Page 1
Page 2
Page 3
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The letters of Queen Victoria,
vol. 2, 1844-1853
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: The letters of Queen Victoria, vol. 2, 1844-1853
A selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years
1837 and 1861.
Author: Queen of Great Britain Victoria
Editor: Arthur Christopher Benson
Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher
Release date: March 8, 2008 [eBook #24780]
Most recently updated: January 3, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/24780
Credits: Produced by Paul Murray, Lesley Halamek and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LETTERS
OF QUEEN VICTORIA, VOL. 2, 1844-1853 ***
vol. 2, 1844-1853
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: The letters of Queen Victoria, vol. 2, 1844-1853
A selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years
1837 and 1861.
Author: Queen of Great Britain Victoria
Editor: Arthur Christopher Benson
Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher
Release date: March 8, 2008 [eBook #24780]
Most recently updated: January 3, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/24780
Credits: Produced by Paul Murray, Lesley Halamek and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LETTERS
OF QUEEN VICTORIA, VOL. 2, 1844-1853 ***
Page 4
The index of this three-volume work is in Volume III, with links to all three volumes; and some
footnotes are linked between volumes. These links are designed to work when the book is read
on line. For information on the downloading of all three interlinked volumes so that the links
work on your own computer, see the Transcriber's Note at the end of this book.
Links to
Volume I
Volume III
footnotes are linked between volumes. These links are designed to work when the book is read
on line. For information on the downloading of all three interlinked volumes so that the links
work on your own computer, see the Transcriber's Note at the end of this book.
Links to
Volume I
Volume III
Page 5
H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA, 1843
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Castle
Frontispiece, Vol. II.
THE LETTERS OF
QUEEN VICTORIA
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Castle
Frontispiece, Vol. II.
THE LETTERS OF
QUEEN VICTORIA
Page 6
A SELECTION FROM HER MAJESTY'S
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE YEARS
1837 and 1861
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE YEARS
1837 and 1861
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF
Page 7
HIS MAJESTY THE KING
EDITED BY ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER
BENSON, M.A.
AND VISCOUNT ESHER, G.C.V.O., K.C.B.
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. II.—1844-1853
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1908
Copyright in Great Britain and Dependencies, 1907, by H.M. The King.
In the United States by Messrs Longmans, Green & Co.
All rights reserved.
EDITED BY ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER
BENSON, M.A.
AND VISCOUNT ESHER, G.C.V.O., K.C.B.
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. II.—1844-1853
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1908
Copyright in Great Britain and Dependencies, 1907, by H.M. The King.
In the United States by Messrs Longmans, Green & Co.
All rights reserved.
Page 8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIII
1844
PAGES
Duc de Bordeaux—Hanoverian Orders—Domestic happiness—Death of
the Duke of Coburg—Lord Melbourne on old age—Recall of Lord
Ellenborough—Uncle and niece—Lord Ellenborough's honours—Prince
de Joinville's brochure—The Emperor Nicholas—A great review—At
the Opera—The Emperor's character—The Emperor and Belgium—
Crisis in Parliament—The King of Saxony—Lord Ellenborough and
India—England, France, and Russia—France and Tahiti—King Louis
Philippe expected—Arrangements for the visit—Queen Louise's
solicitude—Arrival of King Louis Philippe—A successful visit—The
King's departure—Opening of the Royal Exchange—Gift to the Prince
of Wales—Education in India 1-29
CHAPTER XIV
1845
The Spanish marriages—Position of the Prince—Title of King Consort—
Purchase of Osborne—Maynooth grant—Religious bigotry—Public
executions—Birthday letter—Princess Charlotte—Vacant Deanery—Wine
from Australia—King of Holland—Projected visit to Germany—Question
of Lords Justices—Visit to the Château d'Eu—Spanish marriages—The
Prince criticised—Governor-Generalship of Canada—Corn Laws—Cabinet
dissensions—Interview with Sir Robert Peel—Lord John Russell suggested
—Attitude of Lord Melbourne—The Queen's embarrassment—Attitude of
Sir Robert Peel—Lord Stanley resigns—The Commandership-in-Chief—
Duke of Wellington—King Louis Philippe—Anxiety for the future—
Insuperable difficulties—Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston—Lord John
Russell fails—Chivalry of Sir Robert Peel—He resumes office—Cordial
support—The Queen's estimate of Sir Robert Peel—Lord Stanley—The
Prince's Memorandum—Comprehensive scheme—The unemployed—Lord
Palmerston's justification—France and the Syrian War—Letter to King 30-
Louis Philippe—Ministry reinstated 70
CHAPTER XIII
1844
PAGES
Duc de Bordeaux—Hanoverian Orders—Domestic happiness—Death of
the Duke of Coburg—Lord Melbourne on old age—Recall of Lord
Ellenborough—Uncle and niece—Lord Ellenborough's honours—Prince
de Joinville's brochure—The Emperor Nicholas—A great review—At
the Opera—The Emperor's character—The Emperor and Belgium—
Crisis in Parliament—The King of Saxony—Lord Ellenborough and
India—England, France, and Russia—France and Tahiti—King Louis
Philippe expected—Arrangements for the visit—Queen Louise's
solicitude—Arrival of King Louis Philippe—A successful visit—The
King's departure—Opening of the Royal Exchange—Gift to the Prince
of Wales—Education in India 1-29
CHAPTER XIV
1845
The Spanish marriages—Position of the Prince—Title of King Consort—
Purchase of Osborne—Maynooth grant—Religious bigotry—Public
executions—Birthday letter—Princess Charlotte—Vacant Deanery—Wine
from Australia—King of Holland—Projected visit to Germany—Question
of Lords Justices—Visit to the Château d'Eu—Spanish marriages—The
Prince criticised—Governor-Generalship of Canada—Corn Laws—Cabinet
dissensions—Interview with Sir Robert Peel—Lord John Russell suggested
—Attitude of Lord Melbourne—The Queen's embarrassment—Attitude of
Sir Robert Peel—Lord Stanley resigns—The Commandership-in-Chief—
Duke of Wellington—King Louis Philippe—Anxiety for the future—
Insuperable difficulties—Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston—Lord John
Russell fails—Chivalry of Sir Robert Peel—He resumes office—Cordial
support—The Queen's estimate of Sir Robert Peel—Lord Stanley—The
Prince's Memorandum—Comprehensive scheme—The unemployed—Lord
Palmerston's justification—France and the Syrian War—Letter to King 30-
Louis Philippe—Ministry reinstated 70
Page 9
CHAPTER XV
1846
Sir Robert Peel's speech—Extension of Indian Empire—Bravery of English
troops—Death of Sir Robert Sale—Memorandum by the Prince—
Celebration of victory—Letter from King Louis Philippe—Irish Crimes Bill
—Attack on Sir Robert Peel—His resignation—Intrigues—End of Oregon
dispute—Sir Robert Peel's tribute to Cobden—New Government—Cobden
and the Whigs—Parting with the Ministers—Whig jealousies—A weak
Ministry—Anxieties—French Royal Family—Spanish marriages—Portugal
—Prerogative of dissolution—Views of Lord Melbourne—The Prince and
Sir Robert Peel—Proposed visit to Ireland—Government of Canada—
Wellington statue—Lord Palmerston and Spain—Instructions to Mr Bulwer
—Don Enrique—Sudden decision—Double engagement—The Queen's
indignation—Letter to the Queen of the French—View of English
Government—Letter to King Leopold—Baron Stockmar's opinion—Letter
to Queen Louise—Lord Palmerston and the French—Princess of Prussia—
England and the Three Powers—Interruption of entente cordiale—Spanish
marriages—Peninsular medal—Duke of Wellington's view—England and 71-
Portugal—The Queen's decision on Peninsular medal—Cracow 114
CHAPTER XVI
1847
England and Portugal—Peaceable policy advised—Spain and Portugal—Sir
Hamilton Seymour—Septennial Act —Church preferments—Jenny Lind—
Wellington statue—Prosperity in India—General election—Earldom of
Strafford—Mission to the Vatican—Portugal—Crisis in the City—Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland—Mr Cobden—Foreign policy—Queen of Spain—
Queen of Portugal—Hampden controversy—Lord Palmerston's despatches
—Civil war in Switzerland—Letter from King of Prussia—The Queen's 115-
reply—The Bishops and Dr Hampden 140
141-
207
CHAPTER XVII
1848
Death of Madame Adélaïde—Grief of Queen Louise—The Queen's sympathy
—England and the Porte—Improvements at Claremont—Revolution in
France—Flight of the Royal Family—Letter from King of Prussia—
1846
Sir Robert Peel's speech—Extension of Indian Empire—Bravery of English
troops—Death of Sir Robert Sale—Memorandum by the Prince—
Celebration of victory—Letter from King Louis Philippe—Irish Crimes Bill
—Attack on Sir Robert Peel—His resignation—Intrigues—End of Oregon
dispute—Sir Robert Peel's tribute to Cobden—New Government—Cobden
and the Whigs—Parting with the Ministers—Whig jealousies—A weak
Ministry—Anxieties—French Royal Family—Spanish marriages—Portugal
—Prerogative of dissolution—Views of Lord Melbourne—The Prince and
Sir Robert Peel—Proposed visit to Ireland—Government of Canada—
Wellington statue—Lord Palmerston and Spain—Instructions to Mr Bulwer
—Don Enrique—Sudden decision—Double engagement—The Queen's
indignation—Letter to the Queen of the French—View of English
Government—Letter to King Leopold—Baron Stockmar's opinion—Letter
to Queen Louise—Lord Palmerston and the French—Princess of Prussia—
England and the Three Powers—Interruption of entente cordiale—Spanish
marriages—Peninsular medal—Duke of Wellington's view—England and 71-
Portugal—The Queen's decision on Peninsular medal—Cracow 114
CHAPTER XVI
1847
England and Portugal—Peaceable policy advised—Spain and Portugal—Sir
Hamilton Seymour—Septennial Act —Church preferments—Jenny Lind—
Wellington statue—Prosperity in India—General election—Earldom of
Strafford—Mission to the Vatican—Portugal—Crisis in the City—Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland—Mr Cobden—Foreign policy—Queen of Spain—
Queen of Portugal—Hampden controversy—Lord Palmerston's despatches
—Civil war in Switzerland—Letter from King of Prussia—The Queen's 115-
reply—The Bishops and Dr Hampden 140
141-
207
CHAPTER XVII
1848
Death of Madame Adélaïde—Grief of Queen Louise—The Queen's sympathy
—England and the Porte—Improvements at Claremont—Revolution in
France—Flight of the Royal Family—Letter from King of Prussia—
Page 10
Anarchy in Paris—Queen Louise's anxiety—Revolution foreseen—
England's hospitality—New French Government—British Consul's plan—
Escape of the King and Queen—Graphic narrative—Plan successful—
Arrival in England—Reception at Claremont—Letter of gratitude—Flight
of Guizot—Royal fugitives—Orleanist blunders—Letter to Lord
Melbourne—The Czar on the situation—State of Germany—Chartist
demonstration—Prince Albert and the unemployed—Chartist fiasco—
Alarming state of Ireland—Conduct of the Belgians—Events in France—
Anxiety in Germany—Italy—Spain—The French Royal Family—Affairs
in Lombardy—Sir Henry Bulwer—Lord Palmerston's justification—
Instructions to Sir H. Seymour—Lord Palmerston's drafts—England and
Italy—Lord Minto's mission—Duchesse de Nemours—Commissions in the
Army—Northern Italy—Irish rebellion—Minor German states—An
ambassador to France—The Queen's displeasure—Opening the Queen's
letters—Lord Palmerston and Italy—Austria declines mediation—Austria
and Italy—In the Highlands—The Queen and Lord Palmerston—Affairs in
the Punjab—Hostility of the Sikhs—Greece—State of Germany—Letter of
the Prince of Leiningen—Sir Harry Smith at the Cape—Governorship of
Gibraltar—Mediation in Italy—Death of Lord Melbourne—The Orleans
family—Letter from the Pope—The French President—Relations with
France—England slighted
CHAPTER XVIII
1849
Letter to the Pope—Letter from President of French Republic—Lord
Palmerston and Naples—The army in India—State of the Continent—
France and the President—Gaelic and Welsh—Lord Gough superseded—
End of the Sikh War—Courage of Mrs G. Lawrence—Letter from King of
Sardinia—Novara—The Queen fired at by Hamilton—Annexation of the
Punjab—Drafts and despatches—Schleswig-Holstein Question—Proposed
visit to Ireland—Irish title for the young Prince—Cork and Waterford—
The Irish visit—Enthusiasm in Ireland—Brevet promotions—New Coal 208-
Exchange—Critical position of Germany—Death of Queen Adelaide 230
231-
282
CHAPTER XIX
1850
Grand Duchess Stéphanie—The Draft to Greece—Lord Palmerston's
explanation—Lord John Russell's plan—Suggested rearrangement—Status
quo maintained—Baron Stockmar's Memorandum—State of France—The
Prince's speech—Lord Palmerston and Spain—Lord Howden—The Koh-i-
noor diamond—A change imminent—Lord John Russell's report—Sunday
England's hospitality—New French Government—British Consul's plan—
Escape of the King and Queen—Graphic narrative—Plan successful—
Arrival in England—Reception at Claremont—Letter of gratitude—Flight
of Guizot—Royal fugitives—Orleanist blunders—Letter to Lord
Melbourne—The Czar on the situation—State of Germany—Chartist
demonstration—Prince Albert and the unemployed—Chartist fiasco—
Alarming state of Ireland—Conduct of the Belgians—Events in France—
Anxiety in Germany—Italy—Spain—The French Royal Family—Affairs
in Lombardy—Sir Henry Bulwer—Lord Palmerston's justification—
Instructions to Sir H. Seymour—Lord Palmerston's drafts—England and
Italy—Lord Minto's mission—Duchesse de Nemours—Commissions in the
Army—Northern Italy—Irish rebellion—Minor German states—An
ambassador to France—The Queen's displeasure—Opening the Queen's
letters—Lord Palmerston and Italy—Austria declines mediation—Austria
and Italy—In the Highlands—The Queen and Lord Palmerston—Affairs in
the Punjab—Hostility of the Sikhs—Greece—State of Germany—Letter of
the Prince of Leiningen—Sir Harry Smith at the Cape—Governorship of
Gibraltar—Mediation in Italy—Death of Lord Melbourne—The Orleans
family—Letter from the Pope—The French President—Relations with
France—England slighted
CHAPTER XVIII
1849
Letter to the Pope—Letter from President of French Republic—Lord
Palmerston and Naples—The army in India—State of the Continent—
France and the President—Gaelic and Welsh—Lord Gough superseded—
End of the Sikh War—Courage of Mrs G. Lawrence—Letter from King of
Sardinia—Novara—The Queen fired at by Hamilton—Annexation of the
Punjab—Drafts and despatches—Schleswig-Holstein Question—Proposed
visit to Ireland—Irish title for the young Prince—Cork and Waterford—
The Irish visit—Enthusiasm in Ireland—Brevet promotions—New Coal 208-
Exchange—Critical position of Germany—Death of Queen Adelaide 230
231-
282
CHAPTER XIX
1850
Grand Duchess Stéphanie—The Draft to Greece—Lord Palmerston's
explanation—Lord John Russell's plan—Suggested rearrangement—Status
quo maintained—Baron Stockmar's Memorandum—State of France—The
Prince's speech—Lord Palmerston and Spain—Lord Howden—The Koh-i-
noor diamond—A change imminent—Lord John Russell's report—Sunday
Page 11
delivery of letters—Prince George of Cambridge—The Earldom of
Tipperary—Mr Roebuck's motion—Lord Stanley's motion—Holstein and
Germany—Lord Palmerston's explanation—The Protocol—Christening of
Prince Arthur—Don Pacifico Debate—Sir Robert Peel's accident—Letter
from King of Denmark—Death of Sir Robert Peel—The Queen assaulted
by Pate—Death of Duke of Cambridge—Prince of Prussia—The Foreign
Office—Denmark and Schleswig—Sir Charles Napier's resignation—Lord
Palmerston—Lord Clarendon's opinion—Duke of Bedford's opinion—Lord
John Russell's report—Press attacks on Lord Palmerston—Duties of
Foreign Secretary—Death of King Louis Philippe—Visit to Scotland—
Illness of Queen Louise—Attack on General Haynau—Note to Baron
Koller—The Draft gone—Lord Palmerston rebuked—Holstein—A great
grief—Mr Tennyson made Poet Laureate—Ritualists and Roman Catholics
—Unrest in Europe—England and Germany—Constitutionalism in
Germany—Austria and Prussia—Religious strife—England and Rome—
Lady Peel—The Papal aggression—Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
CHAPTER XX
1851
Life Peerages—Diplomatic arrangements—Peril of the Ministry—
Negotiations with Sir J. Graham—Defeat of the Government—Ministerial
crisis—The Premier's statement—Lord Lansdowne consulted—Lord
Stanley sent for—Complications—Fiscal policy—Sir James Graham—
Duke of Wellington—Difficulties—Lord Aberdeen consulted—Lord
Stanley to be sent for—His letter—Lord Stanley's difficulties—Mr Disraeli
—Question of dissolution—Explanations—Lord Stanley resigns—His
reasons—The Papal Bill—Duke of Wellington—Appeal to Lord
Lansdowne—Still without a Government—Lord Lansdowne's views—
Further difficulties—Coalition impossible—Income Tax—Free Trade—
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—Confusion of Parties—New National Gallery—
The great Exhibition—Imposing ceremony—The Prince's triumph—
Enthusiasm in the City—Danish succession—The Orleans Princes—Regret
at leaving Scotland—Extension of the Franchise—Louis Kossuth—Lord
Palmerston's intentions—A dispute—Lord Palmerston defiant—He gives
way—The Queen's anxiety—Lord Palmerston's conduct—The Queen's
comment—Death of King of Hanover—The Suffrage—The Coup d'État—
Louis Bonaparte—Excitement in France—Lord Palmerston and Lord
Normanby—State of Paris—Lord Palmerston's approval—Birthday wishes
—The crisis—Dismissal of Lord Palmerston—Inconsistency of Lord
Palmerston—The Prince's Memorandum—Lord Clarendon—Discussion on
new arrangements—Count Walewski informed—Lord Granville's
appointment—The Queen's view of foreign affairs—Our policy reviewed—
Difficulty of fixed principles—Prince Nicholas of Nassau—Te Deum at 283-
Paris 355
Tipperary—Mr Roebuck's motion—Lord Stanley's motion—Holstein and
Germany—Lord Palmerston's explanation—The Protocol—Christening of
Prince Arthur—Don Pacifico Debate—Sir Robert Peel's accident—Letter
from King of Denmark—Death of Sir Robert Peel—The Queen assaulted
by Pate—Death of Duke of Cambridge—Prince of Prussia—The Foreign
Office—Denmark and Schleswig—Sir Charles Napier's resignation—Lord
Palmerston—Lord Clarendon's opinion—Duke of Bedford's opinion—Lord
John Russell's report—Press attacks on Lord Palmerston—Duties of
Foreign Secretary—Death of King Louis Philippe—Visit to Scotland—
Illness of Queen Louise—Attack on General Haynau—Note to Baron
Koller—The Draft gone—Lord Palmerston rebuked—Holstein—A great
grief—Mr Tennyson made Poet Laureate—Ritualists and Roman Catholics
—Unrest in Europe—England and Germany—Constitutionalism in
Germany—Austria and Prussia—Religious strife—England and Rome—
Lady Peel—The Papal aggression—Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
CHAPTER XX
1851
Life Peerages—Diplomatic arrangements—Peril of the Ministry—
Negotiations with Sir J. Graham—Defeat of the Government—Ministerial
crisis—The Premier's statement—Lord Lansdowne consulted—Lord
Stanley sent for—Complications—Fiscal policy—Sir James Graham—
Duke of Wellington—Difficulties—Lord Aberdeen consulted—Lord
Stanley to be sent for—His letter—Lord Stanley's difficulties—Mr Disraeli
—Question of dissolution—Explanations—Lord Stanley resigns—His
reasons—The Papal Bill—Duke of Wellington—Appeal to Lord
Lansdowne—Still without a Government—Lord Lansdowne's views—
Further difficulties—Coalition impossible—Income Tax—Free Trade—
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—Confusion of Parties—New National Gallery—
The great Exhibition—Imposing ceremony—The Prince's triumph—
Enthusiasm in the City—Danish succession—The Orleans Princes—Regret
at leaving Scotland—Extension of the Franchise—Louis Kossuth—Lord
Palmerston's intentions—A dispute—Lord Palmerston defiant—He gives
way—The Queen's anxiety—Lord Palmerston's conduct—The Queen's
comment—Death of King of Hanover—The Suffrage—The Coup d'État—
Louis Bonaparte—Excitement in France—Lord Palmerston and Lord
Normanby—State of Paris—Lord Palmerston's approval—Birthday wishes
—The crisis—Dismissal of Lord Palmerston—Inconsistency of Lord
Palmerston—The Prince's Memorandum—Lord Clarendon—Discussion on
new arrangements—Count Walewski informed—Lord Granville's
appointment—The Queen's view of foreign affairs—Our policy reviewed—
Difficulty of fixed principles—Prince Nicholas of Nassau—Te Deum at 283-
Paris 355
Page 12
CHAPTER XXI
1852
Denmark—Possible fusion of parties—Orleans family—Draft of the Speech
—Women and politics—New Houses of Parliament—Lord Palmerston's
discomfiture—M. Thiers—The Prince and the Army—Pressure of business
—Defeat on Militia Bill—Interview with Lord John Russell—Resignation
of the Ministry—The Queen sends for Lord Derby—Lord Derby and Lord
Palmerston—New appointments—New Foreign Secretary—Interview with
Lord Derby—Louis Napoleon—Audiences—Ladies of the Household—
Lord Derby and the Church—Adherence to treaties—The Sovereign
"People"—New Militia Bill—England and Austria—Letter from Mr
Disraeli—"Necessary" measures—Question of dissolution—Lord Derby
hopeful—Progress of democracy—England and Italy—Militia Bill carried
—France and the Bourbons—Louis Napoleon's position—Excitement at
Stockport—The Queen inherits a fortune—Death of Duke of Wellington—
Military appointments—Nation in mourning—Funeral arrangements—
Anecdote of Napoleon III.—England and the Emperor—National defences
—Financial arrangements—Lord Dalhousie's tribute—Funeral ceremony—
Confusion of parties—Lord Palmerston's position—Mr Disraeli and Mr
Gladstone—Recognition of the Empire—Budget speech—Letter to the
French Emperor—Secret protocol—Difficult situation—The Queen's
unwillingness to decide—Injunctions to Lord Derby—Defeat of the
Government—Lord Derby's resignation—Lord Aberdeen sent for—His
interview with the Queen—Lord Aberdeen in office—Lord John Russell's
hesitation—Letter from Mr. Disraeli—The Queen's anxiety—Christmas
presents—Lord Derby's intentions—New Government—Mr Gladstone at
the Exchequer—The Emperor's annoyance—Appointments—Protracted
crisis—The Cabinet—Lord Derby takes leave—Letter from Lady Derby— 356-
Change of seals—Peace restored—A strong Cabinet 430
431-
472
CHAPTER XXII
1853
The Emperor's annoyance—Headmastership of Eton—Marriage of Emperor
of the French—Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo—Baron Beyens on the
situation—Emperor of Russia and the Turkish Empire—Lord John Russell
and leadership of House of Commons—Count Buol and refugees—Kossuth
and Mazzini proclamations—Want of arms for the Militia—Russian fleet at
Constantinople—French irritation—Russia's demands—Russia and
England—Liberation of the Madiai—Letter from Emperor of Russia—
Birth of Prince Leopold—Mr Gladstone's budget speech—Congratulations
1852
Denmark—Possible fusion of parties—Orleans family—Draft of the Speech
—Women and politics—New Houses of Parliament—Lord Palmerston's
discomfiture—M. Thiers—The Prince and the Army—Pressure of business
—Defeat on Militia Bill—Interview with Lord John Russell—Resignation
of the Ministry—The Queen sends for Lord Derby—Lord Derby and Lord
Palmerston—New appointments—New Foreign Secretary—Interview with
Lord Derby—Louis Napoleon—Audiences—Ladies of the Household—
Lord Derby and the Church—Adherence to treaties—The Sovereign
"People"—New Militia Bill—England and Austria—Letter from Mr
Disraeli—"Necessary" measures—Question of dissolution—Lord Derby
hopeful—Progress of democracy—England and Italy—Militia Bill carried
—France and the Bourbons—Louis Napoleon's position—Excitement at
Stockport—The Queen inherits a fortune—Death of Duke of Wellington—
Military appointments—Nation in mourning—Funeral arrangements—
Anecdote of Napoleon III.—England and the Emperor—National defences
—Financial arrangements—Lord Dalhousie's tribute—Funeral ceremony—
Confusion of parties—Lord Palmerston's position—Mr Disraeli and Mr
Gladstone—Recognition of the Empire—Budget speech—Letter to the
French Emperor—Secret protocol—Difficult situation—The Queen's
unwillingness to decide—Injunctions to Lord Derby—Defeat of the
Government—Lord Derby's resignation—Lord Aberdeen sent for—His
interview with the Queen—Lord Aberdeen in office—Lord John Russell's
hesitation—Letter from Mr. Disraeli—The Queen's anxiety—Christmas
presents—Lord Derby's intentions—New Government—Mr Gladstone at
the Exchequer—The Emperor's annoyance—Appointments—Protracted
crisis—The Cabinet—Lord Derby takes leave—Letter from Lady Derby— 356-
Change of seals—Peace restored—A strong Cabinet 430
431-
472
CHAPTER XXII
1853
The Emperor's annoyance—Headmastership of Eton—Marriage of Emperor
of the French—Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo—Baron Beyens on the
situation—Emperor of Russia and the Turkish Empire—Lord John Russell
and leadership of House of Commons—Count Buol and refugees—Kossuth
and Mazzini proclamations—Want of arms for the Militia—Russian fleet at
Constantinople—French irritation—Russia's demands—Russia and
England—Liberation of the Madiai—Letter from Emperor of Russia—
Birth of Prince Leopold—Mr Gladstone's budget speech—Congratulations
Page 13
from the Prince—India Bill—Emperor of Austria—Church of England in
the Colonies—Oriental Question—Death of Lady Dalhousie—Lord
Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen—Russia, Austria, and Turkey—England's
policy—The Queen's views on the Eastern despatches—Proposed terms of
settlement—Lord John Russell's retirement—Letter from the Emperor of
Russia—Lord Stratford's desire for war—Letter to the Emperor of Russia
—France and the Eastern Question—Letter from the Emperor of Russia—
Reform Bill—Lord Palmerston's position—Lord Lansdowne's influence—
Resignation of Lord Palmerston—Lord Stratford's despatch—Draft to
Vienna—Return of Lord Palmerston to office
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
H.M. Queen Victoria, 1843.
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Frontispiece
Castle
H.M. Marie Amélie, Queen of the French, 1828.
Facing p. 104
From the miniature by Millet at Windsor Castle
"The Cousins." H.M. Queen Victoria and the Duchess
of Nemours, who was a Princess of Saxe-Coburg
and first cousin to the Queen and the Prince
Facing p. 168
Consort.
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at
Buckingham Palace
Baron Stockmar.
From the portrait by John Partridge at Facing p. 240
Buckingham Palace
Field-Marshal The Duke of Wellington, K.G.
Believed to be by Count d'Orsay. From a Facing p. 392
miniature at Apsley House
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
the Colonies—Oriental Question—Death of Lady Dalhousie—Lord
Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen—Russia, Austria, and Turkey—England's
policy—The Queen's views on the Eastern despatches—Proposed terms of
settlement—Lord John Russell's retirement—Letter from the Emperor of
Russia—Lord Stratford's desire for war—Letter to the Emperor of Russia
—France and the Eastern Question—Letter from the Emperor of Russia—
Reform Bill—Lord Palmerston's position—Lord Lansdowne's influence—
Resignation of Lord Palmerston—Lord Stratford's despatch—Draft to
Vienna—Return of Lord Palmerston to office
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
H.M. Queen Victoria, 1843.
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Windsor Frontispiece
Castle
H.M. Marie Amélie, Queen of the French, 1828.
Facing p. 104
From the miniature by Millet at Windsor Castle
"The Cousins." H.M. Queen Victoria and the Duchess
of Nemours, who was a Princess of Saxe-Coburg
and first cousin to the Queen and the Prince
Facing p. 168
Consort.
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at
Buckingham Palace
Baron Stockmar.
From the portrait by John Partridge at Facing p. 240
Buckingham Palace
Field-Marshal The Duke of Wellington, K.G.
Believed to be by Count d'Orsay. From a Facing p. 392
miniature at Apsley House
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Page 14
TO CHAPTER XIII
The new year (1844) opened with signs of improved trade, and a feeling of
confidence, partly due to the friendly entente with France. In Ireland, soon
after the collapse of the Clontarf meeting, O'Connell and some of his
associates were indicted for seditious conspiracy, and convicted. The
conviction was subsequently quashed on technical grounds, but O'Connell's
political influence was at an end. In Parliament, owing chiefly to the
exertions of Lord Ashley (afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury), an important Bill
was passed restricting factory labour, and limiting its hours. The Bank
Charter Act, separating the issue and banking departments, as well as
regulating the note issue of the Bank of England in proportion to its stock of
gold, also became law. Meanwhile the dissensions in the Conservative party
were increasing, and the Ministry were defeated on a motion made by their
own supporters to extend the preferential treatment of colonial produce.
With great difficulty the vote was rescinded and a crisis averted; but the
Young England section of the Tory party were becoming more and more an
embarrassment to the Premier. Towards the end of the year the new Royal
Exchange was opened amid much ceremony by the Queen.
The services rendered by Sir Charles Napier in India were the subject of
votes of thanks in both Houses, but shortly afterwards Lord Ellenborough,
the Governor-General, was recalled by the Directors of the East India
Company: their action was no doubt due to his overbearing methods and
love of display, but it was disapproved by the Ministry, and Lord
Ellenborough was accorded an Earldom.
During the year there was a recrudescence of the friction between this
country and France, due partly to questions as to the right of search of
foreign ships, partly to a brochure issued by the Prince de Joinville, a son of
Louis Philippe, partly to the assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti
and the seizure of the English consul there by the French authorities.
Reparation however was made, and the ill-feeling subsided sufficiently to
enable the King of the French to visit Queen Victoria,—the first friendly
visit ever paid by a French king to the Sovereign of England. Louis Philippe
was cordially received in this country.
The new year (1844) opened with signs of improved trade, and a feeling of
confidence, partly due to the friendly entente with France. In Ireland, soon
after the collapse of the Clontarf meeting, O'Connell and some of his
associates were indicted for seditious conspiracy, and convicted. The
conviction was subsequently quashed on technical grounds, but O'Connell's
political influence was at an end. In Parliament, owing chiefly to the
exertions of Lord Ashley (afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury), an important Bill
was passed restricting factory labour, and limiting its hours. The Bank
Charter Act, separating the issue and banking departments, as well as
regulating the note issue of the Bank of England in proportion to its stock of
gold, also became law. Meanwhile the dissensions in the Conservative party
were increasing, and the Ministry were defeated on a motion made by their
own supporters to extend the preferential treatment of colonial produce.
With great difficulty the vote was rescinded and a crisis averted; but the
Young England section of the Tory party were becoming more and more an
embarrassment to the Premier. Towards the end of the year the new Royal
Exchange was opened amid much ceremony by the Queen.
The services rendered by Sir Charles Napier in India were the subject of
votes of thanks in both Houses, but shortly afterwards Lord Ellenborough,
the Governor-General, was recalled by the Directors of the East India
Company: their action was no doubt due to his overbearing methods and
love of display, but it was disapproved by the Ministry, and Lord
Ellenborough was accorded an Earldom.
During the year there was a recrudescence of the friction between this
country and France, due partly to questions as to the right of search of
foreign ships, partly to a brochure issued by the Prince de Joinville, a son of
Louis Philippe, partly to the assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti
and the seizure of the English consul there by the French authorities.
Reparation however was made, and the ill-feeling subsided sufficiently to
enable the King of the French to visit Queen Victoria,—the first friendly
visit ever paid by a French king to the Sovereign of England. Louis Philippe
was cordially received in this country.
Page 15
Another historic royal visit also took place in 1844, that of the Emperor
Nicholas, who no doubt was so much impressed with his friendly reception,
both by the Court and by Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary, that nine years
later he thought he could calculate on the support of England under
Aberdeen (then Premier) in a scheme for the partition of Turkey. Lord
Malmesbury, who a few years later became Foreign Secretary, states in his
memoirs that during this visit, the Czar, Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of
Wellington, and Lord Aberdeen "drew up and signed a Memorandum, the
spirit and scope of which was to support Russia in her legitimate
protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy Shrines, and to do so
without consulting France," but the Memorandum was in reality only one
made by Nicholas of his recollection of the interview, and communicated
subsequently to Lord Aberdeen.
No events of special interest took place in other parts of Europe; the
condition of affairs in the Peninsula improved, though the announcement of
the unfortunate marriage of the Queen Mother with the Duke of Rianzares
was not of hopeful augury for the young Queen Isabella's future; as a matter
of fact, the marriage had taken place some time previously.
Nicholas, who no doubt was so much impressed with his friendly reception,
both by the Court and by Aberdeen, the Foreign Secretary, that nine years
later he thought he could calculate on the support of England under
Aberdeen (then Premier) in a scheme for the partition of Turkey. Lord
Malmesbury, who a few years later became Foreign Secretary, states in his
memoirs that during this visit, the Czar, Sir Robert Peel, the Duke of
Wellington, and Lord Aberdeen "drew up and signed a Memorandum, the
spirit and scope of which was to support Russia in her legitimate
protectorship of the Greek religion and the Holy Shrines, and to do so
without consulting France," but the Memorandum was in reality only one
made by Nicholas of his recollection of the interview, and communicated
subsequently to Lord Aberdeen.
No events of special interest took place in other parts of Europe; the
condition of affairs in the Peninsula improved, though the announcement of
the unfortunate marriage of the Queen Mother with the Duke of Rianzares
was not of hopeful augury for the young Queen Isabella's future; as a matter
of fact, the marriage had taken place some time previously.
Page 16
CHAPTER XIII
1844
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 9th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I had the pleasure of receiving your
kind letter of the 4th, which is written from Ardenne, where
I grieve to see you are again gone without my beloved
Louise.
Charlotte is the admiration of every one, and I wish much I
could have seen the three dear children en représentation.
Our fat Vic or Pussette learns a verse of Lamartine by heart,
which ends with "le tableau se déroule à mes pieds"; to show
how well she had understood this difficult line which Mdlle.
Charier had explained to her, I must tell you the following
bon mot. When she was riding on her pony, and looking at
the cows and sheep, she turned to Mdlle. Charier and said:
"Voilà le tableau qui se déroule à mes pieds." Is not this
extraordinary for a little child of three years old? It is more
like what a person of twenty would say. You have no notion
what a knowing, and I am sorry to say sly, little rogue she is,
and so obstinate. She and le petit Frère accompany us to
dear old Claremont to-day; Alice remains here under Lady
1844
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 9th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I had the pleasure of receiving your
kind letter of the 4th, which is written from Ardenne, where
I grieve to see you are again gone without my beloved
Louise.
Charlotte is the admiration of every one, and I wish much I
could have seen the three dear children en représentation.
Our fat Vic or Pussette learns a verse of Lamartine by heart,
which ends with "le tableau se déroule à mes pieds"; to show
how well she had understood this difficult line which Mdlle.
Charier had explained to her, I must tell you the following
bon mot. When she was riding on her pony, and looking at
the cows and sheep, she turned to Mdlle. Charier and said:
"Voilà le tableau qui se déroule à mes pieds." Is not this
extraordinary for a little child of three years old? It is more
like what a person of twenty would say. You have no notion
what a knowing, and I am sorry to say sly, little rogue she is,
and so obstinate. She and le petit Frère accompany us to
dear old Claremont to-day; Alice remains here under Lady
Page 17
Lyttelton's care. How sorry I am that you should have hurt
your leg, and in such a provoking way; Albert says he
remembers well your playing often with a pen-knife when
you talked, and I remember it also, but it is really dangerous.
I am happy that the news from Paris are good; the really
good understanding between our two Governments provokes
the Carlists and Anarchists. Bordeaux1 is not yet gone; I saw
in a letter that it was debated in his presence whether he was
on any favourable occasion de se présenter en France! Do
you think that possible? Then again the papers say that there
are fortifications being made on the coast of Normandy for
fear of an invasion; is this so? These are many questions, but
I hope you will kindly answer them, as they interest me.
With Albert's love. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: The Duc de Bordeaux, only son of the Duc de Berri, had
by the death of Charles X. and the renunciation of all claims to the
French Throne on the part of the Duc d'Angoulême, become the
representative of the elder branch of the Bourbons. He had intended
his visit to England to have a private character only.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGE
Claremont, 10th January 1844.
The Queen understands that there is a negotiation with
Sweden and Denmark pending about the cessation of their
tribute to Morocco, likewise that Prince Metternich has sent
a despatch condemning as unfair the understanding come to
between us and France about the Spanish marriage;2 that
there is a notion of exchanging Hong Kong for a more
healthy colony.
your leg, and in such a provoking way; Albert says he
remembers well your playing often with a pen-knife when
you talked, and I remember it also, but it is really dangerous.
I am happy that the news from Paris are good; the really
good understanding between our two Governments provokes
the Carlists and Anarchists. Bordeaux1 is not yet gone; I saw
in a letter that it was debated in his presence whether he was
on any favourable occasion de se présenter en France! Do
you think that possible? Then again the papers say that there
are fortifications being made on the coast of Normandy for
fear of an invasion; is this so? These are many questions, but
I hope you will kindly answer them, as they interest me.
With Albert's love. Believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: The Duc de Bordeaux, only son of the Duc de Berri, had
by the death of Charles X. and the renunciation of all claims to the
French Throne on the part of the Duc d'Angoulême, become the
representative of the elder branch of the Bourbons. He had intended
his visit to England to have a private character only.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGE
Claremont, 10th January 1844.
The Queen understands that there is a negotiation with
Sweden and Denmark pending about the cessation of their
tribute to Morocco, likewise that Prince Metternich has sent
a despatch condemning as unfair the understanding come to
between us and France about the Spanish marriage;2 that
there is a notion of exchanging Hong Kong for a more
healthy colony.
Page 18
The Queen, taking a deep interest in all these matters, and
feeling it her duty to do so, begs Lord Aberdeen to keep her
always well informed of what is on the tapis in his
Department.
Footnote 2: See ante, vol. i. p. 487.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Claremont, 13th January 1844.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 10th,
and returns him the papers which he sent her, with her best
thanks. She does not remember to have seen them before.
The Queen takes this opportunity to beg Lord Aberdeen to
cause the despatches to be sent a little sooner from the
Foreign Office, as drafts in particular have often come to the
Queen a week or a fortnight after they had actually been sent
across the sea.
With respect to the Hanoverian Orders, Lord Aberdeen has
not quite understood what the Queen meant. It was Sir C.
Thornton and others to whom the Queen had refused
permission to accept the favour, on a former occasion, by
which the King of Hanover was much affronted. The Queen
would not like to have herself additionally fettered by any
new regulation, but Lord Aberdeen will certainly concur
with the Queen that it would not be expedient to give to the
King of Hanover a power which the Queen herself does not
possess, viz. that of granting orders as favours, or for
personal services; as the number of the different classes of
the Guelphic Order bestowed on Englishmen is
innumerable, it would actually invest the King with such a
power, which, considering how much such things are sought
after, might be extremely inconvenient.
feeling it her duty to do so, begs Lord Aberdeen to keep her
always well informed of what is on the tapis in his
Department.
Footnote 2: See ante, vol. i. p. 487.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Claremont, 13th January 1844.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 10th,
and returns him the papers which he sent her, with her best
thanks. She does not remember to have seen them before.
The Queen takes this opportunity to beg Lord Aberdeen to
cause the despatches to be sent a little sooner from the
Foreign Office, as drafts in particular have often come to the
Queen a week or a fortnight after they had actually been sent
across the sea.
With respect to the Hanoverian Orders, Lord Aberdeen has
not quite understood what the Queen meant. It was Sir C.
Thornton and others to whom the Queen had refused
permission to accept the favour, on a former occasion, by
which the King of Hanover was much affronted. The Queen
would not like to have herself additionally fettered by any
new regulation, but Lord Aberdeen will certainly concur
with the Queen that it would not be expedient to give to the
King of Hanover a power which the Queen herself does not
possess, viz. that of granting orders as favours, or for
personal services; as the number of the different classes of
the Guelphic Order bestowed on Englishmen is
innumerable, it would actually invest the King with such a
power, which, considering how much such things are sought
after, might be extremely inconvenient.
Page 19
The Queen will not give a final decision upon this case until
she returns to Windsor, where she has papers explanatory of
the reasons which caused her to decline the King of
Hanover's application in 1838.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT
Claremont, 16th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
11th. Louise can give you the details of the little upset I and
Lady Douro had, and which I did not think worth while to
mention.3 It was the strangest thing possible to happen, and
the most unlikely, for we were going quite quietly, not at all
in a narrow lane, with very quiet ponies and my usual
postillion; the fact was that the boy looked the wrong way,
and therefore did not perceive the ditch which he so cleverly
got us into.
We leave dear Claremont, as usual, with the greatest regret;
we are so peaceable here; Windsor is beautiful and
comfortable, but it is a palace, and God knows how willingly
I would always live with my beloved Albert and our children
in the quiet and retirement of private life, and not be the
constant object of observation, and of newspaper articles.
The children (Pussette and Bertie) have been most
remarkably well, and so have we, in spite of the very bad
weather we had most days. I am truly and really grieved that
good excellent Nemours is again not to get his dotation.4
Really we constitutional countries are too shabby.
Now, dearest Uncle, I must bid you adieu, begging you to
believe me, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
she returns to Windsor, where she has papers explanatory of
the reasons which caused her to decline the King of
Hanover's application in 1838.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A CARRIAGE ACCIDENT
Claremont, 16th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
11th. Louise can give you the details of the little upset I and
Lady Douro had, and which I did not think worth while to
mention.3 It was the strangest thing possible to happen, and
the most unlikely, for we were going quite quietly, not at all
in a narrow lane, with very quiet ponies and my usual
postillion; the fact was that the boy looked the wrong way,
and therefore did not perceive the ditch which he so cleverly
got us into.
We leave dear Claremont, as usual, with the greatest regret;
we are so peaceable here; Windsor is beautiful and
comfortable, but it is a palace, and God knows how willingly
I would always live with my beloved Albert and our children
in the quiet and retirement of private life, and not be the
constant object of observation, and of newspaper articles.
The children (Pussette and Bertie) have been most
remarkably well, and so have we, in spite of the very bad
weather we had most days. I am truly and really grieved that
good excellent Nemours is again not to get his dotation.4
Really we constitutional countries are too shabby.
Now, dearest Uncle, I must bid you adieu, begging you to
believe me, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 20
Footnote 3: On the 5th of January the Queen's phaeton was overturned
at Horton, near Dachet, while driving to the meet of Prince Albert's
Harriers.
Footnote 4: On the occasion of the marriage of the Duc and Duchesse
de Nemours (1840), the proposal made by the Soult Government for a
Parliamentary grant of 500,000 francs had been rejected.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FRANCE AND ENGLAND
Windsor Castle, 30th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I must begin by thanking you for your
kind letter of the 26th, and by wishing you joy that the fête
went off so well. I am glad Leo will appear at the next ball;
he is nearly nine years old, and it is good to accustom
children of his rank early to these things.
Guizot's speech is exceedingly admired, with the exception
of his having said more than he was justified to do about the
right of search.5 Our speech has been very difficult to frame;
we should like to have mentioned our visits to France and
Belgium, but it has been found impossible to do so; France
is mentioned, and it is the first time since 1834!
To-morrow we go up to Town "pour ce bore," as the good
King always said to me; whenever there were tiresome
people to present he always said: "Je vous demande pardon
de ce bore."
I have had a tiresome though not at all violent cold which I
was alarmed might spoil the sonorousness of my voice for
the speech on Thursday, but it promises well now.
I own I always look with horror to the beginning of a
Parliamentary campaign.
With Albert's love. Ever your devoted Niece,
at Horton, near Dachet, while driving to the meet of Prince Albert's
Harriers.
Footnote 4: On the occasion of the marriage of the Duc and Duchesse
de Nemours (1840), the proposal made by the Soult Government for a
Parliamentary grant of 500,000 francs had been rejected.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FRANCE AND ENGLAND
Windsor Castle, 30th January 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I must begin by thanking you for your
kind letter of the 26th, and by wishing you joy that the fête
went off so well. I am glad Leo will appear at the next ball;
he is nearly nine years old, and it is good to accustom
children of his rank early to these things.
Guizot's speech is exceedingly admired, with the exception
of his having said more than he was justified to do about the
right of search.5 Our speech has been very difficult to frame;
we should like to have mentioned our visits to France and
Belgium, but it has been found impossible to do so; France
is mentioned, and it is the first time since 1834!
To-morrow we go up to Town "pour ce bore," as the good
King always said to me; whenever there were tiresome
people to present he always said: "Je vous demande pardon
de ce bore."
I have had a tiresome though not at all violent cold which I
was alarmed might spoil the sonorousness of my voice for
the speech on Thursday, but it promises well now.
I own I always look with horror to the beginning of a
Parliamentary campaign.
With Albert's love. Ever your devoted Niece,
Page 21
Victoria R.
Footnote 5: He insisted that French trade must be kept under the
exclusive surveillance of the French flag.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF COBURG
Windsor Castle, 6th February 1844.
My dearly beloved Uncle,—You must now be the father to
us poor bereaved, heartbroken children.6 To describe to you
all that we have suffered, all that we do suffer, would be
difficult; God has heavily afflicted us; we feel crushed,
overwhelmed, bowed down by the loss of one who was so
deservedly loved, I may say adored, by his children and
family; I loved him and looked on him as my own father; his
like we shall not see again; that youth, that amiability, and
kindness in his own house which was the centre and
rendezvous for the whole family, will never be seen again,
and my poor Angel's fondest thought of beholding that
dearly beloved Vaterhaus—where his thoughts continually
were—again is for ever gone and his poor heart bleeds to
feel this is for ever gone. Our promised visit, our dearest
Papa's, and our fondest wish, all is put an end to. The
violence of our grief may be over, but the desolate feeling
which succeeds it is worse, and tears are a relief. I have
never known real grief till now, and it has made a lasting
impression on me. A father is such a near relation, you are a
piece of him in fact,—and all (as my poor deeply afflicted
Angel says) the earliest pleasures of your life were given
you by a dear father; that can never he replaced though time
may soften the pang. And indeed one loves to cling to one's
Footnote 5: He insisted that French trade must be kept under the
exclusive surveillance of the French flag.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF COBURG
Windsor Castle, 6th February 1844.
My dearly beloved Uncle,—You must now be the father to
us poor bereaved, heartbroken children.6 To describe to you
all that we have suffered, all that we do suffer, would be
difficult; God has heavily afflicted us; we feel crushed,
overwhelmed, bowed down by the loss of one who was so
deservedly loved, I may say adored, by his children and
family; I loved him and looked on him as my own father; his
like we shall not see again; that youth, that amiability, and
kindness in his own house which was the centre and
rendezvous for the whole family, will never be seen again,
and my poor Angel's fondest thought of beholding that
dearly beloved Vaterhaus—where his thoughts continually
were—again is for ever gone and his poor heart bleeds to
feel this is for ever gone. Our promised visit, our dearest
Papa's, and our fondest wish, all is put an end to. The
violence of our grief may be over, but the desolate feeling
which succeeds it is worse, and tears are a relief. I have
never known real grief till now, and it has made a lasting
impression on me. A father is such a near relation, you are a
piece of him in fact,—and all (as my poor deeply afflicted
Angel says) the earliest pleasures of your life were given
you by a dear father; that can never he replaced though time
may soften the pang. And indeed one loves to cling to one's
Page 22
grief; I can understand Louise's feeling in her overwhelming
sorrows.
Let me now join my humble entreaties to Albert's, relative to
the request about dearest Louise, which he has made. It is a
sacrifice I ask, but if you knew the sacrifice I make in letting
and urging Albert to go, I am sure, if you can you will grant
it. I have never been separated from him even for one night,
and the thought of such a separation is quite dreadful; still, I
feel I could bear it,—I have made up my mind to it, as the
very thought of going has been a comfort to my poor Angel,
and will be of such use at Coburg. Still, if I were to remain
quite alone I do not think I could bear it quietly. Therefore
pray do send me my dearly beloved Louise; she would be
such a comfort to me; if you could come too—or afterwards
(as you promised us a longer visit), that would be still more
delightful. I may be indiscreet, but you must think of what
the separation from my all and all, even only for a fortnight,
will be to me!
We feel some years older since these days of mourning.
Mamma is calm, but poor Aunt Julia7 is indeed much to be
pitied. Ever, dearest Uncle, your devoted and unhappy Niece
and Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 6: The Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha died on 29th January.
Footnote 7: The Grand Duchess Constantine of Russia, sister of the
Duchess of Kent and of the deceased Duke of Saxe-Coburg.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
BEREAVEMENT
Windsor Castle, 13th February 1844.
sorrows.
Let me now join my humble entreaties to Albert's, relative to
the request about dearest Louise, which he has made. It is a
sacrifice I ask, but if you knew the sacrifice I make in letting
and urging Albert to go, I am sure, if you can you will grant
it. I have never been separated from him even for one night,
and the thought of such a separation is quite dreadful; still, I
feel I could bear it,—I have made up my mind to it, as the
very thought of going has been a comfort to my poor Angel,
and will be of such use at Coburg. Still, if I were to remain
quite alone I do not think I could bear it quietly. Therefore
pray do send me my dearly beloved Louise; she would be
such a comfort to me; if you could come too—or afterwards
(as you promised us a longer visit), that would be still more
delightful. I may be indiscreet, but you must think of what
the separation from my all and all, even only for a fortnight,
will be to me!
We feel some years older since these days of mourning.
Mamma is calm, but poor Aunt Julia7 is indeed much to be
pitied. Ever, dearest Uncle, your devoted and unhappy Niece
and Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 6: The Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha died on 29th January.
Footnote 7: The Grand Duchess Constantine of Russia, sister of the
Duchess of Kent and of the deceased Duke of Saxe-Coburg.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
BEREAVEMENT
Windsor Castle, 13th February 1844.
Page 23
My dearest Uncle,—I received your dear, kind but sad
letter of the 8th on Sunday, and thank you much for it. God
knows, poor dear Uncle, you have suffered enough in your
life, but you should think, dearest Uncle, of that blessed
assurance of eternity where we shall all meet again never to
part; you should think (as we constantly do now) that those
whom we have lost are far happier than we are, and love us
still, and in a far more perfect way than we can do in this
world! When the first moments and days of overwhelming
grief are over these reflections are the greatest balm, the
greatest consolation to the bleeding heart.
I hope you will kindly let me have a few lines of hope by the
Tuesday's messenger. Ever your truly devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
P.S.—O'Connell's being pronounced guilty is a great
triumph.8
Footnote 8: He had been indicted with Charles Gavan Duffy and
others for seditious conspiracy.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 3rd April 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
with many thanks for your Majesty's note of the 28th ult.
Lord Melbourne believes that your Majesty is quite right in
saying that Lord Melbourne has still some health left, if he
will but take care of it. Lord Melbourne told Dr Holland,
without mentioning your Majesty's name, that this had been
said to him by a friend, and Dr Holland immediately said
that it was very just and true, and very well expressed, and
quite what he should have said himself. At the same time,
letter of the 8th on Sunday, and thank you much for it. God
knows, poor dear Uncle, you have suffered enough in your
life, but you should think, dearest Uncle, of that blessed
assurance of eternity where we shall all meet again never to
part; you should think (as we constantly do now) that those
whom we have lost are far happier than we are, and love us
still, and in a far more perfect way than we can do in this
world! When the first moments and days of overwhelming
grief are over these reflections are the greatest balm, the
greatest consolation to the bleeding heart.
I hope you will kindly let me have a few lines of hope by the
Tuesday's messenger. Ever your truly devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
P.S.—O'Connell's being pronounced guilty is a great
triumph.8
Footnote 8: He had been indicted with Charles Gavan Duffy and
others for seditious conspiracy.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 3rd April 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
with many thanks for your Majesty's note of the 28th ult.
Lord Melbourne believes that your Majesty is quite right in
saying that Lord Melbourne has still some health left, if he
will but take care of it. Lord Melbourne told Dr Holland,
without mentioning your Majesty's name, that this had been
said to him by a friend, and Dr Holland immediately said
that it was very just and true, and very well expressed, and
quite what he should have said himself. At the same time,
Page 24
the change from strength to weakness and the evident
progress of decadence is a very hard and disagreeable trial.
Lord Melbourne has been reading Cicero on old age, a very
pretty treatise, but he does not find much consolation after it;
the principal practical resources and alleviations which he
recommends are agriculture and gardening, to both of
which, but more particularly to the latter, Lord Melbourne
has already had recourse. It is certainly, as your Majesty
says, wrong to be impatient and to repine at everything, but
still it is difficult not to be so. Lady Uxbridge's death9 is a
shocking event, a dreadful loss to him and to all. Lord
Melbourne always liked her. Lord Melbourne is going down
to Brocket Hall to-morrow, and will try to get Uxbridge and
the girls to come over and dine.
Lord Melbourne has felt very much for the grief which your
Majesty must feel at a separation, even short and temporary,
from the Prince, and it is extremely amiable to feel
comforted by the recollection of the extreme pleasure which
his visit will give to his and your Majesty's relations. It is, of
course, impossible that your Majesty should in travelling
divest yourself of your character and dignity.
Lord Melbourne has just driven round the Regent's Park,
where there are many almond trees in bloom, and looking
beautiful.
Footnote 9: Henrietta Maria, daughter of Sir Charles Bagot, G.C.B.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
RECALL OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH
Whitehall, 23rd April 1844.
progress of decadence is a very hard and disagreeable trial.
Lord Melbourne has been reading Cicero on old age, a very
pretty treatise, but he does not find much consolation after it;
the principal practical resources and alleviations which he
recommends are agriculture and gardening, to both of
which, but more particularly to the latter, Lord Melbourne
has already had recourse. It is certainly, as your Majesty
says, wrong to be impatient and to repine at everything, but
still it is difficult not to be so. Lady Uxbridge's death9 is a
shocking event, a dreadful loss to him and to all. Lord
Melbourne always liked her. Lord Melbourne is going down
to Brocket Hall to-morrow, and will try to get Uxbridge and
the girls to come over and dine.
Lord Melbourne has felt very much for the grief which your
Majesty must feel at a separation, even short and temporary,
from the Prince, and it is extremely amiable to feel
comforted by the recollection of the extreme pleasure which
his visit will give to his and your Majesty's relations. It is, of
course, impossible that your Majesty should in travelling
divest yourself of your character and dignity.
Lord Melbourne has just driven round the Regent's Park,
where there are many almond trees in bloom, and looking
beautiful.
Footnote 9: Henrietta Maria, daughter of Sir Charles Bagot, G.C.B.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
RECALL OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH
Whitehall, 23rd April 1844.
Page 25
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has every reason to
believe that the Court of Directors will to-morrow, by an
unanimous vote, resolve on the actual recall of Lord
Ellenborough.10
Footnote 10: This anomalous privilege was exercised by the Directors
in consequence chiefly of what they considered Lord Ellenborough's
overbearing demeanour in communication with them, his too
aggressive policy, and his theatrical love of display.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd April 1844.
The Queen has heard with the greatest regret from Sir R.
Peel that the Court of Directors, after all, mean to recall
Lord Ellenborough. She cannot but consider this very
unwise at this critical moment, and a very ungrateful return
for the eminent services Lord Ellenborough has rendered to
the Company in India. They ought not to forget so soon in
what state Lord Ellenborough found affairs in 1842. The
Queen would not be sorry if these gentlemen knew that this
is her opinion.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 3rd May 1844.
My Dearest Victoria,—Whenever you wish to make me
truly happy, you will have the power of doing so by
repeating expressions as kind and affectionate as those
contained in your dear little letter of the 30th. I have ever
had the care and affection of a real father for you, and it has
leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has every reason to
believe that the Court of Directors will to-morrow, by an
unanimous vote, resolve on the actual recall of Lord
Ellenborough.10
Footnote 10: This anomalous privilege was exercised by the Directors
in consequence chiefly of what they considered Lord Ellenborough's
overbearing demeanour in communication with them, his too
aggressive policy, and his theatrical love of display.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd April 1844.
The Queen has heard with the greatest regret from Sir R.
Peel that the Court of Directors, after all, mean to recall
Lord Ellenborough. She cannot but consider this very
unwise at this critical moment, and a very ungrateful return
for the eminent services Lord Ellenborough has rendered to
the Company in India. They ought not to forget so soon in
what state Lord Ellenborough found affairs in 1842. The
Queen would not be sorry if these gentlemen knew that this
is her opinion.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 3rd May 1844.
My Dearest Victoria,—Whenever you wish to make me
truly happy, you will have the power of doing so by
repeating expressions as kind and affectionate as those
contained in your dear little letter of the 30th. I have ever
had the care and affection of a real father for you, and it has
Page 26
perhaps even been freer from many drawbacks which
occasionally will exist betwixt parents and children, be they
ever so well and affectionately together. With me, even from
the moment in January 1820, when I was called by a
messenger to Sidmouth, my care for you has been
unremitting, and never has there been a cloud between us....
A thing which often strikes me, in a very satisfactory
manner, is that we never had any bitter words, a thing which
happens even with people who are very lovingly together;
and the little row which we had in 1838 you remember well,
and do not now think that I was wrong.11 De pareilles
relations sont rares; may they ever continue!
I cannot leave this more serious topic without adding that
though you were always warm-hearted and right-minded, it
must strike yourself how matured every kind and good
feeling is in your generous heart. The heart, and not the
head, is the safest guide in positions like yours, and this not
only for this earthly and very short life, but for that which
we must hope for hereafter. When a life draws nearer its
close, how many earthly concerns are there that appear still
in the same light? and how clearly the mind is struck that
nothing has been and is still of real value, than the nobler
and better feelings of the heart; the only good we can hope
to keep as a precious store for the future. What do we keep
of youth, beauty, richness, power, and even the greatest
extent of earthly possessions? Nothing!... Your truly devoted
Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 11: See Letters of Queen Victoria and the King of the
Belgians, ante, vol. i. pp. 116-120.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
occasionally will exist betwixt parents and children, be they
ever so well and affectionately together. With me, even from
the moment in January 1820, when I was called by a
messenger to Sidmouth, my care for you has been
unremitting, and never has there been a cloud between us....
A thing which often strikes me, in a very satisfactory
manner, is that we never had any bitter words, a thing which
happens even with people who are very lovingly together;
and the little row which we had in 1838 you remember well,
and do not now think that I was wrong.11 De pareilles
relations sont rares; may they ever continue!
