard that many prayed to God for an opportunity of avenging themselves,
and vowed they would use it whenever they found anyone to conduct them;
but now, when the favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those
who were ready to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied,
and would wait till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their
liberty were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them;
they wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight
occasions, remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great
evils; and that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-
citizens to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to
restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honors of
the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effect upon those
to whom they were addressed; for they were either restrained by their fears,
or, on account of the two murders which had been committed, disgusted
with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words
or deeds had force sufficient to stir anyone, saw, when too late, how
dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be
slaves; and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa
Reparata, where, not to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their
deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair, the
Signory being in fear, armed and secured the palace; but when the facts of
the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they had betaken
themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a
sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates of the temple were
forced without much trouble; part of the conspirators were slain defending
themselves; the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none
were found implicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello
Cavicciulli, who were put to death with them.
Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The
Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of
Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome

them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the exiles
of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the city
were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most of the
emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the places nearest
Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with their friends hasten to
the residences of the chiefs of the government; and having slain them,
reform the republic according to their own will. Of the conspirators within
the city, was one of the Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in
treacherous practices, few are insufficient to effect the purpose of the plot,
and among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so while Samminiato was in
quest of associates, he found an accuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro
Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were thought sufficient
to make him faithful; but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the
hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the Signory, who,
having caused Samminiato to be taken, compelled him to tell all the
particulars of the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken,
except Tommaso Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what
had occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the
others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of Samminiato.
Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their
deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents,
and took measures for the security of the state. They declared six of the
family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the Alberti; two of the Medici; three
of the Scali; two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many
others of inferior quality. They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the
Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the
Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and
peaceable. It happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had
ceased, a monk was taken who had been observed during its progress to
pass frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had
often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and, though
he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the monk's accusation
prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of money, and banished a
distance of three hundred miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not
constantly place the city in jeopardy, every member of the family was
banished whose age exceeded fifteen years.

These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died
Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above, put
an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time, the
government having gained greater strength, and being without enemies
external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having gloriously
completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed from 1400 to 1433,
except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed the boundary they were
forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with new provisions fortified
the state and punished the offenders with heavy fines. During this period
also, the Florentines made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding
himself in great danger ceded to them the city of Cortona of which he was
master; but soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war,
which became far more disastrous to the Florentines than before; and had it
not, in 1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by
the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought
Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with the
king concluded with less good fortune than the former; for when he had
taken Rome, Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only
Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been more
favorable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more potent to save
them than their own valor. From the time of the king's decease, peace was
preserved both at home and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with
the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and
was only appeased by the ruin of that government which continued from
1381 to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises; acquired
Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have
accomplished more if the citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived
former factions; as in the following book will be particularly shown.

BOOK IV

CHAPTER I
License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican governments—
Application of this reflection to the state of Florence—Giovanni di Bicci di'
Medici re-establishes the authority of his family—Filippo Visconti, duke of
Milan, endeavors to make amicable arrangements with the Florentines—
Their jealousy of him—Precautionary measures against him—War declared
—The Florentines are routed by the ducal forces.
Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized,
frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not by the
influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by that of slavery
and license; for with the nobility or the people, the ministers respectively of
slavery or licentiousness, only the name of liberty is in any estimation,
neither of them choosing to be subject either to magistrates or laws. When,
however, a good, wise, and powerful citizen appears (which is but seldom),
who establishes ordinances capable of appeasing or restraining these
contending dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, then
the government may be called free, and its institutions firm and secure; for
having good laws for its basis, and good regulations for carrying them into
effect, it needs not, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance.
With such excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics,
which were of long duration, were endowed. But these advantages are, and
always have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyranny to
license, or the reverse; because, from the powerful enemies which each
condition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess any stability; for
tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensive to the wise: the
former may easily be productive of mischief, while the latter can scarcely
be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too much authority, and in the
latter, the foolish; so that each requires for their welfare the virtue and the
good fortune of some individual who may be removed by death, or become
unserviceable by misfortune.
Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at
the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talents of
Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city

remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, and
Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was nothing either
internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da Uzzano in
authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi,
Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose from the quarrels
of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterward so unhappily revived
by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; for though the party most
favored by the rabble only continued three years, and in 1381 was put
down, still, as it comprehended the greatest numerical proportion, it was
never entirely extinct, though the frequent Balias and persecutions of its
leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it almost to nothing. The first families
that suffered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, which
were frequently deprived both of men and money; and if any of them
remained in the city, they were deprived of the honors of government.
These oft-repeated acts of oppression humiliated the faction, and almost
annihilated it. Still, many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had
received, and a desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms,
ungratified and unquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobility,
who peaceably governed the city, committed two errors, which eventually
caused the ruin of their party; the first was, that by long continuance in
power they became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained
toward each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed
that vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to have
exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people by their
sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened dangers, because
rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them through mutual envy,
they gave an opportunity to the family of the Medici to recover their
influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, who having
become one of the richest men, and being of a humane and benevolent
disposition, obtained the supreme magistracy by the consent of those in
power. This circumstance gave so much gratification to the mass of the
people (the multitude thinking they had now found a defender), that not
without occasion the judicious of the party observed it with jealousy, for
they perceived all the former feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da
Uzzano did not fail to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining
to them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one who possessed so much
influence; that it was easy to remedy an evil at its commencement, but

exceedingly difficult after having allowed it to gather strength; and that
Giovanni possessed several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The
associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for they were
jealous of his reputation, and desired to exalt some person, by means of
whom he might be humbled.
This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to be
observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo,
having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy, and
thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recover
Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da Campo
Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any other
enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines, and
made his good understanding with them known; but with the aid of their
reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He therefore sent
ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were opposed
to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with Milan, which had
now continued for many years. They were fully aware of the advantages he
would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little use it would be to
Florence. Many others were inclined to accede to it, but would set a limit to
his proceedings, which, if he were to exceed, all would perceive his base
design, and thus they might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiably
make war against him. The question having been strongly debated, an
amicable arrangement was at length effected, by which Filippo engaged not
to interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and
Panaro.
Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took possession of Brescia,
and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation of those who
had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be defended by the
Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself. And as in the treaty
which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had acquired Serezana and
other places situated on this side the Magra, upon condition that, if he
wished to alienate them, they should be given to the Genoese, it was quite
palpable that he had broken the treaty; and he had, besides, entered into
another treaty with the legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement
respecting the Panaro. These things disturbed the minds of the citizens, and
made them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted
for their defense.

The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of
Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with their
prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors to the city, to
intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicions they entertained, and
offered to revoke whatever he had done that could be thought a ground of
jealousy. This embassy produced no other effect than that of dividing the
citizens; one party, that in greatest reputation, judged it best to arm, and
prepare to frustrate the enemy's designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it
would not be necessary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be
made to preserve peace. Many others, whether envious of those in power, or
fearing a rupture with the duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to
entertain suspicions of an ally, and thought his proceedings need not have
excited so much distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring forces was in
itself a manifest declaration of war, which, if undertaken against so great a
prince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any
advantage; for possession could never be retained of the conquests that
might be made, because Romagna lay between, and the vicinity of the
church ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself. However the
views of those who were in favor of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were
appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were
more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled the city with
complaints, and all condemned the ambition and avarice of the great,
declaring that, to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go
to war without any justifiable motive.
They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything
tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the legate of
Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant of Bologna at
Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which, being close upon the
Florentine territory, filled the citizens with apprehension; but what gave
every one greater alarm, and offered sufficient occasion for the declaration
of war, was the expedition made by the duke against Furli. Giorgio
Ordelaffi was lord of Furli, who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the
guardianship of Filippo. The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent
him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was
compelled by the people of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband,
to withdraw him from the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of
the duke. Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the

Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with forces, to seize
the government of Furli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands.
When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at
Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, but there
were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de' Medici, who
publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill designs of the duke were
perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and let him commence the
attack, than to assail him; for in the former case they would be justified in
the view of the princes of Italy as well as in their own; but if they were to
strike the first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as favorable to
him as to themselves; and besides, they could not so confidently demand
assistance as assailants, as they might do if assailed; and that men always
defend themselves more vigorously when they attack others. The advocates
of war considered it improper to await the enemy in their houses, and better
to go and seek him; that fortune is always more favorable to assailants than
to such as merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, even
when attended with greater immediate expense, to make war at another's
door than at our own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the
ten should provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli from the
hands of the duke.
Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he had
undertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations, and sent
Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico,
having to provide for the defense of his own possessions, might be unable
to protect the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imola while the
forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense frost having
rendered the ditches of the city passable, he crossed them during the night,
captured the place, and sent Lodovico a prisoner to Milan. The Florentines
finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the war publicly known, sent
their forces to Furli and besieged it on all sides. That the duke's people
might not relieve it, they hired Count Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his
own domain, overran the country daily, up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo
della Pergola, finding the strong position which the Florentines had taken
prevented him from relieving Furli, determined to attempt the capture of
Zagonara, thinking they would not allow that place to be lost, and that in
the endeavor to relieve it they would be compelled to give up their design
against Furli, and come to an engagement under great disadvantage. Thus

the duke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained
on condition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve him
within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the Florentine camp
and in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtain the
expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater; for having
abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on
encountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery
of their adversaries as by the severity of the season; for, having marched
many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy quite
fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. Nevertheless, in this great
defeat, famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred except those of
Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having fallen from their
horses were drowned in the morass.