I cannot leave this more serious topic without adding that
though you were always warm-hearted and right-minded, it
must strike yourself how matured every kind and good
feeling is in your generous heart. The heart, and not the
head, is the safest guide in positions like yours, and this not
only for this earthly and very short life, but for that which
we must hope for hereafter. When a life draws nearer its
close, how many earthly concerns are there that appear still
in the same light? and how clearly the mind is struck that
nothing has been and is still of real value, than the nobler
and better feelings of the heart; the only good we can hope
to keep as a precious store for the future. What do we keep
of youth, beauty, richness, power, and even the greatest
extent of earthly possessions? Nothing!... Your truly devoted
Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 11: See Letters of Queen Victoria and the King of the
Belgians, ante, vol. i. pp. 116-120.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Page 27
HONOURS FOR LORD ELLENBOROUGH
Whitehall, 5th May 1844.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, and
believing that he is acting in accordance with your Majesty's
own opinion, begs leave to submit to your Majesty that it
may be advisable that he should by the present mail inform
Lord Ellenborough that it is your Majesty's intention to
confer on him, at a very early period, as a mark of your
Majesty's approval of Lord Ellenborough's conduct and
services in India, the rank of an Earl and the Grand Cross of
the Bath.
Lord Ellenborough may be at liberty (should your Majesty
approve) to notify this publicly in India—and thus make it
known that the general line of policy recently pursued has
had the full sanction of your Majesty, and will not be
departed from.
These were the honours conferred upon Lord Auckland.
If they were conferred on the instant, it might rather seem a
rebuke to the East India Company than a deliberate approval
of the conduct of Lord Ellenborough, but these honours
might shortly follow the conclusion of the affair respecting
the selection of Lord Ellenborough's successor, and any
discussion that may arise in Parliament.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE'S BROCHURE
Claremont, 24th May 1844.
Dearest Uncle,—Though not my day I must write you a
line to say how vexed we are at this most unfortunate and
most imprudent brochure of Joinville's;12 it has made a very
Whitehall, 5th May 1844.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, and
believing that he is acting in accordance with your Majesty's
own opinion, begs leave to submit to your Majesty that it
may be advisable that he should by the present mail inform
Lord Ellenborough that it is your Majesty's intention to
confer on him, at a very early period, as a mark of your
Majesty's approval of Lord Ellenborough's conduct and
services in India, the rank of an Earl and the Grand Cross of
the Bath.
Lord Ellenborough may be at liberty (should your Majesty
approve) to notify this publicly in India—and thus make it
known that the general line of policy recently pursued has
had the full sanction of your Majesty, and will not be
departed from.
These were the honours conferred upon Lord Auckland.
If they were conferred on the instant, it might rather seem a
rebuke to the East India Company than a deliberate approval
of the conduct of Lord Ellenborough, but these honours
might shortly follow the conclusion of the affair respecting
the selection of Lord Ellenborough's successor, and any
discussion that may arise in Parliament.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE'S BROCHURE
Claremont, 24th May 1844.
Dearest Uncle,—Though not my day I must write you a
line to say how vexed we are at this most unfortunate and
most imprudent brochure of Joinville's;12 it has made a very
Page 28
bad effect here, and will rouse all the envy and hatred
between the two Navies again, which it was our great effort
to subdue—and this all for nothing! I can't tell you how
angry people are, and how poor Hadjy will get abused. And
this all after our having been on such intimate terms with
him and having sailed with him! If he comes here, what
shall we do? Receive with open arms one who has talked of
ravaging our coasts and burning our towns? Indeed it is most
lamentable; you know how we like him, and that therefore it
must be very annoying to us to see him get himself into such
a scrape. We shall overlook it, but the people here won't! It
will blow over, but it will do immense harm. We who wish
to become more and more closely united with the French
family are, of course, much put out by this return. We shall
forgive and forget, and feel it was not intended to be
published—but the public here will not so easily, and will
put the worst construction on it all.
Pray, dearest Uncle, tell me what could possess Joinville to
write it, and still more to have it printed? Won't it annoy the
King and Nemours very much? Enfin c'est malheureux, c'est
indiscret au plus haut degré—and it provokes and vexes us
sadly. Tell me all you know and think about it; for you can
do so with perfect safety by our courier.
I have written dearest Louise an account of my old birthday,
which will please you, I think. The weather is very fine.
Ever your truly devoted Niece and Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: The brochure was entitled, Notes sur les forces navales
de la France. The Prince de Joinville wrote as follows to the Queen:
"Le malheureux éclat de ma brochure, le tracas que cela donne au Père
et à la Reine, me font regretter vivement de l'avoir faite. Comme je
l'écris à ton Roi, je ne renvoie que mépris à toutes les interprétations
qu'on y donne; ce que peuvent dire ministre et journaux ne me touche
en rien, mais il n'y a pas de sacrifices que je ne suis disposé à faire
pour l'intérieur de la Famille."
between the two Navies again, which it was our great effort
to subdue—and this all for nothing! I can't tell you how
angry people are, and how poor Hadjy will get abused. And
this all after our having been on such intimate terms with
him and having sailed with him! If he comes here, what
shall we do? Receive with open arms one who has talked of
ravaging our coasts and burning our towns? Indeed it is most
lamentable; you know how we like him, and that therefore it
must be very annoying to us to see him get himself into such
a scrape. We shall overlook it, but the people here won't! It
will blow over, but it will do immense harm. We who wish
to become more and more closely united with the French
family are, of course, much put out by this return. We shall
forgive and forget, and feel it was not intended to be
published—but the public here will not so easily, and will
put the worst construction on it all.
Pray, dearest Uncle, tell me what could possess Joinville to
write it, and still more to have it printed? Won't it annoy the
King and Nemours very much? Enfin c'est malheureux, c'est
indiscret au plus haut degré—and it provokes and vexes us
sadly. Tell me all you know and think about it; for you can
do so with perfect safety by our courier.
I have written dearest Louise an account of my old birthday,
which will please you, I think. The weather is very fine.
Ever your truly devoted Niece and Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: The brochure was entitled, Notes sur les forces navales
de la France. The Prince de Joinville wrote as follows to the Queen:
"Le malheureux éclat de ma brochure, le tracas que cela donne au Père
et à la Reine, me font regretter vivement de l'avoir faite. Comme je
l'écris à ton Roi, je ne renvoie que mépris à toutes les interprétations
qu'on y donne; ce que peuvent dire ministre et journaux ne me touche
en rien, mais il n'y a pas de sacrifices que je ne suis disposé à faire
pour l'intérieur de la Famille."
Page 29
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
29th May 1844.
If Lord Aberdeen should not have read the Prince de
Joinville's pamphlet, the Queen recommends him to do so,
as one cannot judge fairly by the extracts in the newspapers.
Though it does not lessen the extreme imprudence of the
Prince's publishing what must do harm to the various French
Governments, it certainly is not intentionally written to
offend England, and on the contrary frankly proves us to be
immensely superior to the French Navy in every way.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE CZAR NICHOLAS
Windsor Castle, 4th June 1844.
My beloved Uncle,—I gave Louise a long and detailed
description of the Emperor,13 etc. The papers are full of the
details. A great event and a great compliment his visit
certainly is, and the people here are extremely flattered at it.
He is certainly a very striking man; still very handsome; his
profile is beautiful, and his manners most dignified and
graceful; extremely civil—quite alarmingly so, as he is so
full of attentions and politesses. But the expression of the
eyes is formidable, and unlike anything I ever saw before.
He gives me and Albert the impression of a man who is not
happy, and on whom the weight of his immense power and
position weighs heavily and painfully; he seldom smiles, and
when he does the expression is not a happy one. He is very
easy to get on with. Really, it seems like a dream when I
think that we breakfast and walk out with this greatest of all
earthly Potentates as quietly as if we walked, etc., with
Charles or any one. We took him, with the dear good King
29th May 1844.
If Lord Aberdeen should not have read the Prince de
Joinville's pamphlet, the Queen recommends him to do so,
as one cannot judge fairly by the extracts in the newspapers.
Though it does not lessen the extreme imprudence of the
Prince's publishing what must do harm to the various French
Governments, it certainly is not intentionally written to
offend England, and on the contrary frankly proves us to be
immensely superior to the French Navy in every way.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE CZAR NICHOLAS
Windsor Castle, 4th June 1844.
My beloved Uncle,—I gave Louise a long and detailed
description of the Emperor,13 etc. The papers are full of the
details. A great event and a great compliment his visit
certainly is, and the people here are extremely flattered at it.
He is certainly a very striking man; still very handsome; his
profile is beautiful, and his manners most dignified and
graceful; extremely civil—quite alarmingly so, as he is so
full of attentions and politesses. But the expression of the
eyes is formidable, and unlike anything I ever saw before.
He gives me and Albert the impression of a man who is not
happy, and on whom the weight of his immense power and
position weighs heavily and painfully; he seldom smiles, and
when he does the expression is not a happy one. He is very
easy to get on with. Really, it seems like a dream when I
think that we breakfast and walk out with this greatest of all
earthly Potentates as quietly as if we walked, etc., with
Charles or any one. We took him, with the dear good King
Page 30
of Saxony,14 who is a great contrast to the Czar (and with
whom I am quite at my ease), to Adelaide Cottage after
breakfast. The grass here is just as if it had been burned with
fire. How many different Princes have we not gone the same
round with!! The children are much admired by the
Sovereigns—(how grand this sounds!) —and Alice allowed
the Emperor to take her in his arms, and kissed him de son
propre accord. We are always so thankful that they are not
shy. Both the Emperor and the King are quite enchanted
with Windsor. The Emperor said very poliment: "C'est digne
de vous, Madame." I must say the Waterloo Room lit up
with that entire service of gold looks splendid; and the
Reception Room, beautiful to sit in afterwards. The Emperor
praised my Angel very much, saying: "C'est impossible de
voir un plus joli garçon; il a l'air si noble et si bon"; which I
must say is very true. The Emperor amused the King and me
by saying he was so embarrassé when people were
presented to him, and that he felt so "gauche" en frac, which
certainly he is quite unaccustomed to wear. If we can do
anything to get him to do what is right by you, we shall be
most happy, and Peel and Aberdeen are very anxious for it. I
believe he leaves on Sunday again. To-morrow there is to be
a great review, and on Thursday I shall probably go with
them to the races; they are gone there with Albert to-day, but
I have remained at home.
I think it is time to conclude my long letter.
If the French are angry at this visit, let their dear King and
their Princes come; they will be sure of a truly affectionate
reception on our part. The one which Emperor Nicholas has
received is cordial and civil, mais ne vient pas du cœur.
I humbly beg that any remarks which may not be favourable
to our great visitor may not go beyond you and Louise, and
not to Paris. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
whom I am quite at my ease), to Adelaide Cottage after
breakfast. The grass here is just as if it had been burned with
fire. How many different Princes have we not gone the same
round with!! The children are much admired by the
Sovereigns—(how grand this sounds!) —and Alice allowed
the Emperor to take her in his arms, and kissed him de son
propre accord. We are always so thankful that they are not
shy. Both the Emperor and the King are quite enchanted
with Windsor. The Emperor said very poliment: "C'est digne
de vous, Madame." I must say the Waterloo Room lit up
with that entire service of gold looks splendid; and the
Reception Room, beautiful to sit in afterwards. The Emperor
praised my Angel very much, saying: "C'est impossible de
voir un plus joli garçon; il a l'air si noble et si bon"; which I
must say is very true. The Emperor amused the King and me
by saying he was so embarrassé when people were
presented to him, and that he felt so "gauche" en frac, which
certainly he is quite unaccustomed to wear. If we can do
anything to get him to do what is right by you, we shall be
most happy, and Peel and Aberdeen are very anxious for it. I
believe he leaves on Sunday again. To-morrow there is to be
a great review, and on Thursday I shall probably go with
them to the races; they are gone there with Albert to-day, but
I have remained at home.
I think it is time to conclude my long letter.
If the French are angry at this visit, let their dear King and
their Princes come; they will be sure of a truly affectionate
reception on our part. The one which Emperor Nicholas has
received is cordial and civil, mais ne vient pas du cœur.
I humbly beg that any remarks which may not be favourable
to our great visitor may not go beyond you and Louise, and
not to Paris. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 31
Footnote 13: The Emperor Nicholas of Russia had just arrived on a
visit to England.
Footnote 14: Frederick Augustus II.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 11th June 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I received your very kind and long
letter of the 7th on Sunday, and thank you very much for it. I
am delighted that my accounts interested you, and I shall try
and give you some more to-day, which you will see come
from an unbiassed and impartial mind, and which I trust
therefore will be relied upon. The excitement has ceased as
suddenly as it had begun, and I am still confused about it. I
will go back to where I last left you. THE REVIEWThe Revue15
on the 5th was really very interesting, and our reception as
well as that of the Emperor most enthusiastic. Louise tells
me you had a review the same day, and that it also was so
hot. Our children were there, and charmed. On the 6th we
went with the Emperor and King to the races,16 and I never
saw such a crowd; again here the reception was most
brilliant. Every evening a large dinner in the Waterloo
Room, and the two last evenings in uniforms, as the
Emperor disliked so being en frac, and was quite
embarrassed in it. On the 7th we took him and the King back
here, and in the evening had a party of 260 about. On
Saturday (8th) my Angel took the Emperor and King to a
very elegant breakfast17 at Chiswick, which I for prudence'
sake did not go to, but was very sorry for it. In the evening
we went to the Opera (not in State), but they recognised us,
and we were most brilliantly received. I had to force the
Emperor forward, as he never would come forward when I
was there, and I was obliged to take him by the hand and
make him appear; it was impossible to be better bred or
visit to England.
Footnote 14: Frederick Augustus II.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 11th June 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I received your very kind and long
letter of the 7th on Sunday, and thank you very much for it. I
am delighted that my accounts interested you, and I shall try
and give you some more to-day, which you will see come
from an unbiassed and impartial mind, and which I trust
therefore will be relied upon. The excitement has ceased as
suddenly as it had begun, and I am still confused about it. I
will go back to where I last left you. THE REVIEWThe Revue15
on the 5th was really very interesting, and our reception as
well as that of the Emperor most enthusiastic. Louise tells
me you had a review the same day, and that it also was so
hot. Our children were there, and charmed. On the 6th we
went with the Emperor and King to the races,16 and I never
saw such a crowd; again here the reception was most
brilliant. Every evening a large dinner in the Waterloo
Room, and the two last evenings in uniforms, as the
Emperor disliked so being en frac, and was quite
embarrassed in it. On the 7th we took him and the King back
here, and in the evening had a party of 260 about. On
Saturday (8th) my Angel took the Emperor and King to a
very elegant breakfast17 at Chiswick, which I for prudence'
sake did not go to, but was very sorry for it. In the evening
we went to the Opera (not in State), but they recognised us,
and we were most brilliantly received. I had to force the
Emperor forward, as he never would come forward when I
was there, and I was obliged to take him by the hand and
make him appear; it was impossible to be better bred or
Page 32
more respectful than he was towards me. Well, on Sunday
afternoon at five, he left us (my Angel accompanied him to
Woolwich), and he was much affected at going, and really
unaffectedly touched at his reception and stay, the simplicity
and quietness of which told upon his love of domestic life,
which is very great. THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONSI will now
(having told all that has passed) give you my opinion and
feelings on the subject, which I may say are Albert's also. I
was extremely against the visit, fearing the gêne, and bustle,
and even at first, I did not feel at all to like it, but by living
in the same house together quietly and unrestrainedly (and
this Albert, and with great truth, says is the great advantage
of these visits, that I not only see these great people but
know them), I got to know the Emperor and he to know me.
THE CZAR NICHOLASThere is much about him which I cannot
help liking, and I think his character is one which should be
understood, and looked upon for once as it is. He is stern
and severe—with fixed principles of duty which nothing on
earth will make him change; very clever I do not think him,
and his mind is an uncivilised one; his education has been
neglected; politics and military concerns are the only things
he takes great interest in; the arts and all softer occupations
he is insensible to, but he is sincere, I am certain, sincere
even in his most despotic acts, from a sense that that is the
only way to govern; he is not, I am sure, aware of the
dreadful cases of individual misery which he so often
causes, for I can see by various instances that he is kept in
utter ignorance of many things, which his people carry out in
most corrupt ways, while he thinks that he is extremely just.
He thinks of general measures, but does not look into detail.
And I am sure much never reaches his ears, and (as you
observed), how can it? He asked for nothing whatever, has
merely expressed his great anxiety to be upon the best terms
with us, but not to the exclusion of others, only let things
remain as they are.... He is I should say, too frank, for he
talks so openly before people, which he should not do, and
with difficulty restrains himself. His anxiety to be believed is
afternoon at five, he left us (my Angel accompanied him to
Woolwich), and he was much affected at going, and really
unaffectedly touched at his reception and stay, the simplicity
and quietness of which told upon his love of domestic life,
which is very great. THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONSI will now
(having told all that has passed) give you my opinion and
feelings on the subject, which I may say are Albert's also. I
was extremely against the visit, fearing the gêne, and bustle,
and even at first, I did not feel at all to like it, but by living
in the same house together quietly and unrestrainedly (and
this Albert, and with great truth, says is the great advantage
of these visits, that I not only see these great people but
know them), I got to know the Emperor and he to know me.
THE CZAR NICHOLASThere is much about him which I cannot
help liking, and I think his character is one which should be
understood, and looked upon for once as it is. He is stern
and severe—with fixed principles of duty which nothing on
earth will make him change; very clever I do not think him,
and his mind is an uncivilised one; his education has been
neglected; politics and military concerns are the only things
he takes great interest in; the arts and all softer occupations
he is insensible to, but he is sincere, I am certain, sincere
even in his most despotic acts, from a sense that that is the
only way to govern; he is not, I am sure, aware of the
dreadful cases of individual misery which he so often
causes, for I can see by various instances that he is kept in
utter ignorance of many things, which his people carry out in
most corrupt ways, while he thinks that he is extremely just.
He thinks of general measures, but does not look into detail.
And I am sure much never reaches his ears, and (as you
observed), how can it? He asked for nothing whatever, has
merely expressed his great anxiety to be upon the best terms
with us, but not to the exclusion of others, only let things
remain as they are.... He is I should say, too frank, for he
talks so openly before people, which he should not do, and
with difficulty restrains himself. His anxiety to be believed is
Page 33
very great, and I must say his personal promises I am
inclined to believe; then his feelings are very strong; he feels
kindness deeply—and his love for his wife and children, and
for all children, is very great. He has a strong feeling for
domestic life, saying to me, when our children were in the
room: "Voilà les doux moments de notre vie." He was not
only civil, but extremely kind to us both, and spoke in the
highest praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, saying he
wished any Prince in Germany had that ability and sense; he
showed Albert great confidence, and I think it will do great
good, as if he praises him abroad it will have great weight.
He is not happy, and that melancholy which is visible in the
countenance made me sad at times; the sternness of the eyes
goes very much off when you know him, and changes
according to his being put out (and he can be much
embarrassed) or not, and also from his being heated, as he
suffers with congestions to the head. My Angel thinks that
he is a man inclined too much to give way to impulse and
feeling, which makes him act wrongly often. His admiration
for beauty is very great, and put me much in mind of you,
when he drove out with us, looking out for pretty people.
But he remains very faithful to those he admired twenty-
eight years ago; for instance, Lady Peel, who has hardly any
remains left. Respecting Belgium he did not speak to me, but
to Albert and the Ministers. As for unkindly feeling towards
you, he disclaims positively any, saying he knew you well,
and that you had served in the Russian Army, etc., but he
says those unfortunate Poles are the only obstacle, and that
he positively cannot enter into direct communication with
Belgium as long as they are employed. If you could only
somehow or other get rid of them, I am sure the thing would
be done at once. We all think he need not mind this, but I
fear he has pledged himself. He admired Charlotte's picture.
Pour finir, I must say one more word or two about his
personal appearance. He puts us much in mind of his and
our cousins the Würtembergs, and has altogether much of
the Würtemberg family about him. He is bald now, but in his
inclined to believe; then his feelings are very strong; he feels
kindness deeply—and his love for his wife and children, and
for all children, is very great. He has a strong feeling for
domestic life, saying to me, when our children were in the
room: "Voilà les doux moments de notre vie." He was not
only civil, but extremely kind to us both, and spoke in the
highest praise of dearest Albert to Sir Robert Peel, saying he
wished any Prince in Germany had that ability and sense; he
showed Albert great confidence, and I think it will do great
good, as if he praises him abroad it will have great weight.
He is not happy, and that melancholy which is visible in the
countenance made me sad at times; the sternness of the eyes
goes very much off when you know him, and changes
according to his being put out (and he can be much
embarrassed) or not, and also from his being heated, as he
suffers with congestions to the head. My Angel thinks that
he is a man inclined too much to give way to impulse and
feeling, which makes him act wrongly often. His admiration
for beauty is very great, and put me much in mind of you,
when he drove out with us, looking out for pretty people.
But he remains very faithful to those he admired twenty-
eight years ago; for instance, Lady Peel, who has hardly any
remains left. Respecting Belgium he did not speak to me, but
to Albert and the Ministers. As for unkindly feeling towards
you, he disclaims positively any, saying he knew you well,
and that you had served in the Russian Army, etc., but he
says those unfortunate Poles are the only obstacle, and that
he positively cannot enter into direct communication with
Belgium as long as they are employed. If you could only
somehow or other get rid of them, I am sure the thing would
be done at once. We all think he need not mind this, but I
fear he has pledged himself. He admired Charlotte's picture.
Pour finir, I must say one more word or two about his
personal appearance. He puts us much in mind of his and
our cousins the Würtembergs, and has altogether much of
the Würtemberg family about him. He is bald now, but in his
Page 34
Chevalier Garde Uniform he is magnificent still, and very
striking. I cannot deny that we were in great anxiety when
we took him out lest some Pole might make an attempt, and
I always felt thankful when we got him safe home again. His
poor daughter is very ill, I fear. The good King of Saxony18
remains another week with us, and we like him much. He is
so unassuming. He is out sight-seeing all day, and enchanted
with everything. I hope that you will persuade the King to
come all the same in September. Our motives and politics are
not to be exclusive, but to be on good terms with all, and
why should we not? We make no secret of it.
Now I must end this very long letter. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
You will kindly not speak of these details, but only in
allgemein say the visit went off very satisfactorily on both
sides, and that it was highly pacific.
Footnote 15: In honour of the Emperor a Review was held in Windsor
Great Park.
Footnote 16: At Ascot.
Footnote 17: Given by the Duke of Devonshire.
Footnote 18: See ante, p. 12.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your
dear and kind letter of the 13th on Sunday; your parties at
Ardenne must have been truly delightful; perhaps some day
striking. I cannot deny that we were in great anxiety when
we took him out lest some Pole might make an attempt, and
I always felt thankful when we got him safe home again. His
poor daughter is very ill, I fear. The good King of Saxony18
remains another week with us, and we like him much. He is
so unassuming. He is out sight-seeing all day, and enchanted
with everything. I hope that you will persuade the King to
come all the same in September. Our motives and politics are
not to be exclusive, but to be on good terms with all, and
why should we not? We make no secret of it.
Now I must end this very long letter. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
You will kindly not speak of these details, but only in
allgemein say the visit went off very satisfactorily on both
sides, and that it was highly pacific.
Footnote 15: In honour of the Emperor a Review was held in Windsor
Great Park.
Footnote 16: At Ascot.
Footnote 17: Given by the Duke of Devonshire.
Footnote 18: See ante, p. 12.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A PARLIAMENTARY CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your
dear and kind letter of the 13th on Sunday; your parties at
Ardenne must have been truly delightful; perhaps some day
Page 35
we may enjoy them too: that would be delightful! I can write
to you with a light heart, thank goodness, to-day, for the
Government obtained a majority, which up to the last
moment last night we feared they would not have, and we
have been in sad trouble for the last four or five days about
it.19 It is the more marvellous, as, if the Government asked
for a Vote of Confidence, they would have a Majority of
100; but this very strength makes the supporters of the
Government act in a most unjustifiable manner by
continually acting and voting against them, not listening to
the debates, but coming down and voting against the
Government. So that we were really in the greatest possible
danger of having a resignation of the Government without
knowing to whom to turn, and this from the recklessness of a
handful of foolish half "Puseyite" half "Young England"20
people! I am sure you will agree with me that Peel's
resignation would not only be for us (for we cannot have a
better and a safer Minister), but for the whole country, and
for the peace of Europe—a great calamity. Our present
people are all safe, and not led away by impulses and
reckless passions. We must, however, take care and not get
into another crisis; for I assure you we have been quite
miserable and quite alarmed ever since Saturday.
Since I last wrote to you, I spoke to Aberdeen (whom I
should be equally sorry to lose, as he is so very fair, and has
served us personally, so kindly and truly), and he told me
that the Emperor has positively pledged himself to send a
Minister to Brussels the moment those Poles are no longer
employed;21 that he is quite aware of the importance of the
measure, and would be disposed to make the arrangement
easy, and that he spoke very kindly of you personally.
Aberdeen says it is not necessary to disgrace them in any
way, but only for the present de les éloigner. The Emperor
has evidently some time ago made some strong declaration
on the subject which he feels he cannot get over, and, as I
said before, he will not give up what he has once pledged his
to you with a light heart, thank goodness, to-day, for the
Government obtained a majority, which up to the last
moment last night we feared they would not have, and we
have been in sad trouble for the last four or five days about
it.19 It is the more marvellous, as, if the Government asked
for a Vote of Confidence, they would have a Majority of
100; but this very strength makes the supporters of the
Government act in a most unjustifiable manner by
continually acting and voting against them, not listening to
the debates, but coming down and voting against the
Government. So that we were really in the greatest possible
danger of having a resignation of the Government without
knowing to whom to turn, and this from the recklessness of a
handful of foolish half "Puseyite" half "Young England"20
people! I am sure you will agree with me that Peel's
resignation would not only be for us (for we cannot have a
better and a safer Minister), but for the whole country, and
for the peace of Europe—a great calamity. Our present
people are all safe, and not led away by impulses and
reckless passions. We must, however, take care and not get
into another crisis; for I assure you we have been quite
miserable and quite alarmed ever since Saturday.
Since I last wrote to you, I spoke to Aberdeen (whom I
should be equally sorry to lose, as he is so very fair, and has
served us personally, so kindly and truly), and he told me
that the Emperor has positively pledged himself to send a
Minister to Brussels the moment those Poles are no longer
employed;21 that he is quite aware of the importance of the
measure, and would be disposed to make the arrangement
easy, and that he spoke very kindly of you personally.
Aberdeen says it is not necessary to disgrace them in any
way, but only for the present de les éloigner. The Emperor
has evidently some time ago made some strong declaration
on the subject which he feels he cannot get over, and, as I
said before, he will not give up what he has once pledged his
Page 36
word to. Then, no one on earth can move him. Au fond, it is
a fine trait, but he carries it too far. He wrote me a very kind
and affectionate letter from the Hague. The Emperor has
given Bertie the Grand Cross of St Andrew, which the boy
was quite proud of.
THE KING OF SAXONY
Our kind and good King of Saxony leaves us to-morrow,
after having seen more than anybody has done almost, and
having enjoyed it of all things. He is quite at home with us
and the children, whom he plays with much. Alice walks
quite alone, and looks too funny, as she is so very fat. Now,
ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: The Ministry had been defeated on Mr P. Miles's motion
in favour of giving an increased preference to colonial sugar, but on
the 17th this vote was rescinded by a majority of twenty-two, Mr
Disraeli taunting the Premier with expecting that "upon every division
and at every crisis, his gang should appear, and the whip should
sound."
Footnote 20: The name given to the group comprising Disraeli, George
Smythe, Lord John Manners, etc. See Coningsby, which was published
about this time.
Footnote 21: See ante, p. 15.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 19th June 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 14th inst.
Lord Melbourne was very glad to have the opportunity of
seeing the Emperor of Russia at Chiswick. Lord Melbourne
humbly believes that the opinion, which your Majesty has
formed and expresses of the Emperor's character is just, and
a fine trait, but he carries it too far. He wrote me a very kind
and affectionate letter from the Hague. The Emperor has
given Bertie the Grand Cross of St Andrew, which the boy
was quite proud of.
THE KING OF SAXONY
Our kind and good King of Saxony leaves us to-morrow,
after having seen more than anybody has done almost, and
having enjoyed it of all things. He is quite at home with us
and the children, whom he plays with much. Alice walks
quite alone, and looks too funny, as she is so very fat. Now,
ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: The Ministry had been defeated on Mr P. Miles's motion
in favour of giving an increased preference to colonial sugar, but on
the 17th this vote was rescinded by a majority of twenty-two, Mr
Disraeli taunting the Premier with expecting that "upon every division
and at every crisis, his gang should appear, and the whip should
sound."
Footnote 20: The name given to the group comprising Disraeli, George
Smythe, Lord John Manners, etc. See Coningsby, which was published
about this time.
Footnote 21: See ante, p. 15.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
South Street, 19th June 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 14th inst.
Lord Melbourne was very glad to have the opportunity of
seeing the Emperor of Russia at Chiswick. Lord Melbourne
humbly believes that the opinion, which your Majesty has
formed and expresses of the Emperor's character is just, and
Page 37
he considers it extremely fortunate that a sovereign of such
weight and influence in Europe, and with whom it is
probable that Great Britain will have such near and intimate
relations, should also be a man upon whose honour and
veracity strong reliance may be safely and securely placed.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to believe that the late political
movements, with which the public mind has been agitated,
have subsided, and are entirely terminated by the last vote of
the House of Commons, and by the determination evinced to
support the Administration.22
This finishes for the present a business which at one moment
seemed likely to be troublesome, and out of which there did
not appear to present itself any hope or practicable escape.
Lord Melbourne will not make any observation upon what is
known and understood to have passed, further than to say
that, as far as he is acquainted with the history of public
affairs in this country, it is an entire novelty, quite new and
unprecedented.23 Many a Minister has said to the Crown,
"My advice must be taken, and my measures must be
adopted," but no Minister has ever yet held this language or
advanced this pretension to either House of Parliament.
However, it seems to be successful at present, and success
will justify much. Whether it will tend to permanent strength
or a steady conduct of public affairs, remains to be seen.
Lord Melbourne begs to be respectfully remembered to His
Royal Highness.
Footnote 22: See ante, p. 16.
Footnote 23: Lord Melbourne refers to the House rescinding its own
vote.
The Earl of Ellenborough to Queen Victoria.
weight and influence in Europe, and with whom it is
probable that Great Britain will have such near and intimate
relations, should also be a man upon whose honour and
veracity strong reliance may be safely and securely placed.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to believe that the late political
movements, with which the public mind has been agitated,
have subsided, and are entirely terminated by the last vote of
the House of Commons, and by the determination evinced to
support the Administration.22
This finishes for the present a business which at one moment
seemed likely to be troublesome, and out of which there did
not appear to present itself any hope or practicable escape.
Lord Melbourne will not make any observation upon what is
known and understood to have passed, further than to say
that, as far as he is acquainted with the history of public
affairs in this country, it is an entire novelty, quite new and
unprecedented.23 Many a Minister has said to the Crown,
"My advice must be taken, and my measures must be
adopted," but no Minister has ever yet held this language or
advanced this pretension to either House of Parliament.
However, it seems to be successful at present, and success
will justify much. Whether it will tend to permanent strength
or a steady conduct of public affairs, remains to be seen.
Lord Melbourne begs to be respectfully remembered to His
Royal Highness.
Footnote 22: See ante, p. 16.
Footnote 23: Lord Melbourne refers to the House rescinding its own
vote.
The Earl of Ellenborough to Queen Victoria.
Page 38
LORD ELLENBOROUGH
22nd June 1844.
Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your
Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that on the 15th of
June he received the announcement of his having been
removed from the office of Governor-General of India by
the Court of Directors. By Lord Ellenborough's advice,
letters were immediately despatched by express to every
important native Court to assure the native Princes that this
change in the person at the head of the Government would
effect no change in its policy, and Lord Ellenborough
himself wrote in similar terms to the British Representatives
at the several Courts.... Lord Ellenborough has written a
letter to the Earl of Ripon with reference to the reasons
alleged by the Court of Directors for his removal from
office, to which letter he most humbly solicits your
Majesty's favourable and attentive consideration. It treats of
matters deeply affecting the good government of India.
Amidst all the difficulties with which he has had to contend
in India, aggravated as they have been by the constant
hostility of the Court of Directors, Lord Ellenborough has
ever been sustained by the knowledge that he was serving a
most gracious Mistress, who would place the most
favourable construction upon his conduct, and he now
humbly tenders to your Majesty the expression of his
gratitude, not only for those marks of Royal favour with
which it has been intimated to him that it is your Majesty's
intention to reward his services, but yet more for that
constant support which has animated all his exertions, and
has mainly enabled him to place India in the hands of his
successor in a state of universal peace, the result of two
years of victories, and in a condition of prosperity heretofore
unknown.
22nd June 1844.
Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your
Majesty, humbly acquaints your Majesty that on the 15th of
June he received the announcement of his having been
removed from the office of Governor-General of India by
the Court of Directors. By Lord Ellenborough's advice,
letters were immediately despatched by express to every
important native Court to assure the native Princes that this
change in the person at the head of the Government would
effect no change in its policy, and Lord Ellenborough
himself wrote in similar terms to the British Representatives
at the several Courts.... Lord Ellenborough has written a
letter to the Earl of Ripon with reference to the reasons
alleged by the Court of Directors for his removal from
office, to which letter he most humbly solicits your
Majesty's favourable and attentive consideration. It treats of
matters deeply affecting the good government of India.
Amidst all the difficulties with which he has had to contend
in India, aggravated as they have been by the constant
hostility of the Court of Directors, Lord Ellenborough has
ever been sustained by the knowledge that he was serving a
most gracious Mistress, who would place the most
favourable construction upon his conduct, and he now
humbly tenders to your Majesty the expression of his
gratitude, not only for those marks of Royal favour with
which it has been intimated to him that it is your Majesty's
intention to reward his services, but yet more for that
constant support which has animated all his exertions, and
has mainly enabled him to place India in the hands of his
successor in a state of universal peace, the result of two
years of victories, and in a condition of prosperity heretofore
unknown.
Page 39
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA
Laeken, 28th June 1844.
My beloved Victoria,—I have again to offer my warmest
and best thanks for a very long and kind letter. I am truly
and sincerely happy that a Ministerial crisis has been spared
you; it is in all constitutional concerns an awful business; but
in such a colossal machinery as the British Empire, it shakes
the whole globe. For your sake, for the good of England, and
for the quiet of the whole earth, we must most devoutly pray
that Sir Robert may remain for many, many years your trusty
and faithful Minister. Parliaments and Chambers are
extremely fond of governing, particularly as long as it does
not bore themselves. We have had an instance of it recently.
I was anxious to keep the Chamber longer, as there are still
many important things which it ought to have finished; but
they were hot, they got tired, voted twelve projets de loi in
one day, and disappeared afterwards, leaving one the trouble
of managing the affairs of the State as best one may....
As a general political event, the Emperor's visit in England
can only be useful; it is probable that he would not have
made the visit if another had not been talked of. His policy is
naturally to separate as much as possible the two great
Western Powers; he is too weak to resist single-handed their
dictates in the Oriental question; but if they act not in
concert, it is evident that he is the master; in all this he acts
wisely and in conformity with the great interests of his
Empire. England has greater interests at stake at the mercy
of Russia than at that of France. With France the questions
are sometimes questions of jealousy, but, on the other hand,
a tolerable understanding keeps France quiet and secures the
peace of Europe, much more in the sense of the European
policy of England than of that of France. The only
consolation the French can find in it is that they are aware
ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA
Laeken, 28th June 1844.
My beloved Victoria,—I have again to offer my warmest
and best thanks for a very long and kind letter. I am truly
and sincerely happy that a Ministerial crisis has been spared
you; it is in all constitutional concerns an awful business; but
in such a colossal machinery as the British Empire, it shakes
the whole globe. For your sake, for the good of England, and
for the quiet of the whole earth, we must most devoutly pray
that Sir Robert may remain for many, many years your trusty
and faithful Minister. Parliaments and Chambers are
extremely fond of governing, particularly as long as it does
not bore themselves. We have had an instance of it recently.
I was anxious to keep the Chamber longer, as there are still
many important things which it ought to have finished; but
they were hot, they got tired, voted twelve projets de loi in
one day, and disappeared afterwards, leaving one the trouble
of managing the affairs of the State as best one may....
As a general political event, the Emperor's visit in England
can only be useful; it is probable that he would not have
made the visit if another had not been talked of. His policy is
naturally to separate as much as possible the two great
Western Powers; he is too weak to resist single-handed their
dictates in the Oriental question; but if they act not in
concert, it is evident that he is the master; in all this he acts
wisely and in conformity with the great interests of his
Empire. England has greater interests at stake at the mercy
of Russia than at that of France. With France the questions
are sometimes questions of jealousy, but, on the other hand,
a tolerable understanding keeps France quiet and secures the
peace of Europe, much more in the sense of the European
policy of England than of that of France. The only
consolation the French can find in it is that they are aware
Page 40
that together with England they have a great position, but
they always lament that they can get nothing by it. A bad
understanding with France opens not only the door to a
European war, but also to revolution; and that is perhaps the
most serious and most awfully dangerous part of the
business. England wants nothing from the Emperor than that
he should leave the status quo of Europe and great part of
Asia alone. At Paris they are not so much moved at the
Emperor's visit as perhaps they ought to be, but they have
put the flattering notion into their heads that he had made
fiasco, which is not true; as, in fact, he has so far been rather
successful, and has convinced people in England that he is a
mild and good-natured man, himself and his Empire,
without any ambition. Now it is high time I should finish my
immense scrawl, for which I claim your forgiveness,
remaining ever your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
TAHITI
Windsor Castle, 27th August 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind long letter,
which I received yesterday, dated 23rd. I can report very
well of ourselves. We are all well. The dear day of
yesterday24 we spent very quietly and happily and full of
gratitude to Providence for so many blessings. I can only
pray for the continuance of our present happiness.
The impending political cloud, I hope and trust, looks less
black and lowering. But I think it very unwise in Guizot not
to have at once disavowed D'Aubigny for what you yourself
call an "outrage,"25 instead of letting it drag on for four
weeks and letting our people get excited. The Tangiers
they always lament that they can get nothing by it. A bad
understanding with France opens not only the door to a
European war, but also to revolution; and that is perhaps the
most serious and most awfully dangerous part of the
business. England wants nothing from the Emperor than that
he should leave the status quo of Europe and great part of
Asia alone. At Paris they are not so much moved at the
Emperor's visit as perhaps they ought to be, but they have
put the flattering notion into their heads that he had made
fiasco, which is not true; as, in fact, he has so far been rather
successful, and has convinced people in England that he is a
mild and good-natured man, himself and his Empire,
without any ambition. Now it is high time I should finish my
immense scrawl, for which I claim your forgiveness,
remaining ever your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
TAHITI
Windsor Castle, 27th August 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind long letter,
which I received yesterday, dated 23rd. I can report very
well of ourselves. We are all well. The dear day of
yesterday24 we spent very quietly and happily and full of
gratitude to Providence for so many blessings. I can only
pray for the continuance of our present happiness.
The impending political cloud, I hope and trust, looks less
black and lowering. But I think it very unwise in Guizot not
to have at once disavowed D'Aubigny for what you yourself
call an "outrage,"25 instead of letting it drag on for four
weeks and letting our people get excited. The Tangiers
Page 41
Affair26 is unfortunate, and I hope that in future poor
Joinville will not be exposed to such disagreeable affairs.
What can be done will be, to get him justified in the eyes of
the public here, but I fear that at first they will not be very
charitable. Those letters in the Times are outrageous, and all
that abuse very bad taste.27 There is to be an investigation
about the three officers, whose conduct is unworthy of
Englishmen. Now, dearest Uncle, believe me always, your
most affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 24: The Prince Albert's birthday. Prince Alfred was born on
6th August of this year.
Footnote 25: The assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti.
Footnote 26: Hostilities had commenced between France and
Morocco, and Tangiers was bombarded.
Footnote 27: A series of letters had appeared in the Times, written by
British naval officers who had witnessed the bombardment of
Tangiers, and accused the French Admiral and Navy of being deficient
in courage. The Times was much criticised for its publication of these
letters.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ENGLAND AND FRANCE
Blair Athol, 15th September 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I received your kind letter of the 6th
the day we arrived here, and thank you very much for it. As I
have written an account of our journey to Louise, I will not
repeat it here.
The good ending of our difficulties with France is an
immense blessing, but it is really and truly necessary that
you and those at Paris should know that the danger was
Joinville will not be exposed to such disagreeable affairs.
What can be done will be, to get him justified in the eyes of
the public here, but I fear that at first they will not be very
charitable. Those letters in the Times are outrageous, and all
that abuse very bad taste.27 There is to be an investigation
about the three officers, whose conduct is unworthy of
Englishmen. Now, dearest Uncle, believe me always, your
most affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 24: The Prince Albert's birthday. Prince Alfred was born on
6th August of this year.
Footnote 25: The assumption of French sovereignty over Tahiti.
Footnote 26: Hostilities had commenced between France and
Morocco, and Tangiers was bombarded.
Footnote 27: A series of letters had appeared in the Times, written by
British naval officers who had witnessed the bombardment of
Tangiers, and accused the French Admiral and Navy of being deficient
in courage. The Times was much criticised for its publication of these
letters.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ENGLAND AND FRANCE
Blair Athol, 15th September 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I received your kind letter of the 6th
the day we arrived here, and thank you very much for it. As I
have written an account of our journey to Louise, I will not
repeat it here.
The good ending of our difficulties with France is an
immense blessing, but it is really and truly necessary that
you and those at Paris should know that the danger was
Page 42
imminent, and that poor Aberdeen stood almost alone in
trying to keep matters peaceable. We must try and prevent
these difficulties for the future. I must, however, clear
Jarnac28 of all blame, for Aberdeen does nothing but praise
him....
In Greece affairs look very black, and God knows how it all
will end.
Footnote 28: Chargé d'Affaires in the absence of the French
Ambassador.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
VISIT OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Laeken, 5th October 1844.
My Dearly Beloved Victoria,—... I have not much to say
about my father's lodging habits and likings.29 My father is
one of the beings most easy to please, satisfy, and to
accommodate. His eventful life has used him to everything,
and makes any kind of arrangements acceptable to him;
there is only one thing which he cannot easily do, it is to be
ready very early. He means notwithstanding to try to come
to your breakfast, but you must insist upon his not doing it.
It would disturb him in all his habits, and be bad for him, as
he would certainly eat, a thing he is not used to do in the
morning. He generally takes hardly what may be called a
breakfast, and eats only twice in the day. It would be also
much better for him if he only appeared to luncheon and
dinner, and if you kindly dispensed him altogether of the
breakfast. You must not tell him that I wrote you this, but
you must manage it with Montpensier, and kindly order for
him a bowl of chicken broth. It is the only thing he takes
trying to keep matters peaceable. We must try and prevent
these difficulties for the future. I must, however, clear
Jarnac28 of all blame, for Aberdeen does nothing but praise
him....
In Greece affairs look very black, and God knows how it all
will end.
Footnote 28: Chargé d'Affaires in the absence of the French
Ambassador.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
VISIT OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Laeken, 5th October 1844.
My Dearly Beloved Victoria,—... I have not much to say
about my father's lodging habits and likings.29 My father is
one of the beings most easy to please, satisfy, and to
accommodate. His eventful life has used him to everything,
and makes any kind of arrangements acceptable to him;
there is only one thing which he cannot easily do, it is to be
ready very early. He means notwithstanding to try to come
to your breakfast, but you must insist upon his not doing it.
It would disturb him in all his habits, and be bad for him, as
he would certainly eat, a thing he is not used to do in the
morning. He generally takes hardly what may be called a
breakfast, and eats only twice in the day. It would be also
much better for him if he only appeared to luncheon and
dinner, and if you kindly dispensed him altogether of the
breakfast. You must not tell him that I wrote you this, but
you must manage it with Montpensier, and kindly order for
him a bowl of chicken broth. It is the only thing he takes
Page 43
generally in the morning, and between his meals. I have also
no observation to make, but I have told Montpensier to
speak openly to Albert whenever he thought something
ought to be done for my father, or might hurt and
inconvenience him, and you may consult him when you are
in doubt. He is entrusted with all the recommendations of
my mother, for my father is naturally so imprudent and so
little accustomed to caution and care, that he must in some
measure be watched to prevent his catching cold or doing
what may be injurious to him. About his rooms, a hard bed
and a large table for his papers are the only things he
requires. He generally sleeps on a horse-hair mattress with a
plank of wood under it: but any kind of bed will do, if it is
not too soft. His liking will be to be entirely at your
commands and to do all you like. You know he can take a
great deal of exercise, and everything will interest and
delight him, to see, as to do: this is not a compliment, but a
mere fact. His only wish is, that you should not go out of
your way for him, and change your habits on his account.
Lord Aberdeen will be, of course, at Windsor, and I suppose
you will ask, as you told me, the Royal Family. My father
hopes to see also Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and your
other Ministers. You will probably ask most of them during
his stay. He wishes very much to see again those he already
knows, and to make the acquaintance of those he does not
know yet. In writing all this I think I dream, I cannot believe
yet that in a few days my dear father will have, God willing,
the unspeakable happiness to see you again and at Windsor,
a thing he had so much wished for and which for a long time
seemed so improbable. You have no notion of the
satisfaction it gives him, and how delighted he will be to see
you again, and to be once more in England. God grant he
may have a good passage, and arrive to you safely and well.
Unberufen, as you will soon, I trust, be able to see, he is,
notwithstanding the usual talk of the papers, perfectly well....
Yours most devotedly,
Louise.
no observation to make, but I have told Montpensier to
speak openly to Albert whenever he thought something
ought to be done for my father, or might hurt and
inconvenience him, and you may consult him when you are
in doubt. He is entrusted with all the recommendations of
my mother, for my father is naturally so imprudent and so
little accustomed to caution and care, that he must in some
measure be watched to prevent his catching cold or doing
what may be injurious to him. About his rooms, a hard bed
and a large table for his papers are the only things he
requires. He generally sleeps on a horse-hair mattress with a
plank of wood under it: but any kind of bed will do, if it is
not too soft. His liking will be to be entirely at your
commands and to do all you like. You know he can take a
great deal of exercise, and everything will interest and
delight him, to see, as to do: this is not a compliment, but a
mere fact. His only wish is, that you should not go out of
your way for him, and change your habits on his account.
Lord Aberdeen will be, of course, at Windsor, and I suppose
you will ask, as you told me, the Royal Family. My father
hopes to see also Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and your
other Ministers. You will probably ask most of them during
his stay. He wishes very much to see again those he already
knows, and to make the acquaintance of those he does not
know yet. In writing all this I think I dream, I cannot believe
yet that in a few days my dear father will have, God willing,
the unspeakable happiness to see you again and at Windsor,
a thing he had so much wished for and which for a long time
seemed so improbable. You have no notion of the
satisfaction it gives him, and how delighted he will be to see
you again, and to be once more in England. God grant he
may have a good passage, and arrive to you safely and well.
Unberufen, as you will soon, I trust, be able to see, he is,
notwithstanding the usual talk of the papers, perfectly well....
Yours most devotedly,
Louise.
Page 44
Footnote 29: The difficulty with France as to Tahiti having been
satisfactorily disposed of, King Louis Philippe was enabled to visit
England, the first French King to come on a visit to the Sovereign of
England. The King was enthusiastically received in England, visited
Claremont (which he was destined to occupy in exile), was installed as
a Knight of the Garter at Windsor with great magnificence, and visited
Eton College and Woolwich Arsenal.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
SOLICITUDE OF QUEEN LOUISE
Laeken, 7th October 1844.
My Dearly beloved Victoria,—... I wrote to my mother, to
quiet her, all you kindly tell me about my dear father. We are
quite sure, I assure you, that you and Albert will take care of
him, and that he is with you in safe hand. And what makes
my mother uneasy is the fear that, being at liberty without
control, he will make too much, as she says, le jeune homme,
ride, go about, and do everything as if he was still twenty
years old. If I must tell you all the truth, she is afraid also he
will eat too much. I am sure he will tell it to you himself, as
he was so much amused with this fear; but to do her
pleasure, being well assured by me that you would allow it,
and that it was even customary, he has given up, of himself,
all thought of attending your early breakfast: but I perceive I
write as if he was not already under your roof. I will also
only say, that though he has sent over his horses in case they
should be wanted, my mother begs you to prevent, if
possible, his riding at all. I wrote to her already that I
supposed there would be no occasion for riding, and that
your promenades would be either on foot or in carriage. I
entrusted Montpensier with all my messages for you, my
beloved Victoria and your dear children. He hopes you will
permit him, during his stay at Windsor, to make two
excursions—one to London, and one to Woolwich—he is
satisfactorily disposed of, King Louis Philippe was enabled to visit
England, the first French King to come on a visit to the Sovereign of
England. The King was enthusiastically received in England, visited
Claremont (which he was destined to occupy in exile), was installed as
a Knight of the Garter at Windsor with great magnificence, and visited
Eton College and Woolwich Arsenal.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
SOLICITUDE OF QUEEN LOUISE
Laeken, 7th October 1844.
My Dearly beloved Victoria,—... I wrote to my mother, to
quiet her, all you kindly tell me about my dear father. We are
quite sure, I assure you, that you and Albert will take care of
him, and that he is with you in safe hand. And what makes
my mother uneasy is the fear that, being at liberty without
control, he will make too much, as she says, le jeune homme,
ride, go about, and do everything as if he was still twenty
years old. If I must tell you all the truth, she is afraid also he
will eat too much. I am sure he will tell it to you himself, as
he was so much amused with this fear; but to do her
pleasure, being well assured by me that you would allow it,
and that it was even customary, he has given up, of himself,
all thought of attending your early breakfast: but I perceive I
write as if he was not already under your roof. I will also
only say, that though he has sent over his horses in case they
should be wanted, my mother begs you to prevent, if
possible, his riding at all. I wrote to her already that I
supposed there would be no occasion for riding, and that
your promenades would be either on foot or in carriage. I
entrusted Montpensier with all my messages for you, my
beloved Victoria and your dear children. He hopes you will
permit him, during his stay at Windsor, to make two
excursions—one to London, and one to Woolwich—he is
Page 45
very curious to see, as an artillery officer. I mention it as he
would be, perhaps, too shy or too discreet to mention it
himself. He might very well do those two trips by the
railroad and be back for dinner-time, and I am sure you will
have no objection to them.... Yours most devotedly,
Louise.
I am very glad that Lord Charles Wellesley is one of those
who will attend my father. Montpensier and him will have
surely capital fun together, and he was, you know, a great
favourite with every one at Eu. If by chance Lord Hardwicke
was in waiting during my father's stay, you must kindly put
my father in mind to thank him for the famous cheese, which
arrived safely, and was found very good....
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING'S ARRIVAL
Windsor Castle, 8th October 1844.
Dearest Uncle,—You will, I am sure, forgive my writing
but a few lines as I am all alone in the agitation of the dear
King's arrival, and I will leave my letter open to announce it
to you. My dearest master is gone to Portsmouth to receive
him. The excitement and curiosity to see the dear King, and
the desire to give him a most hearty reception, is very great
indeed.
Many thanks for your kind letters of the 28th and 4th. I can't
think who could have said that Peel, etc., would not have
been here; for he, Aberdeen, and the old Duke are to be here
the whole time, and all the other Ministers will come during
his stay.
I am very glad Joinville is arrived, and avoided his entrées
triomphales. I hope he will take great care of himself.
would be, perhaps, too shy or too discreet to mention it
himself. He might very well do those two trips by the
railroad and be back for dinner-time, and I am sure you will
have no objection to them.... Yours most devotedly,
Louise.
I am very glad that Lord Charles Wellesley is one of those
who will attend my father. Montpensier and him will have
surely capital fun together, and he was, you know, a great
favourite with every one at Eu. If by chance Lord Hardwicke
was in waiting during my father's stay, you must kindly put
my father in mind to thank him for the famous cheese, which
arrived safely, and was found very good....
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING'S ARRIVAL
Windsor Castle, 8th October 1844.
Dearest Uncle,—You will, I am sure, forgive my writing
but a few lines as I am all alone in the agitation of the dear
King's arrival, and I will leave my letter open to announce it
to you. My dearest master is gone to Portsmouth to receive
him. The excitement and curiosity to see the dear King, and
the desire to give him a most hearty reception, is very great
indeed.
Many thanks for your kind letters of the 28th and 4th. I can't
think who could have said that Peel, etc., would not have
been here; for he, Aberdeen, and the old Duke are to be here
the whole time, and all the other Ministers will come during
his stay.
I am very glad Joinville is arrived, and avoided his entrées
triomphales. I hope he will take great care of himself.
Page 46
You will have heard from dear Louise of our voyage, etc. I
cannot reconcile myself to be here again, and pine for my
dear Highlands, the hills, the pure air, the quiet, the
retirement, the liberty—all—more than is right. The children
are well. I am sorry to hear that you are not quite so yet.
3.30.—The King and Montpensier arrived quite safely at
two, and are both looking extremely well. We have just
lunched with them. It seems like a dream to me, and a very
pleasant one.
Albert sends his affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Bertie has immediately taken a passion for Montpensier.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 9th October 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 7th inst.,
which he has just received, and with very great satisfaction,
as he had begun to think your Majesty's silence rather long.
But he perfectly understands the reasons which prevented
your Majesty from writing during your stay in the
Highlands. Lord Melbourne is very glad to find that your
Majesty enjoyed that country so much, and is so
enthusiastically fond of it. Lord Melbourne believes that he
was at the places which your Majesty mentions. In the year
1802 he stayed some months in Perthshire with the late Lord
Kinnaird, and enjoyed it much. It annoys him sometimes to
think how altered he is in strength since that time. Lord
Melbourne has never yet thanked your Majesty for the pretty
etchings of poor Islay and Eos, which your Majesty sent to
Lord Melbourne when he was last at Windsor. Lord
Melbourne has ordered them both to be framed, and will
cannot reconcile myself to be here again, and pine for my
dear Highlands, the hills, the pure air, the quiet, the
retirement, the liberty—all—more than is right. The children
are well. I am sorry to hear that you are not quite so yet.
3.30.—The King and Montpensier arrived quite safely at
two, and are both looking extremely well. We have just
lunched with them. It seems like a dream to me, and a very
pleasant one.
Albert sends his affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Bertie has immediately taken a passion for Montpensier.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 9th October 1844.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and thanks your Majesty much for the letter of the 7th inst.,
which he has just received, and with very great satisfaction,
as he had begun to think your Majesty's silence rather long.
But he perfectly understands the reasons which prevented
your Majesty from writing during your stay in the
Highlands. Lord Melbourne is very glad to find that your
Majesty enjoyed that country so much, and is so
enthusiastically fond of it. Lord Melbourne believes that he
was at the places which your Majesty mentions. In the year
1802 he stayed some months in Perthshire with the late Lord
Kinnaird, and enjoyed it much. It annoys him sometimes to
think how altered he is in strength since that time. Lord
Melbourne has never yet thanked your Majesty for the pretty
etchings of poor Islay and Eos, which your Majesty sent to
Lord Melbourne when he was last at Windsor. Lord
Melbourne has ordered them both to be framed, and will
Page 47
hang them up in his room here. They will afford Lord
Melbourne most agreeable and pleasing souvenirs of the
happiest period of his life, for he cannot say otherwise than
that he continually misses and regrets the time when he had
daily confidential communication with your Majesty. Lord
Glenlyon30 has one merit in Lord Melbourne's eyes, which is
that he was a steady and firm supporter to the last of Lord
Melbourne's Government. Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts
that he feels no animosity against those who opposed him.
But he does and always shall entertain a kindly and grateful
recollection of those who supported him.
Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal
Highness.
Footnote 30: See vol. i. p. 429.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 12th October 1844.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—... I thank you very much
for attending to all my recommendations about my father: I
only fear that they will lead you to believe that we consider
him as a great child and treat him like one: but he is so
precious and dear to us all that I am sure you will
understand and excuse our being over anxious.... Yours most
devotedly,
Louise.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A SUCCESSFUL VISIT
Melbourne most agreeable and pleasing souvenirs of the
happiest period of his life, for he cannot say otherwise than
that he continually misses and regrets the time when he had
daily confidential communication with your Majesty. Lord
Glenlyon30 has one merit in Lord Melbourne's eyes, which is
that he was a steady and firm supporter to the last of Lord
Melbourne's Government. Lord Melbourne hopes and trusts
that he feels no animosity against those who opposed him.
But he does and always shall entertain a kindly and grateful
recollection of those who supported him.
Lord Melbourne begs to be remembered to His Royal
Highness.
Footnote 30: See vol. i. p. 429.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 12th October 1844.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—... I thank you very much
for attending to all my recommendations about my father: I
only fear that they will lead you to believe that we consider
him as a great child and treat him like one: but he is so
precious and dear to us all that I am sure you will
understand and excuse our being over anxious.... Yours most
devotedly,
Louise.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
A SUCCESSFUL VISIT
Page 48
Osborne House, 17th October 1844.
My Dearest Uncle,—I had intended to have written to you
on Monday, but you will since have heard of the great
confusion of that day which prevented me from doing so.
The dear King's visit went off to perfection, and I much and
deeply regret its being passed. He was delighted, and was
most enthusiastically and affectionately received wherever
he showed himself. Our proceedings I wrote to good, dear
Louise (whom you should not leave so long alone), who will
no doubt have given you the details. What an extraordinary
man the King is! What a wonderful memory, and how lively,
how sagacious! He spoke very openly to us all, and is
determined that our affairs should go on well. He wishes
Tahiti au fond de la mer. He spoke also very openly about
poor Hadjy's brochure which seems to have distressed him
more than anything. The King praised my dearest Albert
most highly, and fully appreciates his great qualities and
talents—and what gratifies me so much, treats him
completely as his equal, calling him "Mon Frère," and
saying to me that my husband was the same as me, which it
is—and "Le Prince Albert, c'est pour moi le Roi." The King
is very sad to go, but he is determined, he says, to see me
every year. Another very great thing is, that the officers of
the two Navies staying at Portsmouth were on the best terms
together and paying one another every sort of compliment.
As Admiral La Susse (a very gentlemanlike man) and his
squadron were sadly disappointed on Monday,31 we thought
it would please them if we went on board the Gomer, which
we did, on Tuesday morning, and breakfasted there, and I
drank the King's health. I am certain that the visit and
everything connected with it can but do the greatest good.
We stay here till Monday. It is a very comfortable little
house, and the grounds and place are delightful, so private—
and the view so fine.
I must now conclude, begging you to believe me, ever your
devoted Niece,
My Dearest Uncle,—I had intended to have written to you
on Monday, but you will since have heard of the great
confusion of that day which prevented me from doing so.