CHAPTER II
The Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of the war
—Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens—Measures for the
prosecution of the war—Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the
plebeians of their share in the government—Rinaldo degli Albizzi addresses
an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the Grandi—Niccolo
da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on their side—Giovanni
disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.
The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout Florence; but
none felt it so severely as the nobility, who had been in favor of the war; for
they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselves disarmed,
without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners of streets
insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining of the heavy taxes,
and the unnecessary war, and saying, "Oh! they appointed the ten to
frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued her from the
hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered; and what
had they in view? not the defense of liberty; for they do not love her; but to
aggrandize their own power, which God has very justly abated. This is not
the only enterprise by many a one with which they have oppressed the city;
for the war against King Ladislaus was of a similar kind. To whom will they
flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed before the
face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned, and
compelled to throw herself under the protection of the king of Aragon?" To
these reproaches was added all that might be expected from an enraged
multitude.
Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemble a
few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe the popular irritation.
On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son of Maso, who, by his
own talents and the respect he derived from the memory of his father,
aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke at great length; showing
that it is not right to judge of actions merely by their effects; for it often
happens that what has been very maturely considered is attended with
unfavorable results: that if we are to applaud evil counsels because they are

sometimes followed by fortunate events, we should only encourage men in
error which would bring great mischief upon the republic; because evil
counsel is not always attended with happy consequences. In the same way,
it would be wrong to blame a wise resolution, because if its being attended
with an unfavorable issue; for by so doing, we should destroy the
inclination of citizens to offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed
the propriety of undertaking the war; and that if it had not been commenced
by the Florentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in
Tuscany. But since it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be
overcome, their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be
dejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made good use of
the means within their power, they would not be sensible of their loss or the
duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not to be alarmed by
impending expenses and consequent taxation; because the latter might be
reduced, and the future expense would not be so great as the former had
been; for less preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defense
than for those who design to attack others. He advised them to imitate the
conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageous conduct in adverse
circumstances, had defended themselves against all their enemies.
Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio,
and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, Niccolo
Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one of the most celebrated of all who
had served under him. To these they added other leaders, and remounted
some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They also
appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding the great quite
subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained them without mercy.
These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in order to
conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, but censured
the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something should be done in
the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in the Councils. Therefore,
to render the law as offensive as possible, and to make all sensible of its
injustice, they contrived that the taxes should be levied with the utmost
rigor, and made it lawful to kill any that might resist the officers employed
to collect them. Hence followed many lamentable collisions, attended with
the blood and death of citizens. It began to be the impression of all, that
arms would be resorted to, and all prudent persons apprehended some
approaching evil; for the higher ranks, accustomed to be treated with

respect, could not endure to be used like dogs; and the rest were desirous
that the taxation should be equalized. In consequence of this state of things,
many of the first citizens met together, and it was resolved that it had
become necessary for their safety, that some attempt should be made to
recover the government; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men
to censure public actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who had
hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having repeatedly discussed
the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour, when upwards
of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen, with the
permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both members
of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them either because
being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertaining different views
he was unwilling to interfere.
Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the condition of
the city, and showing how by their own negligence it had again fallen under
the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested by their fathers
in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the government which was in
power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present had to lament,
some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by its tyranny. He assured
them they were now in the same danger, and that the city was sinking under
the same disorders. The multitude had already imposed a tax of its own
authority; and would soon, if not restrained by greater force or better
regulations, appoint the magistrates, who, in this case, would occupy their
places, and overturn the government which for forty-two years had ruled
the city with so much glory; the citizens would then be subject to the will of
the multitude, and live disorderly and dangerous, or be under the command
of some individual who might make himself prince. For these reasons he
was of opinion, that whoever loved his country and his honor must arouse
himself, and call to mind the virtue of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of
the Alberti, rescued the city from the dangers then impending; and that the
cause of the audacity now assumed by the multitude was the extensive
Squittini or Pollings, which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made;
for thus the palace had become filled with low men. He therefore
concluded, that the only means of remedying the evil was to restore the
government to the nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor trades
by reducing the companies from fourteen to seven, which would give the
plebeians less authority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their

number and by increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of
former enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it is a
good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to the times;
and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the influence of
the great, that now, the great having been humbled, and the plebeians
become insolent, it was well to restrain the insolence of the latter by the
assistance of the former. To effect this they might proceed either openly or
otherwise, for some of them belonging to the Council of Ten, forces might
be led into the city without exciting observation.
Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the
whole assembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said,
"All that Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed
good and certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute division of
the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they could induce
Giovanni de' Medici to join them; for with him on their side, the multitude
being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unable to oppose them; but
that if he did not concur with them they could do nothing without arms, and
that with them they would incur the risk of being vanquished, or of not
being able to reap the fruit of victory." He then modestly reminded them of
what he had said upon a former occasion, and of their reluctance to remedy
the evil when it might easily have been done; that now the same remedy
could not be attempted without incurring the danger of greater evils, and
therefore there was nothing left for them to do but to gain him over to their
side, if practicable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni
and try if he could induce him to join them.
He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing words he
could make use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views;
and begged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them
to complete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni
replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen to avoid
altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; there being nothing
so injurious to the people as such a change; for many are necessarily
offended, and where there are several discontented, some unpropitious
event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared to him that their
resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects; the one
conferring honors on those who, having never possessed them, esteemed
them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve for their

absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomed to their
possession would never be at rest till they were restored to them. It would
thus be evident that the injury done to one party, was greater than the
benefit they had conferred upon the other; so that whoever was the author
of the proposition, he would gain few friends and make many enemies, and
that the latter would be more resolutely bent on injuring him than the
former would be zealous for his defense, for mankind are naturally more
disposed to revenge than to gratitude, as if the latter could only be exercised
with some inconvenience to themselves, while the former brings alike
gratification and profit. Then, directing his discourse more particularly to
Rinaldo, he said, "And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew
how craftily affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in this
pursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested the power
from the people, will, with the people's assistance, who will have become
your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as to Benedetto
Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were not his friends, consented
to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and shortly afterward
was himself sent into exile by the very same men." He therefore advised
Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, and endeavor to imitate his
father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all, reduced the price of salt,
provided that whoever owed taxes under half a florin should be at liberty to
pay them or not, as he thought proper, and that at the meeting of the
Councils every one should be free from the importunities of his creditors.
He concluded by saying, that as regarded himself, he was disposed to let the
government of the city remain as it was.

CHAPTER III
Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people—Bravery of
Biaggio del Melano—Baseness of Zanobi del Pino—The Florentines obtain
the friendship of the lord of Faenza—League of the Florentines with the
Venetians—Origin of the Catasto—The rich citizens discontented with it—
Peace with the duke of Milan—New disturbances on account of the
Catasto.
These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known to
the people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni, and
brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but he assumed an
appearance of indifference, in order to give less encouragement to those
who by his influence were desirous of change. In his discourse he intimated
to every one that it is not desirable to promote factions, but rather to
extinguish them; and that whatever might be expected of him, he only
sought the union of the city. This, however, gave offense to many of his
party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit greater activity. Among
others so disposed, was Alamanno de' Medici, who being of a restless
disposition, never ceased exciting him to persecute enemies and favor
friends; condemning his coldness and slow method of proceeding, which he
said was the cause of his enemies' practicing against him, and that these
practices would one day effect the ruin of himself and his friends. He
endeavored to excite Cosmo, his son, with similar discourses; but Giovanni,
for all that was either disclosed or foretold him, remained unmoved,
although parties were now declared, and the city in manifest disunion.
There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two chancellors,
Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the party of Niccolo da
Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeing Giovanni
unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to deprive Ser
Martino of his office, that he might have the palace more completely under
his control. The design becoming known to his adversaries, Ser Martino
was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to the great injury and displeasure
of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstance would soon have produced
most mischievous effects, but for the war with which the city was

threatened, and the recent defeat suffered at Zagonara, which served to
check the audacity of the people; for while these events were in progress at
Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with the forces of the duke, had taken all
the towns and cities possessed by the Florentines in Romagna, except
Castracaro and Modigliano; partly from the weakness of the places
themselves, and partly by the misconduct of those who had the command of
them. In the course of the campaign, two instances occurred which served
to show how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much
cowardice and pusillanimity are despised.
Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso. Being
surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place, which
was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part which was not
yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little children, saying to the
enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowed upon
me, and of which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, in which my
honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can you wrest them from
me." The besiegers ran to save the children, and placed for their father ropes
and ladders, by which to save himself, but he would not use them, and
rather chose to die in the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his
country: an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers
nothing to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of any
similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from the ruins, was
restored for the use of the children, and carefully conveyed to their friends;
nor was the republic less grateful; for as long as they lived, they were
supported at her charge.
An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi
del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave up the
fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della Pergola to
leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills of Tuscany,
where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater advantage.
Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man, and
delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many reproaches, gave him
nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes, saying, that of a Guelph they
would make him a Ghibelline; and thus fasting, he died in a few days.
At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di
Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the

Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of Agnolo
della Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally strong, and its
inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccinino sent
a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Florentines to obtain by
their loss, what, perhaps, they would have failed to acquire by victory; for
Niccolo so prevailed with the lord of Faenza and his mother, that they
became friends of the Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set
at liberty, but did not take the advice he had given others; for while in treaty
with the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, either the conditions
proposed were insufficient, or he found better elsewhere; for quite suddenly
he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed into Lombardy, and
entered the service of the duke.
The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to
despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to sustain
the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg they would
lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowed to aggrandize
himself, would soon become as dangerous to them as to the Florentines
themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt the same course by
Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriors of those
times, who had been in the service of the duke, and had afterward quitted it;
but they hesitated, not knowing how far to trust him; for they thought his
enmity with the duke was only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found
that the duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison to
be given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him to
extremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid aside their
suspicion; and as the Florentines still solicited their assistance, a treaty was
formed between the two powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war
at the common expense of both: the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned
to the Venetians; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and
Carmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. By this treaty
the war was commenced in Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted;
for in a few months many places were taken from the duke, together with
the city of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered a
most brilliant exploit.
The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence
were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time, that it
was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their amelioration. That they

might be equalized according to the means of each citizen, it was proposed
that whoever possessed property of the value of one hundred florins should
pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution would thus be determined
by an invariable rule, and not left to the discretion of parties; and as it was
found that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes,
they used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law. Giovanni
de' Medici alone declared himself in favor of it, and by his means it was
passed. In order to determine the amount each had to pay, it was necessary
to consider his property in the aggregate, which the Florentines call
accatastare, in which in this application of it would signify TO RATE or
VALUE, and hence this tax received the name of catasto. The new method
of rating formed a powerful check to the tyranny of the great, who could no
longer oppress the lower classes, or silence them with threats in the council
as they had formerly done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though
to the wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is
found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage only
makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality of
taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule should
be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made to determine
how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid less than their share,
and that they should now pay up to an equality with those who, in order to
meet the demand unjustly made, had been compelled to sell their
possessions. This proposal alarmed the great more than the Catasto had
done; and in self-defense they unceasingly decried it, declaring it in the
highest degree unjust in being laid not only on immovable but movable
property, which people possess to-day and lose to-morrow; that many
persons have hidden wealth which the Catasto cannot reach; that those who
leave their own affairs to manage those of the republic should be less
burdened by her, it being enough for them to give their labour, and that it
was unjust of the city to take both their property and their time, while of
others she only took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied, that if
movable property varies, the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it
would remedy the evil to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary to
mention those who possessed hidden property; for it would be unreasonable
to take taxes for that which produced no interest, and that if it paid
anything, it could not fail to be discovered: that those who did not like to
labor for the republic might cease to do so; for no doubt she would find

plenty of loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting her with both
money and counsel: that the advantages and honors of a participation in the
government are so great, that of themselves they are a sufficient
remuneration to those who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be
excused from paying their share of taxes. But, they added, the real
grievance had not been mentioned: for those who were offended with the
Catasto, regretted they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties
of war without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the
rest; and that if this law had then been in force they would not have gone to
war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had
been not through necessity, but to impoverish the citizens. The excitement
was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who said, "It is not well to go into
things so long past, unless to learn something for our present guidance; and
if in former times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that
we have now discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that this
will be the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them; which would
certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of taxes for the past,
and make them equal to the present; and that he who is content with a
moderate victory is always most successful; for those who would more than
conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these he calmed the
disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no longer
contemplated.
The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length restored by
means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the first
disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms, and meeting
the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeat the duke again
made proposals for peace, to which the Florentines and Venetians both
agreed; the former from jealousy of the Venetians, thinking they had spent
quite enough money in the aggrandizement of others; the latter, because
they found Carmignuola, after the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in
their cause; so that they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was
therefore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the places
they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which the
duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this war the Florentines
expended three millions and a half of ducats, extended the territory and
power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves.

Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced.
The great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how to set
it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to the
measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in annulling
it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy the tax, that the
law required them to extend the Catasto over the property of their nearest
neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was concealed among it. The
dependent states were therefore ordered to present a schedule of their
property against a certain time. This was extremely offensive to the people
of Volterra, who sent to the Signory to complain of it; but the officers, in
great wrath, committed eighteen of the complainants to prison. The
Volterrani, however, out of regard for their fellow-countrymen who were
arrested, did not proceed to any violence.

CHAPTER IV
Death of Giovanni de' Medici—His character—Insurrection of Volterra
—Volterra returns to her allegiance—Niccolo Fortebraccio attacks the
Lucchese—Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war—War with Lucca
—Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed commissaries—
Violence of Astorre Gianni.
About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end
approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his last
advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which God and
nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave you
rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you pursue the same
course that I have, you will live respected in Florence, and in favor with
everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, as the recollection
that I have never willfully offended anyone; but have always used my
utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do so too.
With regard to state affairs, if you would live in security, take just such a
share as the laws and your countrymen think proper to bestow, thus you will
escape both danger and envy; for it is not what is given to any individual,
but what he has determined to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus
have a larger share than those who endeavor to engross more than belongs
to them; for they thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in
constant disquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many
enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only
maintained my reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the
same course, you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise,
you may be assured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own
times have brought ruin both upon themselves and their families." Soon
after this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as
his many excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing
alms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities
of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all; praised the
good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never sought the honors
of government; yet enjoyed them all; and never went to the palace unless by

request. He loved peace and shunned war; relieved mankind in adversity,
and assisted them in prosperity; never applied the public money to his own
uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a
man of great eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His
demeanor expressed melancholy; but after a short time his conversation
became pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still
more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and
respect he left behind him were not only preserved but increased by his son
Cosmo.
The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain
their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines.
Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new Priors
to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was one named
Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class, and one of
those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamed with hatred
against the Florentines on account of his public as well as personal injuries,
was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man of noble family, and
his colleague in office, to induce the people, by the authority of the Priors
and his own influence, to withdraw their country from the power of the
Florentines, and make himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto
took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on
behalf of the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of
Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having
just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on
either side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place;
and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed
Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon
the expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines
would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter
refused, alleging her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain
the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with
the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to
Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence.
The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled
their cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val d'Arno
Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although
attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did not

yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and the ruggedness of
the country around it, prepared for his defense.
There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi
who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence
among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential
friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief of
their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto of the
Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be sure of
obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all its ancient
privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the palace in which
Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below, Arcolano, with
three others, proceeded to the chamber above, where finding him with some
citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous to communicate something of
importance, and conversing on different subjects, let him to the lower
apartment, and fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so
quick as to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon; for with it
he seriously wounded two of them; but being unable to resist so many, he
was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party
gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with
their forces, immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was
worse than before; for among other things which operated to her
disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her,
and she was reduced to the rank of a vicariate.
Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present
circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a new
war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son
of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service of the Florentines
during most of their wars with the duke. Upon the restoration of peace he
was discharged; but when the affair of Volterra took place, being encamped
with his people at Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of
himself and his forces. Some thought that while Rinaldo conducted the
expedition along with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext or another,
to attack the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would
consent to undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to
the command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his
quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his own
accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles

belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and as many
infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the inhabitants to a
vast amount. The news of this incursion having reached Florence, persons
of all classes were seen gathered in parties throughout the city discussing
the matter, and nearly all were in favor of an expedition against Lucca. Of
the Grandees thus disposed, were the Medici and their party, and with them
also Rinaldo, either because he thought the enterprise beneficial to the
republic, or induced by his own ambition and the expectation of being
appointed to the command. Niccolo da Uzzano and his party were opposed
to the war. It seems hardly credible that such contrary opinions should
prevail, though at different times, in the same men and the same city, upon
the subject of war; for the same citizens and people that, during the ten
years of peace had incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke
Filippo, in defense of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with
their utmost energy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if
successful, would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been
in favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so much more
ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than to preserve
their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope of acquisition
than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible till
they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations of the former are cherished
as facts, even while the advantages are very problematical, or at best,
remote. The people of Florence were inspired with hope, by the acquisitions
which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and by letters received from their
rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for their deputies at Vico and Pescia had
written, that if permission were given to them to receive the castles that
offered to surrender, the whole country of Lucca would very soon be
obtained. It must, however, be added, that an ambassador was sent by the
governor of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attack made by Niccolo,
and to entreat that the Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and
a city that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo
Viviani, who, a short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo
Guinigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he
had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the
forgiveness mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of
the danger he had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his
arrival in Florence secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and these

instigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the Council
together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the principal men
of the city discussed the question.
Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition,
was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the
acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to them by
the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in the affairs
of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the facility of the
expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage to one of her own
citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxiety for the preservation
of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to them by the people in
order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for fear of the people. He recalled
the remembrance of the injuries done to the republic by the governor of
Lucca; his malevolent disposition toward them; and their embarrassing
situation with regard to him, if the pope or the duke were to make war upon
them; and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the people
of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive advantage, or greater
justice in its favor.
In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence
never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more
pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to attack a
Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentine people, and
had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into her bosom when
they were expelled from their own country. That in the history of the past
there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of her having done an
injury to the Florentines; and that if they had been injured by her enslavers,
as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the present governor, the fault was
not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail the latter without
detriment to the people, he should have less scruple, but as this was
impossible, he could not consent that a city which had been friendly to
Florence should be plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at
present to pay little or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would
consider the matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He
thought that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences
might be esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise
should be called advantageous in which the evils were certain and the utility
doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be

attended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm even a
people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied, as they were,
by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be gained was the
acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great; but the hazards
were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion to render the
conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to believe that the
Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to make the acquisition;
for the former only consented in appearance, in order to avoid the
semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with Florentine money, acquired
such an extent of dominion. That as regarded the duke, it would greatly
gratify him to see them involved in new wars and expenses; for, being
exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might again assail them; and that if,
after having undertaken it, their enterprise against Lucca were to prove
successful, and offer them the fullest hope of victory, the duke would not
want an opportunity of frustrating their labors, either by assisting the
Lucchese secretly with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops,
and then sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He
therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the
tyrant in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for there
was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the
tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, that city
would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it, and being
ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall into their power.
But he saw that his discourse did not please them, and that his words were
unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them, that they were about to
commence a war in which they would expend vast sums, incur great
domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of Lucca, they would
deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they
would make one free and hostile, and that in time she would become an
obstacle to the greatness of their own republic.
The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote,
as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against the
enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council of
Ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre
Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and
Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the places
he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their captain. The

commissaries having arrived with the army in the country of the Lucchese,
divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along
the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the other
division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens
found themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would easily
submit. The proceedings of the commissaries were unfortunate, not that
they failed to occupy many places, but from the complaints made against
them of mismanaging the operations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had
certainly given very sufficient cause for the charges against him.
There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called Seravezza,
whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary, presented
themselves before him and begged he would receive them as faithful
subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to accept their
proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the
passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the principal
church, took them all prisoners, and then caused his people to plunder and
destroy the whole country, with the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no
distinction in favor of consecrated places, and violating the women, both
married and single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not
only the magistracy, but the whole city.

CHAPTER V
The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory—Complaints against
Rinaldo degli Albizzi—The commissaries changed—Filippo Brunelleschi
proposes to submerge the country about Lucca—Pagolo Guinigi asks
assistance of the duke of Milan—The duke sends Francesco Sforza—
Pagolo Guinigi expelled—The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke
—The acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory—Conclusion of the
war.
A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped the
hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one in the
streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of those who, either
through indignation at his wickedness or from being of the opposite party,
wished to punish the commissary, they went to the Council of Ten, and
requested an audience. This being granted, one of them spoke to the
following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent lords, that we shall find
credit and compassion from the Signory, when you learn how your
commissary has taken possession of our country, and in what manner he has
treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your ancient houses abundantly
testify, was always Guelphic, and has often proved a secure retreat to your
citizens when persecuted by the Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves
too, have always revered the name of this noble republic as the leader and
head of their party. While the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly
submitted to their government; but when enslaved by the tyrant, who
forsook his old friends to join the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him
more through force than good will. And God knows how often we have
prayed, that we might have an opportunity of showing our attachment to our
ancient party. But how blind are mankind in their wishes! That which we
desired for our safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned
that your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary,
not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our
valley, our persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to
his good faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at
least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to support his

cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of the
man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadly pest, a
more savage beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined in the human
mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretense of wishing to
speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned and destroyed the
whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged every place, destroyed
everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins, and dragging them
from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality of his soldiery.
If by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treatment, or if he
had vanquished us armed in our defense, we should have less reason for
complaint; we should have accused ourselves, and thought that either our
mismanagement or our arrogance had deservedly brought the calamity upon
us; but after having freely presented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed
and plundered with such unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And
though we might have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against
this city, and spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we
did not wish to slander so just and pious a republic, with the baseness and
perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known
them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate
(though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our property have
saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to have
recourse to you, and beg that you will succor the distresses of your subjects,
that others may not be deterred by our example from submitting themselves
to your authority. And if our extreme distress cannot prevail with you to
assist us, be induced, by your fear of the wrath of God, who has seen his
temple plundered and burned, and his people betrayed in his bosom."
Having said this they threw themselves on the ground, crying aloud, and
praying that their property and their country might be restored to them; and
that if the Signory could not give them back their honor, they would, at
least, restore husbands to their wives, and children to their fathers. The
atrocity of the affair having already been made known, and now by the
living words of the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion
of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who being
tried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the
inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored to them,
and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were compensated for
the rest.

Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on
the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own private
emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost all desire
to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder the country, fill his
estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and, not content with what his
own satellites took, he purchased that of the soldiery, so that instead of a
commissary he became a merchant. These calumnies coming to his ears,
disturbed the temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became
his dignity. He was so exasperated against the citizens and magistracy, that
without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence, and,
presenting himself before the Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how
difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve an unruly people and a
divided city, for the one listens to every report, the other pursues improper
measures; they neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon
whatever appears doubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is
accused by all, and if vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred; from
one's own party through envy, and from enemies through hatred,
persecution results. He confessed that the baseness of the present calumnies
had conquered his patience and changed the temper of his mind; but he
would say, he had never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what
appeared to him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates
would in future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the
latter might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; that
as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they
ought at least to be protected from calumny; and that being citizens
themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they might easily
conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed with slander.
The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe the
acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the expedition to Neri di
Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead of overrunning the country,
advanced near to Lucca. As the weather had become extremely cold, the
forces established themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the
commissaries waste of time; and wishing to draw nearer the place, the
soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted they should pitch
their camp before the city, and would not hear of any excuse.
At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect, named
Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and whose

merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue in marble was
erected in the principal church, with an inscription underneath, which still
bears testimony to those who read it, of his great talents. This man pointed
out, that in consequence of the relative positions of the river Serchio and the
city of Lucca, the wastes of the river might be made to inundate the
surrounding country, and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on
this point appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious
and inevitable, that the Ten were induced to make the experiment. The
result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced the
utmost disorder in the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high
embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct
the waters of the Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the
ditch itself, so that having first prevented the water from taking the course
designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain, and
compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they wished,
to take a more remote position.
The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected,
sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca,
with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus closely
pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the
Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to
request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposed to comply,
they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to deliver their governor up
to him and give him possession of the place; at the same time intimating,
that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have
the opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the city to
the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The duke was so much
alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other considerations, he caused
Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his service, to make a public
request for permission to go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded
with his forces directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the
deception, and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count,
Boccacino Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the
arrival of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to
Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo
Diacceto was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any
better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by

Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would have
been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggiano which
he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same neighborhood.
The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must have
recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often proved
useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is insufficient,
corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a large sum of money
on condition that he should quit the city, and give it up to them. The count
finding that no more money was to be had from Lucca, resolved to take it of
those who had it to dispense, and agreed with the Florentines, not to give
them Lucca, which for decency he could not consent to, but to withdraw his
troops, and abandon it, on condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and
having made this agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the
duke, he consented that they should expel their tyrant.
Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at
Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of Pagolo
Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da
Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short distance from
the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo. The conspirators,
about forty in number, went armed at night in search of Pagolo, who, on
hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite astonished, and
demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero Cennami replied, that they
had long been governed by him, and led about against the enemy, to die
either by hunger or the sword, but were resolved to govern themselves for
the future, and demanded the keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said
the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power;
he only begged that as his command had begun and continued without
bloodshed, it might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco
conducted Pagolo and his son to the duke, and they afterward died in
prison.
The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and
the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for her
defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the count of
Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely, that
they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the duke, who
dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as he previously sent

Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his approach to Lucca,
and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, in which they were routed,
the commissary with a few of his men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled
the Florentines with dismay, and as the enterprise had been undertaken with
the entire approbation of the great body of the people, they did not know
whom to find fault with, and therefore railed against those who had been
appointed to the management of the war, reviving the charges made against
Rinaldo. They were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini
than any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period
to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed
with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had
been intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered.
These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that the
captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by the party
opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full
of indignation. However his friends, from regard to their own character,
adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him to abandon the
inquiry.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had
belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina,
Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy been
discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that city also.
The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed Micheletto, a pupil
of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the other hand, followed up this
victory, and that he might bring a greater power against the Florentines,
induced the Genoese, the Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to enter
into a league for the defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to
conduct their forces. Having by this step declared his design, the Venetians
and the Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly
in Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought
with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came
to terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this arrangement
the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many
fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party resumed
its original possessions.

CHAPTER VI
Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings—The
greatness of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens—The opinion of
Niccolo da Uzzano—Scandalous divisions of the Florentines—Death of
Niccolo da Uzzano—Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures
against Cosmo—Cosmo arrested in the palace—He is apprehensive of
attempts against his life.
During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant
activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more
earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and
boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that those who
rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely to become,
perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was one of the most
prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor, extremely liberal and
humane. He never attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but
was bountiful to all; and by the unwearied generosity of his disposition,
made himself partisans of all ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding
increased the difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo
himself hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as
much respected and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his
adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of
his friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici and
Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his power;
the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and sagacity,
contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice of wisdom of Puccio
were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was rather distinguished by the
name of Puccio than by his own.
By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and the
bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased. Although the
friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the adverse faction were
sent to assist in the management, as being men of greater influence in the
state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being unable to prevent this,
endeavored with all their might to calumniate them; and when any

unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were many), fortune and the
exertions of the enemy were never supposed to be the causes, but solely the
want of capacity in the commissary. This disposition aggravated the
offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited the indignation of Rinaldo degli
Albizzi, and made him resign his commission without leave; this, too,
compelled the captain of the people to require the appearance of Giovanni
Guicciardini, and from this arose all the other charges which were made
against the magistrates and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified,
unreal ones feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by the
people, who were almost universally their foes.
All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly
known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and they
had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but
without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing them to
increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attempt to remove or
abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to take offense; and while
the war was proceeding without, and these troubles within, Niccolo
Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to the ruin of Cosmo, waited
upon him at his house; and finding him alone in his study, and very pensive,
endeavored, with the best reasons he could advance, to persuade him to
agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as
follows: "It would be better for thee and thy house, as well as for our
republic, if thou and those who follow thee in this opinion had beards of
silver instead of gold, as is said of thee; for advice proceeding from the
hoary head of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all.
It appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence
would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of Cosmo.
You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that of the
plebeians. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory would still be
most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who
were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than
with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the
division of our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place,
Neri di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never
so fully declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether they
are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are many families,
even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through envy of

brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two or three of the
most important; you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of
Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself into
their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons of Luigi, Piero is the
enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo
Soderini openly oppose us on account of their hatred of their uncle
Francesco. So that if we consider well what we are, and what our enemies, I
cannot see why we should be called NOBLE any more than they. If it is
because they are followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition on
that account, and they in a better; for were it to come either to arms or to
votes, we should not be able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve our
dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the
former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty years;
and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall
lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our
influence and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be
perceived and believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the
case; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion that
Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we
entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it not; but
what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which we accuse him.
Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends
money indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public;
and not to Florentines only, but to the condottieri, the soldiers of fortune.
Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the
universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then
another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for
expelling him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and
beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves,
or condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though they
are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not
believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be so
esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city,
naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot lend its
attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to
expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable Signory), how
could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would

constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city)
prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so numerous, and
having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure from
them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might expel, so
many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he would return, and
the result would be simply this, that we had driven him out a good man and
he had returned to us a bad one; for his nature would be corrupted by those
who recalled him, and he, being under obligation, could not oppose them.
Or should you design to put him to death, you could not attain your purpose
with the magistrates, for his wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will
always save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that being
banished, he did not return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic
would be ameliorated; for if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make
her subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may
ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must
prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo.
I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens
usurping the sovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save
us from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a
course on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few,
you would be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, some
from ignorance and others from malice, are ready to sell the republic at any
time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found a
purchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with
regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party as
in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side,
you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for your own
comfort and do no injury to any."
These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that
tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being ended, and
Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under no restraint,
unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering
himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated and urged every
citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to take up arms and
deliver the country from him who, from the malevolence of a few and the
ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing it to slavery. These
practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of

apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of
each party composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for
the Signory the whole city was aroused. Every case brought before the
magistrates, however trivial, was made a subject of contention among them.
Secrets were divulged, good and evil alike became objects of favor and
opposition, the benevolent and the wicked were alike assailed, and no
magistrate fulfilled the duties of his office with integrity.
In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the power of Cosmo,
and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become Gonfalonier,
paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by being indebted to the public,
be incapacitated for holding the office. The drawing soon after took place,
and fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be appointed for
the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon
him, and intimated how much the party of the nobility, and all who wished
for repose, rejoiced to find he had attained that dignity; that it now rested
with him to act in such a manner as to realize their pleasing expectations.
He then enlarged upon the danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that
there was no means of attaining the blessing of unity but by the destruction
of Cosmo, for he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous
wealth, kept them depressed; that he was already so powerful, that if not
hindered, he would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good
citizen, in order to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the people in the
piazza, and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new
Gonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain
the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their ancestors, shed in
its cause, the government rightly belonged; and argued that what he was
able unjustly to accomplish against so many, might surely be easily
performed with justice in its favor against one! He encouraged him with the
assurance that their friends would be ready in arms to support him; that he
need not regard the plebeians, who adored Cosmo, since their assistance
would be of no greater avail than Giorgio Scali had found it on a similar
occasion; and that with regard to his wealth, no apprehension was
necessary, for when he was under the power of the Signory, his riches
would be so too. In conclusion, he averred that this course would unite and
secure the republic, and crown the Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly
replied, that he thought it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised,
and that as the time was suitable for action, he should provide himself with

forces, being assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported
by his colleagues.
Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers,
and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many
friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own
innocence than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered the
palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and
accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the piazza,
when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia of two hundred
persons for the reformation of the city. With the least possible delay they
entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the life or death of Cosmo.
Many wished him to be banished, others to be put to death, and several
were silent, either from compassion toward him or for fear of the rest, so
that these differences prevented them from coming to any conclusion.
There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies the
whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo was
confined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing the
assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the
piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, he was
greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his private enemies
should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner. He scarcely
took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread,
Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, "Cosmo, you are afraid of
being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your end with hunger. You
wrong me if you think I would be a party to such an atrocious act. I do not
imagine your life to be in much danger, since you have so many friends
both within the palace and without; but if you should eventually lose it, be
assured they will use some other medium than myself for that purpose, for I
will never imbue my hands in the blood of any, still less in yours, who
never injured me; therefore cheer up, take some food, and preserve your life
for your friends and your country. And that you may do so with greater
assurance, I will partake of your meals with you." These words were of
great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed
Federigo, earnestly thanking him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and
promising, if ever the opportunity were given him, he would not be
ungrateful.