The dear King's visit went off to perfection, and I much and
deeply regret its being passed. He was delighted, and was
most enthusiastically and affectionately received wherever
he showed himself. Our proceedings I wrote to good, dear
Louise (whom you should not leave so long alone), who will
no doubt have given you the details. What an extraordinary
man the King is! What a wonderful memory, and how lively,
how sagacious! He spoke very openly to us all, and is
determined that our affairs should go on well. He wishes
Tahiti au fond de la mer. He spoke also very openly about
poor Hadjy's brochure which seems to have distressed him
more than anything. The King praised my dearest Albert
most highly, and fully appreciates his great qualities and
talents—and what gratifies me so much, treats him
completely as his equal, calling him "Mon Frère," and
saying to me that my husband was the same as me, which it
is—and "Le Prince Albert, c'est pour moi le Roi." The King
is very sad to go, but he is determined, he says, to see me
every year. Another very great thing is, that the officers of
the two Navies staying at Portsmouth were on the best terms
together and paying one another every sort of compliment.
As Admiral La Susse (a very gentlemanlike man) and his
squadron were sadly disappointed on Monday,31 we thought
it would please them if we went on board the Gomer, which
we did, on Tuesday morning, and breakfasted there, and I
drank the King's health. I am certain that the visit and
everything connected with it can but do the greatest good.
We stay here till Monday. It is a very comfortable little
house, and the grounds and place are delightful, so private—
and the view so fine.
I must now conclude, begging you to believe me, ever your
devoted Niece,
Page 49
Victoria R.
I forgot to say how much we liked good Montpensier, who
got on extremely well.
Footnote 31: It had been intended that the King should return to
France, as he had come, by way of Portsmouth, crossing in the frigate
Gomer, but, in consequence of the wet and stormy weather, he
returned by Dover and Calais.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
DEPARTURE OF THE KING
Osborne House, le 17 Octobre 1844.
Sire, et mon très cher Frère,—Votre Majesté m'a écrit deux
bien bonnes lettres de Douvres pour lesquelles je vous
remercie de tout mon cœur. Les expressions de bonté et
d'amitié que vous me vouez ainsi qu'à mon cher Albert nous
touchent sensiblement; je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire
encore, combien nous vous sommes attachés et combien
nous désirons voir se raffermir de plus en plus cette entente
cordiale entre nos deux pays qui existe si heureusement
entre nous personnellement. C'était avec un vif regret que
nous nous sommes séparés de votre Majesté, et de
Montpensier, et ce sera une grande fête que de voir
renouveler une visite dont le souvenir nous est si cher.
Albert se met à vos pieds, Sire, bien sensible ainsi que moi-
même de l'amitié et la confiance que vous lui avez
témoignées.
J'ose prier votre Majesté d'offrir mes plus tendres hommages
à la Reine et à Madame votre Sœur et de me rappeler au
souvenir de Montpensier. Je suis pour la vie, Sire et mon
I forgot to say how much we liked good Montpensier, who
got on extremely well.
Footnote 31: It had been intended that the King should return to
France, as he had come, by way of Portsmouth, crossing in the frigate
Gomer, but, in consequence of the wet and stormy weather, he
returned by Dover and Calais.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
DEPARTURE OF THE KING
Osborne House, le 17 Octobre 1844.
Sire, et mon très cher Frère,—Votre Majesté m'a écrit deux
bien bonnes lettres de Douvres pour lesquelles je vous
remercie de tout mon cœur. Les expressions de bonté et
d'amitié que vous me vouez ainsi qu'à mon cher Albert nous
touchent sensiblement; je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire
encore, combien nous vous sommes attachés et combien
nous désirons voir se raffermir de plus en plus cette entente
cordiale entre nos deux pays qui existe si heureusement
entre nous personnellement. C'était avec un vif regret que
nous nous sommes séparés de votre Majesté, et de
Montpensier, et ce sera une grande fête que de voir
renouveler une visite dont le souvenir nous est si cher.
Albert se met à vos pieds, Sire, bien sensible ainsi que moi-
même de l'amitié et la confiance que vous lui avez
témoignées.
J'ose prier votre Majesté d'offrir mes plus tendres hommages
à la Reine et à Madame votre Sœur et de me rappeler au
souvenir de Montpensier. Je suis pour la vie, Sire et mon
Page 50
cher Frère, de votre Majesté la bien affectionnée Sœur et
fidèle Amie,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
OPENING OF ROYAL EXCHANGE
Windsor Castle, 29th October 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your
kind letter of the 26th while I was dressing to go to the City
for the opening of the Royal Exchange.32 Nothing ever went
off better, and the procession there, as well as all the
proceedings at the Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal
in the extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the
myriads of people assembled—more than at the Coronation
even, and all in such good humour, and so loyal; the articles
in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying; they say no
Sovereign was more loved than I am (I am bold enough to
say), and that, from our happy domestic home—which gives
such a good example. The Times you have, and I venture to
add a Chronicle, as I think it very pretty; you should read the
accounts. I seldom remember being so gratified and pleased
with any public show, and my beloved Albert was so
enthusiastically received by the people. He is so beloved by
all the really influential people, and by all right-thinking
ones. We came back here yesterday evening. The accounts
from Paris are excellent too. How long are the good
Joinvilles to remain in the south, and where? By-the-by,
dearest Uncle, have you read the continuation of Consuelo,33
called the "Comtesse de Rudolstadt"? It is dreadfully
interesting.
The Knights of the Garter did not wear the whole costume,
but only the mantle. Being on this topic, shall tell you that I
fidèle Amie,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
OPENING OF ROYAL EXCHANGE
Windsor Castle, 29th October 1844.
My dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your
kind letter of the 26th while I was dressing to go to the City
for the opening of the Royal Exchange.32 Nothing ever went
off better, and the procession there, as well as all the
proceedings at the Royal Exchange, were splendid and royal
in the extreme. It was a fine and gratifying sight to see the
myriads of people assembled—more than at the Coronation
even, and all in such good humour, and so loyal; the articles
in the papers, too, are most kind and gratifying; they say no
Sovereign was more loved than I am (I am bold enough to
say), and that, from our happy domestic home—which gives
such a good example. The Times you have, and I venture to
add a Chronicle, as I think it very pretty; you should read the
accounts. I seldom remember being so gratified and pleased
with any public show, and my beloved Albert was so
enthusiastically received by the people. He is so beloved by
all the really influential people, and by all right-thinking
ones. We came back here yesterday evening. The accounts
from Paris are excellent too. How long are the good
Joinvilles to remain in the south, and where? By-the-by,
dearest Uncle, have you read the continuation of Consuelo,33
called the "Comtesse de Rudolstadt"? It is dreadfully
interesting.
The Knights of the Garter did not wear the whole costume,
but only the mantle. Being on this topic, shall tell you that I
Page 51
intend giving the Garter to Ernest, but pray do not mention it
to E. or any one.
With Albert's affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: On the preceding day.
Footnote 33: The novel by George Sand (1804-1876), published in
1842.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
Saint Cloud, le 15 Novembre 1844.
Madame ma bien chère Sœur,—Mes souvenirs de Windsor
sont de ceux dont aucun ne s'efface. Je n'oublie donc pas une
petite question qui m'a été si joliment adressée, Where is my
gun? et à présent j'en ai trouvé un qui serait indigne de la
destinée que je prie votre Majesté de me permettre de lui
donner, si le regret que la disparition du premier fusil avait
causé, ne m'avait pas appris que le second devait être d'un
genre à supporter tous les accidents que l'enfance aime à
infliger à ses joujoux. C'est donc tout simplement un très
modeste fusil de munition adapté a sa taille que j'adresse à
votre Majesté pour son auguste et charmant enfant le Prince
de Galles, comme ma réponse à sa question.
J'ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me permettre
de m'acquitter. Quelque vif que soit mon désir de revoir
Windsor, ce serait un trop long retard que d'attendre cet
heureux moment, pour offrir à la Princesse Royale cette
petite boîte à ouvrage, de Paris, qu'elle m'a fait espérer lui
serait agréable, et tout ce que je désire c'est que vos enfants
se ressouviennent un jour d'avoir vu celui qui a été le fidèle
to E. or any one.
With Albert's affectionate love. Ever your devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: On the preceding day.
Footnote 33: The novel by George Sand (1804-1876), published in
1842.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
Saint Cloud, le 15 Novembre 1844.
Madame ma bien chère Sœur,—Mes souvenirs de Windsor
sont de ceux dont aucun ne s'efface. Je n'oublie donc pas une
petite question qui m'a été si joliment adressée, Where is my
gun? et à présent j'en ai trouvé un qui serait indigne de la
destinée que je prie votre Majesté de me permettre de lui
donner, si le regret que la disparition du premier fusil avait
causé, ne m'avait pas appris que le second devait être d'un
genre à supporter tous les accidents que l'enfance aime à
infliger à ses joujoux. C'est donc tout simplement un très
modeste fusil de munition adapté a sa taille que j'adresse à
votre Majesté pour son auguste et charmant enfant le Prince
de Galles, comme ma réponse à sa question.
J'ai encore une autre dette dont je vous prie de me permettre
de m'acquitter. Quelque vif que soit mon désir de revoir
Windsor, ce serait un trop long retard que d'attendre cet
heureux moment, pour offrir à la Princesse Royale cette
petite boîte à ouvrage, de Paris, qu'elle m'a fait espérer lui
serait agréable, et tout ce que je désire c'est que vos enfants
se ressouviennent un jour d'avoir vu celui qui a été le fidèle
Page 52
ami de leur grand-père, comme il l'est et le sera toujours de
leurs bien aimés parents.
Que votre Majesté me permette encore d'offrir ici au Prince
Albert l'expression de la vive et sincère amitié que je lui
porte et que je lui garderai toujours, et d'accepter celle de
l'inaltérable attachement avec lequel je suis pour la vie,
Madame ma bien chère Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère
bien affectionné et fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe R.
Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria.
EDUCATION IN INDIA
23rd November 1844.
Sir Henry Hardinge34 with his most humble duty to your
Majesty, humbly submits for your Majesty's consideration
the following observations on the state of affairs in this large
portion of your Majesty's dominions.
The return of peace has also increased the desire of the
native population to receive the advantages of English
education. The literature of the West is the most favourite
study amongst the Hindoos in their schools and colleges.
They will discuss with accuracy the most important events
in British History. Boys of fifteen years of age, black in
colour, will recite the most favourite passages from
Shakespeare, ably quoting the notes of the English and
German commentators. They excel in mathematics, and in
legal subtleties their acuteness is most extraordinary.
In order to reward native talent and render it practically
useful to the State, Sir Henry Hardinge, after due
deliberation, has issued a resolution, by which the most
leurs bien aimés parents.
Que votre Majesté me permette encore d'offrir ici au Prince
Albert l'expression de la vive et sincère amitié que je lui
porte et que je lui garderai toujours, et d'accepter celle de
l'inaltérable attachement avec lequel je suis pour la vie,
Madame ma bien chère Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère
bien affectionné et fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe R.
Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria.
EDUCATION IN INDIA
23rd November 1844.
Sir Henry Hardinge34 with his most humble duty to your
Majesty, humbly submits for your Majesty's consideration
the following observations on the state of affairs in this large
portion of your Majesty's dominions.
The return of peace has also increased the desire of the
native population to receive the advantages of English
education. The literature of the West is the most favourite
study amongst the Hindoos in their schools and colleges.
They will discuss with accuracy the most important events
in British History. Boys of fifteen years of age, black in
colour, will recite the most favourite passages from
Shakespeare, ably quoting the notes of the English and
German commentators. They excel in mathematics, and in
legal subtleties their acuteness is most extraordinary.
In order to reward native talent and render it practically
useful to the State, Sir Henry Hardinge, after due
deliberation, has issued a resolution, by which the most
Page 53
meritorious students will be appointed to fill the public
offices which fall vacant throughout Bengal.
This encouragement has been received by the Hindoo
population with the greatest gratitude. The studies in the
Mohammedan schools and colleges have hitherto been
confined to Arabic, the Koran, and abstruse studies relating
to their religion, having always shown a marked aversion to
English literature. Since the publication of the Resolution
they have at once determined to change their system in order
to participate in the benefits held out to native merit of every
sect.
It is impossible throughout your Majesty's immense Empire
to employ the number of highly paid European civil servants
which the public service requires. This deficiency is the
great evil of British Administration. By dispersing annually
a proportion of well-educated natives throughout the
provinces, under British superintendence, well-founded
hopes are entertained that prejudices may gradually
disappear, the public service be improved, and attachment to
British institutions increased....
SIR HENRY HARDINGE
Sir Henry Hardinge, in closing these observations, most
humbly ventures to assure your Majesty that he anticipates
no occurrence as probable, by which the tranquillity of this
portion of your Majesty's dominions is likely to be
disturbed.
H. Hardinge.
Footnote 34: Governor-General of India, in succession to Lord
Ellenborough.
offices which fall vacant throughout Bengal.
This encouragement has been received by the Hindoo
population with the greatest gratitude. The studies in the
Mohammedan schools and colleges have hitherto been
confined to Arabic, the Koran, and abstruse studies relating
to their religion, having always shown a marked aversion to
English literature. Since the publication of the Resolution
they have at once determined to change their system in order
to participate in the benefits held out to native merit of every
sect.
It is impossible throughout your Majesty's immense Empire
to employ the number of highly paid European civil servants
which the public service requires. This deficiency is the
great evil of British Administration. By dispersing annually
a proportion of well-educated natives throughout the
provinces, under British superintendence, well-founded
hopes are entertained that prejudices may gradually
disappear, the public service be improved, and attachment to
British institutions increased....
SIR HENRY HARDINGE
Sir Henry Hardinge, in closing these observations, most
humbly ventures to assure your Majesty that he anticipates
no occurrence as probable, by which the tranquillity of this
portion of your Majesty's dominions is likely to be
disturbed.
H. Hardinge.
Footnote 34: Governor-General of India, in succession to Lord
Ellenborough.
Page 54
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XIV
The new year (1845) opened auspiciously, trade improving owing to the
great impetus given to it by the many lines of railway then in course of
promotion. Over two hundred schemes were prepared at the
commencement of the session to seek legislative sanction, and speculation
outran all reasonable limits. The Income Tax (which in the ordinary course
would have expired) was renewed, and the Anti-Corn Law Leaguers were
more persistent than ever in their assaults on Protection, while the attacks
on the Ministry from a section of their own party were redoubled. The most
remarkable measure of the year was the Government Bill for increasing the
grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, which was strongly
opposed from the Conservative and the Protestant points of view; Mr
Gladstone, though he approved of the measure, retired from the Ministry, as
he had a few years before written in the opposite sense. Towards the close
of the year the condition of Ireland, owing to the failure of the potato crop,
became very alarming, and the Ministry greatly embarrassed. Lord John
Russell wrote from Edinburgh to the electors of the City of London,
announcing his conversion to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the Times
announced that such a Bill would be brought in by the Ministry. Peel,
reluctant to accept the task, resigned office in December, and a Whig
Ministry was attempted. Owing to dissensions, the attempt had to be
abandoned, and Peel returned to office, without Lord Stanley, but with Mr
Gladstone, who however did not seek re-election for the seat vacated by his
acceptance of office.
A dispute of great importance arose during the year with the United States,
relating to the boundary line between English and American territory west
of the Rocky Mountains. Twenty-five years earlier the same question had
arisen, and had been settled on the footing of joint occupancy. The
increased importance of the Pacific slope made the matter more vital,
involving as it did the ownership of Vancouver Island and the mouth of the
Columbia River; President Polk unequivocally claimed the whole, and said
TO CHAPTER XIV
The new year (1845) opened auspiciously, trade improving owing to the
great impetus given to it by the many lines of railway then in course of
promotion. Over two hundred schemes were prepared at the
commencement of the session to seek legislative sanction, and speculation
outran all reasonable limits. The Income Tax (which in the ordinary course
would have expired) was renewed, and the Anti-Corn Law Leaguers were
more persistent than ever in their assaults on Protection, while the attacks
on the Ministry from a section of their own party were redoubled. The most
remarkable measure of the year was the Government Bill for increasing the
grant to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, which was strongly
opposed from the Conservative and the Protestant points of view; Mr
Gladstone, though he approved of the measure, retired from the Ministry, as
he had a few years before written in the opposite sense. Towards the close
of the year the condition of Ireland, owing to the failure of the potato crop,
became very alarming, and the Ministry greatly embarrassed. Lord John
Russell wrote from Edinburgh to the electors of the City of London,
announcing his conversion to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and the Times
announced that such a Bill would be brought in by the Ministry. Peel,
reluctant to accept the task, resigned office in December, and a Whig
Ministry was attempted. Owing to dissensions, the attempt had to be
abandoned, and Peel returned to office, without Lord Stanley, but with Mr
Gladstone, who however did not seek re-election for the seat vacated by his
acceptance of office.
A dispute of great importance arose during the year with the United States,
relating to the boundary line between English and American territory west
of the Rocky Mountains. Twenty-five years earlier the same question had
arisen, and had been settled on the footing of joint occupancy. The
increased importance of the Pacific slope made the matter more vital,
involving as it did the ownership of Vancouver Island and the mouth of the
Columbia River; President Polk unequivocally claimed the whole, and said
Page 55
he would not shrink from upholding America's interests; the British
Government was equally firm, and the matter was not adjusted till 1846.
In India, which during nearly the whole year enjoyed peace, the Sikhs in
December assumed the aggressive, and crossed the Sutlej, invading British
India. They were signally defeated by Sir Hugh Gough at Moodkee and
Ferozeshah. In Scinde Sir Charles Napier prosecuted operations against the
mountain desert tribes.
In New Zealand some disastrous collisions took place between the natives
and the settlers; the former on two occasions either defeating or repulsing
the British arms.
In France the most important events were the Bill for fortifying Paris, the
campaign waged against Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, and a horrible act of
cruelty perpetrated there. In Spain Don Carlos abdicated his claims to the
throne in favour of his son; the Queen's engagement to Count Trapani was
rumoured. In other parts of Europe little that was eventful occurred.
Government was equally firm, and the matter was not adjusted till 1846.
In India, which during nearly the whole year enjoyed peace, the Sikhs in
December assumed the aggressive, and crossed the Sutlej, invading British
India. They were signally defeated by Sir Hugh Gough at Moodkee and
Ferozeshah. In Scinde Sir Charles Napier prosecuted operations against the
mountain desert tribes.
In New Zealand some disastrous collisions took place between the natives
and the settlers; the former on two occasions either defeating or repulsing
the British arms.
In France the most important events were the Bill for fortifying Paris, the
campaign waged against Abd-el-Kader in Algeria, and a horrible act of
cruelty perpetrated there. In Spain Don Carlos abdicated his claims to the
throne in favour of his son; the Queen's engagement to Count Trapani was
rumoured. In other parts of Europe little that was eventful occurred.
Page 56
CHAPTER XIV
1845
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 14th January 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Aquila1 and
Montpensier interests me. What madness is it then to force
Trapani on Spain! Pray explain to me the cause of the King's
obstinacy about that Spanish marriage, for no country has a
right to dictate in that way to another. If Tatane2 was to think
of the Infanta, England would be extremely indignant, and
would (and with right) consider it tantamount to a marriage
with the Queen herself. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Louis Charles, Comte d'Aquila, a son of Francis I., King
of the Two Sicilies, and brother of the Comte de Trapani and of Queen
Christina; he and his brother were therefore uncles of Queen Isabella.
Footnote 2: The Duc de Montpensier.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
1845
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 14th January 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Aquila1 and
Montpensier interests me. What madness is it then to force
Trapani on Spain! Pray explain to me the cause of the King's
obstinacy about that Spanish marriage, for no country has a
right to dictate in that way to another. If Tatane2 was to think
of the Infanta, England would be extremely indignant, and
would (and with right) consider it tantamount to a marriage
with the Queen herself. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Louis Charles, Comte d'Aquila, a son of Francis I., King
of the Two Sicilies, and brother of the Comte de Trapani and of Queen
Christina; he and his brother were therefore uncles of Queen Isabella.
Footnote 2: The Duc de Montpensier.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Page 57
Laeken, 18th January 1845.
My dearest Victoria,—... The Spanish marriage question is
really very curious; in fact, all the other Bourbon branches
are hostile to the Orleans family, but the idea that makes the
King so constant in his views about it, is that he imagines it
would create in France a bad impression if now any other
than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of Spain. That
feeling they have themselves created, as in France they did
not at all care about it; having, however, declared quasi
officially in the French Chambers that they will not have any
but a Bourbon, if circumstances should after all decide it
otherwise it would now be a defeat, but certainly one of their
own making.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th January 1845.
...The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily very
strong, and wherever we show ourselves we are most
heartily and warmly received, and the civilities and respect
shown to us by those we visit is most satisfactory. I mention
merely a trifling instance to show how respectful they are—
the Duke of Buckingham, who is immensely proud, bringing
the cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert himself.
And everywhere my dearest Angel receives the respect and
honours I receive.
Many thanks for returning the list;3 it was not Albert but
Tatane who made the black crosses. Are not "Les 3
Mousquetaires," by Dumas, and "Arthur," by Eugène Sue,
readable for me?
Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly devoted
Niece,
My dearest Victoria,—... The Spanish marriage question is
really very curious; in fact, all the other Bourbon branches
are hostile to the Orleans family, but the idea that makes the
King so constant in his views about it, is that he imagines it
would create in France a bad impression if now any other
than a Bourbon was to marry the Queen of Spain. That
feeling they have themselves created, as in France they did
not at all care about it; having, however, declared quasi
officially in the French Chambers that they will not have any
but a Bourbon, if circumstances should after all decide it
otherwise it would now be a defeat, but certainly one of their
own making.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th January 1845.
...The feeling of loyalty in this country is happily very
strong, and wherever we show ourselves we are most
heartily and warmly received, and the civilities and respect
shown to us by those we visit is most satisfactory. I mention
merely a trifling instance to show how respectful they are—
the Duke of Buckingham, who is immensely proud, bringing
the cup of coffee after dinner on a waiter to Albert himself.
And everywhere my dearest Angel receives the respect and
honours I receive.
Many thanks for returning the list;3 it was not Albert but
Tatane who made the black crosses. Are not "Les 3
Mousquetaires," by Dumas, and "Arthur," by Eugène Sue,
readable for me?
Now adieu, dearest, best Uncle. Ever your truly devoted
Niece,
Page 58
Victoria R.
Footnote 3: A list of French books which the Queen was proposing to
read.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
STATE OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE
Pavilion, 10th February 1845.
Though the Queen knows that Sir Robert Peel has already
turned his attention to the urgent necessity of doing
something to Buckingham Palace, the Queen thinks it right
to recommend this subject herself to his serious
consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted with the state of the
Palace and the total want of accommodation for our little
family, which is fast growing up. Any building must
necessarily take some years before it can be safely inhabited.
If it were to be begun this autumn, it could hardly be
occupied before the spring of 1848, when the Prince of
Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess Royal nearly
eight years old, and they cannot possibly be kept in the
nursery any longer. A provision for this purpose ought,
therefore, to be made this year. Independent of this, most
parts of the Palace are in a sad state, and will ere long
require a further outlay to render them decent for the
occupation of the Royal Family or any visitors the Queen
may have to receive. A room, capable of containing a larger
number of those persons whom the Queen has to invite in
the course of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any of
the present apartments can at once hold, is much wanted.
Equally so, improved offices and servants' rooms, the want
of which puts the departments of the household to great
expense yearly. It will be for Sir Robert to consider whether
Footnote 3: A list of French books which the Queen was proposing to
read.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
STATE OF BUCKINGHAM PALACE
Pavilion, 10th February 1845.
Though the Queen knows that Sir Robert Peel has already
turned his attention to the urgent necessity of doing
something to Buckingham Palace, the Queen thinks it right
to recommend this subject herself to his serious
consideration. Sir Robert is acquainted with the state of the
Palace and the total want of accommodation for our little
family, which is fast growing up. Any building must
necessarily take some years before it can be safely inhabited.
If it were to be begun this autumn, it could hardly be
occupied before the spring of 1848, when the Prince of
Wales would be nearly seven, and the Princess Royal nearly
eight years old, and they cannot possibly be kept in the
nursery any longer. A provision for this purpose ought,
therefore, to be made this year. Independent of this, most
parts of the Palace are in a sad state, and will ere long
require a further outlay to render them decent for the
occupation of the Royal Family or any visitors the Queen
may have to receive. A room, capable of containing a larger
number of those persons whom the Queen has to invite in
the course of the season to balls, concerts, etc., than any of
the present apartments can at once hold, is much wanted.
Equally so, improved offices and servants' rooms, the want
of which puts the departments of the household to great
expense yearly. It will be for Sir Robert to consider whether
Page 59
it would not be best to remedy all these deficiencies at once,
and to make use of this opportunity to render the exterior of
the Palace such as no longer to be a disgrace to the country,
which it certainly now is. The Queen thinks the country
would be better pleased to have the question of the
Sovereign's residence in London so finally disposed of, than
to have it so repeatedly brought before it.4
Footnote 4: Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax was
about to be proposed, it would be better to postpone the application to
Parliament till the public feeling as to the tax had been ascertained.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
TITLE OF KING CONSORT
Pavilion, 18th February 1845.
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's letter, and is glad
that the progress in the House of Commons was so
satisfactory.
The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick's most
impertinent manner of putting the question with respect to
the title of King Consort, and much satisfied with Sir
Robert's answer.5 The title of King is open assuredly to
many difficulties, and would perhaps be no real advantage
to the Prince, but the Queen is positive that something must
at once be done to place the Prince's position on a
constitutionally recognised footing, and to give him a title
adequate to that position.6 How and when, are difficult
questions....
Footnote 5: A paragraph had appeared in the Morning Chronicle,
giving credence to a rumour that this title was about to be conferred on
and to make use of this opportunity to render the exterior of
the Palace such as no longer to be a disgrace to the country,
which it certainly now is. The Queen thinks the country
would be better pleased to have the question of the
Sovereign's residence in London so finally disposed of, than
to have it so repeatedly brought before it.4
Footnote 4: Peel replied that, as a renewal of the Income Tax was
about to be proposed, it would be better to postpone the application to
Parliament till the public feeling as to the tax had been ascertained.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
TITLE OF KING CONSORT
Pavilion, 18th February 1845.
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's letter, and is glad
that the progress in the House of Commons was so
satisfactory.
The Queen was much hurt at Mr Borthwick's most
impertinent manner of putting the question with respect to
the title of King Consort, and much satisfied with Sir
Robert's answer.5 The title of King is open assuredly to
many difficulties, and would perhaps be no real advantage
to the Prince, but the Queen is positive that something must
at once be done to place the Prince's position on a
constitutionally recognised footing, and to give him a title
adequate to that position.6 How and when, are difficult
questions....
Footnote 5: A paragraph had appeared in the Morning Chronicle,
giving credence to a rumour that this title was about to be conferred on
Page 60
the Prince, but, in answer to Mr Peter Borthwick, Sir Robert Peel
positively contradicted it.
Footnote 6: Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
Whitehall, 15th February 1845.
Sir,--I received yesterday the accompanying note from Mr Borthwick,
and in conformity with the notice therein given, he put the question to
me in the House of Commons last evening respecting the paragraph
which appeared in the Morning Chronicle respecting the intention of
proposing to Parliament that your Royal Highness should assume the
title of King Consort.
I very much regret that the Morning Chronicle inserted that paragraph.
The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a vague
intimation that there was some authority for it, have caused a certain
degree of credit to be attached to it. It has been copied into all the
country newspapers and has given rise to a good deal of conjecture and
speculation, which it is far from desirable to excite without necessity.
It appears to me that the editor of the Morning Chronicle acted most
unwarrantably in inserting such a paragraph with a pretence of some
sort of authority for it.
It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the
observations which I took the liberty of making to your Royal
Highness on Sunday evening.
I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the paragraph will
put a stop to further surmise and discussion on the subject.
To Mr Borthwick's note I add one of several letters addressed to me,
which shows the proneness to speculate upon constitutional novelties.
I have the honour to be, Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal
Highness's most faithful and obedient Servant,
Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Windsor Castle, 24th March 1845.
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's box containing his
recommendation relative to the filling up of the vacant
Bishopric of Ely. The Queen quite approves of the present
Dean of Westminster7 as the new Bishop. As Sir Robert has
positively contradicted it.
Footnote 6: Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
Whitehall, 15th February 1845.
Sir,--I received yesterday the accompanying note from Mr Borthwick,
and in conformity with the notice therein given, he put the question to
me in the House of Commons last evening respecting the paragraph
which appeared in the Morning Chronicle respecting the intention of
proposing to Parliament that your Royal Highness should assume the
title of King Consort.
I very much regret that the Morning Chronicle inserted that paragraph.
The prominent place assigned to it in the newspaper, and a vague
intimation that there was some authority for it, have caused a certain
degree of credit to be attached to it. It has been copied into all the
country newspapers and has given rise to a good deal of conjecture and
speculation, which it is far from desirable to excite without necessity.
It appears to me that the editor of the Morning Chronicle acted most
unwarrantably in inserting such a paragraph with a pretence of some
sort of authority for it.
It has produced an impression which strongly confirms the
observations which I took the liberty of making to your Royal
Highness on Sunday evening.
I trust, however, that my decided contradiction of the paragraph will
put a stop to further surmise and discussion on the subject.
To Mr Borthwick's note I add one of several letters addressed to me,
which shows the proneness to speculate upon constitutional novelties.
I have the honour to be, Sir, with sincere respect, your Royal
Highness's most faithful and obedient Servant,
Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Windsor Castle, 24th March 1845.
The Queen has received Sir Robert Peel's box containing his
recommendation relative to the filling up of the vacant
Bishopric of Ely. The Queen quite approves of the present
Dean of Westminster7 as the new Bishop. As Sir Robert has
Page 61
asked the Queen whether she would like to see Archdeacon
Wilberforce succeed to the Deanery of Westminster in case
the Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say that such
an arrangement would be very satisfactory to us, and the
Queen believes would highly please the Archdeacon. This
would again vacate, the Queen believes, a stall at
Winchester, which she would like to see filled by a person
decidedly adverse to Puseyism.
The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield8 being
transferred to the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should
decline it.
It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to
Sir Robert Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert
would communicate this to Lady Villiers.
Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of
Peterborough.
Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield from
1843 till his death.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PURCHASE OF OSBORNE
Windsor Castle, 25th March 1845.
... I copied what you wrote me about Peel9 in a letter I wrote
him, which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister
in these days does require a little encouragement, for the
abuse and difficulties they have to contend with are dreadful.
Peel works so hard and has so much to do, that sometimes
he says he does not know how he is to get through it all!
Wilberforce succeed to the Deanery of Westminster in case
the Dean should accept the Bishopric, she must say that such
an arrangement would be very satisfactory to us, and the
Queen believes would highly please the Archdeacon. This
would again vacate, the Queen believes, a stall at
Winchester, which she would like to see filled by a person
decidedly adverse to Puseyism.
The Queen approves of the Bishop of Lichfield8 being
transferred to the See of Ely in case Doctor Turton should
decline it.
It would give the Queen much pleasure to stand sponsor to
Sir Robert Peel's little grandson, and perhaps Sir Robert
would communicate this to Lady Villiers.
Footnote 7: Dr Thomas Turton (1780-1864), formerly Dean of
Peterborough.
Footnote 8: John Lonsdale (1788-1867) was Bishop of Lichfield from
1843 till his death.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PURCHASE OF OSBORNE
Windsor Castle, 25th March 1845.
... I copied what you wrote me about Peel9 in a letter I wrote
him, which I am sure will please him much, and a Minister
in these days does require a little encouragement, for the
abuse and difficulties they have to contend with are dreadful.
Peel works so hard and has so much to do, that sometimes
he says he does not know how he is to get through it all!
Page 62
You will, I am sure, be pleased to hear that we have
succeeded in purchasing Osborne in the Isle of Wight,10 and
if we can manage it, we shall probably run down there
before we return to Town, for three nights. It sounds so snug
and nice to have a place of one's own, quiet and retired, and
free from all Woods and Forests, and other charming
Departments who really are the plague of one's life.
Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, Life of the Prince Consort, chap. xiii.
Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd April 1845.
The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne
from Osborne to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but
we were so occupied, and so delighted with our new and
really delightful home, that she hardly had time for anything;
besides which the weather was so beautiful, that we were out
almost all day. The Queen refers Lord Melbourne to Mr
Anson for particulars of the new property, which is very
extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about
acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a
prettier spot—valleys and woods which would be beautiful
anywhere; but all this near the sea (the woods grow into the
sea) is quite perfection; we have a charming beach quite to
ourselves. The sea was so blue and calm that the Prince said
it was like Naples. And then we can walk about anywhere by
ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which Lord
Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not
least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand,
succeeded in purchasing Osborne in the Isle of Wight,10 and
if we can manage it, we shall probably run down there
before we return to Town, for three nights. It sounds so snug
and nice to have a place of one's own, quiet and retired, and
free from all Woods and Forests, and other charming
Departments who really are the plague of one's life.
Now, dearest Uncle, adieu. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 9: See Peel's reply, Life of the Prince Consort, chap. xiii.
Footnote 10: The purchase was suggested by Sir Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd April 1845.
The Queen had intended to have written to Lord Melbourne
from Osborne to thank him for his last note of the 19th, but
we were so occupied, and so delighted with our new and
really delightful home, that she hardly had time for anything;
besides which the weather was so beautiful, that we were out
almost all day. The Queen refers Lord Melbourne to Mr
Anson for particulars of the new property, which is very
extensive, as she is not at all competent to explain about
acres, etc. But she thinks it is impossible to imagine a
prettier spot—valleys and woods which would be beautiful
anywhere; but all this near the sea (the woods grow into the
sea) is quite perfection; we have a charming beach quite to
ourselves. The sea was so blue and calm that the Prince said
it was like Naples. And then we can walk about anywhere by
ourselves without being followed and mobbed, which Lord
Melbourne will easily understand is delightful. And last, not
least, we have Portsmouth and Spithead so close at hand,
Page 63
that we shall be able to watch what is going on, which will
please the Navy, and be hereafter very useful for our boys.
The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a
lithograph made after a little drawing which she did herself
of the three eldest, and which she will send Lord Melbourne
with some Eau de Cologne.
Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking
very well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and
being employed.
The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine
weather, and here concludes with the Prince's kind
remembrance.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE MAYNOOTH GRANT
Buckingham Palace, 15th April 1845.
My beloved Uncle,—Here we are in a great state of
agitation about one of the greatest measures ever
proposed;11 I am sure poor Peel ought to be blessed by all
Catholics for the manly and noble way in which he stands
forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. RELIGIOUS
BIGOTRYBut the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it
brings forth is quite dreadful, and I blush for
Protestantism!12 A Presbyterian clergyman said very truly,
"Bigotry is more common than shame...."
Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman Catholic
College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth of opposition
from half his party: another measure was passed to establish colleges
for purely secular teaching ("godless colleges" they were nicknamed)
in Cork, Belfast, and Galway, and affiliate them to a new Irish
university.
please the Navy, and be hereafter very useful for our boys.
The Children are all well. The Queen has just had a
lithograph made after a little drawing which she did herself
of the three eldest, and which she will send Lord Melbourne
with some Eau de Cologne.
Fanny and Lord Jocelyn dined here last night; she is looking
very well, and he seems much pleased at being in office, and
being employed.
The Queen hopes Lord Melbourne is enjoying this fine
weather, and here concludes with the Prince's kind
remembrance.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE MAYNOOTH GRANT
Buckingham Palace, 15th April 1845.
My beloved Uncle,—Here we are in a great state of
agitation about one of the greatest measures ever
proposed;11 I am sure poor Peel ought to be blessed by all
Catholics for the manly and noble way in which he stands
forth to protect and do good to poor Ireland. RELIGIOUS
BIGOTRYBut the bigotry, the wicked and blind passions it
brings forth is quite dreadful, and I blush for
Protestantism!12 A Presbyterian clergyman said very truly,
"Bigotry is more common than shame...."
Footnote 11: The Bill to increase the grant to the Roman Catholic
College of Maynooth was carried by Peel in the teeth of opposition
from half his party: another measure was passed to establish colleges
for purely secular teaching ("godless colleges" they were nicknamed)
in Cork, Belfast, and Galway, and affiliate them to a new Irish
university.
Page 64
Footnote 12: As Macaulay had said during the previous night's debate:
"The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets up its bray,
Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer than ever provided for
the priests of Baal at the table of the Queen, and the Protestant
operatives of Dublin call for impeachments in exceedingly bad
English."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd April 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Our Maynooth Bill is through the
second reading. I think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable
speeches, you will see how good his plan is. The Catholics
are quite delighted at it—full of gratitude, and behave
extremely well; but the Protestants behave shockingly, and
display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the
subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation.
The case of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this,
as this is a Protestant country, while the others are Catholic;
and I think it would never do to support a Roman Catholic
Church with money belonging to the Protestant Church. The
Protestant Establishment in Ireland must remain untouched,
but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and handsomely
educated.
The Duc de Broglie13 dined with us last night; his travaux
are going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming,
and said you were "beaucoup Anglais et un peu Français,"
which is true, I think.
With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of Foreign
Affairs.
"The Orangeman raises his war whoop, Exeter Hall sets up its bray,
Mr Macneile shudders to see more costly cheer than ever provided for
the priests of Baal at the table of the Queen, and the Protestant
operatives of Dublin call for impeachments in exceedingly bad
English."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd April 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Our Maynooth Bill is through the
second reading. I think, if you read Sir Robert's admirable
speeches, you will see how good his plan is. The Catholics
are quite delighted at it—full of gratitude, and behave
extremely well; but the Protestants behave shockingly, and
display a narrow-mindedness and want of sense on the
subject of religion which is quite a disgrace to the nation.
The case of Austria, France, etc., cannot be compared to this,
as this is a Protestant country, while the others are Catholic;
and I think it would never do to support a Roman Catholic
Church with money belonging to the Protestant Church. The
Protestant Establishment in Ireland must remain untouched,
but let the Roman Catholic Clergy be well and handsomely
educated.
The Duc de Broglie13 dined with us last night; his travaux
are going on satisfactorily; he asked when you were coming,
and said you were "beaucoup Anglais et un peu Français,"
which is true, I think.
With Albert's affectionate respects, believe me always, your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 13: Achille Charles, Duc de Broglie, ex-Minister of Foreign
Affairs.
Page 65
Mr Goulburn14 to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 30th April 1845.
Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty
that several representations have been made to the Treasury
as to the convenience which the public would derive from
the circulation of silver threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are
lawfully current under your Majesty's Proclamation of the
5th July 1838. But as such pieces have been hitherto
reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such
especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn
considers that a coinage of them for general use could not
take place without a particular signification of your
Majesty's pleasure.
Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's
gracious consideration the signification of your Majesty's
pleasure as to the issue of such a coinage.
Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria.
PUBLIC EXECUTIONS
Whitehall, 13th May 1845.
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before
your Majesty the enclosed Memorial.
The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last
condemned sermon and on the morning of the execution
have been fully investigated;15 and the report established the
necessity of legislative interference to prevent the recurrence
of scenes so disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of
Downing Street, 30th April 1845.
Mr Goulburn submits with his humble duty to your Majesty
that several representations have been made to the Treasury
as to the convenience which the public would derive from
the circulation of silver threepenny-pieces. Such pieces are
lawfully current under your Majesty's Proclamation of the
5th July 1838. But as such pieces have been hitherto
reserved as your Majesty's Maundy money, and as such
especially belong to your Majesty's service, Mr Goulburn
considers that a coinage of them for general use could not
take place without a particular signification of your
Majesty's pleasure.
Mr Goulburn therefore humbly submits for your Majesty's
gracious consideration the signification of your Majesty's
pleasure as to the issue of such a coinage.
Footnote 14: Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria.
PUBLIC EXECUTIONS
Whitehall, 13th May 1845.
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before
your Majesty the enclosed Memorial.
The proceedings in Newgate on the occasion of the last
condemned sermon and on the morning of the execution
have been fully investigated;15 and the report established the
necessity of legislative interference to prevent the recurrence
of scenes so disgraceful and demoralising. The policy of
Page 66
depriving capital executions of their present publicity is well
worthy of careful revision; and Sir James Graham, in
obedience to your Majesty's desire, will bring the subject
under the notice of his colleagues. He is disposed to think
that the sentence might be carried into execution in the
presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good
effect; and that the great body of idle spectators might be
excluded, without diminishing the salutary terror and awful
warning which this extreme punishment is intended to
produce on the public mind. In dealing, however, with a
matter in which the community has so deep an interest, it is
prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is
necessary before a change of the long-established usage is
proposed.16
Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the
newspapers in seeking to indulge the general curiosity with
respect to all details of the conduct, habits, and demeanour
of these wretched criminals in their last moments; but he
fears that the license of the Press cannot be checked by any
act of authority; if the public be excluded from witnessing
the executions, they will probably become still more anxious
to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and Sir
James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the
punishment of death in certain cases must be maintained,
that he would consider any course inexpedient which was
likely to lead the public to desire the remission of capital
executions in all cases without exception....
J. R. G. Graham.
Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the general public
was at this time a great scandal.
Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
worthy of careful revision; and Sir James Graham, in
obedience to your Majesty's desire, will bring the subject
under the notice of his colleagues. He is disposed to think
that the sentence might be carried into execution in the
presence of a Jury to be summoned by the Sheriff with good
effect; and that the great body of idle spectators might be
excluded, without diminishing the salutary terror and awful
warning which this extreme punishment is intended to
produce on the public mind. In dealing, however, with a
matter in which the community has so deep an interest, it is
prudent not to violate public opinion, and caution is
necessary before a change of the long-established usage is
proposed.16
Sir James Graham deeply regrets the part taken by the
newspapers in seeking to indulge the general curiosity with
respect to all details of the conduct, habits, and demeanour
of these wretched criminals in their last moments; but he
fears that the license of the Press cannot be checked by any
act of authority; if the public be excluded from witnessing
the executions, they will probably become still more anxious
to obtain a printed report of all that has taken place; and Sir
James Graham is so thoroughly convinced that the
punishment of death in certain cases must be maintained,
that he would consider any course inexpedient which was
likely to lead the public to desire the remission of capital
executions in all cases without exception....
J. R. G. Graham.
Footnote 15: The attraction these executions had for the general public
was at this time a great scandal.
Footnote 16: Public executions were abolished in 1868.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Page 67
A BIRTHDAY LETTER
Laeken, 21st May 1845.
My dearest and most beloved Victoria,—Receive my
sincerest and most heartfelt good wishes on the happy
reappearance of your birthday. I need not dwell on my
sentiments of devotion to you; they began with your life, and
will only end with mine. The only claim I make is to be
remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have
little to wish you, than that your present happiness may not
be disturbed, and that those who are dear to you may be
preserved for your happiness.
My gift is Charlotte's portrait. THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTEThe
face is extremely like, and the likest that exists; the hair is a
little too fair, it had become also darker. I take this
opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a noble-minded and
highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all the family
have been; she could be violent, but then she was full of
repentance for it, and her disposition highly generous and
susceptible of great devotion.
I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you
had some notion that she had been very imperious, and not
mistress of her temper. Before her marriage some people by
dint of flattery had tried to give her masculine tastes; and in
short had pushed her to become one day a sort of Queen
Elizabeth. These sentiments were already a little modified
before her marriage. But she was particularly determined to
be a good and obedient wife; some of her friends were
anxious she should not; amongst these Madame de Flahaut
must be mentioned en première ligne.
This became even a subject which severed the intimacy
between them. Madame de Flahaut, much older than
Charlotte, and of a sour and determined character, had
gained an influence which partook on Charlotte's part a little
Laeken, 21st May 1845.
My dearest and most beloved Victoria,—Receive my
sincerest and most heartfelt good wishes on the happy
reappearance of your birthday. I need not dwell on my
sentiments of devotion to you; they began with your life, and
will only end with mine. The only claim I make is to be
remembered with some little affection. Thank heaven, I have
little to wish you, than that your present happiness may not
be disturbed, and that those who are dear to you may be
preserved for your happiness.
My gift is Charlotte's portrait. THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTEThe
face is extremely like, and the likest that exists; the hair is a
little too fair, it had become also darker. I take this
opportunity to repeat that Charlotte was a noble-minded and
highly gifted creature. She was nervous, as all the family
have been; she could be violent, but then she was full of
repentance for it, and her disposition highly generous and
susceptible of great devotion.
I am the more bound to say this, as I understood that you
had some notion that she had been very imperious, and not
mistress of her temper. Before her marriage some people by
dint of flattery had tried to give her masculine tastes; and in
short had pushed her to become one day a sort of Queen
Elizabeth. These sentiments were already a little modified
before her marriage. But she was particularly determined to
be a good and obedient wife; some of her friends were
anxious she should not; amongst these Madame de Flahaut
must be mentioned en première ligne.
This became even a subject which severed the intimacy
between them. Madame de Flahaut, much older than
Charlotte, and of a sour and determined character, had
gained an influence which partook on Charlotte's part a little
Page 68
of fear. She was afraid of her, but when once supported took
courage.
People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton
House with the clearness and firmness with which she
pronounced "and obey," etc., as there had been a general
belief that it would be for the husband to give these
promises. The Regent put me particularly on my guard, and
said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a high
hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real
affection changes many sentiments that may have been
implanted into the mind of a young girl. With Charlotte it
was the more meritorious, as from a very early period of her
life she was considered as the heiress of the Crown; the
Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by my
intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great
efforts to please her.
Her understanding was extremely good; she knew
everybody, and I even afterwards found her judgment
generally extremely correct. She had read a great deal and
knew well what she had read. Generous she was almost too
much, and her devotion was quite affecting, from a character
so much pushed to be selfish and imperious.
I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I
thought that the subject could not but be interesting to you.
Her constancy in wishing to marry me, which she
maintained under difficulties of every description, has been
the foundation of all that touched the family afterwards. You
know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief
promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our
correspondence from 1814 till 1816 was entirely carried on
through his kind intervention; it would otherwise have been
impossible, as she was really treated as a sort of prisoner.
Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte, who
sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all
will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she
deserves it.
courage.
People were much struck on the 2nd of May 1816 at Carlton
House with the clearness and firmness with which she
pronounced "and obey," etc., as there had been a general
belief that it would be for the husband to give these
promises. The Regent put me particularly on my guard, and
said, "If you don't resist she will govern you with a high
hand." Your own experience has convinced you that real
affection changes many sentiments that may have been
implanted into the mind of a young girl. With Charlotte it
was the more meritorious, as from a very early period of her
life she was considered as the heiress of the Crown; the
Whigs flattered her extremely, and later, when she got by my
intervention reconciled to the Tories, they also made great
efforts to please her.
Her understanding was extremely good; she knew
everybody, and I even afterwards found her judgment
generally extremely correct. She had read a great deal and
knew well what she had read. Generous she was almost too
much, and her devotion was quite affecting, from a character
so much pushed to be selfish and imperious.
I will here end my souvenir of poor dear Charlotte, but I
thought that the subject could not but be interesting to you.
Her constancy in wishing to marry me, which she
maintained under difficulties of every description, has been
the foundation of all that touched the family afterwards. You
know, I believe, that your poor father was the chief
promoter, though also the Yorks were; but our
correspondence from 1814 till 1816 was entirely carried on
through his kind intervention; it would otherwise have been
impossible, as she was really treated as a sort of prisoner.
Grant always to that good and generous Charlotte, who
sleeps already with her beautiful little boy so long, where all
will go to, an affectionate remembrance, and believe me she
deserves it.
Page 69
Forgive my long letter, and see in it, what it really is, a token
of the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle.
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Windsor Castle, 12th June 1845.
The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has
become vacant by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir
Robert's brother, Mr John Peel, has a fair claim to such
preferment, but being afraid that Sir Robert would perhaps
hesitate to recommend him on account of his near
relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this
Deanery through Sir Robert to his brother.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 12th June 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
hastens to acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and
considerate communication, and to express his grateful
acknowledgments for it.
He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that
he never has expressed, and probably never would express, a
wish to Sir Robert Peel on the subject of preferment in the
Church.
Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of
one so nearly connected with him under the notice of your
Majesty, but as his brother was highly distinguished in his
academical career at Oxford, and is greatly respected for the
of the great affection I have for you. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle.
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Windsor Castle, 12th June 1845.
The Queen understands that the Deanery of Worcester has
become vacant by some new arrangement. Believing that Sir
Robert's brother, Mr John Peel, has a fair claim to such
preferment, but being afraid that Sir Robert would perhaps
hesitate to recommend him on account of his near
relationship to him, the Queen wishes to offer herself this
Deanery through Sir Robert to his brother.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 12th June 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
hastens to acknowledge your Majesty's most kind and
considerate communication, and to express his grateful
acknowledgments for it.
He must, in justice to his brother, assure your Majesty that
he never has expressed, and probably never would express, a
wish to Sir Robert Peel on the subject of preferment in the
Church.
Sir Robert Peel might have hesitated to bring the name of
one so nearly connected with him under the notice of your
Majesty, but as his brother was highly distinguished in his
academical career at Oxford, and is greatly respected for the
Page 70
discharge of every professional duty, Sir Robert Peel could
not feel himself justified in offering an impediment to the
fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in his
favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in
the Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be
preferred.17
Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
not feel himself justified in offering an impediment to the
fulfilment of your Majesty's gracious intentions in his
favour, if, when the vacancy shall have actually occurred in
the Deanery of Worcester, no superior claim should be
preferred.17
Footnote 17: Dean Peel lived till 1875.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
Page 71
AUSTRALIAN WINE
Downing Street, 10th July 1845.
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty
a despatch just received from the Governor of South
Australia, enclosing the letter of a settler in the province, Mr
Walter Duffield, who is anxious to be allowed the honour of
offering for your Majesty's acceptance a case of the first
wine which has been made in the colony.
Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the
vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and
dutiful feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in
general, might feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering,
he ventures to hope that he may be permitted to signify,
through the Governor, your Majesty's gracious acceptance of
the first sample of a manufacture which, if successful, may
add greatly to the resources of this young but now thriving
colony.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Servant and Subject,
Stanley.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING OF HOLLAND
Osborne, 29th July 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your very
kind little note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the
King of Holland's visit18 I will say but little, except that it
really went off wonderfully well in our little house. We took
him a sail in the Victoria and Albert on Saturday, which he
admired amazingly, and after luncheon he went away, Albert
Downing Street, 10th July 1845.
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, submits to your Majesty
a despatch just received from the Governor of South
Australia, enclosing the letter of a settler in the province, Mr
Walter Duffield, who is anxious to be allowed the honour of
offering for your Majesty's acceptance a case of the first
wine which has been made in the colony.
Lord Stanley will not venture to answer for the quality of the
vintage; but as the wine has been sent over with a loyal and
dutiful feeling, and the importer, as well as the colonists in
general, might feel hurt by a refusal of his humble offering,
he ventures to hope that he may be permitted to signify,
through the Governor, your Majesty's gracious acceptance of
the first sample of a manufacture which, if successful, may
add greatly to the resources of this young but now thriving
colony.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Servant and Subject,
Stanley.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING OF HOLLAND
Osborne, 29th July 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your very
kind little note of the 26th. As Albert writes to you about the
King of Holland's visit18 I will say but little, except that it
really went off wonderfully well in our little house. We took
him a sail in the Victoria and Albert on Saturday, which he
admired amazingly, and after luncheon he went away, Albert
Page 72
taking him over to Gosport. He intends, I believe, to come
here one morning for luncheon to take leave. He is grown
old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as talkative and
lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in
England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him
a visit this year, but was quite satisfied when we told him
that this year it was impossible, but that we hoped some
other time to do so. He was much struck at seeing me now
independent and unembarrassed, and talking; as when he
was here in 183619 I was extremely crushed and kept under
and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished.
He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle,
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit to
Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde Park.
His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.
Footnote 19: Ante, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of Orange, and
succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour in 1840.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
Osborne, 31st July 1845.
The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last
kind letter of the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see
he was better. We are comfortably and peacefully established
here since the 19th, and derive the greatest benefit, pleasure,
and satisfaction from our little possession here. The dear
Prince is constantly occupied in directing the many
necessary improvements which are to be made, and in
watching our new house, which is a constant interest and
amusement. We are most anxiously waiting for the
conclusion of the Session that we may set off on our much-
here one morning for luncheon to take leave. He is grown
old, and has lost all his front teeth, but he is as talkative and
lively as he used to be, and seems very happy to be in
England again. He was very anxious that we should pay him
a visit this year, but was quite satisfied when we told him
that this year it was impossible, but that we hoped some
other time to do so. He was much struck at seeing me now
independent and unembarrassed, and talking; as when he
was here in 183619 I was extremely crushed and kept under
and hardly dared say a word, so that he was quite astonished.
He thought me grown. Believe me, always, dearest Uncle,
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 18: This visit lasted ten days, and included a visit to
Goodwood races and a review of the Household troops in Hyde Park.
His Majesty was also appointed a Field-Marshal.
Footnote 19: Ante, vol. i. p. 47. He was then Prince of Orange, and
succeeded his father, who abdicated in his favour in 1840.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
Osborne, 31st July 1845.
The Queen thanks Lord Melbourne very much for his last
kind letter of the 11th, by which she was truly rejoiced to see
he was better. We are comfortably and peacefully established
here since the 19th, and derive the greatest benefit, pleasure,
and satisfaction from our little possession here. The dear
Prince is constantly occupied in directing the many
necessary improvements which are to be made, and in
watching our new house, which is a constant interest and
amusement. We are most anxiously waiting for the
conclusion of the Session that we may set off on our much-
Page 73
wished-for journey to Germany. The Queen is extremely
sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and
without having seen him all this season; but something or
other always prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each
time we hoped to do so. We only return the night before the
Prorogation and embark that same day. We have the children
here. We went to the Undercliff—Ventnor, Bonchurch, etc.
—on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw. We
had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is
grown old, but otherwise just the same as he used to be.
The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned
satisfaction at the success of the Irish measures, after so
much factious opposition. Lord Grey's death20 will have
shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor Lord Dunmore's
death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be most
kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.
Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime Minister,
1830-1834.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE
Whitehall, 6th August 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of
a long speech made by Lord John Russell last night,
reviewing the policy of the Government and the proceedings
of the Session, Lord John expressed himself strongly on the
subject of your Majesty's absence from the country, without
provision made for the exercise of the Royal authority by the
appointment of Lords Justices.
sorry to leave England without seeing Lord Melbourne, and
without having seen him all this season; but something or
other always prevented us from seeing Lord Melbourne each
time we hoped to do so. We only return the night before the
Prorogation and embark that same day. We have the children
here. We went to the Undercliff—Ventnor, Bonchurch, etc.
—on Monday, and were much delighted with all we saw. We
had a visit from the King of Holland last week, who is
grown old, but otherwise just the same as he used to be.
The Queen joins with Lord Melbourne in unfeigned
satisfaction at the success of the Irish measures, after so
much factious opposition. Lord Grey's death20 will have
shocked Lord Melbourne, as it has us. Poor Lord Dunmore's
death is a very shocking event. The Prince wishes to be most
kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.
Footnote 20: Charles, second Earl Grey, had been Prime Minister,
1830-1834.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
THE SOVEREIGN'S ABSENCE
Whitehall, 6th August 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and begs leave to acquaint your Majesty that in the course of
a long speech made by Lord John Russell last night,
reviewing the policy of the Government and the proceedings
of the Session, Lord John expressed himself strongly on the
subject of your Majesty's absence from the country, without
provision made for the exercise of the Royal authority by the
appointment of Lords Justices.
Page 74
Sir Robert Peel thinks it very probable that a motion will be
made upon the subject in the course of the next Session—
particularly in the event of any occurrence during your
Majesty's absence, which might cause public inconvenience
from the want of immediate access to the Royal authority, or
compel any assumption of power on the part of your
Majesty's servants of a questionable character.
The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled
at the intention of departing from the precedent of George
IV.'s reign, on seeing the legal opinions of their
predecessors; they did not differ from the legal doctrines
laid down by them, but were not very well satisfied on the
point of discretion and policy.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty
what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty
of the possibility of a question being hereafter raised in
Parliament upon it.
Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and
a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication
with your Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may
be dispensed with; but he is humbly of opinion that were the
distance greater or the period of absence longer than that
contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons for the
nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate.
Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a
direct question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of
course, assume the entire responsibility for the non-
appointment of Lords Justices; vindicating the departure
from the precedent of George IV. on the ground of the
shorter period of absence and the more easy means of
communication.21...
Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of State
(Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be performed as well
abroad as at home; see Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. p. 272.
made upon the subject in the course of the next Session—
particularly in the event of any occurrence during your
Majesty's absence, which might cause public inconvenience
from the want of immediate access to the Royal authority, or
compel any assumption of power on the part of your
Majesty's servants of a questionable character.
The present Law Officers of the Crown were rather startled
at the intention of departing from the precedent of George
IV.'s reign, on seeing the legal opinions of their
predecessors; they did not differ from the legal doctrines
laid down by them, but were not very well satisfied on the
point of discretion and policy.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty
what has passed on this subject, and to apprize your Majesty
of the possibility of a question being hereafter raised in
Parliament upon it.
Sir Robert Peel thinks that in the case of a short absence, and
a distance not precluding easy and rapid communication
with your Majesty, the appointment of Lords Justices may
be dispensed with; but he is humbly of opinion that were the
distance greater or the period of absence longer than that
contemplated by your Majesty, the reasons for the
nomination of Lords Justices would preponderate.
Should the subject be again mentioned in Parliament and a
direct question be put upon it, Sir Robert Peel will, of
course, assume the entire responsibility for the non-
appointment of Lords Justices; vindicating the departure
from the precedent of George IV. on the ground of the
shorter period of absence and the more easy means of
communication.21...
Footnote 21: The Queen was accompanied by a Secretary of State
(Lord Aberdeen), so that an act of State could be performed as well
abroad as at home; see Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. p. 272.
Page 75
The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir Robert Peel.
VISIT TO THE CHÂTEAU D'EU
Château d'Eu, 8th September 1845.
My dear Peel,—We left Antwerp very early yesterday
morning, and anchored for a few hours off Flushing.22 We
passing down the Channel during the night, and as the
weather was perfectly bright and fine, found ourselves off
Tréport before nine o'clock this morning. The King came off
to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need
not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal
Family.
Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and
to-morrow morning, of speaking again with the King and
Guizot, I have already discussed several subjects with each
of them; and as the Queen particularly desires to send a
messenger this evening, I will give you some notion of what
has passed between us.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGESI think the marriage of the Queen of
Spain is the subject on which the greatest interest is felt at
this moment. It was the first introduced, both by the King
and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner. They
said, that having promised to support the King of Naples,
they were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so
long as there was a chance of his being successful in his suit.
I said in answer to their desire, that we would assist this
arrangement, that we had no objection to Count Trapani, and
that we would take no part against him; but unless it should
be the decided wish of the Spanish Government and people,
we could give no support to the marriage, as we were
honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that
we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under
these circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had
no objection to the Duke of Saville23 (Don Enrique), and
VISIT TO THE CHÂTEAU D'EU
Château d'Eu, 8th September 1845.
My dear Peel,—We left Antwerp very early yesterday
morning, and anchored for a few hours off Flushing.22 We
passing down the Channel during the night, and as the
weather was perfectly bright and fine, found ourselves off
Tréport before nine o'clock this morning. The King came off
to the yacht, and took the Queen in his barge to land. I need
not say how joyfully she was received by all the Royal
Family.