CHAPTER VII
Cosmo is banished to Padua—Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to restore
the nobility—New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degli Albizzi—
Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory—His designs are disconcerted—
Pope Eugenius in Florence—He endeavors to reconcile the parties—Cosmo
is recalled—Rinaldo and his party banished—Glorious return of Cosmo.
Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and while the citizens were
disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought an
acquaintance of the Gonfalonier to take supper with him, an amusing and
facetious person, whose name was Il Farnagaccio. The repast being nearly
over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, for he knew
the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave the apartment, and
he, guessing the cause, under pretense of going for something that was
wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, after a few friendly
expressions addressed to Il Farnagaccio, gave him a small slip of paper, and
desired him to go to the director of the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, for
one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to take the hundred for himself,
and carry the thousand to the Gonfalonier, and beg that he would take some
suitable occasion of coming to see him. Farnagaccio undertook the
commission, the money was paid, Bernardo became more humane, and
Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to the wish of Rinaldo, who
earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many others of the house of
Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio and Giovanni Pucci. To
silence those who were dissatisfied with the banishment of Cosmo, they
endowed with the power of a Balia, the Eight of War and the Capitano of
the People. After his sentence, Cosmo on the third of October, 1433, came
before the Signory, by whom the boundary to which he was restricted was
specified; and they advised him to avoid passing it, unless he wished them
to proceed with greater severity both against himself and his property.
Cosmo received his sentence with a cheerful look, assuring the Signory that
wherever they determined to send him, he would willingly remain. He
earnestly begged, that as they had preserved his life they would protect it,
for he knew there were many in the piazza who were desirous to take it; and

assured them, that wherever he might be, himself and his means were
entirely at the service of the city, the people, and the Signory. He was
respectfully attended by the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till
night, then conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be
escorted by a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever the
cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honorably received, and was publicly visited
by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one in the
highest station.
Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally beloved,
seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; victors and the vanquished
were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with a presage of his future
calamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party,
assembled many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresaw
their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome by the
prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies; and that they did not
seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep, when
their prayers would not be listened to, or their tears excite compassion; and
that of the money received, they would have to restore the principal, and
pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; that it would have been much
better for them to have done nothing than to have left Cosmo alive, and his
friends in Florence; for great offenders ought either to remain untouched, or
be destroyed; that there was now no remedy but to strengthen themselves in
the city, so that upon the renewed attempts of their enemies, which would
soon take place, they might drive them out with arms, since they had not
sufficient civil authority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said,
was one that he had long before advocated, which was to regain the
friendship of the grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors
of the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party, since their
adversaries had joined the plebeians. That by this means they would
become the more powerful side, for they would possess greater energy,
more comprehensive talent and an augmented share of influence; and that if
this last and only remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means
could be made use of to preserve the government among so many enemies,
or prevent their own ruin and that of the city.
Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, on
account of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility; and said, that
it would be folly to place themselves again under such inevitable tyranny

for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinaldo,
finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own misfortune and
that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself, which had resolved
upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders. In this juncture of
affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, a letter was found written by
Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting him with the disposition of the
city in his favor, and advising him, if possible, to excite a war, and gain the
friendship of Neri di Gino; for he imagined the city to be in want of money,
and as she would not find anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him
would be revived in the minds of the citizens, and they would desire his
return; and that if Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the latter
would be so weakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter
coming to the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the
torture, and sent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter
Cosmo's party.
It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of
August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier for
the two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans of
Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usual for
three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy and the
old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called together the heads of his
party. He endeavored to show them their certain and immediate danger, and
that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause Donato Velluti, who was
yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the piazza and create a Balia. He
would then deprive the new Signory of the magistracy, appoint another,
burn the present balloting purses, and by means of a new Squittini, provide
themselves with friends. Many thought this course safe and requisite;
others, that it was too violent, and likely to be attended with great evil.
Among those who disliked it was Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and
humane person, better adapted for literary pursuits than for restraining a
party, or opposing civil strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem
promising at their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to
execute, and generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the
fear of external wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of
Romagna), would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal
dissensions; but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take
place unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt

whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which
being done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among the
people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded, that the
new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should be watched, and
if they were found attempting anything against the party, each should take
arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated near the palace, and
whence they might proceed wherever it was found necessary. Having come
to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.
The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in order
to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him, sent
Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge of having
applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to sound his
colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his return, he
communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and, by their advice,
summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and
Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo thought further delay would
be dangerous: he therefore left his house with a great number of armed
men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Barbadoro. The
force accompanying them was composed of several citizens and a great
number of disbanded soldiers then in Florence: and all assembled according
to appointment in the piazza of San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni
Guicciardini, though each had assembled a large number of men, kept in
their houses; and therefore Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their
attendance and to reprove their delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend
sufficient aid against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could
prevent his brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After
many messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by
two of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharply
reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with the
others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage; both of
which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve such a
character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought this
abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when
victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; but for
himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation of
knowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his duty in
council, and that when it occurred he had used every possible exertion to

repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others would experience
aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three occasions
betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next when they
disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armed in her
defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Palla made no
reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as he left them,
returned to his house.
The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding
themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no one
to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo, by
delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of forces
which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave them courage
to provide for their defense, and allowed many others to join them, who
advised that means should be used to induce their adversaries to lay down
their arms. Thereupon, some of the least suspected, went on the part of the
Signory to Rinaldo, and said, they did not know what occasion they had
given his friends for thus assembling in arms; that they never had any
intention of offending him, and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no
design of recalling him; so if their fears were thus occasioned they might at
once be dispelled, for that if they came to the palace they would be
graciously received, and all their complaints attended to. These words
produced no change in Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their
safety by resigning their offices, and said that then the government of the
city would be reorganized, for the mutual benefit of all.
It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary, that
any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the discourse of
the citizens, said, that all he desired was to prevent the return of Cosmo, and
this being granted to them seemed a sufficient victory; nor would he, to
obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; he would therefore obey the
Signory; and accordingly went with his people to the palace, where he was
received with a hearty welcome. Thus Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari,
Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo's desertion, deprived their party of all
chance of success; while the ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's
authority did not contribute to its revival.
Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from
Rome by the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he

thought it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent the
patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to entreat the
latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted he had sufficient
influence with the Signory to insure his safety and satisfaction, without
injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his friend's persuasion, Rinaldo
proceeded with all his followers to Santa Maria Nuova, where the pope
resided. Eugenius gave him to understand, that the Signory had empowered
him to settle the differences between them, and that all would be arranged
to his satisfaction, if he laid down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed
Palla's want of zeal, and the fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better
course being open to him, placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that
at all events the authority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius
then sent word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without,
that they were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the
pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which they
immediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons.
The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate an
arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent secretly to the
mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forces they could
collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having taken possession of all
the strong positions in the city, they assembled the people in the piazza and
created a new balia, which, without delay, restored Cosmo and those who
had been exiled with him to their country; and banished, of the opposite
party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla
Strozzi, with so many other citizens, that there were few places in Italy
which did not contain some, and many others beyond her limits were full of
them. By this and similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of
worth, and of much wealth and industry.
The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreaties
were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and condoled
with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his confidence in him,
but advised him to be patient, and hope for some favorable turn of fortune.
Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence in those who ought to have
trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed in you, have ruined both me
and my party. But I blame myself principally for having thought that you,
who were expelled from your own country, could preserve me in mine. I
have had sufficient experience of the freaks of fortune; and as I have never

trusted greatly to prosperity, I shall suffer less inconvenience from
adversity; and I know that when she pleases she can become more
favorable. But if she should never change, I shall not be very desirous of
living in a city in which individuals are more powerful than the laws; for
that country alone is desirable in which property and friends may be safely
enjoyed, not one where they may easily be taken from us, and where
friends, from fear of losing their property, are compelled to abandon each
other in their greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful to good
men to hear of the misfortunes of their country than to witness them; and an
honorable exile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He
then left the pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own
measures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile.
Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to
Florence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home
triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people, or
such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon his return from
banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as the benefactor of the
people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.

BOOK V

CHAPTER I
The vicissitudes of empires—The state of Italy—The military factions of
Sforza and Braccio—The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the pope,
who is expelled by the Romans—War between the pope and the duke of
Milan—The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope—Peace between
the pope and the duke of Milan—Tyranny practiced by the party favorable
to the Medici.
It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they
are subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to a state of
order again; for the nature of mundane affairs not allowing them to continue
in an even course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection, they
soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having been reduced by
disorder, and sunk to their utmost state of depression, unable to descend
lower, they, of necessity, reascend; and thus from good they gradually
decline to evil, and from evil again return to good. The reason is, that valor
produces peace; peace, repose; repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from
disorder order springs; from order virtue, and from this, glory and good
fortune. Hence, wise men have observed, that the age of literary excellence
is subsequent to that of distinction in arms; and that in cities and provinces,
great warriors are produced before philosophers. Arms having secured
victory, and victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be
enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters; nor can
indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regulated
community. Cato was aware of this when the philosophers, Diogenes and
Carneades, were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians; for
perceiving with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to follow
them, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from this
specious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should be allowed to enter
Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men's sufferings
having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not
overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first
under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by turns happy
and unhappy; and although nothing has subsequently arisen from the ruins

of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-
organized monarchy might have been gloriously effected), still there was so
much bravery and intelligence in some of the new cities and governments
that afterward sprang up, that although none ever acquired dominion over
the rest, they were, nevertheless, so balanced and regulated among
themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom, and defend their country
from the barbarians.
Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed a
smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and authority;
for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy, and prepared for action,
they either defended themselves against such as thought proper to assail
them, or decided victory in favor of those to whom they became allies.
From the valor, therefore, of these new governments, if no seasons occurred
of long-continued peace, neither were any exposed to the calamities of war;
for that cannot be called peace in which states frequently assail each other
with arms, nor can those be considered wars in which no men are slain,
cities plundered, or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms fell
into such a state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear,
continued without danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military
energy which is in other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in
Italy by the contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on, as
will be clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from
which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, and
she again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions of our
princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of their
virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other
accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of high
spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak and disorderly forces.
And if, in detailing the events which took place in this wasted world, we
shall not have to record the bravery of the soldier, the prudence of the
general, or the patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice,
deceit, and cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted
themselves, to support a reputation they never deserved. This, perhaps, will
not be less useful than a knowledge of ancient history; for, if the latter
excites the liberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be
avoided and decried.

Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, by consent
of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by those who
retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war nor repose by
peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to lay aside their
arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed their efforts against
the church. There were at this time two factions or armed parties in Italy,
the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leader of the former was the Count
Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the latter, Niccolo Piccinino and
Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the banner of one or other of these parties
almost all the forces of Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was
in greatest repute, as well from the bravery of the count himself, as from the
promise which the duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter,
Madonna Bianca, the prospect of which alliance greatly strengthened his
influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes
attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated by the ancient
enmity which Braccio had always entertained against the church; the count
was induced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count
took possession of La Marca.
The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their
city: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where seeing
the imminent danger of his situation, being abandoned by the princes (for
they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause, after having been so
anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with the count, and ceded to
him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to the injury of having occupied
it, he had added insult; for in signing the place, from which he addressed
letters to his agents, he said in Latin, according to the Latin custom, Ex
Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo. Neither was he satisfied
with this concession, but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the
church, which was also granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the
prospect of a dangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The count,
having been thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo
Fortebraccio, and during many months various encounters took place
between them, from all which greater injury resulted to the pope and his
subjects, than to either of the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of
the duke of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made, by which
both became princes in the territories of the church.

The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romagna by Batista
da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the family of the Grifoni, and
expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope, along
with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the
government, he applied for assistance to Filippo; and the pope, to avenge
himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and Florentines. Both
parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two large armies were on foot
in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for the duke, Gattamelata and
Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and Florentines. They met near
Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the Florentines and Venetians were
routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent prisoner to Milan where, either
through grief for his loss or by some unfair means, he died in a few days.
The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or
thinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resume
hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope and his
colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointed the Count
Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio
from the territories of the church, and thus terminate the war which had
been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans, finding the pope
supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliation with him, and being
successful, admitted his commissary into the city. Among the places
possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di
Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, not being able to keep the field,
he fled, and the count besieged him there. Niccolo's brave defense making it
probable that the war would be of considerable duration, the duke deemed
to necessary to prevent the League from obtaining the victory, and said that
if this were not effected he would very soon have to look at the defense of
his own territories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he
commanded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna;
and the League, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to
occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of Niccolo, who
was already, with his army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with his
forces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the care of
his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo Piccinino was
endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent him, Fortebraccio attacked
Lione with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and
pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed himself of many

places in La Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed the count, who
thought he had lost all his territories; so, leaving part of his force to check
Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked
and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in the battle, and soon after
died of his wounds. This victory restored to the pontiff all the places that
had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the duke of Milan
to sue for peace, which was concluded by the intercession of Niccolo da
Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoring to the church the places he had
taken from her, and his forces retiring into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto,
as in the case with all who retain authority only by the consent and forces of
another, when the duke's people had quitted Romagna, unable with his own
power to keep possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the
head of the opposite party, returned to his country.
All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return, those
who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by the
opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of the
government; and the Signory for the months of November and December,
not content with what their predecessors had done in favor of their party
extended the term and changed the residences of several who were
banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to these evils, it
was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account of their wealth,
their family connections or private animosities, than for the sake of the
party to which they adhered, so that if these prescriptions had been
accompanied with bloodshed, they would have resembled those of Octavius
and Sylla, though in reality they were not without some stains; for Antonio
di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and four other citizens, among whom
were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, passing the confines to
which they were limited, proceeded to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing
the friendship of Cosmo de' Medici more than their own honor, sent them
prisoners to him, and they were basely put to death. This circumstance
greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their enemies with
terror, finding that such a powerful republic would so humble itself to the
Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have been done, not so much
out of kindness to Cosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by
means of bloodshed make greater certainty of division among the citizens,
for the Venetians knew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so
great as the union of her people.

The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the state,
those in possession of the government now began to strengthen their party
by conferring benefits upon such as were in a condition to serve them, and
the family of the Alberti, with all who had been banished by the former
government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were
reduced to the ranks of the people, and the possessions of the exiles were
divided among themselves, upon each paying a small acknowledgment.
They then fortified themselves with new laws and provisos, made new
Squittini, withdrawing the names of their adversaries from the purses, and
filling them with those of their friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their
enemies, they considered that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere
chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufficient security, they
therefore resolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life and
death should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party,
and therefore that the Accoppiatori, or persons selected for the imborsation
of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retire from office, should
make the new appointments. They gave to eight of the guard authority to
proceed capitally, and provided that the exiles, when their term of
banishment was complete, should not be allowed to return, unless from the
Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven in number, the consent of
thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawful to write to or to receive
letters from them; every word, sign, or action that gave offense to the ruling
party was punished with the utmost rigor; and if there was still in Florence
any suspected person whom these regulations did not reach, he was
oppressed with taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus in a short time, having
expelled or impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they established
themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute of external
assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might use it against themselves,
they entered into a league, offensive and defensive, with the pope, the
Venetians, and the duke of Milan.

CHAPTER II
Death of Giovanni II.—René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon aspire to
the kingdom—Alfonso is routed and taken by the Genoese—Alfonso being
a prisoner of the duke of Milan, obtains his friendship—The Genoese
disgusted with the duke of Milan—Divisions among the Genoese—The
Genoese, by means of Francesco Spinola, expel the duke's governor—
League against the duke of Milan—Rinaldo degli Albizzi advises the duke
to make war against the Florentines—His discourse to the duke—The duke
adopts measures injurious to the Florentines—Niccolo Piccinino appointed
to command the duke's forces—Preparations of the Florentines—Piccinino
routed before Barga.
The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, queen of
Naples, died, and by her will appointed René of Anjou to be her successor.
Alfonso, king of Aragon, was at this time in Sicily, and having obtained the
concurrence of many barons, prepared to take possession of the kingdom.
The Neapolitans, with whom a greater number of barons were also
associated, favored René. The pope was unwilling that either of them
should obtain it; but desired the affairs of Naples to be administered by a
governor of his own appointing.
In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom, and was received by the
duke of Sessa; he brought with him some princes, whom he had engaged in
his service, with the design (already possessing Capua, which the prince of
Taranto held in his name) of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent his fleet to
attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their favor. They therefore
demanded assistance of the duke of Milan, who persuaded the Genoese to
undertake their defense; and they, to satisfy the duke their sovereign, and
protect the merchandise they possessed, both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a
powerful fleet. Alfonso hearing of this, augmented his own naval force,
went in person to meet the Genoese, and coming up with them near the
island of Ponzio, an engagement ensued, in which the Aragonese were
defeated, and Alfonso, with many of the princes of his suite, made
prisoners, and sent by the Genoese to the Filippo.

This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous of the duke's
power, thought it would give him a great opportunity of being sovereign of
the whole country. But so contrary are the views of men, that he took a
directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man of great sagacity, and as soon
as an opportunity presented itself of communicating with Filippo, he proved
to him how completely he contravened his own interests, by favoring René
and opposing himself; for it would be the business of the former, on
becoming king of Naples, to introduce the French into Milan; that in an
emergency he might have assistance at hand, without the necessity of
having to solicit a passage for his friends. But he could not possibly secure
this advantage without effecting the ruin of the duke, and making his
dominions a French province; and that the contrary of all this would result
from himself becoming lord of Naples; for having only the French to fear,
he would be compelled to love and caress, nay even to obey those who had
it in their power to open a passage for his enemies. That thus the title of
king of king of Naples would be with himself (Alfonso), but the power and
authority with Filippo; so that it was much more the duke's business than
his own to consider the danger of one course and the advantage of the other;
unless he rather wished to gratify his private prejudices than to give security
to his dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince, in the other,
placed between two powerful sovereigns, he would either be robbed of his
territories or live in constant fear, and have to obey them like a slave. These
arguments so greatly influenced the duke, that, changing his design, he set
Alfonso at liberty, sent him honorably to Genoa and then to Naples. From
thence the king went to Gaeta, which as soon as his liberation had become
known, was taken possession of by some nobles of his party.
The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard for them, had
liberated the king, and gained credit to himself through the dangers and
expense which they had incurred; that he enjoyed all the honor of the
liberation, and they were themselves exposed to the odium of the capture,
and the injuries consequent upon the king's defeat, were greatly
exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment of her liberty, a
magistrate is created with the consent of the people, whom they call the
Doge; not that he is absolutely a prince, or that he alone has the power of
determining matters of government; but that, as the head of the state, he
proposes those questions or subjects which have to be considered and
determined by the magistrates and the councils. In that city are many noble

families so powerful, that they are with great difficulty induced to submit to
the authority of the law. Of these, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the
Adorna, from whom arise the dissensions of the city, and the impotence of
her civil regulations; for the possession of this high office being contested
by means inadmissible in well-regulated communities, and most commonly
with arms in their hands, it always occurs that one party is oppressed and
the other triumphant; and sometimes those who fail in the pursuit have
recourse to the arms of strangers, and the country they are not allowed to
rule they subject to foreign authority. Hence it happens, that those who
govern in Lombardy most commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at
the time Alfonso of Aragon was made prisoner. Among the leading Genoese
who had been instrumental in subjecting the republic to Filippo, was
Francesco Spinola, who, soon after he had reduced his country to bondage,
as always happens in such cases, became suspected by the duke. Indignant
at this, he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gaeta, and being there
when the naval expedition was in preparation, and having conducted
himself with great bravery in the action, he thought he had again merited so
much of the duke's confidence as would obtain for him permission to
remain undisturbed at Genoa. But the duke still retained his suspicions; for
he could not believe that a vacillating defender of his own country's liberty
would be faithful to himself; and Francesco Spinola resolved again to try
his fortune, and if possible restore freedom to his country, and honorable
safety for himself; for he was there was no probability of regaining the
forfeited affection of his fellow-citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to
remedy the misfortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing.
Finding the indignation against the duke universal, on account of the
liberation of the king, he thought the moment propitious for the execution
of his design. He communicated his ideas to some whom he knew to be
similarly inclined, and his arguments ensured their co-operation.
The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come, when Arismeno, the
new governor sent by the duke, was to enter Genoa, and he being already
arrived, accompanied by Opicino, the former governor, and many Genoese
citizens, Francesco Spinola thought further delay improper; and, issuing
from his house with those acquainted with his design, all armed, they raised
the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how eagerly the citizens and
people assembled at the word; so that those who for any reason might be
favorable to Filippo, not only had no time to arm, but scarcely to consider