Although I shall have opportunities, both this evening and
to-morrow morning, of speaking again with the King and
Guizot, I have already discussed several subjects with each
of them; and as the Queen particularly desires to send a
messenger this evening, I will give you some notion of what
has passed between us.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGESI think the marriage of the Queen of
Spain is the subject on which the greatest interest is felt at
this moment. It was the first introduced, both by the King
and Guizot, and treated by both in the same manner. They
said, that having promised to support the King of Naples,
they were bound not to abandon the Count de Trapani, so
long as there was a chance of his being successful in his suit.
I said in answer to their desire, that we would assist this
arrangement, that we had no objection to Count Trapani, and
that we would take no part against him; but unless it should
be the decided wish of the Spanish Government and people,
we could give no support to the marriage, as we were
honestly of opinion that it was not desired in Spain, and that
we saw nothing in the proposal to call for our support under
these circumstances. Both the King and Guizot said they had
no objection to the Duke of Saville23 (Don Enrique), and
Page 76
that if it should be found that Count Trapani was impossible,
they would willingly support him.
With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most
positive and explicit manner, that until the Queen was
married and had children, they should consider the Infanta
precisely as her sister, and that any marriage with a French
Prince would be entirely out of the question. The King said
he did not wish that his son should have the prospect of
being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen had
children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did
not engage to preclude himself from the possibility of
profiting by the great inheritance which the Infanta would
bring his son. All this, however, was uncertain, and would
require time at all events to accomplish; for I distinctly
understood, that it was not only a marriage and a child, but
children, that were necessary to secure the succession.
I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and
that the policy of a marriage with a French Prince might
safely be left to be considered whenever the contingency
contemplated should arrive. Many things may happen, both
in France and Spain, in the course of a few years to affect
this question in a manner not now apparent.
Aberdeen.
Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, and the
Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp in the Royal
yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full description of the visit to
Coburg. The Queen was especially delighted with the Rosenau and
Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning of the 8th of September the yacht,
which had left the Scheldt on the previous evening, arrived at Tréport,
and a second visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the
Château d'Eu.
Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first cousin
to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his mother.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
they would willingly support him.
With respect to the Infanta, they both declared in the most
positive and explicit manner, that until the Queen was
married and had children, they should consider the Infanta
precisely as her sister, and that any marriage with a French
Prince would be entirely out of the question. The King said
he did not wish that his son should have the prospect of
being on the throne of Spain; but that if the Queen had
children, by whom the succession would be secured, he did
not engage to preclude himself from the possibility of
profiting by the great inheritance which the Infanta would
bring his son. All this, however, was uncertain, and would
require time at all events to accomplish; for I distinctly
understood, that it was not only a marriage and a child, but
children, that were necessary to secure the succession.
I thought this was as much as we could desire at present, and
that the policy of a marriage with a French Prince might
safely be left to be considered whenever the contingency
contemplated should arrive. Many things may happen, both
in France and Spain, in the course of a few years to affect
this question in a manner not now apparent.
Aberdeen.
Footnote 22: Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, and the
Queen and Prince sailed in the evening for Antwerp in the Royal
yacht. Sir Theodore Martin gives a very full description of the visit to
Coburg. The Queen was especially delighted with the Rosenau and
Reinhardtsbrunn. On the morning of the 8th of September the yacht,
which had left the Scheldt on the previous evening, arrived at Tréport,
and a second visit was paid to the King and Queen of the French at the
Château d'Eu.
Footnote 23: Younger son of Don Francisco de Paula, and first cousin
to Queen Isabella, both through his father and his mother.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Page 77
CHURCH APPOINTMENTS
Osborne, 15th September 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of
£700 to be applied in the current year to the grant of Civil
List Pensions.
Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that
another sum of £200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a
poet of whose powers of imagination and expression many
competent judges think most highly.
He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr
Hallam. His pecuniary circumstances are far from being
prosperous.
There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the
preferment is less eligible from there being no residence,
and the necessity for building one at the immediate expense
of the new Dean.
Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty
that an offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward,
the Rector of St James's.
Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name
of Maurice,24 of whom the Archbishop says: "Of
unbeneficed London clergy there is no one, I believe, who is
so much distinguished by his learning and literary talent as
the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain of St Guy's Hospital.
His private character is equally estimable."
Should Mr Ward decline25 the Deanery it might, should your
Majesty approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The
Archbishop says that the appointment of Mr Maurice would
be very gratifying to the King of Prussia.
Osborne, 15th September 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that there remains the sum of
£700 to be applied in the current year to the grant of Civil
List Pensions.
Sir Robert Peel humbly recommends to your Majesty that
another sum of £200 should be offered to Mr Tennyson, a
poet of whose powers of imagination and expression many
competent judges think most highly.
He was brought under the notice of Sir Robert Peel by Mr
Hallam. His pecuniary circumstances are far from being
prosperous.
There is a vacancy in the Deanery of Lincoln, but the
preferment is less eligible from there being no residence,
and the necessity for building one at the immediate expense
of the new Dean.
Sir Robert Peel is inclined to recommend to your Majesty
that an offer of this preferment should be made to Mr Ward,
the Rector of St James's.
Should Mr Ward decline, there is a clergyman of the name
of Maurice,24 of whom the Archbishop says: "Of
unbeneficed London clergy there is no one, I believe, who is
so much distinguished by his learning and literary talent as
the Rev. Frederick Maurice, Chaplain of St Guy's Hospital.
His private character is equally estimable."
Should Mr Ward decline25 the Deanery it might, should your
Majesty approve of it, be offered to Mr Maurice. The
Archbishop says that the appointment of Mr Maurice would
be very gratifying to the King of Prussia.
Page 78
Footnote 24: Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872), the friend of
Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere Street.
Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
St Cloud, 10th October 1845.
My dearest Victoria,—... All you say about our dear Albert,
whom I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The
attacks, however unjust, have but one advantage, that of
showing the points the enemy thinks weakest and best
calculated to hurt. This, being the case, Anson, without
boring A. with daily accounts which in the end become very
irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and
contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the
enemy. To hope to escape censure and calumny is next to
impossible, but whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit
subject for attack is better modified or avoided. The dealings
with artists, for instance, require great prudence; they are
acquainted with all classes of society, and for that very
reason dangerous; they are hardly ever satisfied, and when
you have too much to do with them, you are sure to have des
ennuis.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
LORD METCALFE
Windsor Castle, 2nd November 1845.
The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter
of the 1st November. From private information she had been
Kingsley, afterwards Chaplain of St. Peter's, Vere Street.
Footnote 25: Mr Ward accepted the Deanery.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
St Cloud, 10th October 1845.
My dearest Victoria,—... All you say about our dear Albert,
whom I love like my own child, is perfectly true. The
attacks, however unjust, have but one advantage, that of
showing the points the enemy thinks weakest and best
calculated to hurt. This, being the case, Anson, without
boring A. with daily accounts which in the end become very
irksome, should pay attention to these very points, and
contribute to avoid what may be turned to account by the
enemy. To hope to escape censure and calumny is next to
impossible, but whatever is considered by the enemy as a fit
subject for attack is better modified or avoided. The dealings
with artists, for instance, require great prudence; they are
acquainted with all classes of society, and for that very
reason dangerous; they are hardly ever satisfied, and when
you have too much to do with them, you are sure to have des
ennuis.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
LORD METCALFE
Windsor Castle, 2nd November 1845.
The Queen has read with great concern Lord Stanley's letter
of the 1st November. From private information she had been
Page 79
led to expect that Lord Metcalfe would not be able to
continue at his irksome post.26 He will be an immense loss,
and the selection of a successor will be most difficult. The
Queen hopes that there will not be too great a delay in
making the new appointment, as experience has shown that
nothing was more detrimental to the good government of
Canada than the last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's
death; it would certainly likewise be desirable that Lord
Metcalfe should be able personally to make over his
Government to his successor, whom he could verbally better
put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than any
instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the
greatest importance, that the judicious system pursued by
Lord Metcalfe (and which, after a long continuation of toil
and adversities, only now just begins to show its effect)
should be followed up by his successor.
The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the
appointment as Lord Elgin, who seems to have given great
satisfaction in Jamaica, where he has already succeeded
Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there had
likewise taken place under circumstances of great difficulty,
which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.27
Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of Canada
through ill-health.
Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private letter from
Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl Cathcart was
provisionally appointed Governor-General.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Osborne, 28th November 1845.
continue at his irksome post.26 He will be an immense loss,
and the selection of a successor will be most difficult. The
Queen hopes that there will not be too great a delay in
making the new appointment, as experience has shown that
nothing was more detrimental to the good government of
Canada than the last interregnum after Sir Charles Bagot's
death; it would certainly likewise be desirable that Lord
Metcalfe should be able personally to make over his
Government to his successor, whom he could verbally better
put in possession of the peculiarities of his position than any
instructions could do. It strikes the Queen to be of the
greatest importance, that the judicious system pursued by
Lord Metcalfe (and which, after a long continuation of toil
and adversities, only now just begins to show its effect)
should be followed up by his successor.
The Queen knows nobody who would be as fit for the
appointment as Lord Elgin, who seems to have given great
satisfaction in Jamaica, where he has already succeeded
Lord Metcalfe, whose original appointment there had
likewise taken place under circumstances of great difficulty,
which his prudence and firmness finally overcame.27
Footnote 26: He retired from the Governor-Generalship of Canada
through ill-health.
Footnote 27: Lord Stanley, in reply, submitted a private letter from
Lord Elgin, expressing a wish to return home; Earl Cathcart was
provisionally appointed Governor-General.
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Osborne, 28th November 1845.
Page 80
The Queen is very sorry to hear that Sir Robert Peel
apprehends further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a
moment of impending calamity; it is more than ever
necessary that the Government should be strong and united.
The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the
restrictions upon the importation of food cannot be
successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert's own
opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none of his
colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is right to
do.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
THE CORN LAWS
Whitehall, 4th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in
the Times of to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants
had unanimously agreed to an immediate and total repeal of
the Corn Laws, is quite without foundation.28
Footnote 28: See Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve, vol. i. p. 175,
for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that Sidney Herbert confided
the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she sold it to the Times. The story
has obtained a wide currency through Mr Meredith's Diana of the
Crossways. Lord Stanmore, in his Life of Sidney Herbert, substantially
attributes the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the
details.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.29
Whitehall, 5th December 1845.
apprehends further differences of opinion in the Cabinet, at a
moment of impending calamity; it is more than ever
necessary that the Government should be strong and united.
The Queen thinks the time is come when a removal of the
restrictions upon the importation of food cannot be
successfully resisted. Should this be Sir Robert's own
opinion, the Queen very much hopes that none of his
colleagues will prevent him from doing what it is right to
do.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
THE CORN LAWS
Whitehall, 4th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that a leading paragraph in
the Times of to-day, asserting that your Majesty's servants
had unanimously agreed to an immediate and total repeal of
the Corn Laws, is quite without foundation.28
Footnote 28: See Memoirs of the Life of Henry Reeve, vol. i. p. 175,
for Lord Dufferin's refutation of the story that Sidney Herbert confided
the secret to Mrs Norton, and that she sold it to the Times. The story
has obtained a wide currency through Mr Meredith's Diana of the
Crossways. Lord Stanmore, in his Life of Sidney Herbert, substantially
attributes the communication to Lord Aberdeen, but does not give the
details.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.29
Whitehall, 5th December 1845.
Page 81
(Friday evening.)
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving
London by the half-past twelve train.
Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind
proposal to remain at Osborne until Monday morning.
He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and
devotion to your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all
the grounds for which he will, with your Majesty's
permission, explain to your Majesty) that in the present state
of affairs, he can render more service to your Majesty and to
the country in a private than in a public station.
Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet discussions on the
Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that the news caused her much
uneasiness, and that she felt certain that her Minister would not leave
her at a moment of such difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
CABINET DISSENSIONS
Osborne, 7th December 1845.
On receiving the preceding letter30 ... we were, of course, in
great consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here
and explained the condition of affairs.
Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, ante.
INTERVIEW WITH PEEL On 1st November he had called his
Cabinet, and placed before its members the reports of the
Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr Playfair and Dr
Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which was to
the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the rot,
and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium,
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow evening, leaving
London by the half-past twelve train.
Sir Robert Peel will avail himself of your Majesty's kind
proposal to remain at Osborne until Monday morning.
He will come to Osborne with a heart full of gratitude and
devotion to your Majesty, but with a strong conviction (all
the grounds for which he will, with your Majesty's
permission, explain to your Majesty) that in the present state
of affairs, he can render more service to your Majesty and to
the country in a private than in a public station.
Footnote 29: Peel reported to the Queen the Cabinet discussions on the
Corn Law question. The Queen wrote that the news caused her much
uneasiness, and that she felt certain that her Minister would not leave
her at a moment of such difficulty, and when a crisis was impending.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
CABINET DISSENSIONS
Osborne, 7th December 1845.
On receiving the preceding letter30 ... we were, of course, in
great consternation. Yesterday Sir Robert Peel arrived here
and explained the condition of affairs.
Footnote 30: From Sir Robert Peel, 5th December, ante.
INTERVIEW WITH PEEL On 1st November he had called his
Cabinet, and placed before its members the reports of the
Irish Commissioners, Dr Buckland, Dr Playfair and Dr
Lindley, on the condition of the potato crop, which was to
the effect that the half of the potatoes were ruined by the rot,
and that no one could guarantee the remainder. Belgium,
Page 82
Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, in which states the potato
disease had likewise deprived the poorer class of its usual
food, have immediately taken energetic means, and have
opened the harbours, bought corn, and provided for the case
of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the same thing for
England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for the
abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of
the whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham,
and Mr Sidney Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped
that in time the opinions of the others would change, and
therefore postponed a final decision. In the meanwhile the
agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began; in every town
addresses were voted, meetings were held, the Times—
barometer of public feeling—became suddenly violently
Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused
attention, a general panic seized on the mass of the public.
Sir Robert called anew his Cabinet. In the midst of their
deliberation Lord John Russell issues from Edinburgh an
address to the City of London.31
Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.
The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed.
Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but
unanimity could save the cause, and pressed for a decision.
The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they
could not take a part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws,
and would therefore have to resign. The other members,
including the Duke of Wellington, showed themselves ready
to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says, "apparently not
willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir Robert
resolved to lay down his office as Minister.
When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said
to me, that it was one of the most painful moments of his life
to separate himself from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have
erred it was from loyalty and too great an anxiety not to
leave Her Majesty in a moment of such great difficulty. I
disease had likewise deprived the poorer class of its usual
food, have immediately taken energetic means, and have
opened the harbours, bought corn, and provided for the case
of a rise of prices. Sir Robert proposed the same thing for
England, and, by opening the ports, a preparation for the
abolition of the Corn Laws. His colleagues refused, and of
the whole Cabinet only Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham,
and Mr Sidney Herbert voted with him. Sir Robert hoped
that in time the opinions of the others would change, and
therefore postponed a final decision. In the meanwhile the
agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League began; in every town
addresses were voted, meetings were held, the Times—
barometer of public feeling—became suddenly violently
Anti-Corn Law, the meetings of the Cabinet roused
attention, a general panic seized on the mass of the public.
Sir Robert called anew his Cabinet. In the midst of their
deliberation Lord John Russell issues from Edinburgh an
address to the City of London.31
Footnote 31: Declaring for the Repeal of the Corn Laws.
The whole country cries out: the Corn Laws are doomed.
Thereon Sir Robert declared to his Cabinet that nothing but
unanimity could save the cause, and pressed for a decision.
The Duke of Buccleuch and Lord Stanley declared they
could not take a part in a measure abolishing the Corn Laws,
and would therefore have to resign. The other members,
including the Duke of Wellington, showed themselves ready
to support Sir Robert, yet, as the latter says, "apparently not
willingly and against their feelings." Thereupon Sir Robert
resolved to lay down his office as Minister.
When he arrived here he was visibly much moved, and said
to me, that it was one of the most painful moments of his life
to separate himself from us, "but it is necessary, and if I have
erred it was from loyalty and too great an anxiety not to
leave Her Majesty in a moment of such great difficulty. I
Page 83
ought to have gone when I was first left by my colleagues in
a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to
try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As
soon as I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was
slipping away from under me, and that whatever I might
now propose would appear as dictated by the Opposition, as
taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st of November the
whole country was prepared for the thing; there had been no
agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as
they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided
for itself, and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most
dexterous move and our want of unanimity."
On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one
hundred in the House of Commons, and asking whether it
was not possible for him to continue the Government, he
said:—
"The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him,
and Lord Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of
Lords, would lead to great and immediate defections even in
Her Majesty's household. The Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord
Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers, Lord Beverley, etc.,
would resign, and we should not be able to find successors;
in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the
Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me
and be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say,
'This is our measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It
is better that I should go now, when nobody has committed
himself in the heat of party contest, when no factions have
been formed, no imprudent declarations been made; it is
better for Her Majesty and for the country that it should be
so."
After we had examined what possibilities were open for the
Crown, the conclusion was come to that Lord John was the
only man who could be charged with forming a Cabinet.
Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as his base, would bring
about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground on which one
a minority in my own Cabinet. I was anxious, however, to
try my utmost, but it is impossible to retrieve lost time. As
soon as I saw Lord John's letter I felt that the ground was
slipping away from under me, and that whatever I might
now propose would appear as dictated by the Opposition, as
taking Lord John's measure. On the 1st of November the
whole country was prepared for the thing; there had been no
agitation, everybody looking to the Government, as soon as
they saw this wavering and hesitating, the country decided
for itself, and Lord John has the merit, owing to his most
dexterous move and our want of unanimity."
On my observing that Sir Robert has a majority of one
hundred in the House of Commons, and asking whether it
was not possible for him to continue the Government, he
said:—
"The Duke of Buccleuch will carry half Scotland with him,
and Lord Stanley, leading the Protectionists in the House of
Lords, would lead to great and immediate defections even in
Her Majesty's household. The Duchess of Buccleuch, Lord
Hardwicke, Lord Exeter, Lord Rivers, Lord Beverley, etc.,
would resign, and we should not be able to find successors;
in the House of Commons I am sure I should be beat, the
Tories, agriculturists, etc., in rage would turn round upon me
and be joined by the Whigs and Radicals, who would say,
'This is our measure and we will not allow you to carry it.' It
is better that I should go now, when nobody has committed
himself in the heat of party contest, when no factions have
been formed, no imprudent declarations been made; it is
better for Her Majesty and for the country that it should be
so."
After we had examined what possibilities were open for the
Crown, the conclusion was come to that Lord John was the
only man who could be charged with forming a Cabinet.
Lord Stanley, with the aristocracy as his base, would bring
about an insurrection [or riots], and the ground on which one
Page 84
would have to fight would be this: to want to force the mass
of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their
bread a high price, in favour of the landlords.
It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the
House of Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons
and with the masses of the people. Sir Robert says very
correctly:—
"I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the
struggle about the Corn Laws; already the system of
promotion in the Army, the Game Laws, the Church, are
getting attacked with the aid of the league."
After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided
in favour of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it
possible for him to govern with so exceedingly small a
minority?" Sir Robert said: "He will have difficulties and
perhaps did not consider what he was doing when he wrote
that letter; but I will support him. I feel it my duty to your
Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if
Lord John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that
letter (which I think goes too far), I will support him in
Parliament and use all my influence with the House of Lords
to prevent their impeding his progress. I will do more, if he
likes it. I will say that the increase of the estimates which
will become necessary are my work, and I alone am
responsible for it."
Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is
to make this promise in writing.
He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of
power (for I hate power) nor of office," which was nothing
but a plague for him, but "the breaking up of those relations
in which he stood to the Queen and me, and the loss of our
society," which was for him a loss, for which there was no
equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being always
ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might
be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply
of the people, amidst their great poverty, to pay for their
bread a high price, in favour of the landlords.
It is a matter of the utmost importance not to place the
House of Lords into direct antagonism with the Commons
and with the masses of the people. Sir Robert says very
correctly:—
"I am afraid of other interests getting damaged in the
struggle about the Corn Laws; already the system of
promotion in the Army, the Game Laws, the Church, are
getting attacked with the aid of the league."
After Victoria had in consequence [of the foregoing] decided
in favour of Lord John, and asked Sir Robert: "But how is it
possible for him to govern with so exceedingly small a
minority?" Sir Robert said: "He will have difficulties and
perhaps did not consider what he was doing when he wrote
that letter; but I will support him. I feel it my duty to your
Majesty not to leave you without a Government. Even if
Lord John goes to the full extent of his declaration in that
letter (which I think goes too far), I will support him in
Parliament and use all my influence with the House of Lords
to prevent their impeding his progress. I will do more, if he
likes it. I will say that the increase of the estimates which
will become necessary are my work, and I alone am
responsible for it."
Sir Robert intends to give me a memorandum in which he is
to make this promise in writing.
He was greatly moved, and said it was not "the loss of
power (for I hate power) nor of office," which was nothing
but a plague for him, but "the breaking up of those relations
in which he stood to the Queen and me, and the loss of our
society," which was for him a loss, for which there was no
equivalent; we might, however, rely on his being always
ready to serve us, in what manner and in what place it might
be. Lord Aberdeen is said to feel the same, and very deeply
Page 85
so; and on our side the loss of two so estimable men, who
possess our whole and perfect confidence in public as well
as in private affairs, and have always proved themselves true
friends, leaves a great gap.
Albert.
Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED
Osborne, 7th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence
of differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very
reluctantly compelled to solicit from the Queen the
acceptance of his resignation, which she has as reluctantly
accepted.
From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne,
her first impulse was to request his immediate attendance
here that she might have the benefit of his assistance and
advice, but on reflection the Queen does not think herself
justified, in the present state of Lord Melbourne's health, to
ask him to make the sacrifice which the return to his former
position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon
him.
It is this consideration, and this alone, that has induced the
Queen to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which
she sends a copy. The Queen hopes, however, that Lord
Melbourne will not withhold from her new Government his
advice, which would be so valuable to her.
It is of the utmost importance that the whole of this
communication should be kept a most profound secret until
the Queen has seen Lord John Russell.
possess our whole and perfect confidence in public as well
as in private affairs, and have always proved themselves true
friends, leaves a great gap.
Albert.
Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
LORD MELBOURNE INFORMED
Osborne, 7th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel has informed the Queen that in consequence
of differences prevailing in the Cabinet, he is very
reluctantly compelled to solicit from the Queen the
acceptance of his resignation, which she has as reluctantly
accepted.
From the Queen's unabated confidence in Lord Melbourne,
her first impulse was to request his immediate attendance
here that she might have the benefit of his assistance and
advice, but on reflection the Queen does not think herself
justified, in the present state of Lord Melbourne's health, to
ask him to make the sacrifice which the return to his former
position of Prime Minister would, she fears, impose upon
him.
It is this consideration, and this alone, that has induced the
Queen to address to Lord John Russell the letter of which
she sends a copy. The Queen hopes, however, that Lord
Melbourne will not withhold from her new Government his
advice, which would be so valuable to her.
It is of the utmost importance that the whole of this
communication should be kept a most profound secret until
the Queen has seen Lord John Russell.
Page 86
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE
8th December 1845.
Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord
John and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to
write to the latter, in consideration of the confidential
position which he formerly enjoyed.
Sir Robert Peel has not resigned, thinking it a matter of great
strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new
one can be got.
Albert.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 9th December 1845.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has just received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst.,
which, of course, has astonished him by the magnitude of
the event which it announces, although something of this
sort has been long pending and to be expected. Lord
Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for this
communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness
and consideration for him personally at the present moment.
He is better, but so long a journey would still not have been
convenient to him, and he has such a horror of the sea, that a
voyage from Southampton to Cowes or from Portsmouth to
Ryde seems to him in prospect as formidable as a voyage
across the Atlantic.
Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's
injunction of secrecy.
LORD MELBOURNE'S ATTITUDE
8th December 1845.
Sir Robert helped us in the composition of the letters to Lord
John and to Lord Melbourne. We considered it necessary to
write to the latter, in consideration of the confidential
position which he formerly enjoyed.
Sir Robert Peel has not resigned, thinking it a matter of great
strength for the Sovereign to keep his ministry until a new
one can be got.
Albert.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 9th December 1845.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has just received your Majesty's letter of the 7th inst.,
which, of course, has astonished him by the magnitude of
the event which it announces, although something of this
sort has been long pending and to be expected. Lord
Melbourne returns your Majesty many thanks for this
communication, and more for your Majesty's great kindness
and consideration for him personally at the present moment.
He is better, but so long a journey would still not have been
convenient to him, and he has such a horror of the sea, that a
voyage from Southampton to Cowes or from Portsmouth to
Ryde seems to him in prospect as formidable as a voyage
across the Atlantic.
Lord Melbourne will strictly observe your Majesty's
injunction of secrecy.
Page 87
With respect to the kind wishes about office which your
Majesty is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of
course give to your Majesty's new Government, if formed
under Lord John Russell, all the support in his power, but as
to taking office, he fears that he would find some difficulty.
He would be very unwilling to come in pledged to a total
and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly
feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert
Peel to retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the
Government upon the principle of upholding and
maintaining the present law with respect to corn.
Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great
and considerate kindness.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
PEEL'S ATTITUDE
Whitehall, 10th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and influenced by no other motive than the desire to
contribute if possible to the relief of your Majesty from
embarrassment, and the protection of the public interests
from injury, is induced to make this confidential
communication to your Majesty explanatory of his position
and intentions with regard to the great question which is
now agitating the public mind.
Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication
known to the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel,
may be honoured by your Majesty's confidence.
On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised
his colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from
Ireland and many districts of Great Britain as to the failure
Majesty is pleased to express, Lord Melbourne will of
course give to your Majesty's new Government, if formed
under Lord John Russell, all the support in his power, but as
to taking office, he fears that he would find some difficulty.
He would be very unwilling to come in pledged to a total
and immediate reform of the Corn Law, and he also strongly
feels the difficulty which has in fact compelled Sir Robert
Peel to retire, viz. the difficulty of carrying on the
Government upon the principle of upholding and
maintaining the present law with respect to corn.
Lord Melbourne again thanks your Majesty for your great
and considerate kindness.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
PEEL'S ATTITUDE
Whitehall, 10th December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and influenced by no other motive than the desire to
contribute if possible to the relief of your Majesty from
embarrassment, and the protection of the public interests
from injury, is induced to make this confidential
communication to your Majesty explanatory of his position
and intentions with regard to the great question which is
now agitating the public mind.
Your Majesty can, if you think fit, make this communication
known to the Minister who, as successor to Sir Robert Peel,
may be honoured by your Majesty's confidence.
On the first day of November last Sir Robert Peel advised
his colleagues, on account of the alarming accounts from
Ireland and many districts of Great Britain as to the failure
Page 88
of the potato crop from disease, and for the purpose of
guarding against contingencies which in his opinion were
not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Majesty that
the duties on the import of foreign grain should be
suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or
by Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being
summoned without delay.
Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified
by the tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would
compel, during the interval of suspension, the
reconsideration of the Corn Laws.
If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence
with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility
of suspension, and of the necessary consequence of
suspension, a comprehensive review of the laws imposing
restrictions on the import of foreign grain and other articles
of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate
removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws
to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle
of gradual and ultimate removal.
Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity
measures which may be in general conformity with those
which he advised as a Minister.
It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any
reference to the details of such measures.
Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is
your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake
the formation of a Government.
The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to
recommend the reconsideration of the laws affecting the
import of the main articles of food, was in general
accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph
of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the City of
London.32
guarding against contingencies which in his opinion were
not improbable, humbly to recommend to your Majesty that
the duties on the import of foreign grain should be
suspended for a limited period either by Order in Council, or
by Legislative Enactment, Parliament in either case being
summoned without delay.
Sir Robert Peel foresaw that this suspension, fully justified
by the tenor of the reports to which he has referred, would
compel, during the interval of suspension, the
reconsideration of the Corn Laws.
If the opinions of his colleagues had been in concurrence
with his own, he was fully prepared to take the responsibility
of suspension, and of the necessary consequence of
suspension, a comprehensive review of the laws imposing
restrictions on the import of foreign grain and other articles
of food, with a view to their gradual diminution and ultimate
removal. He was disposed to recommend that any new laws
to be enacted should contain within themselves the principle
of gradual and ultimate removal.
Sir Robert Peel is prepared to support in a private capacity
measures which may be in general conformity with those
which he advised as a Minister.
It would be unbecoming in Sir Robert Peel to make any
reference to the details of such measures.
Your Majesty has been good enough to inform him that it is
your intention to propose to Lord John Russell to undertake
the formation of a Government.
The principle on which Sir Robert Peel was prepared to
recommend the reconsideration of the laws affecting the
import of the main articles of food, was in general
accordance with that referred to in the concluding paragraph
of Lord John Russell's letter to the electors of the City of
London.32
Page 89
Sir Robert Peel wished to accompany the removal of
restrictions on the admission of such articles, with relief to
the land from such charges as are unduly onerous, and with
such other provisions as in the terms of Lord John Russell's
letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance may
suggest."
Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that
general principle, and will exercise any influence he may
possess to promote their success.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should
your Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy
demands upon the Army of this country for colonial service,
of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing
which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare,
and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose
an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military
estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do
all that he can to prevent it from being considered as
indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards France, and
will assume for the increase in question any degree of
responsibility present or retrospective which can fairly
attach to him.
Robert Peel.
Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision of taxation to
make the arrangement more equitable, and the safeguards suggested by
caution and scrupulous forbearance, restrictions on the admission of
the main articles of food and clothing used by the mass of the people
should be removed.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
LORD STANLEY RESIGNS
St James's Square, 11th December 1845.
restrictions on the admission of such articles, with relief to
the land from such charges as are unduly onerous, and with
such other provisions as in the terms of Lord John Russell's
letter "caution and even scrupulous forbearance may
suggest."
Sir Robert Peel will support measures founded on that
general principle, and will exercise any influence he may
possess to promote their success.
Sir Robert Peel feels it to be his duty to add, that should
your Majesty's servants, after consideration of the heavy
demands upon the Army of this country for colonial service,
of our relations with the United States, and of the bearing
which steam navigation may have upon maritime warfare,
and the defence of the country, deem it advisable to propose
an addition to the Army, and increased naval and military
estimates, Sir Robert Peel will support the proposal, will do
all that he can to prevent it from being considered as
indicative of hostile or altered feeling towards France, and
will assume for the increase in question any degree of
responsibility present or retrospective which can fairly
attach to him.
Robert Peel.
Footnote 32: That paragraph urged that, with a revision of taxation to
make the arrangement more equitable, and the safeguards suggested by
caution and scrupulous forbearance, restrictions on the admission of
the main articles of food and clothing used by the mass of the people
should be removed.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
LORD STANLEY RESIGNS
St James's Square, 11th December 1845.
Page 90
... Lord Stanley humbly hopes that he may be permitted to
avail himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty
the deep regret and pain with which he has felt himself
compelled to dissent from the advice intended to have been
tendered to your Majesty on the subject of the Corn Laws.
He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have shrunk
from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle,
for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your
Majesty and to the country inseparable from any change of
Administration; but being unconvinced of the necessity of a
change of policy involving an abandonment of opinions
formerly maintained, and expectations held out to political
supporters, he felt that the real interests of your Majesty's
service could not be promoted by the loss of personal
character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would
necessarily have involved; and that he might far more
usefully serve your Majesty and the country out of office,
than as the official advocate of a policy which he could not
sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to assure your Majesty
that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie
in his power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as
the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and
he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon
your Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient
apology in the deep anxiety which he feels that his regret at
being compelled not only to retire from your Majesty's
service, but also to take a step which he is aware may have
had some influence on the course finally adopted by Sir
Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the
apprehension of having, in the performance of a most
painful duty, incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which
is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
Stanley.
avail himself of this opportunity to express to your Majesty
the deep regret and pain with which he has felt himself
compelled to dissent from the advice intended to have been
tendered to your Majesty on the subject of the Corn Laws.
He begs to assure your Majesty that he would have shrunk
from making no personal sacrifice, short of that of principle,
for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience to your
Majesty and to the country inseparable from any change of
Administration; but being unconvinced of the necessity of a
change of policy involving an abandonment of opinions
formerly maintained, and expectations held out to political
supporters, he felt that the real interests of your Majesty's
service could not be promoted by the loss of personal
character which the sacrifice of his own convictions would
necessarily have involved; and that he might far more
usefully serve your Majesty and the country out of office,
than as the official advocate of a policy which he could not
sincerely approve. Lord Stanley begs to assure your Majesty
that it will be his earnest endeavour to allay, as far as may lie
in his power, the excitement which he cannot but foresee as
the consequence of the contemplated change of policy; and
he ventures to indulge the hope that this long trespass upon
your Majesty's much occupied time may find a sufficient
apology in the deep anxiety which he feels that his regret at
being compelled not only to retire from your Majesty's
service, but also to take a step which he is aware may have
had some influence on the course finally adopted by Sir
Robert Peel, may not be still farther increased by the
apprehension of having, in the performance of a most
painful duty, incurred your Majesty's displeasure. All which
is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
Stanley.
Page 91
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
Osborne, 12th December 1845.
The Queen, of course, much regrets that Lord Stanley could
not agree in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject
of such importance to the country. However, Lord Stanley
may rest assured that the Queen gives full credit to the
disinterested motives which guided Lord Stanley's conduct.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
Osborne, 12th December 1845.
The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in
consequence of Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his
inability to carry on any longer the Government, she has sent
for Lord John Russell, who is not able at present to state
whether he can form an Administration, and is gone to Town
in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of his
enquiries may be, the Queen has a strong desire to see the
Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The
Queen appeals to the Duke's so often proved loyalty and
attachment to her person, in asking him to give her this
assurance. The Duke will thereby render the greatest service
to the country and to her own person.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE DUKE'S ADVICE
Strathfieldsaye, 12th December 1845.
Osborne, 12th December 1845.
The Queen, of course, much regrets that Lord Stanley could
not agree in the opinions of Sir Robert Peel upon a subject
of such importance to the country. However, Lord Stanley
may rest assured that the Queen gives full credit to the
disinterested motives which guided Lord Stanley's conduct.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
Osborne, 12th December 1845.
The Queen has to inform the Duke of Wellington that, in
consequence of Sir Robert Peel's having declared to her his
inability to carry on any longer the Government, she has sent
for Lord John Russell, who is not able at present to state
whether he can form an Administration, and is gone to Town
in order to consult his friends. Whatever the result of his
enquiries may be, the Queen has a strong desire to see the
Duke of Wellington remain at the head of her Army. The
Queen appeals to the Duke's so often proved loyalty and
attachment to her person, in asking him to give her this
assurance. The Duke will thereby render the greatest service
to the country and to her own person.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE DUKE'S ADVICE
Strathfieldsaye, 12th December 1845.
Page 92
(11 at night.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty; he has just now received your
Majesty's commands from Osborne of this day's date.
He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places
him in constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's
Ministers, and particularly with the one filling the office of
First Lord of the Treasury.
Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the
counsel, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
consult the nobleman or gentleman who should be your
Majesty's first Minister, before any other step should be
taken upon the subject. He might think that he had reason to
complain if he should find that it was arranged that the Duke
of Wellington should continue to fill the office of
Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an
influence upon his future relations with that office.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord
John Russell and all your Majesty's former Ministers were
aware, that during the whole period of the time during which
Lord Hill was the General Commanding-in-Chief your
Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion and services of
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times at
the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and
were given whenever required.
He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the
Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a
member; but that circumstance made no difference.
It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a
political connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any
relation with the political course of the Government over
which he should preside.
Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence,
be considered creditable to either party, or be useful to the
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty; he has just now received your
Majesty's commands from Osborne of this day's date.
He humbly submits to your Majesty that the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces places
him in constant confidential relations with all your Majesty's
Ministers, and particularly with the one filling the office of
First Lord of the Treasury.
Under these circumstances he submits to your Majesty the
counsel, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
consult the nobleman or gentleman who should be your
Majesty's first Minister, before any other step should be
taken upon the subject. He might think that he had reason to
complain if he should find that it was arranged that the Duke
of Wellington should continue to fill the office of
Commander-in-Chief, and such impression might have an
influence upon his future relations with that office.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington believes that Lord
John Russell and all your Majesty's former Ministers were
aware, that during the whole period of the time during which
Lord Hill was the General Commanding-in-Chief your
Majesty's Forces, the professional opinion and services of
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington were at all times at
the command and disposition of your Majesty's servants, and
were given whenever required.
He happened to be at that time in political opposition to the
Government in the House of Parliament, of which he was a
member; but that circumstance made no difference.
It is impossible for the Duke of Wellington to form a
political connection with Lord John Russell, or to have any
relation with the political course of the Government over
which he should preside.
Such arrangement would not conciliate public confidence,
be considered creditable to either party, or be useful to the
Page 93
service of your Majesty.
Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should
exist; on the other hand, the performance of these duties
would require that the person filling the office should avoid
to belong to, or to act in concert with, a political party
opposed to the Government.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his
duty to submit these considerations, in order that your
Majesty may be perfectly aware of the position in which he
is about to place himself, in case Lord John Russell should
counsel your Majesty to command Field-Marshal the Duke
of Wellington to continue to hold the office of Commander-
in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.
He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he
will cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's
command upon receiving the official intimation thereof, and
that he will as usual make every effort in his power to
promote your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,
Wellington.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
St Cloud, le 16 Décembre 1845.
Madame ma très Chère Sœur,—J'ai à remercier votre
Majesté de l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clém m'a remise
de sa part. Elle m'a été droit au cœur, et je ne saurais
exprimer à quel point j'ai été touché de vos bons voeux pour
ma famille, et de tout ce que vous me témoignez sur
Nor, indeed, would the performance of the duties of the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army require that such should
exist; on the other hand, the performance of these duties
would require that the person filling the office should avoid
to belong to, or to act in concert with, a political party
opposed to the Government.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington has considered it his
duty to submit these considerations, in order that your
Majesty may be perfectly aware of the position in which he
is about to place himself, in case Lord John Russell should
counsel your Majesty to command Field-Marshal the Duke
of Wellington to continue to hold the office of Commander-
in-Chief of your Majesty's Land Forces.
He at once submits to your Majesty the assurance that he
will cheerfully devote his service to your Majesty's
command upon receiving the official intimation thereof, and
that he will as usual make every effort in his power to
promote your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and devoted Servant,
Wellington.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
St Cloud, le 16 Décembre 1845.
Madame ma très Chère Sœur,—J'ai à remercier votre
Majesté de l'excellente lettre que ma bonne Clém m'a remise
de sa part. Elle m'a été droit au cœur, et je ne saurais
exprimer à quel point j'ai été touché de vos bons voeux pour
ma famille, et de tout ce que vous me témoignez sur
Page 94
l'accroissement qu'il a plû à la Providence de lui donner dans
mes onze petits fils.
Je me disposais à dire à votre Majesté que, quoiqu'avec un
bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui
vous portaient à remettre à une autre année, cette visite si
vivement désirée, et que j'espérais toujours trouver une
compensation à cette privation, en allant de nouveau Lui
offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les sentiments que je
Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondément à Elle, ainsi
qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai reçu la nouvelle de la
démission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous
leurs Collégues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'étaient
toujours si bien entendus avec les miens pour établir entre
nos deux Gouvernements, cette heureuse entente cordiale
qui est la base du repos du monde et de la prospérité de nos
pays, continueraient encore longtemps à l'entretenir, et à la
consolider de plus en plus. Cet espoir est déçu!!33 Il faut s'y
résigner; mais je suis empressé d'assurer votre Majesté, que
quelque soit son nouveau Ministère, celui qui m'entoure
aujourd'hui, et que je désire, et que j'espère conserver
longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir
cet heureux accord qu'il est si évidemment dans notre intérêt
commun de conserver intact.
Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement
précieux d'être uni à votre Majesté et au Prince Albert par
tant de liens, et qu'il se soit formé entre nous cet attachement
mutuel, cette affection et cette confiance, qui sont au dessus
et indépendants de toute considération politique; mais qui
pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer une influence
salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux
Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis à votre Majesté et à son
Epoux avec un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur
cette assistance occasionnelle, et j'y compte entièrement en
vous demandant d'avoir la même confiance de mon côté, et
en vous répétant que cette confiance ne sera pas plus déçue
dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a été dans le passé.
mes onze petits fils.
Je me disposais à dire à votre Majesté que, quoiqu'avec un
bien vif regret, je comprenais parfaitement les motifs qui
vous portaient à remettre à une autre année, cette visite si
vivement désirée, et que j'espérais toujours trouver une
compensation à cette privation, en allant de nouveau Lui
offrir en Angleterre, l'hommage de tous les sentiments que je
Lui porte, et qui m'attachent si profondément à Elle, ainsi
qu'au Prince son Epoux, lorsque j'ai reçu la nouvelle de la
démission de Sir Robert Peel, de Lord Aberdeen et de tous
leurs Collégues. Je me flattais que ces Ministres qui s'étaient
toujours si bien entendus avec les miens pour établir entre
nos deux Gouvernements, cette heureuse entente cordiale
qui est la base du repos du monde et de la prospérité de nos
pays, continueraient encore longtemps à l'entretenir, et à la
consolider de plus en plus. Cet espoir est déçu!!33 Il faut s'y
résigner; mais je suis empressé d'assurer votre Majesté, que
quelque soit son nouveau Ministère, celui qui m'entoure
aujourd'hui, et que je désire, et que j'espère conserver
longtemps, n'omettra aucun effort pour cultiver et maintenir
cet heureux accord qu'il est si évidemment dans notre intérêt
commun de conserver intact.
Dans de telles circonstances, il me devient doublement
précieux d'être uni à votre Majesté et au Prince Albert par
tant de liens, et qu'il se soit formé entre nous cet attachement
mutuel, cette affection et cette confiance, qui sont au dessus
et indépendants de toute considération politique; mais qui
pourront toujours plus ou moins exercer une influence
salutaire sur l'action et la marche de nos deux
Gouvernements. Aussi, je le dis à votre Majesté et à son
Epoux avec un entier abandon, j'ai besoin de compter sur
cette assistance occasionnelle, et j'y compte entièrement en
vous demandant d'avoir la même confiance de mon côté, et
en vous répétant que cette confiance ne sera pas plus déçue
dans l'avenir, qu'elle ne l'a été dans le passé.
Page 95
Votre Majesté me permettra d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de ma vive et sincère amitié. Je la prie aussi de
recevoir celle de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis,
Madame ma très chère Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère
et bien fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe R.
Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office was of
course dreaded by the King and Guizot.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE
Windsor Castle, 16th December 1845.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of
this day's date,34 and considering that it is of great
importance that no time should be lost, has immediately
forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.
The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord
John in using every effort to ensure the success of the great
measure which is impending before he undertakes to form a
Government.
The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has
taken a copy of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she
does not feel to have been authorised to allow this, the
Queen hopes that in case Sir Robert should have an
objection to it Lord John will not retain the copy.
Footnote 34: It is printed in the Annual Register, 1846, p. 17. Lord
John considered the temporary suspension or repeal of duties, with the
prospect of their re-imposition, open to grave objections.
l'expression de ma vive et sincère amitié. Je la prie aussi de
recevoir celle de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis,
Madame ma très chère Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère
et bien fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe R.
Footnote 33: The return of Palmerston to the Foreign Office was of
course dreaded by the King and Guizot.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ACCEPTANCE
Windsor Castle, 16th December 1845.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter of
this day's date,34 and considering that it is of great
importance that no time should be lost, has immediately
forwarded it to Sir Robert Peel.
The Queen fully understands the motives which guide Lord
John in using every effort to ensure the success of the great
measure which is impending before he undertakes to form a
Government.
The Queen sees from Lord John's second letter that he has
taken a copy of Sir R. Peel's letter of the 15th to her. As she
does not feel to have been authorised to allow this, the
Queen hopes that in case Sir Robert should have an
objection to it Lord John will not retain the copy.
Footnote 34: It is printed in the Annual Register, 1846, p. 17. Lord
John considered the temporary suspension or repeal of duties, with the
prospect of their re-imposition, open to grave objections.
Page 96
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES
Windsor Castle, 18th December 1845.
Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and
informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, and
after a full consideration of his position, he will undertake to
form a Government.
As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the
Queen much wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R.
Peel, however painful it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert
Peel to inform her when he thinks it best to come down
here.35
Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable
difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli, "handed
back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir Robert."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
GREY AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
(12 o'clock.)
We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to
explain why he had to give up the task of forming a
Government. He had written to all his former colleagues to
join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord Grey, who
answered, "that he could only belong to a Government
which pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade
and abolition of all protection; that he had his own views
upon the sugar question (as to which he advocated the
INSUPERABLE DIFFICULTIES
Windsor Castle, 18th December 1845.
Lord John Russell returned at five this evening, and
informed the Queen that after considerable discussion, and
after a full consideration of his position, he will undertake to
form a Government.
As at present arranged, the Council is to be on Monday; the
Queen much wishing to have a parting interview with Sir R.
Peel, however painful it will be to her, wishes Sir Robert
Peel to inform her when he thinks it best to come down
here.35
Footnote 35: Lord John Russell, however, found insuperable
difficulties in forming the Cabinet; and, to quote Disraeli, "handed
back with courtesy the poisoned chalice to Sir Robert."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
GREY AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
(12 o'clock.)
We just saw Lord John Russell, who came in order to
explain why he had to give up the task of forming a
Government. He had written to all his former colleagues to
join him in his attempt, amongst others to Lord Grey, who
answered, "that he could only belong to a Government
which pledged itself to the principle of absolute free trade
and abolition of all protection; that he had his own views
upon the sugar question (as to which he advocated the
Page 97
admission of slave labour) and upon the Irish question (as to
which his principle was to establish entire religious
equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new
Government no personal considerations should stand in the
way of a full attention to public Duty."
Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the
immediate question before them was the Corn Laws, he
thought it wiser not to complicate this by other declarations
which would produce a good deal of animosity; that the
sugar question and Ireland might be discussed in Cabinet
when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in the
last sentence.
After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord
John considered now with his colleagues the peculiar
measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could
arrange a financial scheme which would satisfy Lord
Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed interest. They
all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon them,
though they very much disliked taking office under such
peculiar difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion
the different offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him
that the Queen had some apprehension that his return to the
Foreign Office might cause great alarm in other countries,
and particularly in France, and that this feeling was still
more strongly manifested in the city; whether under these
circumstances he would prefer some other office—for
instance, the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he
was not at all anxious for office, and should much regret that
his accession should in any way embarrass Lord John; that
he was quite prepared to support him out of office, but that
his taking another department than his former one would be
a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that had
been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a
long official life his disposition for peace, and only in one
instance broke with France;36 that that matter was gone by,
and that nobody had stronger conviction of the necessity to
which his principle was to establish entire religious
equality); that he hoped that in the formation of a new
Government no personal considerations should stand in the
way of a full attention to public Duty."
Lord John replied that he advocated free trade, but as the
immediate question before them was the Corn Laws, he
thought it wiser not to complicate this by other declarations
which would produce a good deal of animosity; that the
sugar question and Ireland might be discussed in Cabinet
when circumstances required it; that he agreed entirely in the
last sentence.
After this Lord Grey declared himself quite satisfied. Lord
John considered now with his colleagues the peculiar
measure to be proposed, and Mr Baring thought he could
arrange a financial scheme which would satisfy Lord
Lansdowne's demands for relief to the landed interest. They
all felt it their duty to answer the Queen's call upon them,
though they very much disliked taking office under such
peculiar difficulties. Now Lord John undertook to apportion
the different offices. He saw Lord Palmerston, and told him
that the Queen had some apprehension that his return to the
Foreign Office might cause great alarm in other countries,
and particularly in France, and that this feeling was still
more strongly manifested in the city; whether under these
circumstances he would prefer some other office—for
instance, the Colonies? Lord Palmerston declared that he
was not at all anxious for office, and should much regret that
his accession should in any way embarrass Lord John; that
he was quite prepared to support him out of office, but that
his taking another department than his former one would be
a public recognition of the most unjust accusations that had
been brought against him; that he had evinced throughout a
long official life his disposition for peace, and only in one
instance broke with France;36 that that matter was gone by,
and that nobody had stronger conviction of the necessity to
Page 98
keep in amity with that Power than himself. Upon this Lord
John said that he could not form a Government without him,
and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord Palmerston's
declaration.
Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.
Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This
was an infringement of their compact"; that no personal
consideration should interfere with the discharge of public
duty, and that he must decline entering the Government, as
he considered Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office
as fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John
could not, under these circumstances, form a Government.
He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with the
intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord
Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by
saying that therefore he was not answerable for the failure to
form an Administration.37
Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay in a
letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to the Press.
Lord John gave the Queen a written statement38 of the
causes which induced him to relinquish the Government,
and of the position he means to assume in Parliament. (He is
most anxious that Sir R. Peel should re-enter and
successfully carry his measures.)
Footnote 38: Printed in Annual Register, 1846, p. 20.
The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been—
Lord Palmerston, Foreign Secretary.
Lord Grey, Colonial Secretary.
Sir George Grey, Home Secretary.
(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and
willing to go as Governor-General to Canada.)
John said that he could not form a Government without him,
and showed himself quite satisfied with Lord Palmerston's
declaration.
Footnote 36: In reference to affairs in Syria in 1840.
Suddenly Lord Grey, who had heard of this, cried out: "This
was an infringement of their compact"; that no personal
consideration should interfere with the discharge of public
duty, and that he must decline entering the Government, as
he considered Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office
as fraught with danger to the peace of Europe. Lord John
could not, under these circumstances, form a Government.
He read to us a long letter from Lord Grey, written with the
intention that it should be seen by the Queen, in which Lord
Grey enters more fully into his motives, and finishes by
saying that therefore he was not answerable for the failure to
form an Administration.37
Footnote 37: Lord Grey's attitude was condemned by Macaulay in a
letter to a Mr Macfarlan, who unwisely communicated it to the Press.
Lord John gave the Queen a written statement38 of the
causes which induced him to relinquish the Government,
and of the position he means to assume in Parliament. (He is
most anxious that Sir R. Peel should re-enter and
successfully carry his measures.)
Footnote 38: Printed in Annual Register, 1846, p. 20.
The arrangements Lord John had contemplated have been—
Lord Palmerston, Foreign Secretary.
Lord Grey, Colonial Secretary.
Sir George Grey, Home Secretary.
(Sir George was anxious later to retire from Parliament, and
willing to go as Governor-General to Canada.)
Page 99
Chancellor of the
Mr Baring,
Exchequer.
President of the Board
Lord Clarendon,
of Trade.
(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his
brother, Mr Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr
Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be in the
Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of the
question.)
Lord Lansdowne, President of the Council.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
(4 o'clock p.m.)
We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir
James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had written) of
what had passed. He was much affected, and expressed his
concern at the failure of Lord John to form a Government,
seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more
confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives.
He would have supported Lord John in any measure which
he should have thought fit to introduce, and many would
have followed his example. He blamed the want of
deference shown to the Queen, by not answering her call
with more readiness; he said it was quite new and
unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he
undertook to form a Government, and to pass that time in
discussion with other people, to whom the Sovereign had
not yet committed the task; and he had been certain it would
end so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834
Mr Baring,
Exchequer.
President of the Board
Lord Clarendon,
of Trade.
(The Vice-Presidency was to have been offered to his
brother, Mr Villiers, but finally, by his advice, to Mr
Cobden!! (Lord Grey wanted Mr Cobden to be in the
Cabinet!!!) This Lord John thought quite out of the
question.)
Lord Lansdowne, President of the Council.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
CHIVALROUS ATTITUDE OF PEEL
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
(4 o'clock p.m.)
We saw Sir Robert Peel, who had been apprised by Sir
James Graham (to whom Lord John Russell had written) of
what had passed. He was much affected, and expressed his
concern at the failure of Lord John to form a Government,
seemed hurt at Lord John's not having shown more
confidence in the integrity of his (Sir Robert Peel's) motives.
He would have supported Lord John in any measure which
he should have thought fit to introduce, and many would
have followed his example. He blamed the want of
deference shown to the Queen, by not answering her call
with more readiness; he said it was quite new and
unconstitutional for a man to take a week before he
undertook to form a Government, and to pass that time in
discussion with other people, to whom the Sovereign had
not yet committed the task; and he had been certain it would
end so, when so many people were consulted. He in 1834
Page 100
had been called from Italy, had travelled with all haste and
had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen
nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the
King's hand as his Minister.
PEEL RESUMES OFFICEHe was now prepared to stand by the
Queen, all other considerations he had thrown aside, he
would undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should
have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had
written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if
she called upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet
him at nine o'clock that evening, and that he would tell them
what he meant to do. Those who would not go with him, he
would dismiss at once. He did not wish to avail himself of
any undue advantage, and therefore would not advise an
Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his
measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"
He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination
alone could overcome.
We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which
he declared himself very much satisfied. He advised the
Queen to write a letter to Lord John, announcing to him Sir
Robert's consent to go on with the Government, and wrote a
draft of it, which follows here.
He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the
men whom Lord John had assembled in town.
Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with
much warmth: "There is no sacrifice that I will not make for
your Majesty, except that of my honour."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
had gone straight to the King, had told him that he had seen
nobody, consulted nobody, but immediately kissed the
King's hand as his Minister.
PEEL RESUMES OFFICEHe was now prepared to stand by the
Queen, all other considerations he had thrown aside, he
would undertake to deal with the difficulties, and should
have to go down alone to the House of Commons. He had
written to his colleagues that he would serve the Queen if
she called upon him to do so, that he expected them to meet
him at nine o'clock that evening, and that he would tell them
what he meant to do. Those who would not go with him, he
would dismiss at once. He did not wish to avail himself of
any undue advantage, and therefore would not advise an
Order in Council, but go at once to Parliament, laying his
measure before it: "Reject it, if you please; there it is!"
He called the crisis an alarming one, which determination
alone could overcome.
We showed him Lord John Russell's statement, with which
he declared himself very much satisfied. He advised the
Queen to write a letter to Lord John, announcing to him Sir
Robert's consent to go on with the Government, and wrote a
draft of it, which follows here.
He had heard strange instances of disagreement amongst the
men whom Lord John had assembled in town.
Sir Robert seemed throughout much moved, and said with
much warmth: "There is no sacrifice that I will not make for
your Majesty, except that of my honour."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1845.
Page 101
Sir Robert Peel has just been here. He expressed great regret
that Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the
formation of a Government.
He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell
with the most scrupulous good faith, and that he should have
done everything in his power to give Lord John support.
He thinks many would have been induced to follow his
example.
Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing
his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to
resume his office, though he is deeply sensible of the
difficulties with which he has to contend.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED
Whitehall, 21st December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and proceeds to give your Majesty an account of what has
passed since he left your Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.
The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing
Street at half-past nine.
Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned
them for the purpose of deliberating on what was to be done,
but for the purpose of announcing to them that he was your
Majesty's Minister, and whether supported or not, was firmly
resolved to meet Parliament as your Majesty's Minister, and
to propose such measures as the public exigencies required.
Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but
nothing could shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet
Parliament and to advise the Speech from the Throne.
that Lord John Russell had felt it necessary to decline the
formation of a Government.
He said he should have acted towards Lord John Russell
with the most scrupulous good faith, and that he should have
done everything in his power to give Lord John support.
He thinks many would have been induced to follow his
example.
Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate a moment in withdrawing
his offer of resignation. He said he felt it his duty at once to
resume his office, though he is deeply sensible of the
difficulties with which he has to contend.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
PEEL CORDIALLY SUPPORTED
Whitehall, 21st December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and proceeds to give your Majesty an account of what has
passed since he left your Majesty at four o'clock yesterday.
The Cabinet met at Sir Robert Peel's house in Downing
Street at half-past nine.
Sir Robert Peel informed them that he had not summoned
them for the purpose of deliberating on what was to be done,
but for the purpose of announcing to them that he was your
Majesty's Minister, and whether supported or not, was firmly
resolved to meet Parliament as your Majesty's Minister, and
to propose such measures as the public exigencies required.
Failure or success must depend upon their decision, but
nothing could shake Sir Robert Peel's determination to meet
Parliament and to advise the Speech from the Throne.
Page 102
There was a dead silence, at length interrupted by Lord
Stanley's declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that
he thought the Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might
have been maintained.
The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a
subordinate consideration. He was delighted when he
received Sir Robert Peel's letter that day, announcing to the
Duke that his mind was made up to place his services at
your Majesty's disposal.
The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably—was much
agitated—thought new circumstances had arisen—would not
then decide on resigning.
Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note
from the Duke.39
He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that
the present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether
your Majesty's former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden
shall constitute your Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel
defied the wit of man to suggest now another alternative to
your Majesty.
Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.
All the other members of the Government cordially
approved of Sir Robert Peel's determination not to abandon
your Majesty's service.
There was no question about details, but if there is any, it
shall not alter Sir Robert Peel's course.
Footnote 39: See next letter.
The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel.
Stanley's declaring that he must persevere in resigning, that
he thought the Corn Law ought to be adhered to, and might
have been maintained.
The Duke of Wellington said he thought the Corn Law was a
subordinate consideration. He was delighted when he
received Sir Robert Peel's letter that day, announcing to the
Duke that his mind was made up to place his services at
your Majesty's disposal.
The Duke of Buccleuch behaved admirably—was much
agitated—thought new circumstances had arisen—would not
then decide on resigning.
Sir Robert Peel has received this morning the enclosed note
from the Duke.39
He has written a reply very strongly to the Duke, stating that
the present question is not one of Corn Law, but whether
your Majesty's former servants or Lord Grey and Mr Cobden
shall constitute your Majesty's Government. Sir Robert Peel
defied the wit of man to suggest now another alternative to
your Majesty.
Lord Aberdeen will see the Duke to-day.
All the other members of the Government cordially
approved of Sir Robert Peel's determination not to abandon
your Majesty's service.
There was no question about details, but if there is any, it
shall not alter Sir Robert Peel's course.
Footnote 39: See next letter.
The Duke of Buccleuch to Sir Robert Peel.
Page 103
Montagu House, 20th December 1845.
My dear Sir Robert,—That which has occurred this
evening, and that which you have communicated to us, the
very critical state in which the country now is, and above all
the duty which I owe to her Majesty under the present
circumstances, has made a most strong impression upon my
mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation or
of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a
few hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding
upon the course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue?
Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,
Buccleuch.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Whitehall, 22nd December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty
that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept the Seals of the
Colonial Office should your Majesty be pleased to confide
them to him.40
Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that
immediate decision in filling up so eminent a post will have
a good effect.
Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the seat at
Newark which he had held through the influence of the Protectionist
Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election, and though a
Secretary of State, remained without a seat in Parliament.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
My dear Sir Robert,—That which has occurred this
evening, and that which you have communicated to us, the
very critical state in which the country now is, and above all
the duty which I owe to her Majesty under the present
circumstances, has made a most strong impression upon my
mind. At the risk, therefore, of imputation of vacillation or
of any other motive by others, may I ask of you to give me a
few hours' time for further reflection, before finally deciding
upon the course which I may feel it to be my duty to pursue?
Believe me, my dear Sir Robert, yours most sincerely,
Buccleuch.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Whitehall, 22nd December 1845.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the utmost satisfaction in informing your Majesty
that Mr Gladstone is willing to accept the Seals of the
Colonial Office should your Majesty be pleased to confide
them to him.40
Sir Robert Peel thinks this of great importance, and that
immediate decision in filling up so eminent a post will have
a good effect.
Footnote 40: Mr Gladstone, by accepting office, vacated the seat at
Newark which he had held through the influence of the Protectionist
Duke of Newcastle. He did not seek re-election, and though a
Secretary of State, remained without a seat in Parliament.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 104
THE QUEEN'S ESTIMATE OF PEEL
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your two kind letters
of the 17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have
little to add to Albert's letter of yesterday, except my extreme
admiration of our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of
unbounded loyalty, courage, patriotism, and high-
mindedness, and his conduct towards me has been
chivalrous almost, I might say. I never have seen him so
excited or so determined, and such a good cause must
succeed. We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord
John's own notions were very good and moderate, he let
himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by his violent
friends, and all the moderate ones were crushed....
Victoria R.
Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
Whitehall, 23rd December 1845.
Sir,—I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will
have been pleased with the progress I have made in
execution of the great trust again committed to me by Her
Majesty.
It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's
support out of office, to induce him to discourage hostile
combinations.
I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty
sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual
kindness, to say that I had done full justice in my reports to
Her Majesty to the motives by which he had been actuated,
and to the openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret
greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he might be
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your two kind letters
of the 17th and 19th, which gave me much pleasure. I have
little to add to Albert's letter of yesterday, except my extreme
admiration of our worthy Peel, who shows himself a man of
unbounded loyalty, courage, patriotism, and high-
mindedness, and his conduct towards me has been
chivalrous almost, I might say. I never have seen him so
excited or so determined, and such a good cause must
succeed. We have indeed had an escape, for though Lord
John's own notions were very good and moderate, he let
himself be entirely twisted and twirled about by his violent
friends, and all the moderate ones were crushed....
Victoria R.
Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
Whitehall, 23rd December 1845.
Sir,—I think Her Majesty and your Royal Highness will
have been pleased with the progress I have made in
execution of the great trust again committed to me by Her
Majesty.
It will be of great importance to conciliate Lord Stanley's
support out of office, to induce him to discourage hostile
combinations.
I would humbly recommend Her Majesty, when Her Majesty
sees Lord Stanley to-day, to receive him with her usual
kindness, to say that I had done full justice in my reports to
Her Majesty to the motives by which he had been actuated,
and to the openness and frankness of his conduct, to regret
greatly the loss of his services, but to hope that he might be
Page 105
still enabled not to oppose and even to promote the
accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I
have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,
Robert Peel.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1845.
We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was
prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet for the
despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an audience of the
Queen before, and delivered up the Seals of his office. He
was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert that he dreaded
this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for his
services, and begged he would do his best out of office to
smooth down the difficulties her Government would have to
contend with. At the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat,
and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial Seals. The Queen
saw the Duke of Buccleuch and thanked him for the
devotion he had shown her during these trying
circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is
in excellent spirits. On my saying, "You have such an
influence over the House of Lords, that you will be able to
keep them straight," he answered: "I'll do anything; I am
now beginning to write to them and to convince them singly
of what their duty is."
We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than
three hours. He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr
Gladstone and kept the Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that
the Duke should be made President, and Lord Haddington
Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very
well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him he
accomplishment of what cannot now be safely resisted. I
have the honour to be, etc., etc., etc.,
Robert Peel.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW ARRANGEMENTS
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1845.
We had a Council yesterday, at which Parliament was
prorogued to the 22nd of January, then to meet for the
despatch of business. Lord Stanley had an audience of the
Queen before, and delivered up the Seals of his office. He
was much agitated, and had told Sir Robert that he dreaded
this interview very much. The Queen thanked him for his
services, and begged he would do his best out of office to
smooth down the difficulties her Government would have to
contend with. At the Council Lord Dalhousie took his seat,
and Mr Gladstone received the Colonial Seals. The Queen
saw the Duke of Buccleuch and thanked him for the
devotion he had shown her during these trying
circumstances; the same to the Duke of Wellington, who is
in excellent spirits. On my saying, "You have such an
influence over the House of Lords, that you will be able to
keep them straight," he answered: "I'll do anything; I am
now beginning to write to them and to convince them singly
of what their duty is."
We saw afterwards Sir Robert Peel, who stayed more than
three hours. He is in the highest spirits at having got Mr
Gladstone and kept the Duke of Buccleuch; he proposed that
the Duke should be made President, and Lord Haddington
Privy Seal in his stead. (Lord Haddington had behaved very
well, had given up his place to Sir Robert, and told him he
Page 106
should do with him just as he liked—leave him out of the
Cabinet, shift him to another place, or leave him at the
Admiralty, as would suit him best.)
Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had
behaved so well, but got no more out of him, but "that he
would almost have done the same." Sir Robert proposes to
see Lord Ellenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty,
received the Queen's sanction likewise to Lord St Germans
(the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I said:
"With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even
if you had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't
tell them but what is absolutely necessary, and follow your
own course." He said in reply, that he should be very sorry if
he had to have told his Cabinet that he meant to send for
Lord Ellenborough. We could not help contrasting this
conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to his
people. It is to his own talent and firmness that Sir Robert
will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been
determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the
last election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the
end of the next Session to call the whole Conservative Party
together and to declare this to them, that he would not meet
another Parliament pledged to the maintenance of the Corn
Laws,THE CORN LAWS which could be maintained no longer,
and that he would make a public declaration to this effect
before another general election came on. This had been
defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, and he
had no alternative but to deal with the Corn Laws before a
national calamity would force it on. The league had made
immense progress, and had enormous means at their
disposal. If he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and
the Protectionists would have been prepared to form a
Government, and a Revolution might have been the
consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.
Sir Robert has an immense scheme in view; he thinks he
shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the
Cabinet, shift him to another place, or leave him at the
Admiralty, as would suit him best.)
Sir Robert hinted to Lord Ripon that Lord Haddington had
behaved so well, but got no more out of him, but "that he
would almost have done the same." Sir Robert proposes to
see Lord Ellenborough in order to offer him the Admiralty,
received the Queen's sanction likewise to Lord St Germans
(the Postmaster-General) being put into the Cabinet. I said:
"With your Government that has no inconvenience, and even
if you had a hundred members in the Cabinet, as you don't
tell them but what is absolutely necessary, and follow your
own course." He said in reply, that he should be very sorry if
he had to have told his Cabinet that he meant to send for
Lord Ellenborough. We could not help contrasting this
conduct with the subjection Lord John has shown to his
people. It is to his own talent and firmness that Sir Robert
will owe his success, which cannot fail. He said he had been
determined not to go to a general election with the fetters the
last election had imposed upon him, and he had meant at the
end of the next Session to call the whole Conservative Party
together and to declare this to them, that he would not meet
another Parliament pledged to the maintenance of the Corn
Laws,THE CORN LAWS which could be maintained no longer,
and that he would make a public declaration to this effect
before another general election came on. This had been
defeated by events coming too suddenly upon him, and he
had no alternative but to deal with the Corn Laws before a
national calamity would force it on. The league had made
immense progress, and had enormous means at their
disposal. If he had resigned in November, Lord Stanley and
the Protectionists would have been prepared to form a
Government, and a Revolution might have been the
consequence of it. Now they felt that it was too late.
Sir Robert has an immense scheme in view; he thinks he
shall be able to remove the contest entirely from the
Page 107
dangerous ground upon which it has got—that of a war
between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor against
the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only end in
the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure
upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one.
He will deal with the whole commercial system of the
country. He will adopt the principle of the League, that of
removing all protection and abolishing all monopoly, but not
in favour of one class and as a triumph over another, but to
the benefit of the nation, farmers as well as manufacturers.
He would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries
of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had
made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had
borne out the correctness of the principle: the wool duty was
taken off, and wool sold higher than ever before; foreign
cattle were let in, and the cattle of England stood better in
the market than ever. He would not ask for compensation to
the land, but wherever he could give it, and at the same time
promote the social development, there he would do it, but on
that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to the
country would be the establishment of a rural police on the
same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on
the Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely
relieved in all those counties which kept a police. One of the
heaviest charges on the land was the present administration
of law and the carrying on of prosecutions. Sir Robert could
fancy this to be very much improved by the appointment of
a public prosecutor by the State, which would give the State
a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral
prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary
degree. Part of the maintenance of the poor, according to the
Poor Law, might be undertaken by the State. A great
calamity must be foreseen, when the innumerable railroads
now in progress shall have been terminated, which will be
the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous
labouring population suddenly out of employment. THE
UNEMPLOYEDThere might be a law passed which would
between the manufacturers, the hungry and the poor against
the landed proprietors, the aristocracy, which can only end in
the ruin of the latter; he will not bring forward a measure
upon the Corn Laws, but a much more comprehensive one.
He will deal with the whole commercial system of the
country. He will adopt the principle of the League, that of
removing all protection and abolishing all monopoly, but not
in favour of one class and as a triumph over another, but to
the benefit of the nation, farmers as well as manufacturers.
He would begin with cotton, and take in all the necessaries
of life and corn amongst them. The experiments he had
made in 1842 and 1845 with boldness but with caution had
borne out the correctness of the principle: the wool duty was
taken off, and wool sold higher than ever before; foreign
cattle were let in, and the cattle of England stood better in
the market than ever. He would not ask for compensation to
the land, but wherever he could give it, and at the same time
promote the social development, there he would do it, but on
that ground. For instance, one of the greatest benefits to the
country would be the establishment of a rural police on the
same principle as the metropolitan police. By taking this on
the Consolidated Fund, the landowners would be immensely
relieved in all those counties which kept a police. One of the
heaviest charges on the land was the present administration
of law and the carrying on of prosecutions. Sir Robert could
fancy this to be very much improved by the appointment of
a public prosecutor by the State, which would give the State
a power to prevent vexatious, illegal, and immoral
prosecutions, and reduce the expenses in an extraordinary
degree. Part of the maintenance of the poor, according to the
Poor Law, might be undertaken by the State. A great
calamity must be foreseen, when the innumerable railroads
now in progress shall have been terminated, which will be
the case in a few years. This will throw an enormous
labouring population suddenly out of employment. THE
UNEMPLOYEDThere might be a law passed which would
Page 108
provide employment for them, and improve the agriculture
and production of the country, by enabling the State to
advance money to the great proprietors for the
improvements of their estates, which they could not obtain
otherwise without charging their estates beyond what they
already have to bear.
Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these
details.
Albert.
Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne.41
LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION
Bowood, 26th December 1845.
My dear Melbourne,—I return you with many thanks
George Anson's letter, which was enclosed in yours of the
23rd, which I received just as we were setting off for this
place. Pray, when next you write to George Anson, say how
gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration on the part of
H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's
communication. But I can assure you that although John
Russell, in his Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently
have overstated the terms in which he had mentioned to me
what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to the
Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon that
subject he never said anything more than is contained in
George Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think
that under all the circumstances of the case he could hardly
have avoided telling me thus much, and making me aware of
the impression which seemed to exist upon the Queen's mind
as to the way in which other persons might view my return
to the Foreign Office.
and production of the country, by enabling the State to
advance money to the great proprietors for the
improvements of their estates, which they could not obtain
otherwise without charging their estates beyond what they
already have to bear.
Sir Robert means to go with Mr Gladstone into all these
details.
Albert.
Viscount Palmerston to Viscount Melbourne.41
LORD PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION
Bowood, 26th December 1845.
My dear Melbourne,—I return you with many thanks
George Anson's letter, which was enclosed in yours of the
23rd, which I received just as we were setting off for this
place. Pray, when next you write to George Anson, say how
gratefully I appreciate the kind consideration on the part of
H.R.H. Prince Albert, which suggested George Anson's
communication. But I can assure you that although John
Russell, in his Audience of the Queen, may inadvertently
have overstated the terms in which he had mentioned to me
what Her Majesty had said to him about my return to the
Foreign Office, yet in his conversations with me upon that
subject he never said anything more than is contained in
George Anson's letter to you; and I am sure you will think
that under all the circumstances of the case he could hardly
have avoided telling me thus much, and making me aware of
the impression which seemed to exist upon the Queen's mind
as to the way in which other persons might view my return
to the Foreign Office.
Page 109
With regard to Her Majesty's own sentiments, I have always
been convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to
believe for an instant that I do not attach the greatest
importance to the maintenance, not merely of peace with all
foreign countries, but of the most friendly relations with
those leading Powers and States of the world with which
serious differences would be attended with the most
inconvenience. LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICYAs to Peace, I
succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of
yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years42 of great
and extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it
unavoidably happened during that period of time, that in
pursuing the course of policy which seemed the best for
British interests, we thwarted the views of this or that
Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less
friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object
which we were pursuing was of sufficient importance to
make it worth our while to submit to such temporary
inconvenience. There never was indeed, during those ten
years, any real danger of war except on three occasions; and
on each of those occasions the course pursued by the British
Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after
the accession of the King of the French, when Austria,
Russia, and Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack
France, and when the attitude assumed by the British
Government prevented a rupture. The second was when
England and France united by a Convention to wrest the
Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to
the King of the Belgians.43 If England had not then joined
with France, Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch,
or the attempt to take it would have led to a war in Europe.
The third occasion was when Mehemet Ali's army occupied
Syria, and when he was constantly threatening to declare
himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while
Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would
occupy Constantinople, and on the other hand, France
announced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force the
been convinced that Her Majesty knows me too well to
believe for an instant that I do not attach the greatest
importance to the maintenance, not merely of peace with all
foreign countries, but of the most friendly relations with
those leading Powers and States of the world with which
serious differences would be attended with the most
inconvenience. LORD PALMERSTON'S POLICYAs to Peace, I
succeeded, as the organ of Lord Grey's Government and of
yours, in preserving it unbroken during ten years42 of great
and extraordinary difficulty; and, if now and then it
unavoidably happened during that period of time, that in
pursuing the course of policy which seemed the best for
British interests, we thwarted the views of this or that
Foreign Power, and rendered them for the moment less
friendly, I think I could prove that in every case the object
which we were pursuing was of sufficient importance to
make it worth our while to submit to such temporary
inconvenience. There never was indeed, during those ten
years, any real danger of war except on three occasions; and
on each of those occasions the course pursued by the British
Government prevented war. The first occasion was just after
the accession of the King of the French, when Austria,
Russia, and Prussia were disposed and preparing to attack
France, and when the attitude assumed by the British
Government prevented a rupture. The second was when
England and France united by a Convention to wrest the
Citadel of Antwerp from the Dutch, and to deliver it over to
the King of the Belgians.43 If England had not then joined
with France, Antwerp would have remained with the Dutch,
or the attempt to take it would have led to a war in Europe.
The third occasion was when Mehemet Ali's army occupied
Syria, and when he was constantly threatening to declare
himself independent and to march on Constantinople; while
Russia, on the one hand, asserted that if he did so she would
occupy Constantinople, and on the other hand, France
announced that if Russia did so, she, France, would force the
Page 110
Dardanelles. The Treaty of July 1840, proposed and brought
about by the British Government, and the operations in
execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger; and,
notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the
real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put
an end to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.
I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home
and abroad have imbibed the notion that I am more
indifferent than I ought to be as to running the risk of war.
That impression abroad is founded upon an entire mistake,
but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere, would soon
yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that
impression has been industriously propagated to a limited
extent, partly by the legitimate attacks of political
opponents, and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks.
These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged to
accuse me of something. They could not charge me with
failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings,
whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or
elsewhere; they could not charge me with having involved
the country in war, because, in fact, we had maintained
peace; and the only thing that was left for them to say was
that my policy had a tendency to produce war, and I suppose
they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule
that it did not do so.
But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter,
the transaction which has by some been the most criticised
in this respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the
operations connected with it, were entirely approved by the
leaders of the then Opposition, who, so far from feeling any
disposition to favour me, had always made a determined run
at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke of
Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in the
House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that
transaction, and could not find that any fault had been
committed by us in working it out; and I happen to know
about by the British Government, and the operations in
execution of that Treaty, put an end to that danger; and,
notwithstanding what has often been said to the contrary, the
real danger of war arising out of the affairs of Syria was put
an end to, and not created by the Treaty of 1840.
I am well aware, however, that some persons both at home
and abroad have imbibed the notion that I am more
indifferent than I ought to be as to running the risk of war.
That impression abroad is founded upon an entire mistake,
but is by some sincerely felt, and being sincere, would soon
yield to the evidence of contradictory facts. At home that
impression has been industriously propagated to a limited
extent, partly by the legitimate attacks of political
opponents, and partly by a little cabal within our own ranks.
These parties wanted to attack me, and were obliged to
accuse me of something. They could not charge me with
failure, because we had succeeded in all our undertakings,
whether in Portugal, Spain, Belgium, Syria, China, or
elsewhere; they could not charge me with having involved
the country in war, because, in fact, we had maintained
peace; and the only thing that was left for them to say was
that my policy had a tendency to produce war, and I suppose
they would argue that it was quite wrong and against all rule
that it did not do so.
But notwithstanding what may have been said on this matter,
the transaction which has by some been the most criticised
in this respect, namely, the Treaty of 1840, and the
operations connected with it, were entirely approved by the
leaders of the then Opposition, who, so far from feeling any
disposition to favour me, had always made a determined run
at the Foreign Policy of the Whig Government. The Duke of
Wellington, at the opening of the Session of 1841, said in the
House of Lords that he entirely approved our policy in that
transaction, and could not find that any fault had been
committed by us in working it out; and I happen to know
Page 111
that Sir Robert Peel expressed to the representative of one of
the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire
approval of our course, while Lord Aberdeen said to one of
them, that the course I had taken in that affair made him
forgive me many things of former years, which he had
thought he never should have forgiven.
I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has
grown, and shall only add, with reference to our relations
with France, that I had some very friendly interviews with
Thiers, who was my chief antagonist in 1840, and that
although we did not enter into any conspiracy against Guizot
and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we parted on very
good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his
friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course
Guizot would do me the same good office with his
supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours affectionately,
Palmerston.
Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.
Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.
Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the assistance of
the Belgians, who some time before had entered Antwerp, but failed to
take the Citadel.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
THE MINISTRY REINSTATED
Ch. de W., le 30 Décembre 1845.
Sire et mon très cher Frère,—Votre Majesté me pardonnera
si je viens seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon
cœur de votre lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous
savez combien j'étais occupée pendant ces dernières 3
the German Powers, parties to the Alliance, his entire
approval of our course, while Lord Aberdeen said to one of
them, that the course I had taken in that affair made him
forgive me many things of former years, which he had
thought he never should have forgiven.
I am quite ashamed of the length to which this letter has
grown, and shall only add, with reference to our relations
with France, that I had some very friendly interviews with
Thiers, who was my chief antagonist in 1840, and that
although we did not enter into any conspiracy against Guizot
and Peel, as the newspapers pretended, we parted on very
good terms, and he promised to introduce me to all his
friends whenever I should go to Paris, saying that of course
Guizot would do me the same good office with his
supporters. My dear Melbourne, yours affectionately,
Palmerston.
Footnote 41: Submitted to the Queen by Lord Melbourne.
Footnote 42: 1830-1834, and 1835-1841.
Footnote 43: The English and French came in 1832 to the assistance of
the Belgians, who some time before had entered Antwerp, but failed to
take the Citadel.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
THE MINISTRY REINSTATED
Ch. de W., le 30 Décembre 1845.
Sire et mon très cher Frère,—Votre Majesté me pardonnera
si je viens seulement maintenant vous remercier de tout mon
cœur de votre lettre si bonne et si aimable du 16, mais vous
savez combien j'étais occupée pendant ces dernières 3
Page 112
semaines. La Crise est passée et j'ai tout lieu de croire que le
Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir de plus en plus,
ce que je ne puis que désirer pour le bien-être du pays. Je
dois cependant dire à votre Majesté que si le Ministère eût
changé, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empressé de
maintenir, comme nous le désirons si vivement, cette entente
cordiale si heureusement établie entre nos deux
Gouvernements.
Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au
mien nos félicitations les plus sincères à l'occasion de la
nouvelle Année, dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux
espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec beaucoup d'intérêt
le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez si aimablement
du "friendly call" à Eu et des coopérations des 2 pays dans
différentes parties du monde, et particulièrement pour
l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.
Ayez la grâce, Sire, de déposer nos hommages et nos
félicitations aux pieds de la Reine et de votre Sœur. Agréez
encore une fois, les expressions d'amitié et d'attachement
sincère avec lesquelles je suis, Sire et mon bien cher Frère,
de votre Majesté, la bien bonne Sœur et fidèle Amie,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 30th December 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
27th, by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel
being again—and I sincerely and confidently hope for many
years—my Minister. I have heard many instances of the
confidence the country and all parties have in Peel; for
instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham—a
most Radical place; and Joseph Hume expressed great
distress when Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for
Gouvernement de Sir R. Peel va s'affermir de plus en plus,
ce que je ne puis que désirer pour le bien-être du pays. Je
dois cependant dire à votre Majesté que si le Ministère eût
changé, j'ai la certitude que le nouveau se serait empressé de
maintenir, comme nous le désirons si vivement, cette entente
cordiale si heureusement établie entre nos deux
Gouvernements.
Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous offrir au nom d'Albert et au
mien nos félicitations les plus sincères à l'occasion de la
nouvelle Année, dans lequel vous nous donnez le doux
espoir de vous revoir. Nous avons lu avec beaucoup d'intérêt
le Speech de V.M., dans lequel vous parlez si aimablement
du "friendly call" à Eu et des coopérations des 2 pays dans
différentes parties du monde, et particulièrement pour
l'Abolition de la Traite des noirs.
Ayez la grâce, Sire, de déposer nos hommages et nos
félicitations aux pieds de la Reine et de votre Sœur. Agréez
encore une fois, les expressions d'amitié et d'attachement
sincère avec lesquelles je suis, Sire et mon bien cher Frère,
de votre Majesté, la bien bonne Sœur et fidèle Amie,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 30th December 1845.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
27th, by which I see how glad you are at our good Peel
being again—and I sincerely and confidently hope for many
years—my Minister. I have heard many instances of the
confidence the country and all parties have in Peel; for
instance, he was immensely cheered at Birmingham—a
most Radical place; and Joseph Hume expressed great
distress when Peel resigned, and the greatest contempt for
Page 113
Lord John Russell. The Members of the Government have
behaved extremely well and with much disinterestedness.
The Government has secured the services of Mr Gladstone
and Lord Ellenborough,44 who will be of great use. Lord E.
is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.
We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely
unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few Conservative
statesmen of the day who, after remaining faithful to Sir Robert Peel
till the middle of 1846, subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord
Derby and Mr Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with
those Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XV
The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling political
events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a Government, and Sir
Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone substituted for Lord
Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial measure for the Repeal of
the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he now was by the attacks of his old
supporters, led by Bentinck and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-
heartedly but in a strictly constitutional manner by the Queen and the
Prince. Amid bitter taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through
Parliament, but on the night that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated
on an Irish Coercion Bill by a factious combination in the Commons
between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on
this occasion was able to form an administration, though he failed in his
behaved extremely well and with much disinterestedness.
The Government has secured the services of Mr Gladstone
and Lord Ellenborough,44 who will be of great use. Lord E.
is become very quiet, and is a very good speaker.
We had a very happy Christmas. This weather is extremely
unwholesome. Now, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 44: Lord Ellenborough was one of the few Conservative
statesmen of the day who, after remaining faithful to Sir Robert Peel
till the middle of 1846, subsequently threw in his fortunes with Lord
Derby and Mr Disraeli. He was President of the Board of Control with
those Ministers in 1858 for the fourth time.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XV
The closing days of the year 1845 had been marked by startling political
events, and Lord John Russell's failure to form a Government, and Sir
Robert Peel's resumption of office, with Mr Gladstone substituted for Lord
Stanley, were now followed by the Ministerial measure for the Repeal of
the Corn Laws. Embarrassed as he now was by the attacks of his old
supporters, led by Bentinck and Disraeli, Peel was supported whole-
heartedly but in a strictly constitutional manner by the Queen and the
Prince. Amid bitter taunts, the Premier piloted the measure through
Parliament, but on the night that it finally passed the Lords he was defeated
on an Irish Coercion Bill by a factious combination in the Commons
between the Whigs and Protectionists, and resigned. Lord John Russell on
this occasion was able to form an administration, though he failed in his
Page 114
attempt to include in it some important members of the outgoing
Government.
Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into power
in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was shattered;
after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action could take place
between his supporters in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and
Disraeli, who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the
remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the Russell
Government, his chief care being to maintain them in office as against the
Protectionists.
In India the British army was successful in its operations against the Sikhs,
Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon.
Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed on between
Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore,
peace being signed on 8th March.
On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the
Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her sister,
which had so long been considered an international question, came at last to
a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the
Spanish people, except in so far as might be necessary to check the undue
ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor
Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince Leopold of
Saxe-Coburg.
It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the
Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at
the Château d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen
was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the Foreign
Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign Office despatch as
one of the candidates, gave the King and his Minister the pretext they
required for repudiating their solemn undertaking. In defiance of good faith
the engagements were simultaneously announced of the Queen to her
cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de
Montpensier, Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable
Government.
Thus, owing to the Irish famine, the Tory party which had come into power
in 1841 with a majority of ninety to support the Corn Laws, was shattered;
after Peel's defeat it became clear that no common action could take place
between his supporters in the struggle of 1846 and men like Bentinck and
Disraeli, who now became leaders of the Protectionist party. For the
remainder of the year Peel was on the whole friendly to the Russell
Government, his chief care being to maintain them in office as against the
Protectionists.
In India the British army was successful in its operations against the Sikhs,
Sir Harry Smith defeating them at Aliwal, and Sir Hugh Gough at Sobraon.
Our troops crossed the Sutlej, and terms of peace were agreed on between
Sir Henry Hardinge (who became a Viscount) and the Sirdars from Lahore,
peace being signed on 8th March.
On the continent of Europe the most important events took place in the
Peninsula. The selection of husbands for the Queen of Spain and her sister,
which had so long been considered an international question, came at last to
a crisis; the policy of Great Britain had been to leave the matter to the
Spanish people, except in so far as might be necessary to check the undue
ambition of Louis Philippe; and neither the Queen, Prince Albert, Peel, nor
Aberdeen had in any way supported the candidature of Prince Leopold of
Saxe-Coburg.
It was common ground that no son of Louis Philippe should marry the
Queen, but both that monarch and Guizot had further solemnly engaged at
the Château d'Eu that no son should marry even the Infanta until the Queen
was married and had children. The return of Palmerston to the Foreign
Office, and his mention of Prince Leopold in a Foreign Office despatch as
one of the candidates, gave the King and his Minister the pretext they
required for repudiating their solemn undertaking. In defiance of good faith
the engagements were simultaneously announced of the Queen to her
cousin, Don Francisco de Asis, and of the Infanta to the Duc de
Montpensier, Don Francisco being a man of unattractive, even disagreeable
Page 115
qualities, and feeble in physique. By this unscrupulous proceeding Queen
Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked.
At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her
position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner her
Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an insurrection
for several months: at the close of the year her arms were victorious at the
lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end.
In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the Austrian
troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting Powers" of
Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon
as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which was
forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only became possible in
consequence of the entente between England and France (equally parties to
the Treaty of Vienna) having been terminated by the affair of the Spanish
marriages; their formal but separate protests were disregarded.
There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and the
United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so ominous a
phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to announce in the
Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for adjusting the question,
had been accepted by the American President.
Victoria and the English nation were profoundly shocked.
At the same time Queen Maria found some difficulty in maintaining her
position in Portugal. She dismissed in a somewhat high-handed manner her
Minister the Duc de Palmella, and had to bear the brunt of an insurrection
for several months: at the close of the year her arms were victorious at the
lines of Torres Vedras, but the Civil War was not entirely brought to an end.
In February a Polish insurrection broke out in Silesia, and the Austrian
troops were driven from Cracow; the rising was suppressed by Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, who had been constituted the "Protecting Powers" of
Cracow by the Treaty of Vienna. This unsuccessful attempt was seized upon
as a pretext for destroying the separate nationality of Cracow, which was
forthwith annexed to Austria. This unjustifiable act only became possible in
consequence of the entente between England and France (equally parties to
the Treaty of Vienna) having been terminated by the affair of the Spanish
marriages; their formal but separate protests were disregarded.
There remains to be mentioned the dispute between Great Britain and the
United States as to the Oregon boundary, which had assumed so ominous a
phase in 1845. Lord Aberdeen's last official act was to announce in the
Lords that a Convention, proposed by himself for adjusting the question,
had been accepted by the American President.
Page 116
CHAPTER XV
1846
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd January 1846.
The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his
beautiful and indeed unanswerable speech of last night,
which we have been reading with the greatest attention.1 The
concluding part we also greatly admire. Sir R. Peel has made
a very strong case. Surely the impression which it has made
must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is a fair
one;2 the Queen has not a doubt that he will support Sir
Robert Peel.
He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very
satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but
perhaps he could not do so without exposing Lord
Palmerston.
What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of
Commons, and of the debate in the House of Lords? The
debates not being adjourned is a good thing. The crowd was
immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we were never better
received.
1846
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd January 1846.
The Queen must compliment Sir Robert Peel on his
beautiful and indeed unanswerable speech of last night,
which we have been reading with the greatest attention.1 The
concluding part we also greatly admire. Sir R. Peel has made
a very strong case. Surely the impression which it has made
must have been a good one. Lord John's explanation is a fair
one;2 the Queen has not a doubt that he will support Sir
Robert Peel.
He has indeed pledged himself to it. He does not give a very
satisfactory explanation of the causes of his failure, but
perhaps he could not do so without exposing Lord
Palmerston.
What does Sir Robert think of the temper of the House of
Commons, and of the debate in the House of Lords? The
debates not being adjourned is a good thing. The crowd was
immense out-of-doors yesterday, and we were never better
received.
Page 117
Footnote 1: The Queen had opened Parliament in person; the Prime
Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately after the
seconder of the Address, and in his peroration, after laying stress on
the responsibilities he was incurring, proceeded: "I do not desire to be
Minister of England; but while I am Minister of England I will hold
office by no servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other
obligation than that of consulting the public interests and providing for
the public safety."
Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made the
difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry insuperable.
Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria.3
EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER
Camp, Lullianee, 24 miles from Lahore,
18th February 1846.
The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in
perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between the
Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier forward,
within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as to have 50 miles of British
territory in front of Loodiana, which, relatively with
Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to the
Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest
side, to curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar
across the Beas River instead of the Sutlej—to round off our
hill possessions near Simla—to weaken the Sikh State which
has proved itself to be too strong—and to show to all Asia
that although the British Government has not deemed it
expedient to annex this immense country of the Punjab,
making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the
treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its
powers in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the
same political and military reason, the Governor-General
hopes to be able before the negotiations are closed to make
arrangements by which Cashmere may be added to the
possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill
Minister took the unusual course of speaking immediately after the
seconder of the Address, and in his peroration, after laying stress on
the responsibilities he was incurring, proceeded: "I do not desire to be
Minister of England; but while I am Minister of England I will hold
office by no servile tenure; I will hold office unshackled by any other
obligation than that of consulting the public interests and providing for
the public safety."
Footnote 2: He explained that the attitude of Lord Grey made the
difficulties attending the formation of a Whig Ministry insuperable.
Sir Henry Hardinge to Queen Victoria.3
EXTENSION OF INDIAN FRONTIER
Camp, Lullianee, 24 miles from Lahore,
18th February 1846.
The territory which it is proposed should be ceded in
perpetuity to your Majesty is a fine district between the
Rivers Sutlej and Beas, throwing our frontier forward,
within 30 miles of Amritsar, so as to have 50 miles of British
territory in front of Loodiana, which, relatively with
Ferozepore, is so weak, that it appeared desirable to the
Governor-General to improve our frontier on its weakest
side, to curb the Sikhs by an easy approach towards Amritsar
across the Beas River instead of the Sutlej—to round off our
hill possessions near Simla—to weaken the Sikh State which
has proved itself to be too strong—and to show to all Asia
that although the British Government has not deemed it
expedient to annex this immense country of the Punjab,
making the Indus the British boundary, it has punished the
treachery and violence of the Sikh nation, and exhibited its
powers in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. For the
same political and military reason, the Governor-General
hopes to be able before the negotiations are closed to make
arrangements by which Cashmere may be added to the
possessions of Gholab Singh, declaring the Rajpoot Hill
Page 118
States with Cashmere independent of the Sikhs of the Plains.
The Sikhs declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one
million and a half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an
equivalent. In this case, if Gholab Singh pays the money
demanded for the expenses of the war, the district of
Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah
become one of the Princes of Hindostan.
There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but
considering the military power which the Sikh nation has
exhibited of bringing into the field 80,000 men and 300
pieces of field artillery, it appears to the Governor-General
most politic to diminish the means of this warlike people to
repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous
military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the British
Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected
States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a
reverse, would have captured Delhi, and a people having
50,000 regular troops and 300 pieces of field artillery in a
standing permanent camp within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is
a state of things that cannot be tolerated for the future....
The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to
carry on the service in cordial co-operation with the
Governor-General, and the marked bravery and invincibility
of your Majesty's English troops, have overcome many
serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have been such
that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended the
arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.
Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th February by
the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough, reinforced by Sir Harry
Smith, fresh from his victory at Aliwal. See p. 71.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
The Sikhs declare their inability to pay the indemnity of one
million and a half, and will probably offer Cashmere as an
equivalent. In this case, if Gholab Singh pays the money
demanded for the expenses of the war, the district of
Cashmere will be ceded by the British to him, and the Rajah
become one of the Princes of Hindostan.
There are difficulties in the way of this arrangement, but
considering the military power which the Sikh nation has
exhibited of bringing into the field 80,000 men and 300
pieces of field artillery, it appears to the Governor-General
most politic to diminish the means of this warlike people to
repeat a similar aggression. The nation is in fact a dangerous
military Republic on our weakest frontier. If the British
Army had been defeated, the Sikhs, through the Protected
States, which would have risen in their favour in case of a
reverse, would have captured Delhi, and a people having
50,000 regular troops and 300 pieces of field artillery in a
standing permanent camp within 50 miles of Ferozepore, is
a state of things that cannot be tolerated for the future....
The energy and intrepidity displayed by your Majesty's
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, his readiness to
carry on the service in cordial co-operation with the
Governor-General, and the marked bravery and invincibility
of your Majesty's English troops, have overcome many
serious obstacles, and the precautions taken have been such
that no disaster or failure, however trifling, has attended the
arduous efforts of your Majesty's Arms.
Footnote 3: The Sikhs were defeated at Sobraon on 10th February by
the British troops under Sir Hugh Gough, reinforced by Sir Harry
Smith, fresh from his victory at Aliwal. See p. 71.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 119
Osborne, 3rd March 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I hasten to thank you for a most dear
and kind letter of the 28th, which I received this morning.
You know how I love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is
the dearest friend, after my beloved Albert, I have.
I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a
few days during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations
and improvements which have taken place. My dearest
Albert is so happy here, out all day planting, directing, etc.,
and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the
bitterness which people create for themselves in London.
PEEL'S ANXIETIES Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar
position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great
energy he alone possesses which will carry him through the
Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did
he not feel (as every one who is fully acquainted with the
real state of the country must feel) that the line he pursues is
the only right and sound one for the welfare of this country,
he never would have exposed himself to all the annoyance
and pain of being attacked by his friends. He was, however,
determined to have done this before the next general
election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced
him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to
you fully himself the peculiar circumstances of the present
very irregular state of affairs. His majority was not a certain
one last year, for on Maynooth, upwards of a hundred of his
followers voted against him.
The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do
justice to the bravery of our good people.
Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge.
Osborne, 4th March 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I hasten to thank you for a most dear
and kind letter of the 28th, which I received this morning.
You know how I love and esteem my dearest Louise; she is
the dearest friend, after my beloved Albert, I have.
I wish you could be here, and hope you will come here for a
few days during your stay, to see the innumerable alterations
and improvements which have taken place. My dearest
Albert is so happy here, out all day planting, directing, etc.,
and it is so good for him. It is a relief to be away from all the
bitterness which people create for themselves in London.
PEEL'S ANXIETIES Peel has a very anxious and a very peculiar
position, and it is the force of circumstances and the great
energy he alone possesses which will carry him through the
Session. He certainly acts a most disinterested part, for did
he not feel (as every one who is fully acquainted with the
real state of the country must feel) that the line he pursues is
the only right and sound one for the welfare of this country,
he never would have exposed himself to all the annoyance
and pain of being attacked by his friends. He was, however,
determined to have done this before the next general
election, but the alarming state of distress in Ireland forced
him to do it now. I must, however, leave him to explain to
you fully himself the peculiar circumstances of the present
very irregular state of affairs. His majority was not a certain
one last year, for on Maynooth, upwards of a hundred of his
followers voted against him.
The state of affairs in India is very serious. I am glad you do
justice to the bravery of our good people.
Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge.
Osborne, 4th March 1846.
Page 120
The Queen is anxious to seize the first opportunity of
expressing to Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his
conduct on the last most trying occasion, and of the courage
and gallantry of the officers and men who had so severe a
contest to endure.4 Their conduct has been in every way
worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen
are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have
sustained in so many brave officers and men is very painful,
and must alloy the satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant
successes of our Arms. Most deeply do we lament the death
of Sir Robert Sale,DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE Sir John
M'Caskill,5 and Major Broadfoot,6 and most deeply do we
sympathise with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who
has had the misfortune to lose her husband less than three
years after she was released from captivity and restored to
him.
We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health
has not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so
mercifully preserved. The Queen will look forward with
great anxiety to the next news from India.
Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on 21st
and 22nd December.
Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the
second Afghan campaign.
Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on the
north-western frontier.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM
Buckingham Palace, 1st April 1846.
expressing to Sir Henry Hardinge, her admiration of his
conduct on the last most trying occasion, and of the courage
and gallantry of the officers and men who had so severe a
contest to endure.4 Their conduct has been in every way
worthy of the British name, and both the Prince and Queen
are deeply impressed with it. The severe loss we have
sustained in so many brave officers and men is very painful,
and must alloy the satisfaction every one feels at the brilliant
successes of our Arms. Most deeply do we lament the death
of Sir Robert Sale,DEATH OF SIR ROBERT SALE Sir John
M'Caskill,5 and Major Broadfoot,6 and most deeply do we
sympathise with that high-minded woman, Lady Sale, who
has had the misfortune to lose her husband less than three
years after she was released from captivity and restored to
him.
We are truly rejoiced to hear that Sir H. Hardinge's health
has not suffered, and that he and his brave son have been so
mercifully preserved. The Queen will look forward with
great anxiety to the next news from India.
Footnote 4: At Moodkee on 18th December, and Ferozeshah on 21st
and 22nd December.
Footnote 5: Who had commanded a brigade under Pollock in the
second Afghan campaign.
Footnote 6: Major George Broadfoot, C.B., Political Agent on the
north-western frontier.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE PRINCE'S MEMORANDUM
Buckingham Palace, 1st April 1846.
Page 121
I saw this day Sir R. Peel, and showed him a memorandum,
which I had drawn up respecting our conversation of the
30th.
It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could
render it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through.
Sir Robert read it through and over again, and, after a long
pause, said: "I was not aware when I spoke to your Royal
Highness that my words would be taken down, and don't
acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my
opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that
what he said should be committed to paper, he would speak
differently, and give his opinion with all the circumspection
and reserve which a Minister ought to employ when he gave
responsible advice; but he had in this instance spoken quite
unreservedly, like an advocate defending a point in debate,
and then he had taken another and tried to carry this as far as
it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of judging of
the different bearings of the question. He did so often in the
Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was
often asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this
measure?" "Not at all, but I want that the counter argument
should be gone into to the fullest extent, in order that the
Cabinet should not take a one-sided view."
He viewed the existence of such a paper with much
uneasiness, as it might appear as if he had left this before
going out of office in order to prepossess the Queen against
the measures, which her future Minister might propose to
her, and so lay secretly the foundation of his fall. The
existence of such a paper might cause great embarrassment
to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister who
proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be
said, she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had
warned her and left on record the serious objections that
attached to the measure.
I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess
his views on the question, but that I thought I would not
which I had drawn up respecting our conversation of the
30th.
It filled six sheets, and contained, as minutely as I could
render it, the whole of the arguments we had gone through.
Sir Robert read it through and over again, and, after a long
pause, said: "I was not aware when I spoke to your Royal
Highness that my words would be taken down, and don't
acknowledge that this is a fair representation of my
opinion." He was visibly uneasy, and added, if he knew that
what he said should be committed to paper, he would speak
differently, and give his opinion with all the circumspection
and reserve which a Minister ought to employ when he gave
responsible advice; but he had in this instance spoken quite
unreservedly, like an advocate defending a point in debate,
and then he had taken another and tried to carry this as far as
it would go, in order to give me an opportunity of judging of
the different bearings of the question. He did so often in the
Cabinet, when they discussed important questions, and was
often asked: "Well, then, you are quite against this
measure?" "Not at all, but I want that the counter argument
should be gone into to the fullest extent, in order that the
Cabinet should not take a one-sided view."
He viewed the existence of such a paper with much
uneasiness, as it might appear as if he had left this before
going out of office in order to prepossess the Queen against
the measures, which her future Minister might propose to
her, and so lay secretly the foundation of his fall. The
existence of such a paper might cause great embarrassment
to the Queen; if she followed the advice of a Minister who
proposed measures hostile to the Irish Church, it might be
said, she knew what she undertook, for Sir R. Peel had
warned her and left on record the serious objections that
attached to the measure.
I said that I felt it to be of the greatest importance to possess
his views on the question, but that I thought I would not
Page 122
have been justified in keeping a record of our conversation
without showing it to him, and asking him whether I had
rightly understood him; but if he felt a moment's uneasiness
about this memorandum, I would at once destroy it, as I was
anxious that nothing should prevent his speaking without the
slightest reserve to me in future as he had done heretofore. I
felt that these open discussions were of the greatest use to
me in my endeavour to investigate the different political
questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon
them. As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I
took it as an affirmative, and threw the memorandum into
the fire, which, I could see, relieved Sir Robert.
Albert.
Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria.
13 Carlton House Terrace, 1st April 1846.
Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and prays that he may be honoured with your
Majesty's permission to direct that the Park and Tower Guns
may be fired forthwith in celebration of the victory which
was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh army in
Sobraon on the 10th of February.7
Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as a
precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of Tel-el-Kebir. See
Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers, by Colonel Childers, C.B.,
R.E., vol. ii p. 127.
Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge.
Buckingham Palace, 6th April 1846.
without showing it to him, and asking him whether I had
rightly understood him; but if he felt a moment's uneasiness
about this memorandum, I would at once destroy it, as I was
anxious that nothing should prevent his speaking without the
slightest reserve to me in future as he had done heretofore. I
felt that these open discussions were of the greatest use to
me in my endeavour to investigate the different political
questions of the day and to form a conclusive opinion upon
them. As Sir Robert did not say a word to dissuade me, I
took it as an affirmative, and threw the memorandum into
the fire, which, I could see, relieved Sir Robert.
Albert.
Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria.
13 Carlton House Terrace, 1st April 1846.
Mr William Gladstone presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and prays that he may be honoured with your
Majesty's permission to direct that the Park and Tower Guns
may be fired forthwith in celebration of the victory which
was achieved by your Majesty's forces over the Sikh army in
Sobraon on the 10th of February.7
Footnote 7: In September 1882 Mr Gladstone quoted this as a
precedent for firing the Park Guns after the victory of Tel-el-Kebir. See
Life of Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers, by Colonel Childers, C.B.,
R.E., vol. ii p. 127.
Queen Victoria to Sir Henry Hardinge.
Buckingham Palace, 6th April 1846.
Page 123
The Queen must write a line to Sir Henry Hardinge in order
to express her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy
termination of our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he
communicated to her in his long and interesting letter of the
18th and 19th February. The Queen much admires the skill
and valour with which their difficult operations have been
conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir Henry
Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an
acknowledgment of this in the communication she has
ordered to be made to him relative to his elevation to the
Peerage.
The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this
glorious occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry
Hardinge.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Paris, 5 Mai 1846.
Madame ma très chère Sœur,—Quand le 1er de Mai, au
moment où j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues
réceptions de mon jour de fête, on m'a remis la lettre si
gracieuse que votre Majesté a eu l'aimable attention de
m'écrire de manière à ce que je la reçoive ce jour là, j'en ai
été pénétré, et j'ai pensé tout de suite aux paroles du Menuet
d'Iphigénie comme exprimant le remercîment qu'à mon
grand regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par
écrit dans un pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de
suite la partition de ce menuet, et celles du Chœur du même
Opéra de Glück "Chantons, célébrons notre Reine!" mais on
n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et j'ai dû me contenter de
les avoir arrangés pour le piano dans un livre (pas même
relié) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la
to express her extreme satisfaction at the brilliant and happy
termination of our severe contest with the Sikhs, which he
communicated to her in his long and interesting letter of the
18th and 19th February. The Queen much admires the skill
and valour with which their difficult operations have been
conducted, and knows how much she owes to Sir Henry
Hardinge's exertions. The Queen hopes that he will see an
acknowledgment of this in the communication she has
ordered to be made to him relative to his elevation to the
Peerage.
The Prince, who fully knows all the Queen's feelings on this
glorious occasion, wishes to be named to Sir Henry
Hardinge.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Paris, 5 Mai 1846.
Madame ma très chère Sœur,—Quand le 1er de Mai, au
moment où j'allais commencer les nombreuses et longues
réceptions de mon jour de fête, on m'a remis la lettre si
gracieuse que votre Majesté a eu l'aimable attention de
m'écrire de manière à ce que je la reçoive ce jour là, j'en ai
été pénétré, et j'ai pensé tout de suite aux paroles du Menuet
d'Iphigénie comme exprimant le remercîment qu'à mon
grand regret, je ne pouvais que sentir, et non exprimer par
écrit dans un pareil moment. J'ai donc fait chercher tout de
suite la partition de ce menuet, et celles du Chœur du même
Opéra de Glück "Chantons, célébrons notre Reine!" mais on
n'a pu, ou pas su se les procurer, et j'ai dû me contenter de
les avoir arrangés pour le piano dans un livre (pas même
relié) qui a au moins pour excuse de contenir toute la
Page 124
musique de cet Opéra. Je l'ai mis dans une grande enveloppe
adressée à votre Majesté et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de
l'expédier par le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger,
comme Dépêche, afin d'éviter ces postages dont Lord
Liverpool m'a révélé l'étonnant usage.
Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a
pénétré cette nouvelle marque d'amitié de votre part? Vous
connaissez celle que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive
et sincère. J'espère bien que l'année ne s'écoulera pas sans
que j'aie été présenter mes hommages à votre Majesté....
Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de
plus en plus l'espérance que la crise Parlementaire dans
laquelle le Ministère de votre Majesté se trouve engagé, se
terminera, comme Elle sait que je le désire vivement, c'est-à-
dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast,
et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres quand j'aurai le bonheur
de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir que ce vœu est à
peu près général en France, et qu'il se manifeste de plus en
plus....
Que votre Majesté me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de ma plus tendre amitié, et qu'elle veuille bien
me croire pour la vie, Madame ma très chère Sœur, de votre
Majesté, le bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe, R.
J'ai volé ces feuilles de papier à ma bonne Reine pour
échapper aux reproches trop bien fondés que Lord Aberdeen
a faits à la dernière fourniture dont je me suis servi.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
IRISH CRIMES BILL
House of Commons, 12th June 1846.
adressée à votre Majesté et j'ai fait prier Lord Cowley de
l'expédier par le premier Courier qui pourrait s'en charger,
comme Dépêche, afin d'éviter ces postages dont Lord
Liverpool m'a révélé l'étonnant usage.
Que vous dirai-je, Madame, sur tous les sentiments dont m'a
pénétré cette nouvelle marque d'amitié de votre part? Vous
connaissez celle que je vous porte, et combien elle est vive
et sincère. J'espère bien que l'année ne s'écoulera pas sans
que j'aie été présenter mes hommages à votre Majesté....
Tout ce que j'entends, tout ce que je recueille, me donne de
plus en plus l'espérance que la crise Parlementaire dans
laquelle le Ministère de votre Majesté se trouve engagé, se
terminera, comme Elle sait que je le désire vivement, c'est-à-
dire que Sir Robert Peel, Lord Aberdeen, etc., will hold fast,
et qu'ils seront encore ses Ministres quand j'aurai le bonheur
de Lui faire ma Cour. Je vois avec plaisir que ce vœu est à
peu près général en France, et qu'il se manifeste de plus en
plus....
Que votre Majesté me permette d'offrir ici au Prince Albert
l'expression de ma plus tendre amitié, et qu'elle veuille bien
me croire pour la vie, Madame ma très chère Sœur, de votre
Majesté, le bon Frère et bien fidèle Ami,
Louis Philippe, R.
J'ai volé ces feuilles de papier à ma bonne Reine pour
échapper aux reproches trop bien fondés que Lord Aberdeen
a faits à la dernière fourniture dont je me suis servi.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
IRISH CRIMES BILL
House of Commons, 12th June 1846.
Page 125
(Friday Night.)
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been
made to-night with the Irish Bill.8
On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that
opportunity of defending himself from the accusations9
brought forward by Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli
against Sir Robert Peel for transactions that took place
twenty years since. The debate on this preliminary question
lasted until nearly half-past eleven.
Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir
Robert Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors.
He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John
Russell and Lord Morpeth behaved very well.
The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a
few Protectionists.
Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in Ireland, a
Coercion Bill had been introduced.
Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation discussions of
1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel of having hounded
Canning to death.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Whitehall, 22nd June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and assures your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep
sense of your Majesty's great kindness and your Majesty's
generous sympathy with himself and Lady Peel.
ATTACK ON PEEL
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that no progress has been
made to-night with the Irish Bill.8
On reading the order of the day Sir Robert Peel took that
opportunity of defending himself from the accusations9
brought forward by Lord George Bentinck and Mr Disraeli
against Sir Robert Peel for transactions that took place
twenty years since. The debate on this preliminary question
lasted until nearly half-past eleven.
Like every unjust and malignant attack, this, according to Sir
Robert Peel's impressions, recoiled upon its authors.
He thinks the House was completely satisfied. Lord John
Russell and Lord Morpeth behaved very well.
The vindictive motive of the attack was apparent to all but a
few Protectionists.
Footnote 8: In consequence of a serious increase of crime in Ireland, a
Coercion Bill had been introduced.
Footnote 9: This refers to the Catholic Emancipation discussions of
1827, when Bentinck and Disraeli accused Peel of having hounded
Canning to death.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Whitehall, 22nd June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and assures your Majesty that he is penetrated with a deep
sense of your Majesty's great kindness and your Majesty's
generous sympathy with himself and Lady Peel.
ATTACK ON PEEL
Page 126
Sir Robert Peel firmly believes that the recent attack made
upon him was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by
Mr Disraeli and Lord George Bentinck, in the hope and
belief that from the lapse of time or want of leisure in Sir
Robert Peel to collect materials for his defence, or the
destruction of documents and papers, the means of complete
refutation might be wanting....
He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate
the falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of
the accusers.
He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for
the kind interest you have manifested during the progress of
this arduous struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to
a successful termination.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 26th June 1846.
(Two o'clock.)
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the
Government met in Cabinet to-day at one.
Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting.
He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the
rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt
it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender
his resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that,
feeling no assurance that the result of a Dissolution would
be to give a majority agreeing with the Government in
general principles of policy, and sufficient in amount to
enable the Government to conduct the business of the
country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your
upon him was the result of a foul conspiracy concocted by
Mr Disraeli and Lord George Bentinck, in the hope and
belief that from the lapse of time or want of leisure in Sir
Robert Peel to collect materials for his defence, or the
destruction of documents and papers, the means of complete
refutation might be wanting....
He hopes, however, he had sufficient proof to demonstrate
the falseness of the accusation, and the malignant motives of
the accusers.
He is deeply grateful to your Majesty and to the Prince for
the kind interest you have manifested during the progress of
this arduous struggle, which now he trusts is approaching to
a successful termination.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 26th June 1846.
(Two o'clock.)
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that the members of the
Government met in Cabinet to-day at one.
Sir Robert Peel is just returned from this meeting.
He stated to the Cabinet that after the event of yesterday (the
rejection of the Irish Bill by so large a majority as 73) he felt
it to be his duty as head of the Government humbly to tender
his resignation of office to your Majesty. He added that,
feeling no assurance that the result of a Dissolution would
be to give a majority agreeing with the Government in
general principles of policy, and sufficient in amount to
enable the Government to conduct the business of the
country with credit to themselves and satisfaction to your
Page 127
Majesty and the public at large, he could not advise your
Majesty to dissolve the Parliament.
Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government
generally ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to
his own course.
There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the
Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and
for the reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise
dissolution. If Sir Robert Peel does not receive your
Majesty's commands to wait upon your Majesty in the
course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne about
half-past three to-morrow.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PEEL'S RESIGNATION
Osborne House, 28th June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his
resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post,
the labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for
anybody to bear, and which in these last six months were
particularly onerous. In fact, he said that he would not have
been able to stand it much longer. Nothing, however, would
have induced him to give way before he had passed the Corn
Bill and the Tariff.10 The majority upon the Irish Bill was
much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was glad
of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the
necessity of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as
for himself personally, he had made up his mind to resign,
and on being asked what he advised his Cabinet to do, he
recommended them to do the same, which received general
concurrence. The last weeks had not been without some
intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough
Majesty to dissolve the Parliament.
Sir Robert Peel said that, in his opinion, the Government
generally ought to resign, but his mind was made up as to
his own course.
There was not a dissenting voice that it was the duty of the
Government to tender their resignation to your Majesty, and
for the reasons stated by Sir Robert Peel, not to advise
dissolution. If Sir Robert Peel does not receive your
Majesty's commands to wait upon your Majesty in the
course of to-day, Sir Robert Peel will be at Osborne about
half-past three to-morrow.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PEEL'S RESIGNATION
Osborne House, 28th June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel arrived yesterday evening and tendered his
resignation. He is evidently much relieved in quitting a post,
the labours and anxieties of which seem almost too much for
anybody to bear, and which in these last six months were
particularly onerous. In fact, he said that he would not have
been able to stand it much longer. Nothing, however, would
have induced him to give way before he had passed the Corn
Bill and the Tariff.10 The majority upon the Irish Bill was
much larger than any one had expected; Sir Robert was glad
of this, however, as it convinced his colleagues of the
necessity of resigning. He told them at the Cabinet that, as
for himself personally, he had made up his mind to resign,
and on being asked what he advised his Cabinet to do, he
recommended them to do the same, which received general
concurrence. The last weeks had not been without some
intrigue. There was a party headed by Lord Ellenborough
Page 128
and Lord Brougham, who wished Sir Robert and Sir James
Graham to retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite
with the Protection section of the Conservatives, and to
carry on the Government. Lord Ellenborough and Lord
Brougham had in December last settled to head the
Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by
Lord Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of
the Admiralty; Lord Brougham then declared for free trade,
perhaps in order to follow Lord Ellenborough into office.
The Duke of Wellington had been for dissolution till he saw
the complete disorganisation of his party in the House of
Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening
before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had
made every exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority
was still increased by Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders
and Radicals, who had intended to stay away in order not to
endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to do so as they
would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists voted
with the majority.
Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed
through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were defeated in
the Commons.
Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord
John Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of
Wight in order to tender his and his colleagues' resignation
to the Queen, that he did not the least know what Her
Majesty's intentions were, but that in case she should send
for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see Lord John
(should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to the
state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he
could desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least
committing the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had
nothing to fear on his part, and that, on the contrary, he
could reckon upon his assistance in starting the Queen's new
Government. He hoped likewise that this would tend to
dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have
raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill.
Graham to retire, and for the rest of the Cabinet to reunite
with the Protection section of the Conservatives, and to
carry on the Government. Lord Ellenborough and Lord
Brougham had in December last settled to head the
Protectionists, but this combination had been broken up by
Lord Ellenborough's acceptance of the post of First Lord of
the Admiralty; Lord Brougham then declared for free trade,
perhaps in order to follow Lord Ellenborough into office.
The Duke of Wellington had been for dissolution till he saw
the complete disorganisation of his party in the House of
Lords. The Whigs, having been beat twice the evening
before by large majorities on the Roman Catholic Bill, had
made every exertion on the Coercion Bill, and the majority
was still increased by Sir Robert's advising the Free Traders
and Radicals, who had intended to stay away in order not to
endanger Sir Robert's Government, not to do so as they
would not be able to save him. Seventy Protectionists voted
with the majority.
Footnote 10: By a remarkable coincidence the Corn Bill passed
through the Lords on the same night that the Ministry were defeated in
the Commons.
Before leaving Town Sir R. Peel addressed a letter to Lord
John Russell, informing him that he was going to the Isle of
Wight in order to tender his and his colleagues' resignation
to the Queen, that he did not the least know what Her
Majesty's intentions were, but that in case she should send
for Lord John, he (Sir Robert) was ready to see Lord John
(should he wish it), and give him any explanation as to the
state of public affairs and Parliamentary business which he
could desire. Sir Robert thought thereby, without in the least
committing the Queen, to indicate to Lord John that he had
nothing to fear on his part, and that, on the contrary, he
could reckon upon his assistance in starting the Queen's new
Government. He hoped likewise that this would tend to
dispel a clamour for dissolution which the Whigs have
raised, alarmed by their defeats upon the Catholic Bill.
Page 129
Albert.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE
House of Commons, 29th June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his
speech notifying to the House the resignation of the
Government.
He thinks it was very well received.11 Lord Palmerston
spoke after Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no
other person spoke. Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John
Russell at ten to-morrow morning.
Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the
intelligence received this day from America. The defeat of
the Government on the day on which they carried the Corn
Bill, and the receipt of the intelligence from America12 on
the day on which they resign, are singular coincidences.
Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with goodwill
"in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn their daily
bread by the sweat of their brows, when they shall recruit their
exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter
because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice."
Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to the
Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States Government.
The Bishop of Oxford13 to Mr Anson.
Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria.
END OF THE OREGON DISPUTE
House of Commons, 29th June 1846.
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs
leave to acquaint your Majesty that he has just concluded his
speech notifying to the House the resignation of the
Government.
He thinks it was very well received.11 Lord Palmerston
spoke after Sir Robert Peel, but not very effectively, but no
other person spoke. Sir Robert Peel is to see Lord John
Russell at ten to-morrow morning.
Sir Robert Peel humbly congratulates your Majesty on the
intelligence received this day from America. The defeat of
the Government on the day on which they carried the Corn
Bill, and the receipt of the intelligence from America12 on
the day on which they resign, are singular coincidences.
Footnote 11: He expressed his hope to be remembered with goodwill
"in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn their daily
bread by the sweat of their brows, when they shall recruit their
exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter
because no longer leavened with a sense of injustice."
Footnote 12: The Convention for adjusting the dispute as to the
Oregon boundary had been accepted by the United States Government.
The Bishop of Oxford13 to Mr Anson.
Page 130
61 Eaton Place, 29th June 1846.
(Midnight.)