the means of escape. Arismeno, with some Genoese, fled to the fortress
which was held for the duke, Opicino, thinking that if he could reach the
palace, where two thousand men were in arms, and at his command, he
might be able either to effect his own safety, or induce his friends to defend
themselves, took that direction; but before he arrived at the piazza he was
slain, his body divided into many pieces and scattered about the city. The
Genoese having placed the government in the hands of free magistrates, in a
few days recovered the castle, and the other strongholds possessed by the
duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his yoke.
These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the princes of Italy
with the apprehension that the duke would become too powerful, now gave
them hope, seeing the turn they had taken, of being able to restrain him;
and, notwithstanding the recent league, the Florentines and Venetians
entered into alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and the other
leading Florentine exiles, observing the altered aspect of affairs, conceived
hopes of being able to induce the duke to make war against Florence, and
having arrived at Milan, Rinaldo addressed him in the following manner:
"If we, who were once your enemies, come now confidently to supplicate
your assistance to enable us to return to our country, neither you, nor
anyone, who considers the course and vicissitudes of human affairs, can be
at all surprised; for of our past conduct toward yourself and our present
intentions toward our country, we can adduce palpable and abundant
reasons. No good man will ever reproach another who endeavors to defend
his country, whatever be his mode of doing so; neither have we had any
design of injuring you, but only to preserve our country from detriment; and
we appeal to yourself, whether, during the greatest victories of our league,
when you were really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious for
it than yourself; so that we do not think we have done aught to make us
despair altogether of favor from you. Nor can our country itself complain
that we now exhort you to use those arms against her, from which we have
so pertinaciously defended her; for that state alone merits the love of all her
citizens, which cares with equal affection for all; not one that favors a few,
and casts from her the great mass of her children. Nor are the arms that men
use against their country to be universally condemned; for communities,
although composed of many, resemble individual bodies; and as in these,
many infirmities arise which cannot be cured without the application of fire
or of steel, so in the former, there often occur such numerous and great

evils, that a good and merciful citizen, when there is a necessity for the
sword, would be much more to blame in leaving her uncured, than by using
this remedy for her preservation. What greater disease can afflict a republic
than slavery? and what remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one
by which alone it can be effectually removed? No wars are just but those
that are necessary; and force is merciful when it presents the only hope of
relief. I know not what necessity can be greater than ours, or what
compassion can exceed that which rescues our country from slavery. Our
cause is therefore just, and our purpose merciful, as both yourself and we
may be easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your side; for the
Florentines have not hesitated, after a peace concluded with so much
solemnity, to enter into league with those who have rebelled against you; so
that if our cause is insufficient to excite you against them, let your own just
indignation do so; and the more so, seeing the facility of the undertaking.
You need be under no apprehension from the memory of the past, in which
you may have observed the power of that people and their pertinency in
self-defense; though these might reasonably excite fear, if they were still
animated by the valor of former times. But now, all is entirely the reverse;
for what power can be expected in a city that has recently expelled the
greatest part of her wealth and industry? What indomitable resolution need
be apprehended from the people whom so many and such recent enmities
have disunited? The disunion which still prevails will prevent wealthy
citizens advancing money as they used to do on former occasions; for
though men willingly contribute according to their means, when they see
their own credit, glory, and private advantage dependent upon it, or when
there is a hope of regaining in peace what has been spent in war, but not
when equally oppressed under all circumstances, when in war they suffer
the injuries of the enemy, and in peace, the insolence of those who govern
them. Besides this, the people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers,
than the rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of being ultimately relieved
from the latter evil, but none from the former. Thus, in the last war, you had
to contend with the whole city; but now with only a small portion. You
attempted to take the government from many good citizens; but now you
oppose only a few bad ones. You then endeavored to deprive a city of her
liberty, now you come to restore it. As it is unreasonable to suppose that
under such disparity of circumstances, the result should be the same, you
have now every reason to anticipate an easy victory; and how much it will

strengthen your own government, you may easily judge; having Tuscany
friendly, and bound by so powerful an obligation, in your enterprises, she
will be even of more service to you than Milan. And, although, on former
occasions, such an acquisition might be looked upon as ambitious and
unwarrantable, it will now be considered merciful and just. Then do not let
this opportunity escape, and be assured, that although your attempts against
the city have been attended with difficulty, expense, and disgrace, this will
with facility procure you incalculable advantage and an honorable renown."
Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hostilities against
the Florentines, for he was incited to it by hereditary hatred and blind
ambition, and still more, by the fresh injuries which the league with the
Genoese involved; yet his past expenses, the dangerous measures necessary,
the remembrance of his recent losses, and the vain hopes of the exiles,
alarmed him. As soon as he had learned the revolt of Genoa, he ordered
Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither with all his cavalry and whatever
infantry he could raise, for the purpose of recovering her, before the citizens
had time to become settled and establish a government; for he trusted
greatly in the fortress within the city, which was held for him. And although
Niccolo drove the Genoese from the mountains, took from them the valley
of Pozeveri, where they had entrenched themselves, and obliged them to
seek refuge within the walls of the city, he still found such an
insurmountable obstacle in the resolute defense of the citizens, that he was
compelled to withdraw. On this, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles,
he commanded Niccolo to attack them on the eastern side, upon the
confines of Pisa in the Genoese territory, and to push the war with his
utmost vigor, thinking this plan would manifest and develop the course best
to be adopted. Niccolo therefore besieged and took Serezana, and having
committed great ravages, by way of further alarming the Florentines he
proceeded to Lucca, spreading a report that it was his intention to go to
Naples to render assistance to the king of Aragon. Upon these new events
Pope Eugenius left Florence and proceeded to Bologna, where he
endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement between the league and the
duke, intimating to the latter, that if he would not consent to some treaty, the
pontiff must send Francesco Sforza to assist the league, for the latter was
now his confederate, and served in his pay. Although the pope greatly
exerted himself in this affair, his endeavors were unavailing; for the duke
would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him the possession of

Genoa, and the league had resolved that she should remain free; and,
therefore, each party, having no other resource, prepared to continue the
war.
In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and the Florentines,
being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered Neri di Gino to lead their
forces into the Pisan territory, induced the pontiff to allow Count Francesco
to join him, and with their forces they halted at San Gonda. Piccinino then
demanded admission into the kingdom of Naples, and this being refused, he
threatened to force a passage. The armies were equal, both in regard of
numbers and the capacity of their leaders, and unwilling to tempt fortune
during the bad weather, it being the month of December, they remained
several days without attacking each other. The first movement was made by
Niccolo Piccinino, who being informed that if he attacked Vico Pisano by
night, he could easily take possession of the place, made the attempt, and
having failed, ravaged the surrounding country, and then burned and
plundered the town of San Giovanni alla Vena. This enterprise, though of
little consequence, excited him to make further attempts, the more so from
being assured that the count and Neri were yet in their quarters, and he
attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto, both which places he took.
Still the Florentine forces would not stir; not that the count entertained any
fear, but because, out of regard to the pope, who still labored to effect an
accommodation, the government of Florence had deferred giving their final
consent to the war. This course, which the Florentines adopted from
prudence, was considered by the enemy to be only the result of timidity, and
with increased boldness they led their forces up to Barga, which they
resolved to besiege. This new attack made the Florentines set aside all other
considerations, and resolve not only to relieve Barga, but to invade the
Lucchese territory. Accordingly the count proceeded in pursuit of Niccolo,
and coming up with him before Barga, an engagement took place, in which
Piccinino was overcome, and compelled to raise the siege.
The Venetians considering the duke to have broken the peace, send
Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga, their captain, to Ghiaradadda, who, by
severely wasting the duke's territories, induced him to recall Niccolo
Piccinino from Tuscany. This circumstance, together with the victory
obtained over Niccolo, emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery
of Lucca, since the duke, whom alone they feared, was engaged with the

Venetians, and the Lucchese having received the enemy into their city, and
allowed him to attack them, would have no ground of complaint.

CHAPTER III
The Florentines go to war with Lucca—Discourse of a citizen of Lucca
to animate the plebeians against the Florentines—The Lucchese resolve to
defend themselves—They are assisted by the duke of Milan—Treaty
between the Florentines and the Venetians—Francesco Sforza, captain of
the league, refuses to cross the Po in the service of the Venetians and returns
to Tuscany—The bad faith of the Venetians toward the Florentines—Cosmo
de' Medici at Venice—Peace between the Florentines and the Lucchese—
The Florentines effect a reconciliation between the pope and the Count di
Poppi—The pope consecrates the church of Santa Reparata—Council of
Florence.
The count commenced operations against Lucca in April, 1437, and the
Florentines, desirous of recovering what they had themselves lost before
they attacked others, retook Santa Maria in Castello, and all the places
which Piccinino had occupied. Then, entering the Lucchese territory, they
besieged Camaiore, the inhabitants of which, although faithful to their
rulers, being influenced more by immediate danger than by attachment to
their distant friends, surrendered. In the same manner, they obtained Massa
and Serezana. Toward the end of May they proceeded in the direction of
Lucca, burning the towns, destroying the growing crops, grain, trees, and
vines, driving away the cattle, and leaving nothing undone to injure the
enemy. The Lucchese, finding themselves abandoned by the duke, and
hopeless of defending the open country, forsook it; entrenched and fortified
the city, which they doubted not, being well garrisoned, they would be able
to defend for a time, and that, in the interim, some event would occur for
their relief, as had been the case during the former wars which the
Florentines had carried on against them. Their only apprehension arose
from the fickle minds of the plebeians, who, becoming weary of the siege,
would have more consideration of their own danger than of other's liberty,
and would thus compel them to submit to some disgraceful and ruinous
capitulation. In order to animate them to defense, they were assembled in
the public piazza, and some of the eldest and most esteemed of the citizens
addressed them in the following terms: "You are doubtless aware that what

is done from necessity involves neither censure nor applause; therefore, if
you should accuse us of having caused the present war, by receiving the
ducal forces into the city, and allowing them to commit hostilities against
the Florentines, you are greatly mistaken. You are well acquainted with the
ancient enmity of the Florentines against you, which is not occasioned by
any injuries you have done them, or by fear on their part, but by our
weakness and their own ambition; for the one gives them hope of being able
to oppress us, and the other incites them to attempt it. It is then vain to
imagine that any merit of yours can extinguish that desire in them, or that
any offense you can commit, can provoke them to greater animosity. They
endeavor to deprive you of your liberty; you must resolve to defend it; and
whatever they may undertake against us for that purpose, although we may
lament, we need not wonder. We may well grieve, therefore, that they attack
us, take possession of our towns, burn our houses, and waste our country.
But who is so simple as to be surprised at it? for were it in our power, we
should do just the same to them, or even worse. They declare war against us
now, they say, for having received Niccolo; but if we had not received him,
they would have done the same and assigned some other ground for it; and
if the evil had been delayed, it would most probably have been greater.
Therefore, you must not imagine it to be occasioned by his arrival, but
rather by your own ill fortune and their ambition; for we could not have
refused admission to the duke's forces, and, being come, we could not
prevent their aggressions. You know, that without the aid of some powerful
ally we are incapable of self-defense, and that none can render us this
service more powerfully or faithfully than the duke. He restored our liberty;
it is reasonable to expect he will defend it. He has always been the greatest
foe of our inveterate enemies; if, therefore, to avoid incensing the
Florentines we had excited his anger, we should have lost our best friend,
and rendered our enemy more powerful and more disposed to oppress us; so
that it is far preferable to have this war upon our hands, and enjoy the favor
of the duke, than to be in peace without it. Besides, we are justified in
expecting that he will rescue us from the dangers into which we are brought
on his account, if we only do not abandon our own cause. You all know
how fiercely the Florentines have frequently assailed us, and with what
glory we have maintained our defense. We have often been deprived of
every hope, except in God and the casualties which time might produce,
and both have proved our friends. And as they have delivered us formerly,