My dear Anson,—Your kind letter reached me half an hour
ago whilst Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say
a few words in reply by the early post. I went down to hear
Peel in the House of Commons, and very fine it was. The
House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling every seat
and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private
business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose
for anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in,
walked up the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than
ever, yet to a close gaze showing the fullest working of a
smothered volcano of emotions. He was out of breath with
walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench (placing a
small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table)
as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he
rose, amidst a breathless silence, and made the speech you
will have read long ere this. It was very fine: very effective:
really almost solemn: to fall at such a moment. He spoke as
if it was his last political scene: as if he felt that between
alienated friends and unwon foes he could have no party
again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and
advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I
thought doubtful: the apostrophePEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN to
"Richard Cobden."14 I think it was wrong, though there is
very much to be said for it. The opening of the American
peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to?
Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig
budget and deficiency. The first great question all men ask
is: does Lord John come in, leaning on Radical or
Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the Cabinet? the first
Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I wish you
were near enough to talk to, though even then you would
know too much that must not be known for a comfortable
talk. But I shall hope soon to see you; and am always, my
dear Anson, very sincerely and affectionately yours,
S. Oxon.
(Midnight.)
My dear Anson,—Your kind letter reached me half an hour
ago whilst Sir T. Acland was sitting with me; and I must say
a few words in reply by the early post. I went down to hear
Peel in the House of Commons, and very fine it was. The
House crowded, Peers and Ambassadors filling every seat
and overflowing into the House. Soon after six all private
business was over; Peel not come in, all waiting, no one rose
for anything; for ten minutes this lasted: then Peel came in,
walked up the House: colder, dryer, more introverted than
ever, yet to a close gaze showing the fullest working of a
smothered volcano of emotions. He was out of breath with
walking and sat down on the Treasury Bench (placing a
small despatch box with the Oregon despatches on the table)
as he would be fully himself before he rose. By-and-by he
rose, amidst a breathless silence, and made the speech you
will have read long ere this. It was very fine: very effective:
really almost solemn: to fall at such a moment. He spoke as
if it was his last political scene: as if he felt that between
alienated friends and unwon foes he could have no party
again; and could only as a shrewd bystander observe and
advise others. There was but one point in the Speech which I
thought doubtful: the apostrophePEEL'S TRIBUTE TO COBDEN to
"Richard Cobden."14 I think it was wrong, though there is
very much to be said for it. The opening of the American
peace was noble; but for the future, what have we to look to?
Already there are whispers of Palmerston and War; the Whig
budget and deficiency. The first great question all men ask
is: does Lord John come in, leaning on Radical or
Conservative aid? Is Hawes to be in the Cabinet? the first
Dissenter? the first tradesman? the Irish Church? I wish you
were near enough to talk to, though even then you would
know too much that must not be known for a comfortable
talk. But I shall hope soon to see you; and am always, my
dear Anson, very sincerely and affectionately yours,
S. Oxon.
Page 131
Footnote 13: Dr S. Wilberforce.
Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be,
associated with the success of these measures, is the name of a man
who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has
advocated their cause with untiring energy, and by appeals to reason,
enforced by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was
unaffected and unadorned—the name which ought to be and which
will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of
Richard Cobden."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Osborne House, 30th June 1846.
Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen
Sir Robert Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake
the formation of a Government which he thinks will stand;
at least, for the present session he anticipates no difficulty, as
Sir R. Peel has professed himself ready not to obstruct its
progress, and as the Protectionists have held a meeting on
Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared that he would
let this Government go on smoothly unless the word "Irish
Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John
has consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon,
and Cottenham, who were of opinion that the Liberal
members of Sir Robert's Cabinet ought to be induced to
retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord Dalhousie, Lord
Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the
interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he
would not consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters
away from him (it not being his intention to form a party),
and that he would not dissuade them from accepting the
offer, but that he feared that they would not accept. We
concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised by
Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of
Footnote 14: "Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be,
associated with the success of these measures, is the name of a man
who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has
advocated their cause with untiring energy, and by appeals to reason,
enforced by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was
unaffected and unadorned—the name which ought to be and which
will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of
Richard Cobden."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Osborne House, 30th June 1846.
Lord John Russell arrived here this afternoon; he has seen
Sir Robert Peel this morning, and is prepared to undertake
the formation of a Government which he thinks will stand;
at least, for the present session he anticipates no difficulty, as
Sir R. Peel has professed himself ready not to obstruct its
progress, and as the Protectionists have held a meeting on
Saturday at which Lord Stanley has declared that he would
let this Government go on smoothly unless the word "Irish
Church" was pronounced. About men and offices, Lord John
has consulted with Lord Lansdowne, Palmerston, Clarendon,
and Cottenham, who were of opinion that the Liberal
members of Sir Robert's Cabinet ought to be induced to
retain office under Lord John, viz. Lord Dalhousie, Lord
Lincoln, and Mr Sidney Herbert. Sir Robert Peel at the
interview of this morning had stated to Lord John that he
would not consider it as an attempt to draw his supporters
away from him (it not being his intention to form a party),
and that he would not dissuade them from accepting the
offer, but that he feared that they would not accept. We
concurred in this opinion, but Lord John was authorised by
Victoria to make the offer. Mr F. Baring, the Chancellor of
Page 132
the Exchequer under the late Whig Government, has
intimated to Lord John that he would prefer if no offer of
office was made to him; Lord John would therefore
recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey was
still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a
difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if
he could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His
speech in the House of Lords15 at the beginning of the
session had done much harm, had been very extreme, and
Lord John was decidedly against him in that. Lord Grey
knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody would
be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he
might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great
influence with him might keep him quiet, and so would the
Colonial seals, as he would get work enough. About Lord
Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no more make any
difficulty.
Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long speech on
the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the poverty of the Roman
Catholic Church in that country with the affluence of the
Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the superior power of England
from its original objects; adding that the Protestant Church was
regarded by the great mass of the Irish people as an active cause of
oppression and misery.
Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had
forgotten to mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir
Robert Peel by his speech and his special mention of Mr
Cobden as the person who had carried the great measure,
had made it very difficult for Lord John not to offer office to
Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of being
exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work.
The only thing he could offer would be a Cabinet office.
Now this would affront a great many people whom he (Lord
J.) had to conciliate, and create even possibly dissension in
his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going on the Continent for a
year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon to write to
Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going abroad,
that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that
intimated to Lord John that he would prefer if no offer of
office was made to him; Lord John would therefore
recommend Mr Charles Wood for this office. Lord Grey was
still a difficulty; in or out of office he seemed to be made a
difficulty. It would be desirable to have him in the Cabinet if
he could waive his opinions upon the Irish Church. His
speech in the House of Lords15 at the beginning of the
session had done much harm, had been very extreme, and
Lord John was decidedly against him in that. Lord Grey
knew that everybody blamed it, but said everybody would
be of those (his) opinions ten years hence, and therefore he
might just as well hold them now. Mr Wood having great
influence with him might keep him quiet, and so would the
Colonial seals, as he would get work enough. About Lord
Palmerston, he is satisfied, and would no more make any
difficulty.
Footnote 15: On the 23rd of March, in the course of a long speech on
the state of Ireland, Earl Grey had contrasted the poverty of the Roman
Catholic Church in that country with the affluence of the
Establishment, diverted, as he said, by the superior power of England
from its original objects; adding that the Protestant Church was
regarded by the great mass of the Irish people as an active cause of
oppression and misery.
Lord John Russell told me in the evening that he had
forgotten to mention one subject to the Queen: it was that Sir
Robert Peel by his speech and his special mention of Mr
Cobden as the person who had carried the great measure,
had made it very difficult for Lord John not to offer office to
Mr Cobden. The Whigs were already accused of being
exclusive, and reaping the harvest of other people's work.
The only thing he could offer would be a Cabinet office.
Now this would affront a great many people whom he (Lord
J.) had to conciliate, and create even possibly dissension in
his Cabinet. As Mr Cobden was going on the Continent for a
year, Lord John was advised by Lord Clarendon to write to
Mr C., and tell him that he had heard he was going abroad,
that he would not make any offer to him therefore, but that
Page 133
he considered him as entitled once to be recommended for
office to the Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's
permission....
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Osborne, 1st July 1846.
The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The
settlement of the Oregon question has given us the greatest
satisfaction. It does seem strange that at the moment of
triumph the Government should have to resign. The Queen
read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great admiration. The
Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir
Robert again) of expressing her deep concern at losing his
services, which she regrets as much for the Country as for
herself and the Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel
may be, we shall ever look on him as a kind and true friend,
and ever have the greatest esteem and regard for him as a
Minister and as a private individual.
The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord
John Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to
Sir Robert. She does not think, however, that he mentioned
the wish Lord John expressed that Lord Liverpool should
retain his office, which however (much as we should
personally like it) we think he would not do.
What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do
his own followers say to the state of affairs?
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
office to the Queen. This he would do, with the Queen's
permission....
Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Osborne, 1st July 1846.
The Queen returns these letters, with her best thanks. The
settlement of the Oregon question has given us the greatest
satisfaction. It does seem strange that at the moment of
triumph the Government should have to resign. The Queen
read Sir Robert Peel's speech with great admiration. The
Queen seizes this opportunity (though she will see Sir
Robert again) of expressing her deep concern at losing his
services, which she regrets as much for the Country as for
herself and the Prince. In whatever position Sir Robert Peel
may be, we shall ever look on him as a kind and true friend,
and ever have the greatest esteem and regard for him as a
Minister and as a private individual.
The Queen will not say anything about what passed at Lord
John Russell's interview, as the Prince has already written to
Sir Robert. She does not think, however, that he mentioned
the wish Lord John expressed that Lord Liverpool should
retain his office, which however (much as we should
personally like it) we think he would not do.
What does Sir Robert hear of the Protectionists, and what do
his own followers say to the state of affairs?
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Page 134
WHIG JEALOUSIES
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1846.
Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy
Council, and the Seals of Office transferred to them. We had
a long conversation with Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I
mentioned to him that his word of "Richard Cobden" had
created an immense sensation, but he was not inclined to
enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing
which could widen the breach between him and his party, he
said, "I don't think that we can ever get together again." He
repeated that he was anxious not to undertake a Government
again, that his health would not stand it, that it was better
likewise for the Queen's service that other, younger men
should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had tears
in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her
confidence and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an
interview with Lord Palmerston, and says that when he
(Lord A.) came into office, Lord Palmerston and the
Chronicle assailed him most bitterly as an imbecile Minister,
a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now to show Lord
P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him in
every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times
speak to him as if he was his colleague if he wished it.
The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded
in obtaining a very respectable and proper one,
notwithstanding the run which the Party made upon it which
had been formerly used to settle these matters, to their liking
only. The Government is not a united one, however, by any
means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest
credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the
Government,16 and are responsible to Lord John to keep him
quiet, which they think they will be able to do, as he had
been convinced of the folly of his former line of conduct.
Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead only
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1846.
Yesterday the new Ministry were installed at a Privy
Council, and the Seals of Office transferred to them. We had
a long conversation with Sir Robert Peel, who took leave. I
mentioned to him that his word of "Richard Cobden" had
created an immense sensation, but he was not inclined to
enter upon the subject. When we begged him to do nothing
which could widen the breach between him and his party, he
said, "I don't think that we can ever get together again." He
repeated that he was anxious not to undertake a Government
again, that his health would not stand it, that it was better
likewise for the Queen's service that other, younger men
should be brought forward. Sir Robert, Lord Aberdeen, and
Sir James Graham parted with great emotion, and had tears
in their eyes when they thanked the Queen for her
confidence and support. Lord Aberdeen means to have an
interview with Lord Palmerston, and says that when he
(Lord A.) came into office, Lord Palmerston and the
Chronicle assailed him most bitterly as an imbecile Minister,
a traitor to his country, etc., etc. He means now to show Lord
P. the contrast by declaring his readiness to assist him in
every way he can by his advice, that he would at all times
speak to him as if he was his colleague if he wished it.
The new Court is nearly completed, and we have succeeded
in obtaining a very respectable and proper one,
notwithstanding the run which the Party made upon it which
had been formerly used to settle these matters, to their liking
only. The Government is not a united one, however, by any
means. Mr Wood and Lord Clarendon take the greatest
credit in having induced Lord Grey to join the
Government,16 and are responsible to Lord John to keep him
quiet, which they think they will be able to do, as he had
been convinced of the folly of his former line of conduct.
Still, they say Lord Lansdowne will have the lead only
Page 135
nominally, that Lord Grey is to take it really in the House of
Lords. There is the Grey Party, consisting of Lord Grey,
Lord Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are
against Lord Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and
Sir John Hobhouse, stigmatising them as old women. Lord
John leans entirely to the last-named gentlemen. There is no
cordiality between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, who, if
he had to make a choice, would even forget what passed in
December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to Lord
John personally. The curious part of all this is that they
cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They
got the Times over by giving it exclusive information, and
the leading articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet,
but the wicked paper added immediately a furious attack
upon Sir John Hobhouse, which alarmed them so much that
they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether he would be
hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control. (This,
however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood
against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.)
Sir John Easthope, the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle,
complains bitterly of the subserviency to the Times and
treason to him. He says he knows that the information was
sent from Lord John's house, and threatens revenge. "If you
will be ruled by the Times," he said to one of the Cabinet,
"the Times has shown you already by a specimen that you
will be ruled by a rod of iron."
Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to Palmerston's re-
appointment to the Foreign Office. See ante, p. 60.
A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to
satisfy Lord Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal.
Albert.
The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s,
are to give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which
he is to announce his opinions upon the line they are to take.
Lord George Bentinck is there to lay down the lead which
Lords. There is the Grey Party, consisting of Lord Grey,
Lord Clarendon, Sir George Grey, and Mr Wood; they are
against Lord Lansdowne, Lord Minto, Lord Auckland, and
Sir John Hobhouse, stigmatising them as old women. Lord
John leans entirely to the last-named gentlemen. There is no
cordiality between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, who, if
he had to make a choice, would even forget what passed in
December last, and join the Grey Party in preference to Lord
John personally. The curious part of all this is that they
cannot keep a secret, and speak of all their differences. They
got the Times over by giving it exclusive information, and
the leading articles are sent in and praise the new Cabinet,
but the wicked paper added immediately a furious attack
upon Sir John Hobhouse, which alarmed them so much that
they sent to Sir John, sounding him, whether he would be
hereafter prepared to relinquish the Board of Control. (This,
however, is a mere personal matter of Mr Walter, who stood
against Sir John at Nottingham in 1841 and was unseated.)
Sir John Easthope, the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle,
complains bitterly of the subserviency to the Times and
treason to him. He says he knows that the information was
sent from Lord John's house, and threatens revenge. "If you
will be ruled by the Times," he said to one of the Cabinet,
"the Times has shown you already by a specimen that you
will be ruled by a rod of iron."
Footnote 16: In spite of the opposition of the latter to Palmerston's re-
appointment to the Foreign Office. See ante, p. 60.
A Brevet for the Army and Navy is proposed, in order to
satisfy Lord Anglesey with the dignity of Field-Marshal.
Albert.
The Protectionists, 150 strong, including Peers and M.P.'s,
are to give a dinner to Lord Stanley at Greenwich, at which
he is to announce his opinions upon the line they are to take.
Lord George Bentinck is there to lay down the lead which
Page 136
the Party insisted upon. Who is to follow him as their leader
in the Commons nobody knows.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 7th July 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for your kind letter
of the 3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day
for me. I had to part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen,
who are irreparable losses to us and the Country; they were
both so much overcome that it quite overset me, and we
have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe with them.
Never, during the five years that they were with me, did they
ever recommend a person or a thing which was not for my
or the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage
only; and the contrast now is very striking; there is much
less respect and much less high and pure feeling. Then the
discretion of Peel, I believe, is unexampled.
A WEAK GOVERNMENT
Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs,
which is unexampled, and I think the present Government
very weak and extremely disunited. What may appear to you
as a mistake in November was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen
very truly explained it yesterday. "We had ill luck," he said;
"if it had not been for this famine in Ireland, which rendered
immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have
prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the
Corn Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely
made this change (for which the whole Country blesses
him), a convulsion would shortly have taken place, and we
should have been forced to yield what has been granted as a
boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party (which will
come together again, whether under Peel or some one else)
is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted,
in the Commons nobody knows.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 7th July 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for your kind letter
of the 3rd. It arrived yesterday, which was a very hard day
for me. I had to part with Sir R. Peel and Lord Aberdeen,
who are irreparable losses to us and the Country; they were
both so much overcome that it quite overset me, and we
have in them two devoted friends. We felt so safe with them.
Never, during the five years that they were with me, did they
ever recommend a person or a thing which was not for my
or the Country's best, and never for the Party's advantage
only; and the contrast now is very striking; there is much
less respect and much less high and pure feeling. Then the
discretion of Peel, I believe, is unexampled.
A WEAK GOVERNMENT
Stockmar has, I know, explained to you the state of affairs,
which is unexampled, and I think the present Government
very weak and extremely disunited. What may appear to you
as a mistake in November was an inevitable evil. Aberdeen
very truly explained it yesterday. "We had ill luck," he said;
"if it had not been for this famine in Ireland, which rendered
immediate measures necessary, Sir Robert would have
prepared them gradually for the change." Then, besides, the
Corn Law Agitation was such that if Peel had not wisely
made this change (for which the whole Country blesses
him), a convulsion would shortly have taken place, and we
should have been forced to yield what has been granted as a
boon. No doubt the breaking up of the Party (which will
come together again, whether under Peel or some one else)
is a very distressing thing. The only thing to be regretted,
Page 137
and I do not know exactly why he did it (though we can
guess), was his praise of Cobden, which has shocked people
a good deal.
But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't
think what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up
of all this intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable.
We have contrived to get a very respectable Court.
Albert's use to me, and I may say to the Country, by his
firmness and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments
of trial.
We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by
all these tribulations.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome
at taking leave of us.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Buckingham Palace, 8th July 1846.
The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting
communications. Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has
taken place in the Country; one of the most brilliant
Governments this Country ever had has fallen at the moment
of victory! The Queen has now, besides mourning over this
event, the anxiety of having to see the Government carried
on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country.
The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment
of this object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at
the head of the Government of India, where great
guess), was his praise of Cobden, which has shocked people
a good deal.
But I can't tell you how sad I am to lose Aberdeen; you can't
think what a delightful companion he was; the breaking up
of all this intercourse during our journeys, etc., is deplorable.
We have contrived to get a very respectable Court.
Albert's use to me, and I may say to the Country, by his
firmness and sagacity, is beyond all belief in these moments
of trial.
We are all well, but I am, of course, a good deal overset by
all these tribulations.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
I was much touched to see Graham so very much overcome
at taking leave of us.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Buckingham Palace, 8th July 1846.
The Queen thanks Lord Hardinge for his interesting
communications. Lord Hardinge will have learnt all that has
taken place in the Country; one of the most brilliant
Governments this Country ever had has fallen at the moment
of victory! The Queen has now, besides mourning over this
event, the anxiety of having to see the Government carried
on as efficiently as possible, for the welfare of the Country.
The Queen would find a guarantee for the accomplishment
of this object in Lord Hardinge's consenting to continue at
the head of the Government of India, where great
Page 138
experiments have been made which require unity of purpose
and system to be carried out successfully.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 10th July 1846.
... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J.
Russell, though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks
the one to Father Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite
true that he has done much good by preaching temperance,
but by the aid of superstition, which can hardly be
patronised by the Crown.17
The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to
speak out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without
reserve.
Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY
Osborne, 14th July 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—We are very happily established here
since Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly
enjoyable place; we drive, walk, and sit out—and the nights
are so fine. I long for you to be here. It has quite restored my
spirits, which were much shaken by the sad leave-takings in
London—of Sir R. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool,
etc. Lord L. could not well have stayed. Lord Aberdeen was
very much overset.
and system to be carried out successfully.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 10th July 1846.
... The Queen approves of the pensions proposed by Lord J.
Russell, though she cannot conceal from him that she thinks
the one to Father Mathew a doubtful proceeding. It is quite
true that he has done much good by preaching temperance,
but by the aid of superstition, which can hardly be
patronised by the Crown.17
The Queen is sure that Lord John will like her at all times to
speak out her mind, and has, therefore, done so without
reserve.
Footnote 17: The pension was, however, granted.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY
Osborne, 14th July 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—We are very happily established here
since Thursday, and have beautiful weather for this truly
enjoyable place; we drive, walk, and sit out—and the nights
are so fine. I long for you to be here. It has quite restored my
spirits, which were much shaken by the sad leave-takings in
London—of Sir R. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool,
etc. Lord L. could not well have stayed. Lord Aberdeen was
very much overset.
Page 139
The present Government is weak, and I think Lord J. does
not possess the talent of keeping his people together. Most
people think, however, that they will get through this
Session; the only question of difficulty is the sugar question.
I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever
desirable—now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would
prove to the world that this new Government was hostile,
and the entente cordiale no longer sure. Pray impress this on
the King—and I hope and beg he will let the dear Nemours
pay us a little visit in November. It would have the best
effect, and be so pleasant, as we are so dull in the winter all
by ourselves. I hope that in future, when the King and the
Family are at Eu, some of them will frequently come over to
see us here. It would be so nice and so near.
Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall not have to write to
you again, but have the happiness of saying de vive voix, that
I am ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
not possess the talent of keeping his people together. Most
people think, however, that they will get through this
Session; the only question of difficulty is the sugar question.
I think that the King of the French's visit is more than ever
desirable—now; for if he were to be shy of coming, it would
prove to the world that this new Government was hostile,
and the entente cordiale no longer sure. Pray impress this on
the King—and I hope and beg he will let the dear Nemours
pay us a little visit in November. It would have the best
effect, and be so pleasant, as we are so dull in the winter all
by ourselves. I hope that in future, when the King and the
Family are at Eu, some of them will frequently come over to
see us here. It would be so nice and so near.
Now adieu, dearest Uncle. I hope I shall not have to write to
you again, but have the happiness of saying de vive voix, that
I am ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Page 140
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Foreign Office, 16th July 1846.
... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain,
Viscount Palmerston has received a good deal of general
information from persons who have conversed with him on
the subject, but he has learnt nothing thereupon which was
not already known to your Majesty. The state of that matter
seems, in a few words, to be that the Count of Trapani is
now quite out of the question, that the Count of Montemolin,
though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported
by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice,
and that the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and
the Prince Leopold of Coburg, the two Queens being equally
set against the Duke of Cadiz, Don Enrique's elder brother.
In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be the two Queens, and
a party (of what extent and influence does not appear) in
Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at least,
the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and
probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria.
In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the
Spanish nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their
Sovereign's husband; and the preference, expressed only as
an opinion and without any acts in furtherance of it, by your
Majesty's late Administration. Against Don Enrique are the
aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on her family
differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of the
present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power
endangered by the political connection between Don
Enrique and the more Liberal Party. The sentiments of the
King of the French in regard to Don Enrique seem not very
decided; but it appears likely that the King of the French
would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to
Don Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the
Prince Leopold of Coburg, because the former would fall
within the category of Bourbon princes, descended from
Foreign Office, 16th July 1846.
... With regard to the marriage of the Queen of Spain,
Viscount Palmerston has received a good deal of general
information from persons who have conversed with him on
the subject, but he has learnt nothing thereupon which was
not already known to your Majesty. The state of that matter
seems, in a few words, to be that the Count of Trapani is
now quite out of the question, that the Count of Montemolin,
though wished for by Austria, and in some degree supported
by the Court of the Tuileries, would be an impossible choice,
and that the alternative now lies between Don Enrique and
the Prince Leopold of Coburg, the two Queens being equally
set against the Duke of Cadiz, Don Enrique's elder brother.
In favour of Prince Leopold seem to be the two Queens, and
a party (of what extent and influence does not appear) in
Spain. Against that Prince are arrayed, ostensibly at least,
the Court of the Tuileries and the Liberal Party in Spain; and
probably to a certain degree the Government of Austria.
In favour of Don Enrique are a very large portion of the
Spanish nation, who would prefer a Spanish prince for their
Sovereign's husband; and the preference, expressed only as
an opinion and without any acts in furtherance of it, by your
Majesty's late Administration. Against Don Enrique are the
aversion of the Queen Mother, founded on her family
differences with her late sister, and the apprehensions of the
present Ministers in Spain, who would think their power
endangered by the political connection between Don
Enrique and the more Liberal Party. The sentiments of the
King of the French in regard to Don Enrique seem not very
decided; but it appears likely that the King of the French
would prefer Count Montemolin or the Duke of Cadiz to
Don Enrique; but that he would prefer Don Enrique to the
Prince Leopold of Coburg, because the former would fall
within the category of Bourbon princes, descended from
Page 141
Philip the Fifth of Spain, proposed by the King of the French
as the limited circle within which the Queen of Spain should
find a husband.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
16th July 1846.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter,
and is very much satisfied with his parting conversation with
Ibrahim Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon
him. The view Lord Palmerston takes about the present
position of the Spanish marriage question appears to the
Queen quite correct. She finds only one omission, which is
Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique, and the
danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by
a Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political
enemy of the opposite Party.18
The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about
Portugal, which is really in an alarming state.19 She sends
herewith the last letter which she received from the King of
Portugal. The Queen is sorry to have lost the opportunity of
seeing Marshal Saldanha.
Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his celebrated
despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed a copy of it to
Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The mention of Prince
Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand,
gave the French King and Minister the opportunity they wanted, and
brought matters to a crisis. See Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. chap.
xvii.; Dalling's Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. iii. chaps. vii. and viii.
Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on the Bank
of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War Minister) had
some difficulty in raising a loan.
as the limited circle within which the Queen of Spain should
find a husband.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
16th July 1846.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's interesting letter,
and is very much satisfied with his parting conversation with
Ibrahim Pasha, which she conceives will not be lost upon
him. The view Lord Palmerston takes about the present
position of the Spanish marriage question appears to the
Queen quite correct. She finds only one omission, which is
Queen Isabella's personal objection to Don Enrique, and the
danger which attaches to marriage with a Prince taken up by
a Political Party in Spain, which makes him the political
enemy of the opposite Party.18
The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his zeal about
Portugal, which is really in an alarming state.19 She sends
herewith the last letter which she received from the King of
Portugal. The Queen is sorry to have lost the opportunity of
seeing Marshal Saldanha.
Footnote 18: On the 18th of July Lord Palmerston wrote his celebrated
despatch to Mr Bulwer, and unfortunately showed a copy of it to
Jarnac, the French Ambassador in London. The mention of Prince
Leopold in it, as a possible candidate for the Queen of Spain's hand,
gave the French King and Minister the opportunity they wanted, and
brought matters to a crisis. See Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. chap.
xvii.; Dalling's Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. iii. chaps. vii. and viii.
Footnote 19: Owing to the insurrection, a run took place on the Bank
of Lisbon. The Ministry (in which Saldanha was War Minister) had
some difficulty in raising a loan.
Page 142
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION
Osborne House, 16th July 1846.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication
of yesterday, and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar
measure20 may be such that the Committee of the Cabinet,
as well as the whole Cabinet and Parliament, may concur in
it, which would save the country another struggle this year.
The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience and good
sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and
accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the
possibility of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put
Lord John in possession of her views upon this subject
generally. She considers the power of dissolving Parliament
a most valuable and powerful instrument in the hands of the
Crown, but which ought not to be used except in extreme
cases and with a certainty of success. To use this instrument
and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown and
hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she
made a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the
result has been a majority returned against her of nearly one
hundred votes; but suppose the result to have been nearly an
equality of votes between the two contending parties, the
Queen would have thrown away her last remedy, and it
would have been impossible for her to get any Government
which could have carried on public business with a chance
of success.
The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did
not ask for a Dissolution, and she entirely concurs in the
opinion expressed by him in his last speech in the House of
Commons, when he said:
"I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in
advising the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a
THE PREROGATIVE OF DISSOLUTION
Osborne House, 16th July 1846.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's communication
of yesterday, and sincerely hopes that Lord John's sugar
measure20 may be such that the Committee of the Cabinet,
as well as the whole Cabinet and Parliament, may concur in
it, which would save the country another struggle this year.
The Queen trusts, moreover, that late experience and good
sense may induce the West Indians to be moderate and
accommodating. As Lord John touches in his letter on the
possibility of a Dissolution, the Queen thinks it right to put
Lord John in possession of her views upon this subject
generally. She considers the power of dissolving Parliament
a most valuable and powerful instrument in the hands of the
Crown, but which ought not to be used except in extreme
cases and with a certainty of success. To use this instrument
and be defeated is a thing most lowering to the Crown and
hurtful to the country. The Queen strongly feels that she
made a mistake in allowing the Dissolution in 1841; the
result has been a majority returned against her of nearly one
hundred votes; but suppose the result to have been nearly an
equality of votes between the two contending parties, the
Queen would have thrown away her last remedy, and it
would have been impossible for her to get any Government
which could have carried on public business with a chance
of success.
The Queen was glad therefore to see that Sir Robert Peel did
not ask for a Dissolution, and she entirely concurs in the
opinion expressed by him in his last speech in the House of
Commons, when he said:
"I feel strongly this, that no Administration is justified in
advising the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be a
Page 143
fair, reasonable presumption, even a strong moral
conviction, that after a Dissolution they will be enabled to
administer the affairs of this country through the support of a
party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not
think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I think
the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands
of the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that
instrument if it be resorted to without necessity.
"The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong
presumption that after a Dissolution we should have had a
party powerful enough in this House to give effect
practically to the measures which we might propose. I do not
mean a support founded on a concurrence on one great
question of domestic policy, however important that may be,
not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of
public policy, agreeing with us in one; but that we should
have the support of a powerful party united by a general
concurrence of political opinions."
The Queen is confident that these views will be in
accordance with Lord John Russell's own sentiments and
opinions upon this subject.
Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the Ministry
introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties on foreign slave-
grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of equalising them with those
on Colonial produce.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS
South Street, 21st July 1846.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has just received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and
conviction, that after a Dissolution they will be enabled to
administer the affairs of this country through the support of a
party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. I do not
think a Dissolution justifiable to strengthen a party. I think
the power of Dissolution is a great instrument in the hands
of the Crown, and that there is a tendency to blunt that
instrument if it be resorted to without necessity.
"The only ground for Dissolution would have been a strong
presumption that after a Dissolution we should have had a
party powerful enough in this House to give effect
practically to the measures which we might propose. I do not
mean a support founded on a concurrence on one great
question of domestic policy, however important that may be,
not of those who differ from us on almost all questions of
public policy, agreeing with us in one; but that we should
have the support of a powerful party united by a general
concurrence of political opinions."
The Queen is confident that these views will be in
accordance with Lord John Russell's own sentiments and
opinions upon this subject.
Footnote 20: In pursuance of the policy of free trade, the Ministry
introduced and passed a Bill reducing the duties on foreign slave-
grown sugar, with the ultimate intention of equalising them with those
on Colonial produce.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD MELBOURNE'S VIEWS
South Street, 21st July 1846.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has just received your Majesty's letter of yesterday, and
Page 144
is much delighted at again hearing from your Majesty.
What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of
parties in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir
Robert Peel had a party which might have enabled him to
have long carried on the Government if he had not most
unaccountably chosen himself to scatter it to the winds.
Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that
your Majesty would not have been displeased or unwilling
to see him again amongst your confidential servants, but
your Majesty acted most kindly and most judiciously in not
calling upon him in November last, and John Russell has
done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any
offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall
during the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir
Robert Peel's Government must be very speedily dissolved;
and upon considering the state of his own health and
feelings, he came to the determination, which he
communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he
could take no active part in the then speedily approaching
crisis. He felt himself quite unequal to the work, and also to
that of either of the Secretaries of State, or even of the more
subordinate and less heavy and responsible offices. He is
very subject to have accesses of weakness, which render him
incapable for exertion, and deprive his life of much of its
enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten its
termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to
foretell or foresee.
Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon
your Majesty on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of
the full dress uniform. He begs to be remembered to His
Royal Highness.
Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
What your Majesty says of the state of public affairs and of
parties in Parliament is true. But in November last Sir
Robert Peel had a party which might have enabled him to
have long carried on the Government if he had not most
unaccountably chosen himself to scatter it to the winds.
Lord Melbourne is much gratified by the intimation that
your Majesty would not have been displeased or unwilling
to see him again amongst your confidential servants, but
your Majesty acted most kindly and most judiciously in not
calling upon him in November last, and John Russell has
done the same in forbearing to make to Lord Melbourne any
offer at present. When Lord Melbourne was at Brocket Hall
during the Whitsuntide holidays he clearly foresaw that Sir
Robert Peel's Government must be very speedily dissolved;
and upon considering the state of his own health and
feelings, he came to the determination, which he
communicated to Mr Ellice, who was with him, that he
could take no active part in the then speedily approaching
crisis. He felt himself quite unequal to the work, and also to
that of either of the Secretaries of State, or even of the more
subordinate and less heavy and responsible offices. He is
very subject to have accesses of weakness, which render him
incapable for exertion, and deprive his life of much of its
enjoyment. They do not appear at present to hasten its
termination, but how soon they may do so it is impossible to
foretell or foresee.
Lord Melbourne hopes that he shall be able to wait upon
your Majesty on Saturday next, but he fears the weight of
the full dress uniform. He begs to be remembered to His
Royal Highness.
Sir Robert Peel to the Prince Albert.
Page 145
THE PRINCE AND PEEL
Drayton Manor, Fazeley, August 1846.
Sir,—I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal
Highness's kind permission occasionally to write to your
Royal Highness. However much I am enjoying the contrast
between repose and official life, I may say—I hope without
presumption, I am sure with perfect sincerity—that the total
interruption of every sort of communication with your Royal
Highness would be a very severe penalty.
It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of
my correspondence all the letters which I had received from
the Queen and your Royal Highness during the long period
of five years, in order that I might ensure their exemption
from the fate to which in these days all letters seem to be
destined, and I could not review them without a mixed
feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence and
kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and
of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest
and pleasure was dried up.
I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious
wishes, and occasionally write to you, without saying a word
of which the most jealous or sensitive successor in the
confidence of the Queen could complain.... Your faithful and
humble Servant,
Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd August 1846.
The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses
very much for her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put
Lord John Russell in possession of her views on this subject.
Drayton Manor, Fazeley, August 1846.
Sir,—I shall be very happy to avail myself of your Royal
Highness's kind permission occasionally to write to your
Royal Highness. However much I am enjoying the contrast
between repose and official life, I may say—I hope without
presumption, I am sure with perfect sincerity—that the total
interruption of every sort of communication with your Royal
Highness would be a very severe penalty.
It was only yesterday that I was separating from the rest of
my correspondence all the letters which I had received from
the Queen and your Royal Highness during the long period
of five years, in order that I might ensure their exemption
from the fate to which in these days all letters seem to be
destined, and I could not review them without a mixed
feeling of gratitude for the considerate indulgence and
kindness of which they contained such decisive proofs, and
of regret that such a source of constantly recurring interest
and pleasure was dried up.
I can act in conformity with your Royal Highness's gracious
wishes, and occasionally write to you, without saying a word
of which the most jealous or sensitive successor in the
confidence of the Queen could complain.... Your faithful and
humble Servant,
Robert Peel.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd August 1846.
The Queen has just seen Lord Bessborough, who presses
very much for her going to Ireland; she thinks it right to put
Lord John Russell in possession of her views on this subject.
Page 146
It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken,
and which the Queen would be glad to have accomplished,
because it must be disagreeable to her that people should
speculate whether she dare visit one part of her dominions.
Much will depend on the proper moment, for, after those
speculations, it ought to succeed if undertaken.
The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a
National thing, and the good which it is to do must be a
permanent and not a transitory advantage to a particular
Government, having the appearance of a party move.
As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former
ones, but a State act, it will have to be done with a certain
degree of State, and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot
be expected that the main expense of it should fall upon the
Civil List, nor would this be able to bear it.
The Prince Albert to Earl Grey.
CANADIAN AFFAIRS
Buckingham Palace, 3rd August 1846.
My dear Lord Grey,—The Queen wishes me to return you
the enclosed letter. The subject of the Government of
Canada is one which the Queen has much at heart. Canada
has been for a long time, and may probably still be for the
future, a source of great weakness to this Empire, and a
number of experiments have been tried. It was in a very bad
state before the Union, continually embarrassing the Home
Government, and the Union has by no means acted as a
remedy, but it may be said almost to have increased the
difficulties. The only thing that has hitherto proved
beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial
administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance and
consistent application of the system which he has laid down
and which the Queen would be glad to have accomplished,
because it must be disagreeable to her that people should
speculate whether she dare visit one part of her dominions.
Much will depend on the proper moment, for, after those
speculations, it ought to succeed if undertaken.
The Queen is anxious that when undertaken it should be a
National thing, and the good which it is to do must be a
permanent and not a transitory advantage to a particular
Government, having the appearance of a party move.
As this is not a journey of pleasure like the Queen's former
ones, but a State act, it will have to be done with a certain
degree of State, and ought to be done handsomely. It cannot
be expected that the main expense of it should fall upon the
Civil List, nor would this be able to bear it.
The Prince Albert to Earl Grey.
CANADIAN AFFAIRS
Buckingham Palace, 3rd August 1846.
My dear Lord Grey,—The Queen wishes me to return you
the enclosed letter. The subject of the Government of
Canada is one which the Queen has much at heart. Canada
has been for a long time, and may probably still be for the
future, a source of great weakness to this Empire, and a
number of experiments have been tried. It was in a very bad
state before the Union, continually embarrassing the Home
Government, and the Union has by no means acted as a
remedy, but it may be said almost to have increased the
difficulties. The only thing that has hitherto proved
beneficial was the prudent, consistent, and impartial
administration of Lord Metcalfe. Upon the continuance and
consistent application of the system which he has laid down
Page 147
and acted upon, will depend, in the Queen's estimation, the
future welfare of that province, and the maintenance of
proper relations with the mother country. The Queen
therefore is most anxious that in the appointment of a new
Governor-General (for which post she thinks Lord Elgin
very well qualified), regard should be had to securing an
uninterrupted development of Lord Metcalfe's views. The
Queen thought it the more her duty to make you acquainted
with her sentiments upon this subject, because she thinks
that additional danger arises from the impressions which the
different agents of the different political parties in Canada
try to produce upon the Home Government and the imperial
Parliament, and from their desire to mix up Canadian party
politics with general English party politics.21 Ever yours,
etc.
Albert.
Footnote 21: In the event, Lord Elgin was appointed.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 4th August 1846.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is greatly obliged to your Majesty for your Majesty's
communication respecting a Royal visit to Ireland. He
concurs in your Majesty's observations on that subject. He is
of opinion that if the visit partook in any way of a party
character, its effects would be mischievous, and not
beneficial.
He is also doubtful of the propriety of either incurring very
large expense on the part of the public, or of encouraging
Irish proprietors to lay out money in show and ceremony at a
future welfare of that province, and the maintenance of
proper relations with the mother country. The Queen
therefore is most anxious that in the appointment of a new
Governor-General (for which post she thinks Lord Elgin
very well qualified), regard should be had to securing an
uninterrupted development of Lord Metcalfe's views. The
Queen thought it the more her duty to make you acquainted
with her sentiments upon this subject, because she thinks
that additional danger arises from the impressions which the
different agents of the different political parties in Canada
try to produce upon the Home Government and the imperial
Parliament, and from their desire to mix up Canadian party
politics with general English party politics.21 Ever yours,
etc.
Albert.
Footnote 21: In the event, Lord Elgin was appointed.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 4th August 1846.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is greatly obliged to your Majesty for your Majesty's
communication respecting a Royal visit to Ireland. He
concurs in your Majesty's observations on that subject. He is
of opinion that if the visit partook in any way of a party
character, its effects would be mischievous, and not
beneficial.
He is also doubtful of the propriety of either incurring very
large expense on the part of the public, or of encouraging
Irish proprietors to lay out money in show and ceremony at a
Page 148
time when the accounts of the potato crop exhibit the misery
and distress of the people in an aggravated shape.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE
7th August [1846].
With regard to the Statue22 on the arch on Constitution Hill,
the Queen is of opinion that if she is considered individually
she is bound by her word, and must allow the Statue to go
up, however bad the appearance of it will be. If the
constitutional fiction is applied to the case, the Queen acts
by the advice of her responsible advisers. One Government
advised her to give her assent, another advises the
withdrawal of that assent. This latter position has been taken
in Lord Morpeth's former letter to the Committee, and in the
debate in the House of Commons; it must therefore now be
adhered to, and whatever is decided must be the act of the
Government. It would accordingly be better to keep the
word "Government" at the conclusion of Lord Morpeth's
proposed letter, and that the Prince should not go to Town to
give an opinion upon the appearance of the figure, when up.
Footnote 22: The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington at Hyde
Park Corner was much criticised at the time of its erection: it is now at
Aldershot.
The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston.
[9th August 1846.]
and distress of the people in an aggravated shape.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE
7th August [1846].
With regard to the Statue22 on the arch on Constitution Hill,
the Queen is of opinion that if she is considered individually
she is bound by her word, and must allow the Statue to go
up, however bad the appearance of it will be. If the
constitutional fiction is applied to the case, the Queen acts
by the advice of her responsible advisers. One Government
advised her to give her assent, another advises the
withdrawal of that assent. This latter position has been taken
in Lord Morpeth's former letter to the Committee, and in the
debate in the House of Commons; it must therefore now be
adhered to, and whatever is decided must be the act of the
Government. It would accordingly be better to keep the
word "Government" at the conclusion of Lord Morpeth's
proposed letter, and that the Prince should not go to Town to
give an opinion upon the appearance of the figure, when up.
Footnote 22: The equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington at Hyde
Park Corner was much criticised at the time of its erection: it is now at
Aldershot.
The Prince Albert to Viscount Palmerston.
[9th August 1846.]
Page 149
My dear Lord Palmerston,—The Queen is much obliged
for Lord Howard de Walden's private letter to you, and begs
you will never hesitate to send her such private
communications, however unreserved they may be in their
language, as our chief wish and aim is, by hearing all
parties, to arrive at a just, dispassionate, and correct opinion
upon the various political questions. This, however, entails a
strict scrutiny of what is brought before us....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND SPAIN
Osborne, 17th August 1846.
The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer from Lord
Palmerston. The perusal of it has raised some apprehensions
in the Queen's mind, which she stated to Lord Palmerston
she would communicate to Lord John Russell.
The draft lays down a general policy, which the Queen is
afraid may ultimately turn out very dangerous. It is this:
England undertakes to interfere in the internal affairs of
Spain, and to promote the development of the present
constitutional Government of Spain in a more democratic
direction, and this for the avowed purpose of counteracting
the influence of France. England becomes therefore
responsible for a particular direction given to the internal
Government of Spain, which to control she has no sufficient
means. All England can do, and will have to do, is: to keep
up a particular party in Spain to support her views.
France, knowing that this is directed against her, must take
up the opposite party and follow the opposite policy in
Spanish affairs.
for Lord Howard de Walden's private letter to you, and begs
you will never hesitate to send her such private
communications, however unreserved they may be in their
language, as our chief wish and aim is, by hearing all
parties, to arrive at a just, dispassionate, and correct opinion
upon the various political questions. This, however, entails a
strict scrutiny of what is brought before us....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND SPAIN
Osborne, 17th August 1846.
The Queen has received a draft to Mr Bulwer from Lord
Palmerston. The perusal of it has raised some apprehensions
in the Queen's mind, which she stated to Lord Palmerston
she would communicate to Lord John Russell.
The draft lays down a general policy, which the Queen is
afraid may ultimately turn out very dangerous. It is this:
England undertakes to interfere in the internal affairs of
Spain, and to promote the development of the present
constitutional Government of Spain in a more democratic
direction, and this for the avowed purpose of counteracting
the influence of France. England becomes therefore
responsible for a particular direction given to the internal
Government of Spain, which to control she has no sufficient
means. All England can do, and will have to do, is: to keep
up a particular party in Spain to support her views.
France, knowing that this is directed against her, must take
up the opposite party and follow the opposite policy in
Spanish affairs.
Page 150
This must bring England and France to quarrels, of which
we can hardly foresee the consequences, and it dooms Spain
to eternal convulsions and reactions.
This has been the state of things before; theory and
experience therefore warn against the renewal of a similar
policy.
The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique would
appear as the desirable candidate for the Queen of Spain's
hand, and Lord Palmerston accordingly for the first time
deviates from the line hitherto followed by us, and urges
Don Enrique, which in the eyes of the world must stamp him
as "an English Candidate." Lord Palmerston, from his wish
to see him succeed, does, in the Queen's opinion, not
sufficiently acknowledge the obstacles which stand in the
way of this combination, and which all those who are on the
spot and in the confidence of the Court represent as almost
insurmountable.
The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all this most
maturely, and to let her know the result.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 19th August 1846.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that he has maturely considered,
together with Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord
Clarendon, your Majesty's observations on the draft sent by
Lord Palmerston for your Majesty's approbation.
Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty's wish
that England and France should not appear at Madrid as
countenancing conflicting parties. Lord John Russell did not
attach this meaning to Lord Palmerston's proposed despatch,
we can hardly foresee the consequences, and it dooms Spain
to eternal convulsions and reactions.
This has been the state of things before; theory and
experience therefore warn against the renewal of a similar
policy.
The natural consequence of this is that Don Enrique would
appear as the desirable candidate for the Queen of Spain's
hand, and Lord Palmerston accordingly for the first time
deviates from the line hitherto followed by us, and urges
Don Enrique, which in the eyes of the world must stamp him
as "an English Candidate." Lord Palmerston, from his wish
to see him succeed, does, in the Queen's opinion, not
sufficiently acknowledge the obstacles which stand in the
way of this combination, and which all those who are on the
spot and in the confidence of the Court represent as almost
insurmountable.
The Queen desires Lord John Russell to weigh all this most
maturely, and to let her know the result.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 19th August 1846.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that he has maturely considered,
together with Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord
Clarendon, your Majesty's observations on the draft sent by
Lord Palmerston for your Majesty's approbation.
Lord John Russell entirely concurs in your Majesty's wish
that England and France should not appear at Madrid as
countenancing conflicting parties. Lord John Russell did not
attach this meaning to Lord Palmerston's proposed despatch,
Page 151
but he has now re-written the draft in such a manner as he
trusts will obtain your Majesty's approval.
Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to this
difficult and delicate subject.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Foreign Office, 19th August 1846.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has endeavoured to modify and rearrange his
proposed instruction to Mr Bulwer in deference to your
Majesty's wishes and feelings as expressed to Lord John
Russell; and with this view also Viscount Palmerston has
divided the instruction into two separate despatches—the
one treating of the proposed marriage of the Queen, the
other of the possible marriage of the Infanta. But with regard
to these new drafts, as well as with regard to the former one,
Viscount Palmerston would beg to submit that they are not
notes to be presented to any Foreign Government, nor
despatches to be in any way made public; but that they are
confidential instructions given to one of your Majesty's
Ministers abroad, upon matters upon which your Majesty's
Government have been urgently pressed, to enable that
Minister to give advice; and Viscount Palmerston would beg
also to submit that in a case of this kind it would not be
enough to communicate drily the opinion of the British
Government, without stating and explaining some of the
reasons upon which those opinions are founded.
It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer's communication, and
especially from the postscript to his despatch of the 4th of
this month, that Queen Christina, the Duke of Rianzares, and
Señor Isturitz, are earnestly and intently bent upon marrying
trusts will obtain your Majesty's approval.
Lord John Russell will pay the utmost attention to this
difficult and delicate subject.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Foreign Office, 19th August 1846.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has endeavoured to modify and rearrange his
proposed instruction to Mr Bulwer in deference to your
Majesty's wishes and feelings as expressed to Lord John
Russell; and with this view also Viscount Palmerston has
divided the instruction into two separate despatches—the
one treating of the proposed marriage of the Queen, the
other of the possible marriage of the Infanta. But with regard
to these new drafts, as well as with regard to the former one,
Viscount Palmerston would beg to submit that they are not
notes to be presented to any Foreign Government, nor
despatches to be in any way made public; but that they are
confidential instructions given to one of your Majesty's
Ministers abroad, upon matters upon which your Majesty's
Government have been urgently pressed, to enable that
Minister to give advice; and Viscount Palmerston would beg
also to submit that in a case of this kind it would not be
enough to communicate drily the opinion of the British
Government, without stating and explaining some of the
reasons upon which those opinions are founded.
It is quite evident from Mr Bulwer's communication, and
especially from the postscript to his despatch of the 4th of
this month, that Queen Christina, the Duke of Rianzares, and
Señor Isturitz, are earnestly and intently bent upon marrying
Page 152
the Queen Isabella to Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and it
is very difficult to find conclusive grounds for saying that
such a match would not perhaps, on the whole, be the best
for Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all
things considered, your Majesty's Government incline to the
opinion that a Spanish Prince would be a preferable choice,
and they are prepared to give that opinion to the Spanish
Court.
DON ENRIQUE
There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it would be
creditable to the British Government to recommend as
husband to the Queen, and to that Prince Queen Christina is
known to feel objections, principally founded upon
apprehensions bearing upon her own personal interests.
Viscount Palmerston has endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer
with such arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared
likely to meet Queen Christina's fears, and he has occasion
to believe, from a conversation which he had a few days ago
with Count Jarnac, that the French Government, impelled by
the apprehension that your Majesty's Government intend to
support Prince Leopold of Coburg, would be willing, in
order to draw the British Government off from such a
course, to give at least an ostensible though perhaps not a
very earnest support to Don Henry. But your Majesty will no
doubt at once perceive that although the British Government
may come to an understanding with that of France as to
which of the candidates shall be the one in whose favour an
opinion is to be expressed, it would be impossible for the
British Government to associate itself with that of France in
any joint step to be taken upon this matter, and that each
Government must act separately through its own agent at
Madrid. For the two Governments have not only different
objects in view in these matters, England wishing Spain to
be independent, and France desiring to establish a
predominant influence in Spain; but moreover, in regard to
this marriage question, Great Britain has disclaimed any
right to interfere except by opinion and advice, while France
is very difficult to find conclusive grounds for saying that
such a match would not perhaps, on the whole, be the best
for Queen Isabella and the Spanish nation. But still, all
things considered, your Majesty's Government incline to the
opinion that a Spanish Prince would be a preferable choice,
and they are prepared to give that opinion to the Spanish
Court.
DON ENRIQUE
There is however but one Spanish Prince whom it would be
creditable to the British Government to recommend as
husband to the Queen, and to that Prince Queen Christina is
known to feel objections, principally founded upon
apprehensions bearing upon her own personal interests.
Viscount Palmerston has endeavoured to furnish Mr Bulwer
with such arguments in favour of Don Enrique as appeared
likely to meet Queen Christina's fears, and he has occasion
to believe, from a conversation which he had a few days ago
with Count Jarnac, that the French Government, impelled by
the apprehension that your Majesty's Government intend to
support Prince Leopold of Coburg, would be willing, in
order to draw the British Government off from such a
course, to give at least an ostensible though perhaps not a
very earnest support to Don Henry. But your Majesty will no
doubt at once perceive that although the British Government
may come to an understanding with that of France as to
which of the candidates shall be the one in whose favour an
opinion is to be expressed, it would be impossible for the
British Government to associate itself with that of France in
any joint step to be taken upon this matter, and that each
Government must act separately through its own agent at
Madrid. For the two Governments have not only different
objects in view in these matters, England wishing Spain to
be independent, and France desiring to establish a
predominant influence in Spain; but moreover, in regard to
this marriage question, Great Britain has disclaimed any
right to interfere except by opinion and advice, while France
Page 153
has assumed an authority of dictation, and it is essential that
your Majesty's Government should so shape the mode of co-
operating with France as not to appear to sanction
pretensions which are founded in no right and are
inconsistent with justice.
Viscount Palmerston is by no means confident that the joint
advice of the British and French Governments in favour of
Don Enrique will be successful, and especially because he
fears that M. Bresson has taken so active a part in favour of
other arrangements, that he will not be very eager in support
of Don Enrique, and will perhaps think that if this
arrangement can be rendered impossible the chances may
become greater in favour of some other arrangement which
he and his Government may prefer. But such future
embarrassments must be dealt with when they arise, and
Viscount Palmerston submits that for the moment, unless the
British Government had been prepared to close with the
offers of the Duke of Rianzares, and to follow at once the
course recommended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in
the accompanying drafts are the safest and the best.
Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in submitting the
accompanying private letter from Mr Bulwer announcing the
withdrawal of the Spanish troops from the frontier of
Portugal.
Mr Bulwer to Viscount Palmerston.
THE DOUBLE BETROTHAL
Madrid, 29th August 1846.
My Lord,—I have troubled your Lordship of late with many
communications....
your Majesty's Government should so shape the mode of co-
operating with France as not to appear to sanction
pretensions which are founded in no right and are
inconsistent with justice.
Viscount Palmerston is by no means confident that the joint
advice of the British and French Governments in favour of
Don Enrique will be successful, and especially because he
fears that M. Bresson has taken so active a part in favour of
other arrangements, that he will not be very eager in support
of Don Enrique, and will perhaps think that if this
arrangement can be rendered impossible the chances may
become greater in favour of some other arrangement which
he and his Government may prefer. But such future
embarrassments must be dealt with when they arise, and
Viscount Palmerston submits that for the moment, unless the
British Government had been prepared to close with the
offers of the Duke of Rianzares, and to follow at once the
course recommended by Mr Bulwer, the steps suggested in
the accompanying drafts are the safest and the best.
Viscount Palmerston has great pleasure in submitting the
accompanying private letter from Mr Bulwer announcing the
withdrawal of the Spanish troops from the frontier of
Portugal.
Mr Bulwer to Viscount Palmerston.
THE DOUBLE BETROTHAL
Madrid, 29th August 1846.
My Lord,—I have troubled your Lordship of late with many
communications....
Page 154
I have now to announce to your Lordship that the Queen
declared last night at twelve o'clock that she had made up
her mind in favour of His Royal Highness Don Francisco de
Asis.... Your Lordship is aware under what circumstances
Don Francisco was summoned here, the Court having been,
when I wrote on the 4th, most anxious to conclude a
marriage with Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only
induced to abandon this idea from the repeated intimations it
received that it could not be carried out....
The same night a Council was held of the Queen Mother's
friends, who determined to bring matters forthwith to a
conclusion. Queen Christina, I understand, spoke to her
daughter and told her she must choose one of two things,
either marrying now, or deferring the marriage for three or
four years. That the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was evidently
impossible; that Count Trapani would be dangerous; that
Don Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered
the alliance with him out of the question, and that Her
Majesty must either make up her mind to marry her cousin
Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for some time the idea
of marrying.
The Queen, I am told, took some little time to consider, and
then decided in favour of her cousin. The Ministers were
called in, and the drama was concluded....
H. L. Bulwer.
P.S.—I learn that directly the Queen had signified her
intention of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson formally
asked the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier,
stating that he had powers to enter upon and conclude that
affair, and the terms of the marriage were then definitively
settled between M. Isturitz and him.
H.L.B.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
declared last night at twelve o'clock that she had made up
her mind in favour of His Royal Highness Don Francisco de
Asis.... Your Lordship is aware under what circumstances
Don Francisco was summoned here, the Court having been,
when I wrote on the 4th, most anxious to conclude a
marriage with Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, and only
induced to abandon this idea from the repeated intimations it
received that it could not be carried out....
The same night a Council was held of the Queen Mother's
friends, who determined to bring matters forthwith to a
conclusion. Queen Christina, I understand, spoke to her
daughter and told her she must choose one of two things,
either marrying now, or deferring the marriage for three or
four years. That the Prince of Saxe-Coburg was evidently
impossible; that Count Trapani would be dangerous; that
Don Henry had placed himself in a position which rendered
the alliance with him out of the question, and that Her
Majesty must either make up her mind to marry her cousin
Don Francisco de Asis, or to abandon for some time the idea
of marrying.
The Queen, I am told, took some little time to consider, and
then decided in favour of her cousin. The Ministers were
called in, and the drama was concluded....
H. L. Bulwer.
P.S.—I learn that directly the Queen had signified her
intention of marrying her cousin, Count Bresson formally
asked the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier,
stating that he had powers to enter upon and conclude that
affair, and the terms of the marriage were then definitively
settled between M. Isturitz and him.
H.L.B.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 155
THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION
On Board the Victoria and Albert,
Falmouth Harbour, 7th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—Though I have not heard from you for
ages, you will perhaps be glad to hear from us, and to hear
that our trip has been most successful. We left Osborne on
the 2nd, at eight in the morning, and reached Jersey at seven
that evening. We landed at St Heliers the next morning, and
met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic reception from the
good people. The island is beautiful, and like an orchard.
The settlement of the Queen of Spain's marriage, coupled
with Montpensier's, is infamous, and we must remonstrate.
Guizot has had the barefacedness to say to Lord Normanby
that though originally they said that Montpensier should
only marry the Infanta when the Queen was married and had
children, that Leopold's being named one of the candidates
had changed all, and that they must settle it now! This is too
bad, for we were so honest as almost to prevent Leo's
marriage (which might have been, and which Lord
Palmerston, as matters now stand, regrets much did not take
place), and the return is this unfair coupling of the two
marriages which have nothing, and ought to have nothing, to
do with one another. The King should know that we are
extremely indignant, and that this conduct is not the way to
keep up the entente which he wishes. It is done, moreover, in
such a dishonest way. I must do Palmerston the credit to say
that he takes it very quietly, and will act very temperately
about it.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, and the people
here are delighted to see "the Duke of Cornwall."
On Board the Victoria and Albert,
Falmouth Harbour, 7th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—Though I have not heard from you for
ages, you will perhaps be glad to hear from us, and to hear
that our trip has been most successful. We left Osborne on
the 2nd, at eight in the morning, and reached Jersey at seven
that evening. We landed at St Heliers the next morning, and
met with a most brilliant and enthusiastic reception from the
good people. The island is beautiful, and like an orchard.
The settlement of the Queen of Spain's marriage, coupled
with Montpensier's, is infamous, and we must remonstrate.
Guizot has had the barefacedness to say to Lord Normanby
that though originally they said that Montpensier should
only marry the Infanta when the Queen was married and had
children, that Leopold's being named one of the candidates
had changed all, and that they must settle it now! This is too
bad, for we were so honest as almost to prevent Leo's
marriage (which might have been, and which Lord
Palmerston, as matters now stand, regrets much did not take
place), and the return is this unfair coupling of the two
marriages which have nothing, and ought to have nothing, to
do with one another. The King should know that we are
extremely indignant, and that this conduct is not the way to
keep up the entente which he wishes. It is done, moreover, in
such a dishonest way. I must do Palmerston the credit to say
that he takes it very quietly, and will act very temperately
about it.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Vicky and Bertie enjoy their tour very much, and the people
here are delighted to see "the Duke of Cornwall."
Page 156
The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN OF THE FRENCH
Neuilly, 8 Septembre 1846.
Madame,—Confiante dans cette précieuse amitié dont votre
Majesté nous a donné tant de preuves et dans l'aimable
intérêt que vous avez toujours témoigné à tous nos Enfants,
je m'empresse de vous annoncer la conclusion du mariage de
notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante Louise Fernanda. Cet
événement de famille nous comble de joie, parce que nous
espérons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils chéri, et que
nous retrouverons dans l'Infante une fille de plus, aussi
bonne et aussi aimable que ses Aînées, et qui ajoutera à
notre bonheur intérieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que
vous, Madame, savez si bien apprécier. Je vous demande
d'avance votre amitié pour notre nouvel Enfant, sûre qu'elle
partagera tous les sentiments de dévouement et d'affection
de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince Albert, et pour toute
votre chère Famille. Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute
dévouée Sœur et Amie,
Marie Amélie.
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French.
Osborne, 10 Septembre 1846.
Madame,—Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majesté du
8 de ce mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier. Vous
vous souviendrez peut-être de ce qui s'est passé à Eu entre le
Roi et moi, vous connaissez, Madame, l'importance que j'ai
toujours attachée au maintien de Notre Entente Cordiale et le
zèle avec lequel j'y ai travaillé, vous avez appris sans doute
que nous nous sommes refusés d'arranger le mariage entre la
Reine d'Espagne et notre Cousin Léopold (que les deux
THE QUEEN OF THE FRENCH
Neuilly, 8 Septembre 1846.
Madame,—Confiante dans cette précieuse amitié dont votre
Majesté nous a donné tant de preuves et dans l'aimable
intérêt que vous avez toujours témoigné à tous nos Enfants,
je m'empresse de vous annoncer la conclusion du mariage de
notre fils Montpensier avec l'Infante Louise Fernanda. Cet
événement de famille nous comble de joie, parce que nous
espérons qu'il assurera le bonheur de notre fils chéri, et que
nous retrouverons dans l'Infante une fille de plus, aussi
bonne et aussi aimable que ses Aînées, et qui ajoutera à
notre bonheur intérieur, le seul vrai dans ce monde, et que
vous, Madame, savez si bien apprécier. Je vous demande
d'avance votre amitié pour notre nouvel Enfant, sûre qu'elle
partagera tous les sentiments de dévouement et d'affection
de nous tous pour vous, pour le Prince Albert, et pour toute
votre chère Famille. Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute
dévouée Sœur et Amie,
Marie Amélie.
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French.
Osborne, 10 Septembre 1846.
Madame,—Je viens de recevoir la lettre de votre Majesté du
8 de ce mois, et je m'empresse de vous en remercier. Vous
vous souviendrez peut-être de ce qui s'est passé à Eu entre le
Roi et moi, vous connaissez, Madame, l'importance que j'ai
toujours attachée au maintien de Notre Entente Cordiale et le
zèle avec lequel j'y ai travaillé, vous avez appris sans doute
que nous nous sommes refusés d'arranger le mariage entre la
Reine d'Espagne et notre Cousin Léopold (que les deux
Page 157
Reines avaient vivement désiré) dans le seul but de ne pas
nous éloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agréable à votre
Roi, quoique nous ne pouvions considérer cette marche
comme la meilleure. Vous pourrez donc aisément
comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de ce double mariage ne
pouvait nous causer que de la surprise et un bien vif regret.
Je vous demande bien pardon de vous parler de politique
dans ce moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai
toujours été sincère envers vous.
En vous priant de présenter mes hommages au Roi, je suis,
Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
VIEWS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT
Carlton Terrace, 12th September 1846.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and returns with many acknowledgments the
accompanying letters which your Majesty has been pleased
to send him, and which he has thought your Majesty would
wish him also to communicate to Lord John Russell.
The letter of the Queen of the French seems to Viscount
Palmerston to look like a contrivance to draw your Majesty
on to express, in regard to the Montpensier marriage in its
character as a domestic arrangement, some sentiments or
wishes which might be at variance with the opinions which
your Majesty might entertain regarding that marriage in its
political character and bearing. But your Majesty's most
judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any such
existed, and has stated in a firm, but at the same time in the
nous éloigner d'une marche qui serait plus agréable à votre
Roi, quoique nous ne pouvions considérer cette marche
comme la meilleure. Vous pourrez donc aisément
comprendre que l'annonce soudaine de ce double mariage ne
pouvait nous causer que de la surprise et un bien vif regret.
Je vous demande bien pardon de vous parler de politique
dans ce moment, mais j'aime pouvoir me dire que j'ai
toujours été sincère envers vous.
En vous priant de présenter mes hommages au Roi, je suis,
Madame, de votre Majesté, la toute dévouée Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
VIEWS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT
Carlton Terrace, 12th September 1846.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and returns with many acknowledgments the
accompanying letters which your Majesty has been pleased
to send him, and which he has thought your Majesty would
wish him also to communicate to Lord John Russell.
The letter of the Queen of the French seems to Viscount
Palmerston to look like a contrivance to draw your Majesty
on to express, in regard to the Montpensier marriage in its
character as a domestic arrangement, some sentiments or
wishes which might be at variance with the opinions which
your Majesty might entertain regarding that marriage in its
political character and bearing. But your Majesty's most
judicious answer has defeated that intention, if any such
existed, and has stated in a firm, but at the same time in the
Page 158
friendliest manner, the grounds of complaint against the
conduct of the French Government in this affair.
Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a very long
conversation with the Count de Jarnac upon these matters.
Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the marriage of
the Queen of Spain, that was a matter as to which the British
Government have no political objection to make. They
deeply regret that a young Queen should have been
compelled by moral force, and to serve the personal and
political interests of other persons, to accept for husband a
person whom she can neither like nor respect, and with
whom her future life will certainly be unhappy at home,
even if it should not be characterised by circumstances
which would tend to lower her in the estimation of her
people. But these are matters which concern the Queen and
people of Spain more than the Government and people of
England. But that the projected marriage of the Duke of
Montpensier is a very different matter, and must have a
political bearing that must exercise a most unfortunate effect
upon the relations between England and France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Osborne, 14th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for a most kind
letter of the 31st from Basle, by which I was sorry to see that
your journey had been delayed, and that you were still not
well.
We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish marriage,
which, though it does not threaten war (for the English care
very little about the Spanish marriages) threatens
conduct of the French Government in this affair.
Viscount Palmerston had yesterday afternoon a very long
conversation with the Count de Jarnac upon these matters.
Viscount Palmerston said that with regard to the marriage of
the Queen of Spain, that was a matter as to which the British
Government have no political objection to make. They
deeply regret that a young Queen should have been
compelled by moral force, and to serve the personal and
political interests of other persons, to accept for husband a
person whom she can neither like nor respect, and with
whom her future life will certainly be unhappy at home,
even if it should not be characterised by circumstances
which would tend to lower her in the estimation of her
people. But these are matters which concern the Queen and
people of Spain more than the Government and people of
England. But that the projected marriage of the Duke of
Montpensier is a very different matter, and must have a
political bearing that must exercise a most unfortunate effect
upon the relations between England and France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Osborne, 14th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for a most kind
letter of the 31st from Basle, by which I was sorry to see that
your journey had been delayed, and that you were still not
well.
We are, alas! sadly engrossed with this Spanish marriage,
which, though it does not threaten war (for the English care
very little about the Spanish marriages) threatens
Page 159
complications. Albert has told you all that passed between
the dear Queen and me, and the very absurd ground on
which the French make their stand. The details of the story
are very bad—and I grieve to say that the good King, etc.,
have behaved very dishonestly.
We have protested, and mean to protest very strongly,
against Montpensier's marriage with the Infanta, as long as
she is presumptive heiress to the Throne of Spain. The King
departs from his principle, for he insisted on a Bourbon,
because he declared he would not marry one of his sons to
the Queen; and now he effects the Queen's marriage with the
worst Bourbon she could have, and marries his son to the
Infanta, who in all probability will become Queen! It is very
bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] mismanaged it—as
Stockmar says—by forcing Don Enrique, in spite of all
Bulwer could say. If our dear Aberdeen was still at his post,
the whole thing would not have happened; for he would not
have forced Enriquito (which enraged Christine), and
secondly, Guizot would not have escamoté Aberdeen with
the wish of triumphing over him as he has done over
Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and fairly
towards France, I must say, in this affair. But say what one
will, it is he again who indirectly gets us into a squabble
with France! And it is such a personal sort of a quarrel,
which pains and grieves me so; and I pity the poor good
Piat,23 whom we are very fond of. One thing, however, I
feel, that in opposing this marriage, we are not really
affecting his happiness, for he has never seen the Infanta—
and she is a child of fourteen, and not pretty. The little
Queen I pity so much, for the poor child dislikes her cousin,
and she is said to have consented against her will. We shall
see if she really does marry him. Altogether, it is most
annoying, and must ruffle our happy intercourse with the
French family for a time at least.
I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to poor dear
Louise too. You may rely upon nothing being done rashly or
the dear Queen and me, and the very absurd ground on
which the French make their stand. The details of the story
are very bad—and I grieve to say that the good King, etc.,
have behaved very dishonestly.
We have protested, and mean to protest very strongly,
against Montpensier's marriage with the Infanta, as long as
she is presumptive heiress to the Throne of Spain. The King
departs from his principle, for he insisted on a Bourbon,
because he declared he would not marry one of his sons to
the Queen; and now he effects the Queen's marriage with the
worst Bourbon she could have, and marries his son to the
Infanta, who in all probability will become Queen! It is very
bad. Certainly at Madrid [Palmerston] mismanaged it—as
Stockmar says—by forcing Don Enrique, in spite of all
Bulwer could say. If our dear Aberdeen was still at his post,
the whole thing would not have happened; for he would not
have forced Enriquito (which enraged Christine), and
secondly, Guizot would not have escamoté Aberdeen with
the wish of triumphing over him as he has done over
Palmerston, who has behaved most openly and fairly
towards France, I must say, in this affair. But say what one
will, it is he again who indirectly gets us into a squabble
with France! And it is such a personal sort of a quarrel,
which pains and grieves me so; and I pity the poor good
Piat,23 whom we are very fond of. One thing, however, I
feel, that in opposing this marriage, we are not really
affecting his happiness, for he has never seen the Infanta—
and she is a child of fourteen, and not pretty. The little
Queen I pity so much, for the poor child dislikes her cousin,
and she is said to have consented against her will. We shall
see if she really does marry him. Altogether, it is most
annoying, and must ruffle our happy intercourse with the
French family for a time at least.
I was obliged to write very strongly and openly to poor dear
Louise too. You may rely upon nothing being done rashly or
Page 160
intemperately on our part. Lord Palmerston is quite ready to
be guided by us. In haste, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
We go into our new house to-day.
Footnote 23: A name by which the Duc de Montpensier was
sometimes called in the family circle.
H.M. MARIE AMÉLIE, QUEEN OF THE FRENCH, 1828.
From the miniature by Millet at Windsor Castle
be guided by us. In haste, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
We go into our new house to-day.
Footnote 23: A name by which the Duc de Montpensier was
sometimes called in the family circle.
H.M. MARIE AMÉLIE, QUEEN OF THE FRENCH, 1828.
From the miniature by Millet at Windsor Castle
Page 161
To face p. 104, Vol. II.
Baron Stockmar to Queen Victoria.
18th September 1846.
Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your Majesty's
kind note of the 17th instant. The very day the Baron heard
of the Spanish news, he wrote to a man at Paris, whom the
King sees as often as he presents himself at the palace. In
this letter the Baron stated fairly and moderately but without
palliation in what light M. Bresson's conduct must
necessarily appear in London, and what very naturally and
most probably must be the political consequences of such
conduct.
The Baron's statement was read to the King, word for word,
the very evening it reached Paris.
His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and said after
some pause: "Notwithstanding all this, the marriage will
take place. I don't consider Montpensier's marriage an affair
between nations, and the English people, in particular, care
very little about it; it is much more a private affair between
myself and the English Secretary, Lord Palmerston, and as
such it will not bring on important political consequences."
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians.
LETTER TO QUEEN LOUISE
Baron Stockmar to Queen Victoria.
18th September 1846.
Baron Stockmar has been honoured with your Majesty's
kind note of the 17th instant. The very day the Baron heard
of the Spanish news, he wrote to a man at Paris, whom the
King sees as often as he presents himself at the palace. In
this letter the Baron stated fairly and moderately but without
palliation in what light M. Bresson's conduct must
necessarily appear in London, and what very naturally and
most probably must be the political consequences of such
conduct.
The Baron's statement was read to the King, word for word,
the very evening it reached Paris.
His Majesty listened to it most attentively, and said after
some pause: "Notwithstanding all this, the marriage will
take place. I don't consider Montpensier's marriage an affair
between nations, and the English people, in particular, care
very little about it; it is much more a private affair between
myself and the English Secretary, Lord Palmerston, and as
such it will not bring on important political consequences."
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the Belgians.
LETTER TO QUEEN LOUISE
Page 162
Osborne, 18 Septembre 1846.
Ma bien chère Louise,—Je te remercie pour ton retour de
franchise; je ne désire pas que cette controverse entre de
plus dans notre correspondance privée, comme elle est le
sujet et le sera je crains encore davantage de discussion
politique. Je veux seulement dire qu'il est impossible de
donner à cette affaire le cachet d'une simple affaire de
famille; l'attitude prise à Paris sur cette affaire de mariage
dès le commencement était une fort étrange; il fallait toute la
discrétion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu'elle n'amenât un éclat
plutôt; mais ce dénouement, si contraire à la parole du Roi,
qu'il m'a donnée lors de cette dernière visite à Eu
spontanément, en ajoutant à la complication, pour la
première fois, celle du projet de mariage de Montpensier,
aura mauvaise mine devant toute l'Europe.
Rien de plus pénible n'aurait pu arriver que toute cette
dispute qui prend un caractère si personnel....
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION
Osborne, 21st September 1846.
My Dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for
your very kind letter of the 5th from Zurich. It is very
unfortunate that you should be so far off at this moment.
Since I wrote to you we have decided to remonstrate both at
Madrid (this went a week ago), and at Paris, but this last not
in a formal note but in a despatch to Lord Normanby, against
this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the part of France.
We have seen these despatches, which are very firm, but
written in a very proper and kind tone, exposing at the same
time the fallacy of what has been done; for the King himself
Ma bien chère Louise,—Je te remercie pour ton retour de
franchise; je ne désire pas que cette controverse entre de
plus dans notre correspondance privée, comme elle est le
sujet et le sera je crains encore davantage de discussion
politique. Je veux seulement dire qu'il est impossible de
donner à cette affaire le cachet d'une simple affaire de
famille; l'attitude prise à Paris sur cette affaire de mariage
dès le commencement était une fort étrange; il fallait toute la
discrétion de Lord Aberdeen pour qu'elle n'amenât un éclat
plutôt; mais ce dénouement, si contraire à la parole du Roi,
qu'il m'a donnée lors de cette dernière visite à Eu
spontanément, en ajoutant à la complication, pour la
première fois, celle du projet de mariage de Montpensier,
aura mauvaise mine devant toute l'Europe.
Rien de plus pénible n'aurait pu arriver que toute cette
dispute qui prend un caractère si personnel....
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN'S INDIGNATION
Osborne, 21st September 1846.
My Dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for
your very kind letter of the 5th from Zurich. It is very
unfortunate that you should be so far off at this moment.
Since I wrote to you we have decided to remonstrate both at
Madrid (this went a week ago), and at Paris, but this last not
in a formal note but in a despatch to Lord Normanby, against
this very unjustifiable breach of faith on the part of France.
We have seen these despatches, which are very firm, but
written in a very proper and kind tone, exposing at the same
time the fallacy of what has been done; for the King himself
Page 163
declared that he would never let one of his sons marry the
Queen, he insisted on her marrying a descendant of Philip V.
This has been done, and at the same moment he says his son
is to marry the Infanta, who may become Queen to-morrow!
And to all this he says, "C'est seulement une affaire de
famille"! The King is very fond of England, and still more of
peace, and he never can sacrifice this (for though it would
not be immediate war it would cause coolness with us and
with other Powers, and would probably lead to war in a
short time), for a breach of faith and for one of his sons'
marriages. No quarrel or misunderstanding in the world
could be more disagreeable and to me more cruelly painful,
for it is so personal, and has come into the midst of all our
communications and correspondence, and is too annoying. It
is so sad, too, for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say that
her father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, another
ten days will show us some daylight. I will not mention
anything about Leopold's24 answer, as Albert will, I doubt
not, write to you all about it. It is very satisfactory, however.
We are since this day week in our charming new house,
which is delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas! to Windsor,
where we expect the Queen-Dowager and the Princess of
Prussia, who will remain a week with us. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
I received this afternoon your kind letter from Gais of the
12th. One word more I must just add. No doubt if Lord
Aberdeen had been at his post what has happened would not
have taken place, and suspicion of Lord Palmerston has
been the cause of the unjustifiable conduct of the French
Government. But just as they did suspect him, they should
have been more cautious to do anything which could bring
on a quarrel, which is surely not what the King can wish.
Footnote 24: Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.
Queen, he insisted on her marrying a descendant of Philip V.
This has been done, and at the same moment he says his son
is to marry the Infanta, who may become Queen to-morrow!
And to all this he says, "C'est seulement une affaire de
famille"! The King is very fond of England, and still more of
peace, and he never can sacrifice this (for though it would
not be immediate war it would cause coolness with us and
with other Powers, and would probably lead to war in a
short time), for a breach of faith and for one of his sons'
marriages. No quarrel or misunderstanding in the world
could be more disagreeable and to me more cruelly painful,
for it is so personal, and has come into the midst of all our
communications and correspondence, and is too annoying. It
is so sad, too, for dear Louise, to whom one cannot say that
her father has behaved dishonestly. I hope, however, another
ten days will show us some daylight. I will not mention
anything about Leopold's24 answer, as Albert will, I doubt
not, write to you all about it. It is very satisfactory, however.
We are since this day week in our charming new house,
which is delightful, and to-morrow we go, alas! to Windsor,
where we expect the Queen-Dowager and the Princess of
Prussia, who will remain a week with us. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
I received this afternoon your kind letter from Gais of the
12th. One word more I must just add. No doubt if Lord
Aberdeen had been at his post what has happened would not
have taken place, and suspicion of Lord Palmerston has
been the cause of the unjustifiable conduct of the French
Government. But just as they did suspect him, they should
have been more cautious to do anything which could bring
on a quarrel, which is surely not what the King can wish.
Footnote 24: Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg.
Page 164
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE PRINCESS OF PRUSSIA
Windsor Castle, 29th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I received last week your very kind
and satisfactory letter of the 16th. Your opinion on this truly
unfortunate and, on the part of the French, disgraceful affair
is a great support to us. Stockmar has, I know,
communicated to you what has passed, and he will send you
copies of the King's letter and my answer. Our conduct has
been throughout honest, and the King's and Guizot's the
contrary. How the King can wantonly throw away the
friendship of one who has stood by him with such sincere
affection, for a doubtful object of personal and family
aggrandizement, is to me and to the whole country
inexplicable. Have confidence in him I fear I never can
again, and Peel, who is here on a visit, says a war may arise
any moment, once that the good understanding is disturbed;
think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th year, and
leaves this inheritance to his successor; and to whom—to a
Grandchild, and a Minor! And for Nemours and Paris, our
friendship is of the greatest importance, and yet he prefers
the troubles of governing Spain, which will be a source of
constant worry and anxiety, to the happy understanding so
happily existing between our two countries! I cannot
comprehend him. Guizot behaves shamefully, and so totally
without good faith. Our protests have been presented. I feel
more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel.
I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at all at
present.
The Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia25 have left
us this morning after a week's stay, and I have been
delighted with the Princess. I find her so clever, so amiable,
so well informed, and so good; she seems to have some
THE PRINCESS OF PRUSSIA
Windsor Castle, 29th September 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I received last week your very kind
and satisfactory letter of the 16th. Your opinion on this truly
unfortunate and, on the part of the French, disgraceful affair
is a great support to us. Stockmar has, I know,
communicated to you what has passed, and he will send you
copies of the King's letter and my answer. Our conduct has
been throughout honest, and the King's and Guizot's the
contrary. How the King can wantonly throw away the
friendship of one who has stood by him with such sincere
affection, for a doubtful object of personal and family
aggrandizement, is to me and to the whole country
inexplicable. Have confidence in him I fear I never can
again, and Peel, who is here on a visit, says a war may arise
any moment, once that the good understanding is disturbed;
think, then, that the King has done this in his 74th year, and
leaves this inheritance to his successor; and to whom—to a
Grandchild, and a Minor! And for Nemours and Paris, our
friendship is of the greatest importance, and yet he prefers
the troubles of governing Spain, which will be a source of
constant worry and anxiety, to the happy understanding so
happily existing between our two countries! I cannot
comprehend him. Guizot behaves shamefully, and so totally
without good faith. Our protests have been presented. I feel
more than ever the loss of our valuable Peel.
I wish, dearest Uncle, you would not go to Paris at all at
present.
The Queen-Dowager and the Princess of Prussia25 have left
us this morning after a week's stay, and I have been
delighted with the Princess. I find her so clever, so amiable,
so well informed, and so good; she seems to have some
Page 165
enemies, for there are whispers of her being false; but from
all that I have seen of her—from her discretion, her
friendship through thick and thin, and to her own detriment,
for Hélène, and for the Queen-Dowager who has known her
from her birth, I cannot and will not believe it. Her position
is a very difficult one; she is too enlightened and liberal for
the Prussian Court not to have enemies; but I believe that she
is a friend to us and our family, and I do believe that I have a
friend in her, who may be most useful to us. I must
conclude, envying your being in Tyrol. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 25: Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand Duke
Charles of Saxe-Weimar, subsequently Empress of Germany, mother
of Prince Frederick William, afterwards the Emperor Frederick, who in
1858 married the Princess Royal.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND THE THREE POWERS
Windsor Castle, 1st October 1846.
The Queen wishes to express her approval of the step taken
by Lord Palmerston in urging the Three Northern Powers to
join in the protest against the Montpensier marriage on the
ground of the Treaty of Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip
V. She thinks, however, that it is necessary to do more, and
wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note to the Cabinets
of the three Powers, explanatory of the whole of the
proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, showing the
attitude taken by us from the first, and disclosing the facts
which led to this unfortunate termination. The three Powers
ought to be enabled to see the whole of the transaction if we
wish them to sympathise with us.
all that I have seen of her—from her discretion, her
friendship through thick and thin, and to her own detriment,
for Hélène, and for the Queen-Dowager who has known her
from her birth, I cannot and will not believe it. Her position
is a very difficult one; she is too enlightened and liberal for
the Prussian Court not to have enemies; but I believe that she
is a friend to us and our family, and I do believe that I have a
friend in her, who may be most useful to us. I must
conclude, envying your being in Tyrol. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 25: Marie Louise Augusta, daughter of the Grand Duke
Charles of Saxe-Weimar, subsequently Empress of Germany, mother
of Prince Frederick William, afterwards the Emperor Frederick, who in
1858 married the Princess Royal.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND THE THREE POWERS
Windsor Castle, 1st October 1846.
The Queen wishes to express her approval of the step taken
by Lord Palmerston in urging the Three Northern Powers to
join in the protest against the Montpensier marriage on the
ground of the Treaty of Utrecht and the Declaration of Philip
V. She thinks, however, that it is necessary to do more, and
wishes Lord Palmerston should send a note to the Cabinets
of the three Powers, explanatory of the whole of the
proceedings relative to the Spanish marriages, showing the
attitude taken by us from the first, and disclosing the facts
which led to this unfortunate termination. The three Powers
ought to be enabled to see the whole of the transaction if we
wish them to sympathise with us.
Page 166
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
1st October 1846.
Lord John Russell saw Count Jarnac to-day, and told him
that your Majesty's displeasure had not been removed. He
had in his hands a memorandum, which is apparently word
for word the letter of the King of the French to the Queen of
the Belgians.26
Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted that the
Duke of Montpensier was not to marry the Infanta till the
Queen of Spain had children, and that voluntary engagement
had been departed from. We might expect the same
departure from the professions now made not to interfere in
the affairs of Spain.
Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and repeated
that the promise with regard to the Infanta was only
conditional.
Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of the
remonstrances of England, and the attention of Europe to the
question, France will be cautious in her interference with the
internal government of Spain, and may probably not be able
to direct her external policy.
M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto,
defending his own conduct.
Footnote 26: See Louis Philippe's long letter of the 14th of September,
printed in the Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. Appendix B. Queen
Victoria's complete and unanswerable reply will be found there also.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
1st October 1846.
Lord John Russell saw Count Jarnac to-day, and told him
that your Majesty's displeasure had not been removed. He
had in his hands a memorandum, which is apparently word
for word the letter of the King of the French to the Queen of
the Belgians.26
Lord John Russell observed that it was admitted that the
Duke of Montpensier was not to marry the Infanta till the
Queen of Spain had children, and that voluntary engagement
had been departed from. We might expect the same
departure from the professions now made not to interfere in
the affairs of Spain.
Count Jarnac protested against this inference, and repeated
that the promise with regard to the Infanta was only
conditional.
Lord John Russell expects that in consequence of the
remonstrances of England, and the attention of Europe to the
question, France will be cautious in her interference with the
internal government of Spain, and may probably not be able
to direct her external policy.
M. Bresson has written a long letter to Lord Minto,
defending his own conduct.
Footnote 26: See Louis Philippe's long letter of the 14th of September,
printed in the Life of the Prince Consort, vol. i. Appendix B. Queen
Victoria's complete and unanswerable reply will be found there also.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE SPANISH MARRIAGES
Page 167
Windsor Castle, 6th October 1846.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you very much for your last
kind letter from Gais of the 23rd. This unfortunate Spanish
affair has gone on, heedlessly—and our entente wantonly
thrown away! I mourn over it, and feel deeply the
ingratitude shown; for—without boasting—I must say they
never had a truer friend than we; and one who always stood
by them. When Hadjy wrote that foolish brochure, who
stood by him through thick and thin, but we? and our
friendship for the children will ever continue, but how can
we ever feel at our ease with L. P. again? Guizot's conduct is
beyond all belief shameful, and so shabbily dishonest. Molé
and Thiers both say he cannot stand. It is the King's birthday
to-day, but I thought it better not to write to him, for to say
fine words at this moment would be mockery. For my
beloved Louise my heart bleeds; it is so sad....
I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 17th November 1846.
My Dearest Uncle,—I yesterday received your long and
interesting letter of the 14th. I would much rather not say
anything more about this truly unfortunate and painful
Spanish business; but in justice to myself I must make a few
observations. You say that the King thinks me resentful; this
is extraordinary, for I have no such feeling; my feelings were
and are deeply wounded at the unhandsome and secret
manner (so totally, in letter and in meaning, contrary to an
entente cordiale) in which this affair was settled, and in
which the two marriages were incorporated.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you very much for your last
kind letter from Gais of the 23rd. This unfortunate Spanish
affair has gone on, heedlessly—and our entente wantonly
thrown away! I mourn over it, and feel deeply the
ingratitude shown; for—without boasting—I must say they
never had a truer friend than we; and one who always stood
by them. When Hadjy wrote that foolish brochure, who
stood by him through thick and thin, but we? and our
friendship for the children will ever continue, but how can
we ever feel at our ease with L. P. again? Guizot's conduct is
beyond all belief shameful, and so shabbily dishonest. Molé
and Thiers both say he cannot stand. It is the King's birthday
to-day, but I thought it better not to write to him, for to say
fine words at this moment would be mockery. For my
beloved Louise my heart bleeds; it is so sad....
I must now conclude. Begging you to believe me, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 17th November 1846.
My Dearest Uncle,—I yesterday received your long and
interesting letter of the 14th. I would much rather not say
anything more about this truly unfortunate and painful
Spanish business; but in justice to myself I must make a few
observations. You say that the King thinks me resentful; this
is extraordinary, for I have no such feeling; my feelings were
and are deeply wounded at the unhandsome and secret
manner (so totally, in letter and in meaning, contrary to an
entente cordiale) in which this affair was settled, and in
which the two marriages were incorporated.
Page 168
What can I do?
The King and French Government never expressed regret at
the sudden and unhandsome manner, to say the least, in
which they behaved to their best ally and friend, and we
really cannot admit that they have to forgive us for duping
us! Why have they not tried to make some sort of apology?
What do I do, but remain silent for the present?
It is a sad affair, but resentment I have none whatever, and
this accusation is a new version of the affair.
With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively the
unfounded accusations against us; we cannot interfere in
internal dissensions beyond ensuring the personal safety of
the King, Queen, and Royal Family. The Constitution may
be, and I believe is, an unfortunate thing in those Southern
countries; but once it is established, the Queen must abide
by it; but, unfortunately, the coup de main in sending away
Palmella's Government (which would inevitably have
crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional and
unsafe, and I fear they are in a much worse position vis-à-vis
of the country than they ever were.27
We are all going to-morrow to Osborne for four weeks. Ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: The Duke de Palmella's Ministry was abruptly dismissed
by the Queen of Portugal on the 10th of October, in consequence of
their inability to raise money on loan. Civil war broke out, Das Antas,
Loulé, Fornos, and Sà da Bandeira being the chief rebel leaders. The
British Fleet was ordered to the Tagus to support the Queen against her
subjects, with the ulterior object of restoring Constitutional
Government.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
The King and French Government never expressed regret at
the sudden and unhandsome manner, to say the least, in
which they behaved to their best ally and friend, and we
really cannot admit that they have to forgive us for duping
us! Why have they not tried to make some sort of apology?
What do I do, but remain silent for the present?
It is a sad affair, but resentment I have none whatever, and
this accusation is a new version of the affair.
With respect to Portugal, I refute most positively the
unfounded accusations against us; we cannot interfere in
internal dissensions beyond ensuring the personal safety of
the King, Queen, and Royal Family. The Constitution may
be, and I believe is, an unfortunate thing in those Southern
countries; but once it is established, the Queen must abide
by it; but, unfortunately, the coup de main in sending away
Palmella's Government (which would inevitably have
crumbled to pieces of itself), was both unconstitutional and
unsafe, and I fear they are in a much worse position vis-à-vis
of the country than they ever were.27
We are all going to-morrow to Osborne for four weeks. Ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: The Duke de Palmella's Ministry was abruptly dismissed
by the Queen of Portugal on the 10th of October, in consequence of
their inability to raise money on loan. Civil war broke out, Das Antas,
Loulé, Fornos, and Sà da Bandeira being the chief rebel leaders. The
British Fleet was ordered to the Tagus to support the Queen against her
subjects, with the ulterior object of restoring Constitutional
Government.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Page 169
ETON MONTEM
Downing Street, 19th November 1846.
... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday,
and had much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey
strongly impressed with the evils of Montem, and he
declared himself as decidedly against its continuance. He
thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians equally by
going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King
was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer,28 who was at Eton, wishes to see Montem
abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer seeing it regulated.
Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would not be
advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority
against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and
the assistants.29
Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles Wood.
Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief part of
which took place at Salt Hill (ad montem), near Slough, was abolished
in 1847.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
A PENINSULAR MEDAL
Osborne, 25th November 1846.
The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still
exists a great anxiety amongst the officers and men who
served under the Duke of Wellington's orders in the
Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as a testimony that
they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The Queen
not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that
Downing Street, 19th November 1846.
... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday,
and had much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey
strongly impressed with the evils of Montem, and he
declared himself as decidedly against its continuance. He
thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians equally by
going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King
was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer,28 who was at Eton, wishes to see Montem
abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer seeing it regulated.
Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would not be
advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority
against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and
the assistants.29
Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles Wood.
Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief part of
which took place at Salt Hill (ad montem), near Slough, was abolished
in 1847.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
A PENINSULAR MEDAL
Osborne, 25th November 1846.
The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still
exists a great anxiety amongst the officers and men who
served under the Duke of Wellington's orders in the
Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as a testimony that
they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The Queen
not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that
Page 170
for recent exploits of infinitely inferior importance such
distinctions have been granted by her, but she would feel
personally a great satisfaction in being enabled publicly to
mark in this way her sense of the great services the Duke of
Wellington has rendered to his country and to empower
many a brave soldier to wear this token in remembrance of
the Duke.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE DUKE'S VIEW
Strathfieldsaye, 27th November 1846.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty.
He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious
commands from Osborne, dated the 26th instant.
He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and
soldiers who served in the armies in the Peninsula under the
command of the Duke are anxious to receive and wear a
medal, struck by command of the Sovereign, to
commemorate the services performed in that seat of the late
war.
Many of them have, upon more than one occasion,
expressed such desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke,
in their petitions to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason
to believe, in petitions presented to your Majesty.
Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of
every occasion which offered to express his deep sense of
the meritorious services of the officers and soldiers of the
Army which served in the Peninsula, he did not consider it
his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under whose auspices,
or the Minister under whose direction the services in
distinctions have been granted by her, but she would feel
personally a great satisfaction in being enabled publicly to
mark in this way her sense of the great services the Duke of
Wellington has rendered to his country and to empower
many a brave soldier to wear this token in remembrance of
the Duke.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE DUKE'S VIEW
Strathfieldsaye, 27th November 1846.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty.
He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious
commands from Osborne, dated the 26th instant.
He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and
soldiers who served in the armies in the Peninsula under the
command of the Duke are anxious to receive and wear a
medal, struck by command of the Sovereign, to
commemorate the services performed in that seat of the late
war.
Many of them have, upon more than one occasion,
expressed such desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke,
in their petitions to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason
to believe, in petitions presented to your Majesty.
Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of
every occasion which offered to express his deep sense of
the meritorious services of the officers and soldiers of the
Army which served in the Peninsula, he did not consider it
his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under whose auspices,
or the Minister under whose direction the services in
Page 171
question were performed, any particular mode in which
those services of the Army should be recognised by the
State.
Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such
suggestion since the period at which the services were
performed, bearing in mind the various important
considerations which must have an influence upon the
decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of
your Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into
consideration, and to decide.
Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit
to your Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of
the Army which served in the Peninsula, with those of other
armies in other parts of the world, whose recent services
your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to recognise
by ordering that medals should be struck, to commemorate
each of such services, one of which to be delivered to each
officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was
graciously pleased to permit him to wear.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your
Majesty, in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the
subject of the last paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious
letter, that, considering the favour with which his services
were received and rewarded by the gracious Sovereign,
under whose auspices they were performed; the professional
rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised, and
the favour with which his services were then and have been
ever since received, that your Majesty would be graciously
pleased to consider upon this occasion only the well-
founded claims upon your Majesty's attention of the officers
and soldiers who served in the Army in the Peninsula; and to
consider him, as he considers himself, amply rewarded for
any service which he might have been instrumental in
rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting
his gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has
been treated by his Sovereign.
those services of the Army should be recognised by the
State.
Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such
suggestion since the period at which the services were
performed, bearing in mind the various important
considerations which must have an influence upon the
decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of
your Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into
consideration, and to decide.
Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit
to your Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of
the Army which served in the Peninsula, with those of other
armies in other parts of the world, whose recent services
your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to recognise
by ordering that medals should be struck, to commemorate
each of such services, one of which to be delivered to each
officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was
graciously pleased to permit him to wear.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your
Majesty, in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the
subject of the last paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious
letter, that, considering the favour with which his services
were received and rewarded by the gracious Sovereign,
under whose auspices they were performed; the professional
rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised, and
the favour with which his services were then and have been
ever since received, that your Majesty would be graciously
pleased to consider upon this occasion only the well-
founded claims upon your Majesty's attention of the officers
and soldiers who served in the Army in the Peninsula; and to
consider him, as he considers himself, amply rewarded for
any service which he might have been instrumental in
rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting
his gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has
been treated by his Sovereign.
Page 172
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject,
Wellington.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 28th November 1846.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr
Southern,30 and must observe that she does not quite
approve the tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate
without producing any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it
must be given in a spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord
Palmerston's despatch must give the impression that we
entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to
say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord
Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to
be one and the same thing. What we must insist upon is a
return to Constitutional Government. And what we may
advise is a compromise with the Opposition. What Ministry
is to be formed ought to be left to the Portuguese
themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid the
despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future
that Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state
her opinion in good time.
Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Chargé d'Affaires in
the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE PENINSULAR MEDAL
Majesty's most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject,
Wellington.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 28th November 1846.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr
Southern,30 and must observe that she does not quite
approve the tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate
without producing any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it
must be given in a spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord
Palmerston's despatch must give the impression that we
entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to
say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord
Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to
be one and the same thing. What we must insist upon is a
return to Constitutional Government. And what we may
advise is a compromise with the Opposition. What Ministry
is to be formed ought to be left to the Portuguese
themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid the
despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future
that Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state
her opinion in good time.
Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Chargé d'Affaires in
the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE PENINSULAR MEDAL
Page 173
Arundel Castle, 1st December 1846.
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of
Wellington's last letter.
She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing
to propose himself a step having reference to his own
achievements, but the Queen will not on that account forgo
the satisfaction of granting this medal as an
acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant achievements.
The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her
confidential servants will be ready to assume the
responsibility of advising such a measure.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
Arundel castle, 2nd December 1846. (Morning.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's
commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, till seven
o'clock in the afternoon; and being under the necessity of
attending at [? Dover] in the evening, he has not had it in his
power till this time to express his acknowledgment of the
receipt of them.
He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware
that it would be impolitic to confer upon the officers and
soldiers who served in the Peninsula the wished-for
distinction without the concurrence of your Majesty's
confidential servants.
They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the
measure, and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience
which may result from it; and it is satisfactory to him to
learn, from the perusal of your Majesty's note, that Lord
John Russell is disposed to adopt it, notwithstanding that the
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of
Wellington's last letter.
She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing
to propose himself a step having reference to his own
achievements, but the Queen will not on that account forgo
the satisfaction of granting this medal as an
acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant achievements.
The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her
confidential servants will be ready to assume the
responsibility of advising such a measure.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
Arundel castle, 2nd December 1846. (Morning.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's
commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, till seven
o'clock in the afternoon; and being under the necessity of
attending at [? Dover] in the evening, he has not had it in his
power till this time to express his acknowledgment of the
receipt of them.
He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware
that it would be impolitic to confer upon the officers and
soldiers who served in the Peninsula the wished-for
distinction without the concurrence of your Majesty's
confidential servants.
They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the
measure, and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience
which may result from it; and it is satisfactory to him to
learn, from the perusal of your Majesty's note, that Lord
John Russell is disposed to adopt it, notwithstanding that the
Page 174
Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the adoption of the
measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many
gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.
The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his
last letter of the 27th of November in relation to himself,
referred to the expressions in that of your Majesty of the
26th November, to the Duke; from which it appeared to be
your Majesty's intention "to empower many a brave soldier
to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."
Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your
Majesty, and would promote the objects of your Majesty's
Government, to the utmost of his power, he has faithfully
performed his engagement, as he believes, to the satisfaction
of your Majesty's servants.
His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is
most anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's
approbation.
But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may
be convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty
and your Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon
this point, as well as whether the medal in question shall be
struck and granted at all or not.
If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted,
or whether the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not,
the Duke will be equally satisfied, and grateful for your
Majesty's gracious favour, and desirous to merit a
continuance of it, by his devotion to your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many
gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.
The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his
last letter of the 27th of November in relation to himself,
referred to the expressions in that of your Majesty of the
26th November, to the Duke; from which it appeared to be
your Majesty's intention "to empower many a brave soldier
to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."
Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your
Majesty, and would promote the objects of your Majesty's
Government, to the utmost of his power, he has faithfully
performed his engagement, as he believes, to the satisfaction
of your Majesty's servants.
His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is
most anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's
approbation.
But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may
be convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty
and your Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon
this point, as well as whether the medal in question shall be
struck and granted at all or not.
If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted,
or whether the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not,
the Duke will be equally satisfied, and grateful for your
Majesty's gracious favour, and desirous to merit a
continuance of it, by his devotion to your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 175
THE QUEEN'S DECISION
Osborne, 14th December 1846.
The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's
letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of
Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the
Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved
from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but
agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to
couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself.
On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be
taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name
should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The
introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that
of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable. She
does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he
proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to re-issue all
the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea
of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the
most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the
campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far
so much the greatest share that his name being introduced on
all the medals cannot be considered as anomalous.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
CRACOW
Osborne, 14th December 1846.
The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.31 The view
Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the
Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see
the plan of a conference realised against which Lord
Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince
Osborne, 14th December 1846.
The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's
letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of
Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the
Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved
from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but
agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to
couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself.
On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be
taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name
should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The
introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that
of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable. She
does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he
proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to re-issue all
the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea
of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the
most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the
campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far
so much the greatest share that his name being introduced on
all the medals cannot be considered as anomalous.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
CRACOW
Osborne, 14th December 1846.
The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.31 The view
Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the
Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see
the plan of a conference realised against which Lord
Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince
Page 176
Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is to be
considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent
to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly
compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on
the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider
it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a
precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will
well consider the question, and contrive to find means to
prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step
against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or
France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the
Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the
bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore
but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in
view.
Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the entente between
England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia,
Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. See ante, p. 72.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVI
During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a
great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig
Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the
support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and
children to ten hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered
necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the
Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act,
considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent
to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly
compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on
the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider
it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a
precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will
well consider the question, and contrive to find means to
prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step
against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or
France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the
Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the
bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore
but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in
view.
Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the entente between
England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia,
Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. See ante, p. 72.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVI
During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a
great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig
Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the
support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and
children to ten hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered
necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the
Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act,
Page 177
and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity.
The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed
limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was
convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had
made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his
orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the
Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's
Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear
objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was
used for the first time this year.
Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of
the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French
Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the
Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the
Orleanist dynasty.
Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence,
side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of
Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund" were the questions of the
day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven
cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality.
In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal
successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto,
the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to
encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in
progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising
against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy.
Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the
miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results anticipated in
England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to
mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and
ultimately armed intervention became necessary.
The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed
limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was
convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had
made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his
orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the
Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's
Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear
objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was
used for the first time this year.
Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of
the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French
Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the
Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the
Orleanist dynasty.
Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence,
side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of
Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund" were the questions of the
day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven
cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality.
In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal
successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto,
the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to
encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in
progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising
against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy.
Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the
miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results anticipated in
England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to
mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and
ultimately armed intervention became necessary.
Page 178
CHAPTER XVI
1847
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 7th January 1847.
The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take
is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court
will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken
against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a
Constitutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will
have to punish those who have broken their oath of
allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those
who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into
those horrors from which it is just emerging. The further
infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this
moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be
taken by the Queen of Portugal to establish a state of
legality and security, by compelling any new Ministry to lay
the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not
been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas,
Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable
judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by
honestly and fairly distributing the patronage in the Army—
apart from the party—which will now be possible as the
1847
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 7th January 1847.
The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take
is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court
will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken
against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a
Constitutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will
have to punish those who have broken their oath of
allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those
who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into
those horrors from which it is just emerging. The further
infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this
moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be
taken by the Queen of Portugal to establish a state of
legality and security, by compelling any new Ministry to lay
the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not
been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas,
Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable
judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by
honestly and fairly distributing the patronage in the Army—
apart from the party—which will now be possible as the
Page 179
King has the command himself, and by adopting such
measures of internal improvement as will promote the
material welfare of the people.
These are the principles which the Queen would wish to see
her representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and
Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect
conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen
cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr
Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of
an English Representative.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
A CONCILIATORY POLICY
Tuileries, 15th January 1847.
My Dearest Victoria,—I am truly happy to learn what you
say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can
assure you that many people who are, in fact, quite
indifferent to politics, renchérissent in expressions of dislike
and contempt seulement, because they believe that you have
those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they
assume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance,
"that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all,
an old fox," etc.
The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I
trust that there will be no bitterness in yours. It is as much, if
not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France
quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of
France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth,
has been already under water several times, what could be
spoiled has been spoiled, what remains is pretty solid. To
attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous
consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again
measures of internal improvement as will promote the
material welfare of the people.
These are the principles which the Queen would wish to see
her representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and
Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect
conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen
cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr
Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of
an English Representative.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
A CONCILIATORY POLICY
Tuileries, 15th January 1847.
My Dearest Victoria,—I am truly happy to learn what you
say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can
assure you that many people who are, in fact, quite
indifferent to politics, renchérissent in expressions of dislike
and contempt seulement, because they believe that you have
those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they
assume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance,
"that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all,
an old fox," etc.
The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I
trust that there will be no bitterness in yours. It is as much, if
not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France
quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of
France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth,
has been already under water several times, what could be
spoiled has been spoiled, what remains is pretty solid. To
attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous
consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again
Page 180
you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to
imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would
be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes,
brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution
of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing
but the dynasty, in England the very spirit of the old
Monarchy has been abolished, and what will be, in the
course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad
Constitution acts strongly on the people. Look to America,
even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted
Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
Buckingham Palace, 14th February 1847.
Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different
questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England
require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the
restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of
its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties
to interfere.
As to this question, it appears from Lord John's
memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to
foreign invasion only are inapplicable to the present case,
that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of
Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain
ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not
make any specific proposal.
The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers,
and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state
of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by
imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would
be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes,
brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution
of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing
but the dynasty, in England the very spirit of the old
Monarchy has been abolished, and what will be, in the
course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad
Constitution acts strongly on the people. Look to America,
even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted
Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
Buckingham Palace, 14th February 1847.
Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different
questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England
require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the
restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of
its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties
to interfere.
As to this question, it appears from Lord John's
memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to
foreign invasion only are inapplicable to the present case,
that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of
Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain
ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not
make any specific proposal.
The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers,
and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state
of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by
Page 181
a most minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny. She
indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr
Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however,
nothing but the echo of his reports.
Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent
events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the
Portuguese Government without a parallel in any part of
Europe," there, where not one execution has taken place, is
rather a strong expression.
That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War
are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in
order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation
of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the
struggle brought to an early termination.
The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three
o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a
definitive step.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
14th March 1847.
The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious
attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy
which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result
of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the
Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They
desert us.
We have no longer the slightest influence in that country;
France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes
confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children
without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on
indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr
Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however,
nothing but the echo of his reports.
Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent
events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the
Portuguese Government without a parallel in any part of
Europe," there, where not one execution has taken place, is
rather a strong expression.
That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War
are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in
order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation
of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the
struggle brought to an early termination.
The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three
o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a
definitive step.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
14th March 1847.
The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious
attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy
which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result
of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the
Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They
desert us.
We have no longer the slightest influence in that country;
France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes
confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children
without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on
Page 182
whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others always
placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says now: "The fact is, that
though they are the party least servile to France, they are the
most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of
society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and
gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion,
though a very small one, of their opponents."
In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, too late; but let us
not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also
lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H.
Seymour1 confirms what every one but Mr Southern has
stated for the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be
favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours
will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further says: "I should
have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the
outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to
account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave
me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of
reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our
unfriendly feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so
very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a
gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in
times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious
complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening
the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be
unwise to threaten the insurgents.
Then, the Court is told to believe our feelings of attachment
for them!
Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very
difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us.
Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also
away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as
she must, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue
a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory
notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and
most unfortunate effect.
placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer says now: "The fact is, that
though they are the party least servile to France, they are the
most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of
society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and
gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion,
though a very small one, of their opponents."
In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears, too late; but let us
not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also
lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H.
Seymour1 confirms what every one but Mr Southern has
stated for the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be
favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours
will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further says: "I should
have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the
outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to
account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave
me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of
reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our
unfriendly feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so
very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a
gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in
times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious
complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening
the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be
unwise to threaten the insurgents.
Then, the Court is told to believe our feelings of attachment
for them!
Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very
difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us.
Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also
away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as
she must, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue
a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory
notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and
most unfortunate effect.
Page 183
These very Septembristas have been always the greatest
enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us
should they succeed.
There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister
not to press things at moments when they produce
embarrassment to a Government already tottering, but to
give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for
the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the
spot can be a better judge of than we can in England.
Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the
imminent danger of England losing all legitimate influence
in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the
greatest importance to us.
The Queen has in all this spoken solely of English influence,
but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her
when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear
relations.2
Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.
Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in
London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France,
and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of
certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE SEPTENNIAL ACT
Chesham Place, 19th March 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that
the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the
enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us
should they succeed.
There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister
not to press things at moments when they produce
embarrassment to a Government already tottering, but to
give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for
the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the
spot can be a better judge of than we can in England.
Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the
imminent danger of England losing all legitimate influence
in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the
greatest importance to us.
The Queen has in all this spoken solely of English influence,
but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her
when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear
relations.2
Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.
Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in
London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France,
and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of
certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE SEPTENNIAL ACT
Chesham Place, 19th March 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that
the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the
Page 184
necessary business in the House of Commons has been
finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place.
This course would be conformable to the usage from the
passing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the
present year no House of Commons has been allowed to
continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831
and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William
the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841,
have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all
Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover
have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is
hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as
circumstances may arise making a Dissolution very
detrimental to the public welfare.
These being general considerations, Lord John Russell
would reserve any decision on the subject till the moment
shall arrive when a Dissolution may appear to your
Majesty's advisers to be the course most likely to secure
moderate and fair elections.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
25th March 1847.
The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord
Clarendon's brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The
Queen would, however, draw Lord John's attention generally
to the mode of filling up those Church sinecures. She is
quite aware how necessary it is for a Minister to be able to
recommend to such places persons of political connections,
but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of great
use both to the Church and the country to give these places
of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their
scientific attainments, who have neither the means nor the
time to prosecute their researches, whilst their labours might
finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place.
This course would be conformable to the usage from the
passing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the
present year no House of Commons has been allowed to
continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831
and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William
the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841,
have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all
Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover
have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is
hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as
circumstances may arise making a Dissolution very
detrimental to the public welfare.
These being general considerations, Lord John Russell
would reserve any decision on the subject till the moment
shall arrive when a Dissolution may appear to your
Majesty's advisers to be the course most likely to secure
moderate and fair elections.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
25th March 1847.
The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord
Clarendon's brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The
Queen would, however, draw Lord John's attention generally
to the mode of filling up those Church sinecures. She is
quite aware how necessary it is for a Minister to be able to
recommend to such places persons of political connections,
but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of great
use both to the Church and the country to give these places
of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for their
scientific attainments, who have neither the means nor the
time to prosecute their researches, whilst their labours might
Page 185
be of the greatest importance to the country. Such person of
this kind, for instance, the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton,
who has just published the real epistles of St Ignatius, which
he translated from the Syriac, and is about to produce a
Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the undoubted
original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important
documents lately acquired for the British Museum.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS
Buckingham Palace, 17th April 1847.
The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston,
through Lord John Russell and personally, to see that the
drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatched previous
to their being submitted to the Queen. Notwithstanding, this
is still done, as for instance to-day with regard to the drafts
for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more repeats her
desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence of
this practice.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 18th May 1847.
Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to
your Majesty the death of the Earl of Bessborough.3 The
firmness and kindness of his temper, together with his
intimate knowledge of Ireland and his sound judgment,
make this event a public misfortune.
It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his
successor should be named without loss of time, and as the
this kind, for instance, the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton,
who has just published the real epistles of St Ignatius, which
he translated from the Syriac, and is about to produce a
Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the undoubted
original in the Coptic dialect, and other most important
documents lately acquired for the British Museum.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS
Buckingham Palace, 17th April 1847.
The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston,
through Lord John Russell and personally, to see that the
drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatched previous
to their being submitted to the Queen. Notwithstanding, this
is still done, as for instance to-day with regard to the drafts
for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more repeats her
desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence of
this practice.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 18th May 1847.
Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to
your Majesty the death of the Earl of Bessborough.3 The
firmness and kindness of his temper, together with his
intimate knowledge of Ireland and his sound judgment,
make this event a public misfortune.
It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his
successor should be named without loss of time, and as the
Page 186
Cabinet agreed yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the
fittest person for the office, Lord John Russell would suggest
that a Council should be held on Thursday next, at the hour
your Majesty may appoint, for a Council for the purpose of
the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.
It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable
finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not
advisable to propose any measure, or make any
announcement for the present.
Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl, born
1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
JENNY LIND
Buckingham Palace, 12th June 1847.
My dearest Uncle,—We are here in terrible hot water,
though I think we shall get out of it.4 But only think that the
Radicals and Protectionists join to attack Government for
our interference in Portugal! A change of Government on
such a subject would be full of mischief for the future,
independent of the great momentary inconvenience; but it
would cripple all future Governments in their future conduct
respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust abroad in
our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient
policy of upholding Portugal.
In short, it would be very bad. The old Duke will do every
thing to set matters right.
To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear
and see Jenny Lind5 (who is perfection) in Norma, which is
considered one of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going
fittest person for the office, Lord John Russell would suggest
that a Council should be held on Thursday next, at the hour
your Majesty may appoint, for a Council for the purpose of
the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.
It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable
finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not
advisable to propose any measure, or make any
announcement for the present.
Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl, born
1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
JENNY LIND
Buckingham Palace, 12th June 1847.
My dearest Uncle,—We are here in terrible hot water,
though I think we shall get out of it.4 But only think that the
Radicals and Protectionists join to attack Government for
our interference in Portugal! A change of Government on
such a subject would be full of mischief for the future,
independent of the great momentary inconvenience; but it
would cripple all future Governments in their future conduct
respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust abroad in
our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient
policy of upholding Portugal.
In short, it would be very bad. The old Duke will do every
thing to set matters right.
To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear
and see Jenny Lind5 (who is perfection) in Norma, which is
considered one of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going
Page 187
off, and after the pure angelic voice and extremely quiet,
perfect acting of J. Lind, she seems quite passée. Poor thing!
she is quite furious about it, and was excessively impertinent
to J. Lind.
To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on
Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by a coalition of
Radicals and Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile
motion of Lord Stanley's in the House of Lords was opposed by the
Duke of Wellington and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the
House of Commons was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the
Ministry.
Footnote 5: She made her début in London on the 4th of May in
Roberto il Diavolo. The Queen had heard her sing previously at
Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two years to enthusiastic
audiences, she retired from the stage, and made extended concert tours
in Europe and America.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE
London, 12th July 1847.
(Five in the afternoon.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the
expression of his sorrow and shame that your Majesty
should be troubled for a moment by anything so
insignificant as a statue of himself.
When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue
from the pedestal on which it had been placed, he was
perfect acting of J. Lind, she seems quite passée. Poor thing!
she is quite furious about it, and was excessively impertinent
to J. Lind.
To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on
Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by a coalition of
Radicals and Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile
motion of Lord Stanley's in the House of Lords was opposed by the
Duke of Wellington and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the
House of Commons was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the
Ministry.
Footnote 5: She made her début in London on the 4th of May in
Roberto il Diavolo. The Queen had heard her sing previously at
Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two years to enthusiastic
audiences, she retired from the stage, and made extended concert tours
in Europe and America.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE
London, 12th July 1847.
(Five in the afternoon.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the
expression of his sorrow and shame that your Majesty
should be troubled for a moment by anything so
insignificant as a statue of himself.
When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue
from the pedestal on which it had been placed, he was
Page 188
apprehensive that the measure might be misconstrued and
misrepresented in this country as well as abroad.
That feeling was increased when the probable existence of
such misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed
papers circulated by the Committee for the erection of the
statue; and still farther when the removal became the subject
of repeated discussions in Parliament. His daily experience
of your Majesty's gracious reception of his endeavours to
serve your Majesty; and the events of every day, and the
repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's
consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated
in his letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no
foundation for the misconstruction of the intended act—
which undoubtedly existed. The apprehension of such
misconstruction had from the first moment created an
anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal
should be so regulated and should be attended by such
circumstances as would tend to relieve the transaction from
the erroneous but inconvenient impression which had been
created.
The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to
perform the duties with which he had been entrusted, and
therefore, when Lord John Russell wrote to him, he
deprecated the measure in contemplation; and he rejoices
sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the
statue.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by
your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted
Servant,
Wellington.6
Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of
December 1846:—"I should desire never to move from my principles
of indifference and non-interference on the subject of a statue of
myself to commemorate my own actions."
misrepresented in this country as well as abroad.
That feeling was increased when the probable existence of
such misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed
papers circulated by the Committee for the erection of the
statue; and still farther when the removal became the subject
of repeated discussions in Parliament. His daily experience
of your Majesty's gracious reception of his endeavours to
serve your Majesty; and the events of every day, and the
repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's
consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated
in his letter to Lord John Russell, that there was no
foundation for the misconstruction of the intended act—
which undoubtedly existed. The apprehension of such
misconstruction had from the first moment created an
anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal
should be so regulated and should be attended by such
circumstances as would tend to relieve the transaction from
the erroneous but inconvenient impression which had been
created.
The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to
perform the duties with which he had been entrusted, and
therefore, when Lord John Russell wrote to him, he
deprecated the measure in contemplation; and he rejoices
sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously
pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the
statue.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by
your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted
Servant,
Wellington.6
Footnote 6: The Duke of Wellington wrote to Croker, 19th of
December 1846:—"I should desire never to move from my principles
of indifference and non-interference on the subject of a statue of
myself to commemorate my own actions."
Page 189
And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to Croker:—"It
has always been my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing
about myself and my own actions.
"More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little of
myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the
army....
"I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have
done; with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon
modern contemporaries measures which they don't like, and when I
tell them I have some experience, and have had some success in these
affairs, and feel they would experience the benefit of attending to my
advice, I never talk of myself.
"These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care what they
do with the statue.
"But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who is
working day and night, without any object in view excepting the
public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by
the Sovereign and Government whom he is serving. The ridicule will
be felt, if nothing else is!"...
Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 12th July 1847.
The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the
Duke of Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his
statue from the Arch to another pedestal might be construed
as a mark of displeasure on her part. Although the Queen
had hoped that her esteem and friendship for the Duke was
so well known to the public in general as not to render such
a construction possible, and although she had thought that
another pedestal would have been more suitable for this
statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly
ornamented in honour of the Duke than by the statue now
upon it, she has given immediate direction that the Statue
should remain in its present situation, and only regrets that
this monument should be so unworthy of the great personage
to whose honour it has been erected.
has always been my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing
about myself and my own actions.
"More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little of
myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the
army....
"I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have
done; with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon
modern contemporaries measures which they don't like, and when I
tell them I have some experience, and have had some success in these
affairs, and feel they would experience the benefit of attending to my
advice, I never talk of myself.
"These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care what they
do with the statue.
"But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who is
working day and night, without any object in view excepting the
public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by
the Sovereign and Government whom he is serving. The ridicule will
be felt, if nothing else is!"...
Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 12th July 1847.
The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the
Duke of Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his
statue from the Arch to another pedestal might be construed
as a mark of displeasure on her part. Although the Queen
had hoped that her esteem and friendship for the Duke was
so well known to the public in general as not to render such
a construction possible, and although she had thought that
another pedestal would have been more suitable for this
statue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly
ornamented in honour of the Duke than by the statue now
upon it, she has given immediate direction that the Statue
should remain in its present situation, and only regrets that
this monument should be so unworthy of the great personage
to whose honour it has been erected.
Page 190
Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria.
INDIAN AFFAIRS
27th July 1847.
Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty,
humbly acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has
been graciously pleased to approve of his conduct in the
Government of your Majesty's Eastern Empire, and to
sanction his return to Europe the end of this year.
It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to
have contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability
of your Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his
charge, and he feels, in the performance of these duties, that
the approbation of his Sovereign is the most grateful
distinction to which honourable ambition can aspire.