why should they not continue to do so. Then we were forsaken by the whole
of Italy; now we have the duke in our favor; besides we have a right to
suppose that the Venetians will not hastily attack us; for they will not
willingly see the power of Florence increased. On a former occasion the
Florentines were more at liberty; they had greater hope of assistance, and
were more powerful in themselves, while we were in every respect weaker;
for then a tyrant governed us, now we defend ourselves; then the glory of
our defense was another's, now it is our own; then they were in harmony,
now they are disunited, all Italy being filled with their banished citizens.
But were we without the hope which these favorable circumstances present,
our extreme necessity should make us firmly resolved on our defense. It is
reasonable to fear every enemy, for all seek their own glory and your ruin;
above all others, you have to dread the Florentines, for they would not be
satisfied by submission and tribute, or the dominion of our city, but they
would possess our entire substance and persons, that they might satiate their
cruelty with our blood, and their avarice with our property, so that all ranks
ought to dread them. Therefore do not be troubled at seeing our crops
destroyed, our towns burned, our fortresses occupied; for if we preserve the
city, the rest will be saved as a matter of course; if we lose her, all else
would be of no advantage to us; for while retaining our liberty, the enemy
can hold them only with the greatest difficulty, while losing it they would
be preserved in vain. Arm, therefore; and when in the fight, remember that
the reward of victory will be safety, not only to your country, but to your
homes, your wives, and your children." The speaker's last words were
received with the utmost enthusiasm by the people, who promised one and
all to die rather than abandon their cause, or submit to any terms that could
violate their liberty. They then made arrangements for the defense of the
city.
In the meantime, the Florentine forces were not idle; and after
innumerable mischiefs done to the country took Monte Carlo by
capitulation. They then besieged Uzzano, in order that the Lucchese, being
pressed on all sides, might despair of assistance, and be compelled to
submission by famine. The fortress was very strong, and defended by a
numerous garrison, so that its capture would be by no means an easy
undertaking. The Lucchese, as might be expected, seeing the imminent peril
of their situation, had recourse to the duke, and employed prayers and
remonstrances to induce him to render them aid. They enlarged upon their

own merits and the offenses of the Florentines; and showed how greatly it
would attach the duke's friends to him to find they were defended, and how
much disaffection it would spread among them, if they were left to be
overwhelmed by the enemy; that if they lost their liberties and their lives,
he would lose his honor and his friends, and forfeit the confidence of all
who from affection might be induced to incur dangers in his behalf; and
added tears to entreaties, so that if he were unmoved by gratitude to them,
he might be induced to their defense by motives of compassion. The duke,
influenced by his inveterate hostility against the Florentines, his new
obligation to the Lucchese, and, above all, by his desire to prevent so great
an acquisition from falling into the hands of his ancient enemies,
determined either to send a strong force into Tuscany, or vigorously to
assail the Venetians, so as to compel the Florentines to give up their
enterprise and go to their relief.
It was soon known in Florence that the duke was preparing to send forces
into Tuscany. This made the Florentines apprehensive for the success of
their enterprise; and in order to retain the duke in Lombardy, they requested
the Venetians to press him with their utmost strength. But they also were
alarmed, the marquis of Mantua having abandoned them and gone over to
the duke; and thus, finding themselves almost defenseless, they replied,
"that instead of increasing their responsibilities, they should be unable to
perform their part in the war, unless the Count Francesco were sent to them
to take the command of the army, and with the special understanding that he
should engage to cross the Po in person. They declined to fulfil their former
engagements unless he were bound to do so; for they could not carry on the
war without a leader, or repose confidence in any except the count; and he
himself would be useless to them, unless he came under an obligation to
carry on the war whenever they might think needful." The Florentines
thought the war ought to be pushed vigorously in Lombardy; but they saw
that if they lost the count their enterprise against Lucca was ruined; and
they knew well that the demand of the Venetians arose less from any need
they had of the count, than from their desire to frustrate this expedition. The
count, on the other hand, was ready to pass into Lombardy whenever the
league might require him, but would not alter the tenor of his engagement;
for he was unwilling to sacrifice the hope of the alliance promised to him
by the duke.

The Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary impulses, the
wish to possess Lucca, and the dread of a war with Milan. As commonly
happens, fear was the most powerful, and they consented, after the capture
of Uzzano, that the count should go into Lombardy. There still remained
another difficulty, which, depending on circumstances beyond the reach of
their influence, created more doubts and uneasiness than the former; the
count would not consent to pass the Po, and the Venetians refused to accept
him on any other condition. Seeing no other method of arrangement, than
that each should make liberal concessions, the Florentines induced the
count to cross the river by a letter addressed to the Signory of Florence,
intimating that this private promise did not invalidate any public
engagement, and that he might still refrain from crossing; hence it resulted
that the Venetians, having commenced the war, would be compelled to
proceed, and that the evil apprehended by the Florentines would be averted.
To the Venetians, on the other hand, they averred that this private letter was
sufficiently binding, and therefore they ought to be content; for if they
could save the count from breaking with his father-in-law, it was well to do
so, and that it could be of no advantage either to themselves or the
Venetians to publish it without some manifest necessity. It was thus
determined that the count should pass into Lombardy; and having taken
Uzzano, and raised bastions about Lucca to restrain in her inhabitants,
placed the management of the siege in the hands of the commissaries,
crossed the Apennines, and proceeded to Reggio, when the Venetians,
alarmed at his progress, and in order to discover his intentions, insisted
upon his immediately crossing the Po, and joining the other forces. The
count refused compliance, and many mutual recriminations took place
between him and Andrea Mauroceno, their messenger on this occasion,
each charging the other with arrogance and treachery: after many
protestations, the one of being under no obligation to perform that service,
and the other of not being bound to any payment, they parted, the count to
return to Tuscany, the other to Venice.
The Florentines had sent the count to encamp in the Pisan territory, and
were in hopes of inducing him to renew the war against the Lucchese, but
found him indisposed to do so, for the duke, having been informed that out
of regard to him he had refused to cross the Po, thought that by this means
he might also save the Lucchese, and begged the count to endeavor to effect
an accommodation between the Florentines and the Lucchese, including

himself in it, if he were able, declaring, at the same time, the promised
marriage should be solemnized whenever he thought proper. The prospect
of this connection had great influence with the count, for, as the duke had
no sons, it gave him hope of becoming sovereign of Milan. For this reason
he gradually abated his exertions in the war, declared he would not proceed
unless the Venetians fulfilled their engagement as to the payment, and also
retained him in the command; that the discharge of the debt would not alone
be sufficient, for desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions, he needed
some alliance other than that of the Florentines, and that he must regard his
own interests, shrewdly hinting that if abandoned by the Venetians, he
would come to terms with the duke.
These indirect and crafty methods of procedure were highly offensive to
the Florentines, for they found their expedition against Lucca frustrated,
and trembled for the safety of their own territories if ever the count and the
duke should enter into a mutual alliance. To induce the Venetians to retain
the count in the command, Cosmo de' Medici went to Venice, hoping his
influence would prevail with them, and discussed the subject at great length
before the senate, pointing out the condition of the Italian states, the
disposition of their armies, and the great preponderance possessed by the
duke. He concluded by saying, that if the count and the duke were to unite
their forces, they (the Venetians) might return to the sea, and the Florentines
would have to fight for their liberty. To this the Venetians replied, that they
were acquainted with their own strength and that of the Italians, and thought
themselves able at all events to provide for their own defense; that it was
not their custom to pay soldiers for serving others; that as the Florentines
had used the count's services, they must pay him themselves; with respect to
the security of their own states, it was rather desirable to check the count's
pride than to pay him, for the ambition of men is boundless, and if he were
now paid without serving, he would soon make some other demand, still
more unreasonable and dangerous. It therefore seemed necessary to curb his
insolence, and not allow it to increase till it became incorrigible; and that if
the Florentines, from fear or any other motive, wished to preserve his
friendship, they must pay him themselves. Cosmo returned without having
effected any part of his object.
The Florentines used the weightiest arguments they could adopt to
prevent the count from quitting the service of the League, a course he was
himself reluctant to follow, but his desire to conclude the marriage so

embarrassed him, that any trivial accident would have been sufficient to
determine his course, as indeed shortly happened. The count had left his
territories in La Marca to the care of Il Furlano, one of his principal
condottieri, who was so far influenced by the duke as to take command
under him, and quit the count's service. This circumstance caused the latter
to lay aside every idea but that of his own safety, and to come to agreement
with the duke; among the terms of which compact was one that he should
not be expected to interfere in the affairs of Romagna and Tuscany. The
count then urged the Florentines to come to terms with the Lucchese, and so
convinced them of the necessity of this, that seeing no better course to
adopt, they complied in April, 1438, by which treaty the Lucchese retained
their liberty, and the Florentines Monte Carlo and a few other fortresses.
After this, being full of exasperation, they despatched letters to every part
of Italy, overcharged with complaints, affecting to show that since God and
men were averse to the Lucchese coming under their dominion, they had
made peace with them. And it seldom happens that any suffer so much for
the loss of their own lawful property as they did because they could not
obtain the possessions of others.
Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand, they did not
allow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass unnoticed, or neglect the
decoration of their city. As before observed, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead.
He had married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, at the decease of his
son-in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and other fortresses of that
district, and while Niccolo lived, governed them in his name. Claiming
them as his daughter's portion, he refused to give them up to the pope, who
demanded them as property held of the church, and who, upon his refusal,
sent the patriarch with forces to take possession of them. The count, finding
himself unable to sustain the attack, offered them to the Florentines, who
declined them; but the pope having returned to Florence, they interceded
with him in the count's behalf. Difficulties arising, the patriarch attacked the
Casentino, took Prato Vecchio, and Romena, and offered them also to the
Florentines, who refused them likewise, unless the pope would consent they
should restore them to the count, to which, after much hesitation, he
acceded, on condition that the Florentines should prevail with the Count di
Poppi to restore the Borgo to him. The pope was thus satisfied, and the
Florentines having so far completed the building of their cathedral church
of Santa Reparata, which had been commenced long ago, as to enable them