The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine
expectations that peace has been securely established
beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout India,
and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 50,000 men of
the native force to be reduced, which reductions have caused
no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the part
of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to
the service performed.
As regards internal dangers, there is no native power
remaining able to face a British army in the field. The people
are very generally engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a
great extent in the British Provinces no longer carry arms.
Confidence in the protection of the Government has
superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were
concentrated in a few large cities—and Indian manufactures
have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but
wealth and comfort have, under British rule, been more
extensively diffused through the agricultural districts, and all
INDIAN AFFAIRS
27th July 1847.
Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty,
humbly acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has
been graciously pleased to approve of his conduct in the
Government of your Majesty's Eastern Empire, and to
sanction his return to Europe the end of this year.
It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to
have contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability
of your Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his
charge, and he feels, in the performance of these duties, that
the approbation of his Sovereign is the most grateful
distinction to which honourable ambition can aspire.
The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine
expectations that peace has been securely established
beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout India,
and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 50,000 men of
the native force to be reduced, which reductions have caused
no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the part
of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to
the service performed.
As regards internal dangers, there is no native power
remaining able to face a British army in the field. The people
are very generally engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a
great extent in the British Provinces no longer carry arms.
Confidence in the protection of the Government has
superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were
concentrated in a few large cities—and Indian manufactures
have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but
wealth and comfort have, under British rule, been more
extensively diffused through the agricultural districts, and all
Page 191
classes, including the warlike tribes, are becoming more
devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.
In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very
confident expectation that the Government of India, by
judicious attention to the native army in time of peace—
which may have its peculiar dangers—will maintain due
subordination in its ranks; and by abstaining from all
interference in the religious prejudices of the people, will
secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their
willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's
behalf.
Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your
Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,
Hardinge.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
A GENERAL ELECTION
Pembroke Lodge, 5th August 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that he considers the elections
which have taken place since he last addressed your Majesty
as satisfactory.
The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of
thirty, and when the elections are concluded will probably be
upwards of forty.
The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay7 is
the most disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a
parallel in the rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.
The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George
Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John
devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.
In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very
confident expectation that the Government of India, by
judicious attention to the native army in time of peace—
which may have its peculiar dangers—will maintain due
subordination in its ranks; and by abstaining from all
interference in the religious prejudices of the people, will
secure their loyal attachment to your Majesty, and their
willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's
behalf.
Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your
Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,
Hardinge.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
A GENERAL ELECTION
Pembroke Lodge, 5th August 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that he considers the elections
which have taken place since he last addressed your Majesty
as satisfactory.
The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of
thirty, and when the elections are concluded will probably be
upwards of forty.
The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay7 is
the most disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a
parallel in the rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.
The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George
Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John
Page 192
Russell or any other Minister will have the command of a
regular party majority.
But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently
strong to resist both a reaction against free trade, and any
democratic movement against the Church or the aristocracy.
Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem he
wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE IRISH ELECTIONS
Pembroke Lodge, 21st August 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that
he shall feel hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given
to Lord Strafford.
To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having
the first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John
Russell would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be
created Earl of Middlesex.
But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also
object, Lord John Russell will adhere to his original
proposal if your Majesty should deem it best.
In fact, many titles have been given in succession to
different families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are
familiar instances.
Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish
elections, on which the Prince wished to have his remarks.
The subject is a dark and a dreary one....
regular party majority.
But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently
strong to resist both a reaction against free trade, and any
democratic movement against the Church or the aristocracy.
Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem he
wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE IRISH ELECTIONS
Pembroke Lodge, 21st August 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that Lord Fitzwilliam writes that
he shall feel hurt if the Earldom of Strafford should be given
to Lord Strafford.
To save his feelings on this subject (Lord Fitzwilliam having
the first Wentworth Earl of Strafford's property), Lord John
Russell would humbly propose that Lord Strafford should be
created Earl of Middlesex.
But as the relations of the late Duke of Dorset might also
object, Lord John Russell will adhere to his original
proposal if your Majesty should deem it best.
In fact, many titles have been given in succession to
different families. Leinster, Orford, Westmorland, are
familiar instances.
Lord John Russell has drawn up a paper respecting the Irish
elections, on which the Prince wished to have his remarks.
The subject is a dark and a dreary one....
Page 193
Changes of Ministry may occur, but it is to be hoped that
your Majesty may be enabled to keep the present Parliament
for five or six years. For nothing tends so much to favour
such reformations, to impede sober improvements, and to
make members stand in servile awe of their constituents, as
frequent General Elections.
Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the
successful progress of your Majesty's journey. It has
occurred to Lord John Russell that as the harvest is very
promising, and the election heats will have subsided, it may
be desirable that your Majesty should go for three days to
Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice might
in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to
many Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin
in preparations.
Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam.
3rd September 1847.
The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the
31st.8 As she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom
already announced in the Gazette of the same day, it will be
impossible for the Queen to have the question of Lord
Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered. She thinks it right,
however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth property
came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds
College had proved that Lord Strafford was the
representative of the Earl of Strafford of the Second
Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam was not properly
considered the representative of the first, that the Queen
approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the
present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step
should have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom
your Majesty may be enabled to keep the present Parliament
for five or six years. For nothing tends so much to favour
such reformations, to impede sober improvements, and to
make members stand in servile awe of their constituents, as
frequent General Elections.
Lord John Russell is happy to see in the newspapers the
successful progress of your Majesty's journey. It has
occurred to Lord John Russell that as the harvest is very
promising, and the election heats will have subsided, it may
be desirable that your Majesty should go for three days to
Ireland on your Majesty's return. The want of notice might
in some respects be favourable, and would be an excuse to
many Irish peers, who might otherwise complete their ruin
in preparations.
Queen Victoria to Earl Fitzwilliam.
3rd September 1847.
The Queen has received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter of the
31st.8 As she sees Lord Strafford's elevation to an Earldom
already announced in the Gazette of the same day, it will be
impossible for the Queen to have the question of Lord
Fitzwilliam's adverse claim reconsidered. She thinks it right,
however, to say, that, knowing that the Wentworth property
came to Lord Fitzwilliam, it was only after the Heralds
College had proved that Lord Strafford was the
representative of the Earl of Strafford of the Second
Creation, whilst Lord Fitzwilliam was not properly
considered the representative of the first, that the Queen
approved the selection of the title of Earl of Strafford for the
present Lord. The Queen is very sorry to find that this step
should have been annoying to Lord Fitzwilliam, for whom
Page 194
she has ever entertained a sincere regard. She has sent his
letter on to Lord John Russell.
Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng had been
distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, receiving the Earldom
of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had written: "Your Majesty has,
undoubtedly, the power of conferring this, or any other titular dignity,
according to your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be
your Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will not
be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who has now
the honour of addressing your Majesty.
"The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of course,
familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude that your Majesty
is not unaware of my being his descendant, his heir, and his successor.
I own his lands, I dwell in his house, I possess his papers, and, if
neither my father nor myself have ever applied to the Crown for a
renewal of his titles, it has not been because either of us was
indifferent to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but
because we were well aware of the embarrassment which such
applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its advisers."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
MISSION TO THE VATICAN
Ardverikie, 3rd September 1847.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of
the 31st and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views
expressed in the Prince's Memorandum coincide with those
entertained by Lord John and Lord Palmerston, and also by
Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems difficult to find a
person of inferior rank and position than Lord Minto, and of
equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking the
mission on the understanding that the object of it will be
communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris,
and that both these Governments will be made fully
acquainted with the position England thinks herself bound to
take with regard to the Italian controversy.9 After this shall
letter on to Lord John Russell.
Footnote 8: On John, Baron Strafford, who as Sir John Byng had been
distinguished in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, receiving the Earldom
of Strafford, Lord Fitzwilliam had written: "Your Majesty has,
undoubtedly, the power of conferring this, or any other titular dignity,
according to your good pleasure, but I venture to hope that, if it be
your Majesty's pleasure to revive the Earldom of Strafford, it will not
be bestowed upon any other person than the individual who has now
the honour of addressing your Majesty.
"The name and history of the first Earl of Strafford is, of course,
familiar to your Majesty, and I venture to conclude that your Majesty
is not unaware of my being his descendant, his heir, and his successor.
I own his lands, I dwell in his house, I possess his papers, and, if
neither my father nor myself have ever applied to the Crown for a
renewal of his titles, it has not been because either of us was
indifferent to those honours or to the favour of the Sovereign, but
because we were well aware of the embarrassment which such
applications frequently occasion to the Crown and its advisers."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
MISSION TO THE VATICAN
Ardverikie, 3rd September 1847.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters of
the 31st and 1st inst., and is glad to find that the views
expressed in the Prince's Memorandum coincide with those
entertained by Lord John and Lord Palmerston, and also by
Lord Minto, as she infers. As it seems difficult to find a
person of inferior rank and position than Lord Minto, and of
equal weight, the Queen sanctions his undertaking the
mission on the understanding that the object of it will be
communicated beforehand to the Courts of Vienna and Paris,
and that both these Governments will be made fully
acquainted with the position England thinks herself bound to
take with regard to the Italian controversy.9 After this shall
Page 195
have been done, the sending of Sir William Parker with his
fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the Queen as a very
proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns
engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads
of their absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular
movements directed by a republican party, and perhaps
fostered by the Austrian Government.
Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto should be
sent on a special mission to the Vatican. See Introductory Note for the
Year, ante, p. 115.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Ardverikie, 7th September 1847.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind letter
of the 28th. Mamma writes me such a good report of you
both, which gives us the greatest pleasure. I hope you like
young Ernest? This horrid Praslin tragedy 10 is a subject one
cannot get out of one's head. The Government can in no way
be accused of these murders, but there is no doubt that the
standard of morality is very low indeed, in France, and that
the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This must
shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion,
nothing has gone on so well since the unfortunate false
move of the Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit
que cela n'a pas porté bonheur au Roi. I am very anxious to
explain that I was out of spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I
wrote to you last, for I love this place dearly, and the quiet,
simple and wild life we lead here, particularly, in spite of the
abominable weather we have had; and I am not the enemy of
La Chasse, as I expressed myself—on the contrary, I am
very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable to
see it all. Really, when one thinks of the very dull life, and
fleet to the West Coast of Italy strikes the Queen as a very
proper measure to give countenance to the Sovereigns
engaged in Liberal Reform, and exposed alike to the inroads
of their absolutist neighbour, and to the outbreaks of popular
movements directed by a republican party, and perhaps
fostered by the Austrian Government.
Footnote 9: Lord John Russell proposed that Lord Minto should be
sent on a special mission to the Vatican. See Introductory Note for the
Year, ante, p. 115.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Ardverikie, 7th September 1847.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind letter
of the 28th. Mamma writes me such a good report of you
both, which gives us the greatest pleasure. I hope you like
young Ernest? This horrid Praslin tragedy 10 is a subject one
cannot get out of one's head. The Government can in no way
be accused of these murders, but there is no doubt that the
standard of morality is very low indeed, in France, and that
the higher classes are extremely unprincipled. This must
shake the security and prosperity of a nation. In my opinion,
nothing has gone on so well since the unfortunate false
move of the Spanish marriages, and I think you will admit
que cela n'a pas porté bonheur au Roi. I am very anxious to
explain that I was out of spirits, and, I fear, humour, when I
wrote to you last, for I love this place dearly, and the quiet,
simple and wild life we lead here, particularly, in spite of the
abominable weather we have had; and I am not the enemy of
La Chasse, as I expressed myself—on the contrary, I am
very keen about it, and am only annoyed at being unable to
see it all. Really, when one thinks of the very dull life, and
Page 196
particularly the life of constant self-denial, which my poor,
dear Albert leads, he deserves every amusement in the
world, and even about his amusements he is so
accommodating that I am deeply touched by it. He is very
fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest moderation.
Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his
birthday?
The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels
very anxious for the future.
With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved
Louise. Believe me, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse de
Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her husband, who
committed suicide. This event, as well as the affair of the Spanish
marriages, largely contributed to the Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for
it was suspected that the Court and the police had not merely connived
at, but had actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in
order to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from his
trial.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
PORTUGAL
Windsor Castle, 9th October 1847.
The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read
attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives one
omission which should be rectified, viz. the one in which
Lord Palmerston directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to
remain perfectly neutral in case of a conflict, and that is that
our Fleet should naturally give protection to the persons of
the King and Queen and Royal Family in case of danger, for
we cannot allow them to be murdered, even if we should not
dear Albert leads, he deserves every amusement in the
world, and even about his amusements he is so
accommodating that I am deeply touched by it. He is very
fond of shooting, but it is all with the greatest moderation.
Do you know that you never wished Albert joy of his
birthday?
The state of politics in Europe is very critical, and one feels
very anxious for the future.
With my dearest Albert's love, and mine, to my beloved
Louise. Believe me, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 10: The sensational murder in Paris of the Duchesse de
Praslin, daughter of the diplomatist, Sebastiani, by her husband, who
committed suicide. This event, as well as the affair of the Spanish
marriages, largely contributed to the Orleanist catastrophe of 1848, for
it was suspected that the Court and the police had not merely connived
at, but had actually furnished the means for, the Duke's suicide, in
order to prevent certain exposures which would have resulted from his
trial.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
PORTUGAL
Windsor Castle, 9th October 1847.
The Queen has just received these drafts, which she has read
attentively, and thinks very proper; she only perceives one
omission which should be rectified, viz. the one in which
Lord Palmerston directs Sir H. Seymour and the Admiral to
remain perfectly neutral in case of a conflict, and that is that
our Fleet should naturally give protection to the persons of
the King and Queen and Royal Family in case of danger, for
we cannot allow them to be murdered, even if we should not
Page 197
be able to prevent their losing their Crown (which God
forbid).
The Queen must again observe that the drafts have since
some weeks past been sent to her after they were gone, so
that she can make no remark upon them. The Queen wishes
to have copies of these drafts.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
CRISIS IN THE CITY
Chesham Place, 14th October 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-
Governor (Mr Prescott) of the Bank, Mr Jones Loyd11 and
Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many others
connected with the City, and they have both made statements
to the Cabinet.
The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has
prevailed for some time.
More failures may be expected.12
The funds may fall still lower.
Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more
notes might postpone but would aggravate the distress.
The railway calls add much to the present difficulty.
No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable,
but a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts
might be proposed to Parliament.
It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who
by official position, practical experience, and much
reflection are most capable of giving an opinion think that
forbid).
The Queen must again observe that the drafts have since
some weeks past been sent to her after they were gone, so
that she can make no remark upon them. The Queen wishes
to have copies of these drafts.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
CRISIS IN THE CITY
Chesham Place, 14th October 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has seen the Governor (Mr Morris) and Deputy-
Governor (Mr Prescott) of the Bank, Mr Jones Loyd11 and
Mr Newman. Sir Charles Wood has seen many others
connected with the City, and they have both made statements
to the Cabinet.
The general result is: That an unsound state of trade has
prevailed for some time.
More failures may be expected.12
The funds may fall still lower.
Any interference by Government in the way of issuing more
notes might postpone but would aggravate the distress.
The railway calls add much to the present difficulty.
No forcible interference with railways would be justifiable,
but a voluntary postponement of the execution of their Acts
might be proposed to Parliament.
It will be seen by this short summary that the persons who
by official position, practical experience, and much
reflection are most capable of giving an opinion think that
Page 198
little or nothing can be done by Parliament or by
Government.
It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place
periodically, increased in extent by the expansion of
commerce, but controlled in its operation by the sound
principles of currency which have lately prevailed.
The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least
reason. The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been
large, liberal, and continuous. The circulation of notes
approaches nineteen millions.
MR COBDEN
Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of
ability and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law
Commission, Lord John Russell has come to the conclusion
that the best course he can take is to propose to Mr Cobden
to accept the Presidency with a seat in the Cabinet, and to
propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time a seat in
the Cabinet without office.
Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will
occur to your Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the
working classes, and his knowledge of sound principles of
political economy are undoubted. Sir Robert Peel's tribute to
him has raised him both on the Continent and in this
country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give
satisfaction to many.
On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be
glad to see the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations
of the Government.
With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will
propose these arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow.
He has sent for Mr Lee13 to offer him the Bishopric of
Manchester. It is with great regret he states that Mr
Stephen14 is obliged from ill health to retire from the
Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey to be made a Privy
Government.
It is one of those revulsions in trade which take place
periodically, increased in extent by the expansion of
commerce, but controlled in its operation by the sound
principles of currency which have lately prevailed.
The Act of 1844 is generally blamed, but without the least
reason. The accommodation afforded by the Bank has been
large, liberal, and continuous. The circulation of notes
approaches nineteen millions.
MR COBDEN
Upon fully considering the difficulty of finding a person of
ability and experience to place at the head of the Poor Law
Commission, Lord John Russell has come to the conclusion
that the best course he can take is to propose to Mr Cobden
to accept the Presidency with a seat in the Cabinet, and to
propose to the Duke of Bedford at the same time a seat in
the Cabinet without office.
Various reasons for making this offer to Mr Cobden will
occur to your Majesty. His ability, his popularity with the
working classes, and his knowledge of sound principles of
political economy are undoubted. Sir Robert Peel's tribute to
him has raised him both on the Continent and in this
country, so that his presence in the Cabinet would give
satisfaction to many.
On the other hand, the landed nobility and gentry would be
glad to see the Duke of Bedford take part in the deliberations
of the Government.
With your Majesty's permission Lord John Russell will
propose these arrangements to the Cabinet to-morrow.
He has sent for Mr Lee13 to offer him the Bishopric of
Manchester. It is with great regret he states that Mr
Stephen14 is obliged from ill health to retire from the
Colonial Office. He has asked Lord Grey to be made a Privy
Page 199
Councillor, having received an assurance from Lord Stanley
that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his
retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your
Majesty as an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and
calumniated15 public services.
Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord
Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal
Highness Prince Albert.
Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs,
the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought
of, and that with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon,
the suggestions made by the Prince would be the best
measures for adoption, when that event takes place.
It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the
Memorandum.
Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.
Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London, Liverpool, and
elsewhere.
Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King Edward's
School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.
Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, 1836-
1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at Cambridge.
Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition of
slavery.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th October 1847.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing
several very important subjects before her. She regrets that
the state of the Money Market should still be so
that Sir Robert Peel would propose it to your Majesty on his
retirement. Lord John Russell submits the proposal to your
Majesty as an honour due to Mr Stephen's long, able, and
calumniated15 public services.
Lord John Russell has the honour to submit a letter of Lord
Clarendon's in reference to a Memorandum of His Royal
Highness Prince Albert.
Lord John Russell thinks that in the present state of affairs,
the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy must not be thought
of, and that with the exception noticed by Lord Clarendon,
the suggestions made by the Prince would be the best
measures for adoption, when that event takes place.
It is possible the Prince may not have a copy of the
Memorandum.
Footnote 11: Afterwards Lord Overstone.
Footnote 12: There had been many failures in London, Liverpool, and
elsewhere.
Footnote 13: James Prince Lee, then Headmaster of King Edward's
School, Birmingham, Bishop of Manchester, 1847-1869.
Footnote 14: James Stephen, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, 1836-
1847, afterwards Professor of Modern History at Cambridge.
Footnote 15: He had made enemies by supporting the abolition of
slavery.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th October 1847.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, bringing
several very important subjects before her. She regrets that
the state of the Money Market should still be so
Page 200
uncomfortable, but is sure that the Government cannot by
any interference do much to mend matters, though it might
easily render them still more complicated, and make itself
responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either
brought on or been able to avert.16
As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the
Queen thinks that he will be well qualified for the place in
many respects, and that it will be advantageous to the
Government and the Country that his talents should be
secured to the service of the State, but the elevation to the
Cabinet directly from Covent Garden17 strikes her as a very
sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in
many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators
in general (for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a
successful agitator). The Queen therefore thinks it best that
Mr Cobden should first enter the service of the Crown, serve
as a public functionary in Parliament, and be promoted
subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then become a
very natural one.
The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen
would see with great pleasure.
The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John,
whilst she has retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it,
which the Prince is anxious to keep if Lord John will allow
him. The Queen must agree with Lord John and Lord
Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable one
for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy.
Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very
proper reward for his long and faithful services. Would he
not be a proper person for one of the new Civil degrees of
the Bath?18
Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John Russell
and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank should
any interference do much to mend matters, though it might
easily render them still more complicated, and make itself
responsible for a crisis, which it has in no way either
brought on or been able to avert.16
As to Mr Cobden's appointment to the Poor Law Board, the
Queen thinks that he will be well qualified for the place in
many respects, and that it will be advantageous to the
Government and the Country that his talents should be
secured to the service of the State, but the elevation to the
Cabinet directly from Covent Garden17 strikes her as a very
sudden step, calculated to cause much dissatisfaction in
many quarters, and setting a dangerous example to agitators
in general (for his main reputation Mr Cobden gained as a
successful agitator). The Queen therefore thinks it best that
Mr Cobden should first enter the service of the Crown, serve
as a public functionary in Parliament, and be promoted
subsequently to the Cabinet, which step will then become a
very natural one.
The Duke of Bedford's entrance into the Cabinet the Queen
would see with great pleasure.
The Queen returns the Prince's Memorandum to Lord John,
whilst she has retained Lord Clarendon's letter upon it,
which the Prince is anxious to keep if Lord John will allow
him. The Queen must agree with Lord John and Lord
Clarendon that the present moment is not a favourable one
for the experiment of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenancy.
Mr Stephen's elevation to the Privy Council will be a very
proper reward for his long and faithful services. Would he
not be a proper person for one of the new Civil degrees of
the Bath?18
Footnote 16: Matters, however, became worse, and Lord John Russell
and Sir Charles Wood wrote recommending that the Bank should
Page 201
enlarge their discounts and advances, for which they would propose a
bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic subsided.
Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent Garden
Theatre.
Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY
Windsor Castle, 18th October 1847.
The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's
attention to the enclosed paragraph taken from the Revue des
Deux Mondes, which gives an account of the late events in
Spain. How little honourable our line of policy appears
according to this version, which the Queen is afraid is so
very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the
whole French public and a great part of the European public
at large! It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must
admit that our policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at
Madrid, lays itself open to similar construction. After the
gross duplicity and immorality which characterised the
conduct of France with respect to the Spanish marriages,
though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still we had
a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and
honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and
counter intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of
that advantageous position without any compensation on the
other side. The Queen entreats Lord John Russell not to
underrate the importance of keeping our foreign policy
beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a ruling
power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in
the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an
individual state. To possess the confidence of Europe is of
the utmost importance to this country. That is the reason
bill of indemnity. By degrees the panic subsided.
Footnote 17: Free Trade meetings had taken place in Covent Garden
Theatre.
Footnote 18: He was made a K.C.B.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND'S FOREIGN POLICY
Windsor Castle, 18th October 1847.
The Queen cannot resist drawing Lord John Russell's
attention to the enclosed paragraph taken from the Revue des
Deux Mondes, which gives an account of the late events in
Spain. How little honourable our line of policy appears
according to this version, which the Queen is afraid is so
very plausible that it will be received as the truth by the
whole French public and a great part of the European public
at large! It is, no doubt, perverted, but still the Queen must
admit that our policy, and especially Mr Bulwer's conduct at
Madrid, lays itself open to similar construction. After the
gross duplicity and immorality which characterised the
conduct of France with respect to the Spanish marriages,
though she had all the profit and we all the loss, still we had
a very strong position on the side of integrity, morality, and
honour. The Queen is afraid that the diplomatic intrigues and
counter intrigues at Madrid have made us lose daily more of
that advantageous position without any compensation on the
other side. The Queen entreats Lord John Russell not to
underrate the importance of keeping our foreign policy
beyond reproach. Public opinion is recognised as a ruling
power in our domestic affairs; it is not of less importance in
the society of Europe with reference to the conduct of an
individual state. To possess the confidence of Europe is of
the utmost importance to this country. That is the reason
Page 202
why the Queen is uneasy about our dealings in Greece, and
anxious that we should not be misunderstood with respect to
Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive that the French
complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference to the
negotiations in the River Plate.19 Have they any right to do
so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at
variance in any way with the public instructions which had
been agreed upon with the French Government? The Queen
would consider any advantage gained at the expense of an
ally as a loss.
Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden, British
Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count Walewski, the
French Minister there, engaged in a special mission to the River Plate
and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was blockaded by the British Fleet.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE QUEEN OF SPAIN
Windsor Castle, 24th October 1847.
The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's
accounts of the late extraordinary events in Spain, but must
confess that she has in vain looked for an explanation of the
real motives and causes of the crisis. Has Lord Palmerston
received any private letters throwing more light upon the
matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery about
the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has
she sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for
Don Francisco and the Queen-Mother been false? All these
questions are unanswered.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
anxious that we should not be misunderstood with respect to
Italy. The Queen is sorry to perceive that the French
complain of unfair dealing on our part with reference to the
negotiations in the River Plate.19 Have they any right to do
so? Have Lord Howden's private instructions been at
variance in any way with the public instructions which had
been agreed upon with the French Government? The Queen
would consider any advantage gained at the expense of an
ally as a loss.
Footnote 19: Sir John Hobart Caradoc, second Lord Howden, British
Minister at Rio Janeiro, was, together with Count Walewski, the
French Minister there, engaged in a special mission to the River Plate
and Uruguay; Buenos Ayres was blockaded by the British Fleet.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE QUEEN OF SPAIN
Windsor Castle, 24th October 1847.
The Queen has perused with eagerness Mr Bulwer's
accounts of the late extraordinary events in Spain, but must
confess that she has in vain looked for an explanation of the
real motives and causes of the crisis. Has Lord Palmerston
received any private letters throwing more light upon the
matter? There seems to prevail the greatest mystery about
the affair. Is the Queen reconciled with her husband? Has
she sent for him? Have all the accounts of her hatred for
Don Francisco and the Queen-Mother been false? All these
questions are unanswered.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Page 203
THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL
Foreign Office, 30th October 1847.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has many apologies to make for not having
attended your Majesty's Council to-day, and the more so as
his absence arose from an inadvertence which he is almost
ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback to ride to
the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters
which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit
of absence to the Nine Elms Station,20 and did not recollect
his mistake till he had got there; and although he made the
best of his way afterwards to the Paddington Station, he
could not get there in time for any train that would have
taken him early enough to Windsor.
Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's
remarks upon his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour,
and has modified some of the expressions in those drafts;
but those drafts are only private and confidential answers in
his own name to private and confidential communications
from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his own
personal opinions, and not those of the Government.
Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances
lately mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the
course pursued at Lisbon almost ever since the successful
interference of the Allied Powers, have brought Viscount
Palmerston to the painful convictions expressed in the
above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for his own
sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this
Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken,
and will most truly and heartily rejoice if events should
prove that the confidence which your Majesty reposes in the
sincerity and good faith of the Queen of Portugal is well
founded; but in a matter of this importance Viscount
Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to your Majesty
not to conceal his opinions, even though they should, as in
Foreign Office, 30th October 1847.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has many apologies to make for not having
attended your Majesty's Council to-day, and the more so as
his absence arose from an inadvertence which he is almost
ashamed to mention. But having got on horseback to ride to
the station, with his thoughts occupied with some matters
which he was thinking of, he rode mechanically and in a fit
of absence to the Nine Elms Station,20 and did not recollect
his mistake till he had got there; and although he made the
best of his way afterwards to the Paddington Station, he
could not get there in time for any train that would have
taken him early enough to Windsor.
Viscount Palmerston received this morning your Majesty's
remarks upon his proposed drafts to Sir Hamilton Seymour,
and has modified some of the expressions in those drafts;
but those drafts are only private and confidential answers in
his own name to private and confidential communications
from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and they express only his own
personal opinions, and not those of the Government.
Viscount Palmerston is sorry to say that the circumstances
lately mentioned by Sir Hamilton Seymour, coupled with the
course pursued at Lisbon almost ever since the successful
interference of the Allied Powers, have brought Viscount
Palmerston to the painful convictions expressed in the
above-mentioned drafts, and he feels desirous, for his own
sake, to place those convictions at least upon record in this
Office. He will be most happy to find that he is mistaken,
and will most truly and heartily rejoice if events should
prove that the confidence which your Majesty reposes in the
sincerity and good faith of the Queen of Portugal is well
founded; but in a matter of this importance Viscount
Palmerston feels that it is his bounden duty to your Majesty
not to conceal his opinions, even though they should, as in
Page 204
the present case, unfortunately differ from those which your
Majesty entertains.
Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and South-Western
Railway.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Windsor Castle, 21st October 1847.
The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday. She can have no objections to Lord Palmerston's
putting on record his opinion that the Queen of Portugal is
leaning to the Chartist Party, and exposing herself, her
Throne and country, to great danger by so doing; but she
would much deprecate the putting on record the grave
accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and
perfect understanding with the Cabrals,"21 which is really
not warranted by the facts of the case, and is likely to
mislead both our Government and the Minister at Lisbon.
Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince received a letter
from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord
Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and
views of the Court: we must not forget either that Sir
Hamilton Seymour acknowledges that a change of Ministry
at this moment would provoke a fresh Revolution at Lisbon.
Although this would come from the Cabralists, the Queen of
Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined to run that risk
to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not see or
comprehend.
Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been Premier,
and his brother, José, Minister of Justice, had resigned in May 1846.
Majesty entertains.
Footnote 20: The former terminus of the London and South-Western
Railway.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Windsor Castle, 21st October 1847.
The Queen acknowledges Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday. She can have no objections to Lord Palmerston's
putting on record his opinion that the Queen of Portugal is
leaning to the Chartist Party, and exposing herself, her
Throne and country, to great danger by so doing; but she
would much deprecate the putting on record the grave
accusation "that the Queen of Portugal is in a secret and
perfect understanding with the Cabrals,"21 which is really
not warranted by the facts of the case, and is likely to
mislead both our Government and the Minister at Lisbon.
Since the Queen wrote yesterday the Prince received a letter
from the King of Portugal (which he sent to Lord
Palmerston), and which quite explains the position and
views of the Court: we must not forget either that Sir
Hamilton Seymour acknowledges that a change of Ministry
at this moment would provoke a fresh Revolution at Lisbon.
Although this would come from the Cabralists, the Queen of
Portugal very naturally may not feel inclined to run that risk
to avoid a danger the existence of which she does not see or
comprehend.
Footnote 21: The Ministry in which Castro Cabral had been Premier,
and his brother, José, Minister of Justice, had resigned in May 1846.
Page 205
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY
Chesham Place, 10th November 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and
objections against, different Bishops for promotion to the
Archbishopric of York, he humbly submits to your Majesty
the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of Hereford, to be
appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford is a
man of sound information, good judgment, and business
habits. It is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of
York, who will, like the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and
crotchets, and live peaceably with all men.
Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the
name of Dr Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the
Bishop of Oxford22 as Queen's Almoner.
Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.
The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson.
16th November 1847.
My dear Anson,—I enclose you a letter from Lord John
Russell, offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured
to write direct to Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful
feelings at this notice of me. But I have been so afraid of
offending by anything like freedom of expression that I
much fear I have instead said coldly and formally what, if I
had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and
most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say
THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY
Chesham Place, 10th November 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and after reflecting on the various reasons in favour of, and
objections against, different Bishops for promotion to the
Archbishopric of York, he humbly submits to your Majesty
the name of Dr Musgrave, Bishop of Hereford, to be
appointed Archbishop of York. The Bishop of Hereford is a
man of sound information, good judgment, and business
habits. It is of such consequence to have an Archbishop of
York, who will, like the late Archbishop, avoid quarrels and
crotchets, and live peaceably with all men.
Should your Majesty approve, he would then submit the
name of Dr Hampden to be the new Bishop, and that of the
Bishop of Oxford22 as Queen's Almoner.
Footnote 22: Samuel Wilberforce.
The Bishop of Oxford to Mr Anson.
16th November 1847.
My dear Anson,—I enclose you a letter from Lord John
Russell, offering me the Lord Almonership. I have ventured
to write direct to Her Majesty, to express to her my grateful
feelings at this notice of me. But I have been so afraid of
offending by anything like freedom of expression that I
much fear I have instead said coldly and formally what, if I
had said it naturally, would have expressed the deepest and
most exuberant feelings of what I trust I may venture to say
Page 206
is not an ungrateful heart. Ungrateful it would be most
certainly if it did not feel to its deepest core the uniform and
great kindness I have received now for so many years from
Her Majesty and from the Prince. I wish I could better show
them my feelings....
You have read no doubt the Times article on Dr Hampden. I
am afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive what was Dr
Hampden's recommendation. He was not a persecuted man,
for he had got a station far higher than he ever dreamed of
already; he is not an able, or an active man, or one popular
with any party, and unless Lord John Russell wished for an
opportunity of shocking the young confidence of the Church
in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it. I
deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be
only a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever
your truly affectionate,
S. Oxon.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES
17th November 1847.
The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the
accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official
declaration of the views of England with respect to a point
of the greatest gravity and importance, and upon which the
Queen apprehends that the mind of the Cabinet is not yet
made up. The Queen herself has come to no determination
upon it, and it may involve the question of peace or war.
Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain
contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in
such an indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to
certainly if it did not feel to its deepest core the uniform and
great kindness I have received now for so many years from
Her Majesty and from the Prince. I wish I could better show
them my feelings....
You have read no doubt the Times article on Dr Hampden. I
am afraid it is too true. I cannot conceive what was Dr
Hampden's recommendation. He was not a persecuted man,
for he had got a station far higher than he ever dreamed of
already; he is not an able, or an active man, or one popular
with any party, and unless Lord John Russell wished for an
opportunity of shocking the young confidence of the Church
in him, I cannot conceive why he should have made it. I
deeply lament it. Pray let me hear of your health, if it be
only a single line (to Cuddesdon), and believe me to be, ever
your truly affectionate,
S. Oxon.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCHES
17th November 1847.
The Queen has been struck by the concluding passage of the
accompanying draft to Mr Bulwer. It gives an official
declaration of the views of England with respect to a point
of the greatest gravity and importance, and upon which the
Queen apprehends that the mind of the Cabinet is not yet
made up. The Queen herself has come to no determination
upon it, and it may involve the question of peace or war.
Surely our line of policy under future and uncertain
contingencies ought not to be pledged beforehand and in
such an indirect way. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to
Page 207
speak to Lord John Russell upon the subject, and to show
him the draft and these remarks of the Queen upon it.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 17th November 1847.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in compliance with your Majesty's wishes he
has omitted the whole of the latter part of the proposed
despatch to Mr Bulwer.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
(Undated.)
The Queen has seen with surprise in the Gazette the
appointment of Mr Corigan,23 about which she must
complain to Lord John Russell. Not only had her pleasure
not been taken upon it, but she had actually mentioned to
Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true
propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have
found the Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to
all appointments and ready to listen to any reasons which he
might adduce in favour of his recommendations, but she
must insist upon appointments in her Household not being
made without her previous sanction, and least of all such as
that of a Physician to her person.
Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D., Physician-in-Ordinary to
Her Majesty in Ireland.
him the draft and these remarks of the Queen upon it.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 17th November 1847.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in compliance with your Majesty's wishes he
has omitted the whole of the latter part of the proposed
despatch to Mr Bulwer.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
(Undated.)
The Queen has seen with surprise in the Gazette the
appointment of Mr Corigan,23 about which she must
complain to Lord John Russell. Not only had her pleasure
not been taken upon it, but she had actually mentioned to
Lord Spencer that she had her doubts about the true
propriety of the appointment. Lord John will always have
found the Queen desirous to meet his views with regard to
all appointments and ready to listen to any reasons which he
might adduce in favour of his recommendations, but she
must insist upon appointments in her Household not being
made without her previous sanction, and least of all such as
that of a Physician to her person.
Footnote 23: Dominic John Corigan, M.D., Physician-in-Ordinary to
Her Majesty in Ireland.
Page 208
The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria.
SWITZERLAND
[Translation.]
25th November 1847.
LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA
... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased
your Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the
dreadful Swiss quarrels.24 I took the liberty to propose my
beloved and truly amiable town of Neuchâtel as the place for
the Conference, not only because its position in neutral
territory and in Switzerland herself qualifies it above every
other place for that purpose, but particularly because this
meeting of the representatives of the great Powers there
would protect it and the courageous and faithful country of
Neuchâtel from indignities, spoliation, and all the horrors
which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from
courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a
full appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill
Switzerland with murders and the miseries of the most
abominable Civil War. Your Majesty's happy realms have
centuries ago passed through the "phase" of such horrors,
and with you the state of parties has been (as one says here)
grown in bottles,25 under the glorious Constitution given by
God and History, but not "made"; but there, in Switzerland,
a party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the
exercise of Christian charity, can only be called "Gottlos und
Rechtlos" (without God and without right). For Germany,
the saving of Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is
simply a vital question. If they are victorious there, in
Germany likewise torrents of blood will flow; I will answer
for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and Aristocrats is no
empty sound with them, and Civil War in song, writing,
SWITZERLAND
[Translation.]
25th November 1847.
LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA
... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased
your Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the
dreadful Swiss quarrels.24 I took the liberty to propose my
beloved and truly amiable town of Neuchâtel as the place for
the Conference, not only because its position in neutral
territory and in Switzerland herself qualifies it above every
other place for that purpose, but particularly because this
meeting of the representatives of the great Powers there
would protect it and the courageous and faithful country of
Neuchâtel from indignities, spoliation, and all the horrors
which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from
courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a
full appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill
Switzerland with murders and the miseries of the most
abominable Civil War. Your Majesty's happy realms have
centuries ago passed through the "phase" of such horrors,
and with you the state of parties has been (as one says here)
grown in bottles,25 under the glorious Constitution given by
God and History, but not "made"; but there, in Switzerland,
a party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the
exercise of Christian charity, can only be called "Gottlos und
Rechtlos" (without God and without right). For Germany,
the saving of Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is
simply a vital question. If they are victorious there, in
Germany likewise torrents of blood will flow; I will answer
for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and Aristocrats is no
empty sound with them, and Civil War in song, writing,
Page 209
word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charité bien
entendue commence par soi-même." So they begin with their
own country, true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are
allowed to proceed, surely they won't stop there. Thousands
of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which their
comrades and allies in Germany will not be backward in
giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier. In
Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they
were in Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland
teaches us that that alone cannot stem their victorious march,
if circumstances are favourable to them. The German people
rely upon their Governments, and do nothing, but
Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the
precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes
the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their
own negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that
godless band will march through Germany, because, though
small, it is strong through being united and determined. All
this I have pondered in my head and heart (led, so to say, by
the hand of History), and that has prompted me now to
propose that the German Confederation (which en
parenthèse includes a population of more than forty
millions) should appear as one of the great Powers of
Europe at the settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be
admitted as such by the other great Powers. Would your
Majesty do justice, and give PROTECTION to this idea?...
F. W.
Footnote 24: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 115.
Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.
Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.
entendue commence par soi-même." So they begin with their
own country, true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are
allowed to proceed, surely they won't stop there. Thousands
of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which their
comrades and allies in Germany will not be backward in
giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier. In
Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they
were in Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland
teaches us that that alone cannot stem their victorious march,
if circumstances are favourable to them. The German people
rely upon their Governments, and do nothing, but
Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the
precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes
the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their
own negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that
godless band will march through Germany, because, though
small, it is strong through being united and determined. All
this I have pondered in my head and heart (led, so to say, by
the hand of History), and that has prompted me now to
propose that the German Confederation (which en
parenthèse includes a population of more than forty
millions) should appear as one of the great Powers of
Europe at the settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be
admitted as such by the other great Powers. Would your
Majesty do justice, and give PROTECTION to this idea?...
F. W.
Footnote 24: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 115.
Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.
Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.
Page 210
THE QUEEN'S REPLY
Osborne, 5th December 1847.
Since your letter was written events have followed each
other so rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland
may be considered as terminated; by the capitulations of the
Cantons formerly constituting the Sonderbund, two parties,
between which a mediation of the great Powers could have
taken place, have ceased to exist, and consequently
mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in fact no
longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as the
place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived
this proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed
a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchâtel, and I
should have felt truly happy if by so doing I could have met
your wishes, and given further protection to the principality
against possible aggressions on the part of the Federal
Government of Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only
complication which might arise is that between Neuchâtel
and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event,
instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his
utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on
your territory, and he has been furnished with an able and
elaborate state paper for his guidance, which Chevalier
Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal merits of the
case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did not arrive
in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step
against Neuchâtel, you may rely upon my readiness at all
times to put my good offices at your disposal. Should a
conference upon Swiss affairs still become necessary, I
conceive that the only plea upon which the great Powers
could meet in conference would be their having guaranteed
the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by
implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This
has not been the case with regard to the German
Confederation, and I do not readily see in consequence how
the Confederation could be admitted into this Conference,
Osborne, 5th December 1847.
Since your letter was written events have followed each
other so rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland
may be considered as terminated; by the capitulations of the
Cantons formerly constituting the Sonderbund, two parties,
between which a mediation of the great Powers could have
taken place, have ceased to exist, and consequently
mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in fact no
longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as the
place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived
this proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed
a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchâtel, and I
should have felt truly happy if by so doing I could have met
your wishes, and given further protection to the principality
against possible aggressions on the part of the Federal
Government of Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only
complication which might arise is that between Neuchâtel
and the Diet. I have, in anticipation of any such event,
instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his
utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on
your territory, and he has been furnished with an able and
elaborate state paper for his guidance, which Chevalier
Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal merits of the
case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did not arrive
in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step
against Neuchâtel, you may rely upon my readiness at all
times to put my good offices at your disposal. Should a
conference upon Swiss affairs still become necessary, I
conceive that the only plea upon which the great Powers
could meet in conference would be their having guaranteed
the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by
implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This
has not been the case with regard to the German
Confederation, and I do not readily see in consequence how
the Confederation could be admitted into this Conference,
Page 211
however much I confess I would like to see Germany take
her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her
strength and population fairly entitle her. I may say that my
Government are equally impressed with me with the
importance of German unity and strength and of this
strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe; I am
sure that the English public generally share this feeling, but I
must not conceal from your Majesty that much would
depend upon the manner in which this power was
represented. Much as the English would like to see this
power represented by the enlightened councils of your
Majesty, they would be animated with very different feelings
in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich....
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 19th December 1847.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters
from Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the
Debates have been brought to such a satisfactory conclusion,
all the propositions of the Government having passed with
such good majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John
that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in his
speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the
future Government, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr
Disraeli(!), and Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold
high offices in the next Government.
The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and
the Bishop of Exeter26 is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion,
that he might be prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling
the supremacy on the Crown a foul act and the Magna
Charta of Tyranny.
her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her
strength and population fairly entitle her. I may say that my
Government are equally impressed with me with the
importance of German unity and strength and of this
strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe; I am
sure that the English public generally share this feeling, but I
must not conceal from your Majesty that much would
depend upon the manner in which this power was
represented. Much as the English would like to see this
power represented by the enlightened councils of your
Majesty, they would be animated with very different feelings
in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich....
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 19th December 1847.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters
from Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the
Debates have been brought to such a satisfactory conclusion,
all the propositions of the Government having passed with
such good majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John
that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in his
speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the
future Government, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr
Disraeli(!), and Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold
high offices in the next Government.
The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and
the Bishop of Exeter26 is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion,
that he might be prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling
the supremacy on the Crown a foul act and the Magna
Charta of Tyranny.
Page 212
The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered.
We are going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.
Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD MELBOURNE
Brocket Hall, 30th December 1847.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of
this morning, and reciprocates with the most cordial
heartiness your Majesty's good wishes of the season, both
for your Majesty and His Royal Highness. Lord Melbourne
is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he has
been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has
long pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before
communicated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a
long time found himself much straitened in his pecuniary
circumstances, and these embarrassments are growing now
every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads before
long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of
failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so
many. This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has
always avoided the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon
him by his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord
Melbourne knows that the expense of accepting the blue
ribbon amounts to £1000, and there has been of late years no
period at which it would not have been seriously
inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.27
We are going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.
Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.
Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria.
LORD MELBOURNE
Brocket Hall, 30th December 1847.
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of
this morning, and reciprocates with the most cordial
heartiness your Majesty's good wishes of the season, both
for your Majesty and His Royal Highness. Lord Melbourne
is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he has
been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has
long pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before
communicated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a
long time found himself much straitened in his pecuniary
circumstances, and these embarrassments are growing now
every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads before
long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of
failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so
many. This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has
always avoided the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon
him by his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord
Melbourne knows that the expense of accepting the blue
ribbon amounts to £1000, and there has been of late years no
period at which it would not have been seriously
inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.27
Page 213
Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson, advanced
Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have
been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord Melbourne's declining health
caused him to magnify his difficulties. The report which Mr Anson
made shows that he was in no sense seriously embarrassed.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVII
At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England at
the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by the
indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of Wellington
to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment the whole South
Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no means of opposing a
hostile force. The Government turned its attention to reconstructing the
Militia, and raising the Income Tax for the purpose. But the outlook was
completely changed by the French Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just
lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adélaïde, impulsively abdicated, on
a rising taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England
and Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed
Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich, like
Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and
throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative institutions
made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was constituted,
and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the German dominions. In
Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was serious. The Pope, not yet
reactionary, declared war against Austria; the Milanese rose against
Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia
marched to their assistance. A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these
successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand
II. of Naples was suppressed. In France the revolutionary movement held
Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have
been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord Melbourne's declining health
caused him to magnify his difficulties. The report which Mr Anson
made shows that he was in no sense seriously embarrassed.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVII
At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England at
the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by the
indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of Wellington
to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment the whole South
Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no means of opposing a
hostile force. The Government turned its attention to reconstructing the
Militia, and raising the Income Tax for the purpose. But the outlook was
completely changed by the French Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just
lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adélaïde, impulsively abdicated, on
a rising taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England
and Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed
Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich, like
Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and
throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative institutions
made rapid headway; a National Assembly for Germany was constituted,
and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the German dominions. In
Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was serious. The Pope, not yet
reactionary, declared war against Austria; the Milanese rose against
Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia
marched to their assistance. A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these
successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand
II. of Naples was suppressed. In France the revolutionary movement held
Page 214
steadily on its course, a National Assembly was elected, and national
workshops established; Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in
England, was allowed to return, and was elected President of the Republic
by an immense majority of the popular vote.
The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious riot at
Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus O'Connor
for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to carry a huge
petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House of Commons, proved
a ridiculous fiasco. Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was
known as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful,
and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different from the
sturdy Repeal movement of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord
Inchiquin, was the ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher,
and others, as well as by the Nation and United Irishman newspapers. Like
Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were
convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing some
offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the
law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.
The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to operations
against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie—who had recently become Viceroy—
after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief,
and proceeding in person to the frontier; a British force sustained a reverse
at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a decisive result was not arrived at
till 1849.
In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of the
Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country
between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers, and
ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated
the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.
workshops established; Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in
England, was allowed to return, and was elected President of the Republic
by an immense majority of the popular vote.
The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious riot at
Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus O'Connor
for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to carry a huge
petition in favour of the People's Charter to the House of Commons, proved
a ridiculous fiasco. Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was
known as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful,
and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different from the
sturdy Repeal movement of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord
Inchiquin, was the ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher,
and others, as well as by the Nation and United Irishman newspapers. Like
Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were
convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time passed reducing some
offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the
law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.
The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to operations
against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie—who had recently become Viceroy—
after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief,
and proceeding in person to the frontier; a British force sustained a reverse
at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a decisive result was not arrived at
till 1849.
In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of the
Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country
between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers, and
ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated
the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.
Page 215
CHAPTER XVII
1848
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 1st January 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—This is a most melancholy
beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adélaïde,1 so kind to
us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise
feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and
more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always
very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the
blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King;
he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely
devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and
shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am
much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would
act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly
connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been
enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better
than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to
Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly
and devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
1848
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 1st January 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—This is a most melancholy
beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adélaïde,1 so kind to
us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise
feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and
more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always
very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the
blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King;
he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely
devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and
shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am
much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would
act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly
connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been
enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better
than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to
Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly
and devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Page 216
Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.2
DEATH OF MADAME ADÉLAÏDE
Windsor Castle, 3rd January 1848.
The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle,
the King of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a
blow Mme. Adélaïde's death will be to the King of the
French and Royal Family. The Queen's first thought was to
write to the King, which she would not have done without
first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection she
thought it quickest and best to write at once to her cousin
Clémentine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey
in her name to the King her sincere sympathy at this
melancholy event. The King of the Belgians' letter has,
however, brought back to the Queen her first thought of
writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John
thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling
to carry on political coolness at moments like these, when
her own feelings of sympathy are so strong and so sincere.
The Queen would certainly under other circumstances have
instantly written to the King. On the other hand, her first
letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be sufficient,
as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people who
will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks
that this risk should rather be run than that she should appear
unfeeling and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy.
The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on
this subject as soon as possible.
Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction—Substance of a letter
to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.2
DEATH OF MADAME ADÉLAÏDE
Windsor Castle, 3rd January 1848.
The Queen sends Lord John Russell a letter from her Uncle,
the King of the Belgians, which will show how dreadful a
blow Mme. Adélaïde's death will be to the King of the
French and Royal Family. The Queen's first thought was to
write to the King, which she would not have done without
first mentioning it to Lord John; but upon reflection she
thought it quickest and best to write at once to her cousin
Clémentine (Princess Augustus of Saxe-Coburg), to convey
in her name to the King her sincere sympathy at this
melancholy event. The King of the Belgians' letter has,
however, brought back to the Queen her first thought of
writing to the King, and she wishes to know what Lord John
thinks of it. The Queen thinks it as undignified as unfeeling
to carry on political coolness at moments like these, when
her own feelings of sympathy are so strong and so sincere.
The Queen would certainly under other circumstances have
instantly written to the King. On the other hand, her first
letter to her cousin (the King's daughter) may be sufficient,
as it conveys a direct message; and there may be people who
will construe this into a political act, but the Queen thinks
that this risk should rather be run than that she should appear
unfeeling and forgetful of former kindness and intimacy.
The Queen would be glad to have Lord John's opinion on
this subject as soon as possible.
Footnote 2: This letter is headed "Reproduction—Substance of a letter
to Lord John Russell, written from recollection."
Page 217
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 3rd January 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—I thank you most sincerely
for your kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the
New Year. Alas! the year ended and began in a most painful
and heartrending way for us. The loss of my good, excellent,
beloved Aunt is an immense misfortune for us all, and the
most dreadful blow for my poor Father. We are all broken-
hearted by this, at last unexpected event. Some years we
were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late I had
been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing
weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was
so near. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end
was peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She
died without a struggle; the horror of death, and the still
greater pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taking of
her beloved brother, was spared her. I thank God for this
proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep up my Father
under such a heavy affliction. To him the loss is
irretrievable. My Aunt lived but for him; one may almost
say that her affection alone had kept her alive these last
years, and a devotion like hers—that devotion of all instants
—so complete, so full of self-denial—cannot, will never, be
replaced. A heart like hers, so true, so noble, so warm, so
loving, so devoted, is rarely seen. To us also, independently
of my Father, the loss is a dreadful one. My Aunt was a
second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to her in
this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children
what she did for us, or loved them better. We are
overwhelmed with grief by the sudden disappearance of a
being so dear and so necessary to us all, and we go to-
morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the family,
and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at
this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he
loves. I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy
Laeken, 3rd January 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—I thank you most sincerely
for your kind last letter, and all your good wishes for the
New Year. Alas! the year ended and began in a most painful
and heartrending way for us. The loss of my good, excellent,
beloved Aunt is an immense misfortune for us all, and the
most dreadful blow for my poor Father. We are all broken-
hearted by this, at last unexpected event. Some years we
were uneasy about my poor Aunt's health, and of late I had
been particularly alarmed by what I heard of her increasing
weakness; but I was very far from believing that her end was
so near. I was only anxious for the winter. At least her end
was peaceful. She went to sleep and did not wake more. She
died without a struggle; the horror of death, and the still
greater pang of the last farewell, of the last leave-taking of
her beloved brother, was spared her. I thank God for this
proof of His mercy, and hope He will keep up my Father
under such a heavy affliction. To him the loss is
irretrievable. My Aunt lived but for him; one may almost
say that her affection alone had kept her alive these last
years, and a devotion like hers—that devotion of all instants
—so complete, so full of self-denial—cannot, will never, be
replaced. A heart like hers, so true, so noble, so warm, so
loving, so devoted, is rarely seen. To us also, independently
of my Father, the loss is a dreadful one. My Aunt was a
second mother for us; we loved her and looked up to her in
this way, and certainly few mothers do for their children
what she did for us, or loved them better. We are
overwhelmed with grief by the sudden disappearance of a
being so dear and so necessary to us all, and we go to-
morrow to Paris, to mourn with the remainder of the family,
and offer my poor Father the only consolation he can feel at
this cruel moment, that of being surrounded by all those he
loves. I have still so much to do previous to our melancholy
Page 218
journey that I cannot say more to-day. I am sure you will
excuse me. I shall, God willing, write in a more proper way
the next time. In the meanwhile I thank God that you are
unberufen all well, and, in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my
beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours most
devotedly,
Louise.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Woburn Abbey, 4th January 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty
will do well to follow your own kind impulse to write a
letter to the King of the French. There will be some persons,
and M. Guizot perhaps among the number, who will
construe this into a political act; but it is better to be subject
to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of
sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction.
Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter
any political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt
that your Majesty will explain to him that your present
proceeding is entirely founded upon private regard, and past
recollections of intimacy, and is not intended as an opening
for political correspondence.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
Ch. de Windsor, 5 Janvier 1848.
excuse me. I shall, God willing, write in a more proper way
the next time. In the meanwhile I thank God that you are
unberufen all well, and, in sorrow or in joy, I am equally, my
beloved Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, yours most
devotedly,
Louise.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LETTER TO KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Woburn Abbey, 4th January 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has no hesitation in saying that he thinks your Majesty
will do well to follow your own kind impulse to write a
letter to the King of the French. There will be some persons,
and M. Guizot perhaps among the number, who will
construe this into a political act; but it is better to be subject
to such misconstructions than to leave undone any act of
sympathy to the King of the French in his sore affliction.
Should the King attempt to found upon your Majesty's letter
any political intercourse, Lord John Russell has no doubt
that your Majesty will explain to him that your present
proceeding is entirely founded upon private regard, and past
recollections of intimacy, and is not intended as an opening
for political correspondence.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
Ch. de Windsor, 5 Janvier 1848.
Page 219
Sire et mon bon Frère,—Je ne voulais pas suivre l'impulse
de mon cœur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur
de votre Majesté, en vous écrivant—mais maintenant où la
violence de cette rude secousse peut-être sera un peu
adoucie, je viens moi-même exprimer à votre Majesté la part
sincère que nous prenons, le Prince et moi, à la cruelle perte
que vous venez d'éprouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide
irréparable. Ayez la bonté, Sire, d'offrir nos expressions de
condoléance à la Reine, et faisant des vœux pour le bonheur
de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de V.M., la bonne
Sœur,
V. R.
A S.M. le Roi des Français.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
Paris, 8 Janvier 1848.
Madame ma bonne Sœur,—Dans la profonde douleur où m'a
plongé le coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus
douces consolations que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que
votre Majesté a eu la bonté de m'adresser, tant en son nom
qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux. L'expression de la part que
vous prenez tous deux à mon malheur, et de l'intérêt que
vous continuez à me porter, m'a vivement ému, et quelque
douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis,
Madame, de vous en remercier, et de dire à votre Majesté
que mon cœur et mes sentimens pour elle, sont et seront
toujours les mêmes que ceux que j'étais si heureux de Lui
manifester à Windsor et au Château d'Eu.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien être, auprès du Prince
son Epoux, l'interprète de toute ma sensibilité. La Reine est
bien touchée de ce que votre Majesté m'a chargé de Lui
témoigner, et je la prie de croire que je suis toujours,
Madame, ma bonne Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
de mon cœur, dans les premiers instants de la vive douleur
de votre Majesté, en vous écrivant—mais maintenant où la
violence de cette rude secousse peut-être sera un peu
adoucie, je viens moi-même exprimer à votre Majesté la part
sincère que nous prenons, le Prince et moi, à la cruelle perte
que vous venez d'éprouver, et qui doit vous laisser un vide
irréparable. Ayez la bonté, Sire, d'offrir nos expressions de
condoléance à la Reine, et faisant des vœux pour le bonheur
de V.M., je me dis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de V.M., la bonne
Sœur,
V. R.
A S.M. le Roi des Français.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
Paris, 8 Janvier 1848.
Madame ma bonne Sœur,—Dans la profonde douleur où m'a
plongé le coup cruel qui vient de me frapper, une des plus
douces consolations que je pusse recevoir, est la lettre que
votre Majesté a eu la bonté de m'adresser, tant en son nom
qu'en celui du Prince son Epoux. L'expression de la part que
vous prenez tous deux à mon malheur, et de l'intérêt que
vous continuez à me porter, m'a vivement ému, et quelque
douloureuse qu'en soit l'occasion, qu'il me soit permis,
Madame, de vous en remercier, et de dire à votre Majesté
que mon cœur et mes sentimens pour elle, sont et seront
toujours les mêmes que ceux que j'étais si heureux de Lui
manifester à Windsor et au Château d'Eu.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien être, auprès du Prince
son Epoux, l'interprète de toute ma sensibilité. La Reine est
bien touchée de ce que votre Majesté m'a chargé de Lui
témoigner, et je la prie de croire que je suis toujours,
Madame, ma bonne Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
Page 220
Louis Philippe R.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND THE PORTE
Claremont, 11th January 1848.
The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord
Cowley, in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give
Abd-el-Kader a command in his Army—a step which the
Queen cannot approve, not because it is not good advice to
the Porte, but because it is uncalled for on our part, and
might be considered by France as a hostile step towards her.
What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to
give Akbar Khan the command of his army? 3
Footnote 3: See ante, vol. i. p. 254.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
CLAREMONT
Claremont, 11th January 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I always write with pleasure to you
from this so very dear old place, where we are safely and
happily housed with our whole little family since yesterday.
The weather is very cold, and it is the third night of a black
frost which is likely to continue for some days. Many thanks
for your kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new
arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your visit will, I
fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND THE PORTE
Claremont, 11th January 1848.
The Queen has this morning seen a draft addressed to Lord
Cowley, in which he is desired to advise the Sultan to give
Abd-el-Kader a command in his Army—a step which the
Queen cannot approve, not because it is not good advice to
the Porte, but because it is uncalled for on our part, and
might be considered by France as a hostile step towards her.
What would we say if the French were to advise M. Ali to
give Akbar Khan the command of his army? 3
Footnote 3: See ante, vol. i. p. 254.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
CLAREMONT
Claremont, 11th January 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I always write with pleasure to you
from this so very dear old place, where we are safely and
happily housed with our whole little family since yesterday.
The weather is very cold, and it is the third night of a black
frost which is likely to continue for some days. Many thanks
for your kind letter of the 7th, which, according to the new
arrangement, I received already on the 8th. Your visit will, I
fear, have been a very melancholy one. Poor Mme.
Page 221
Adélaïde's death was so extremely sudden, it must be a
dreadful blow to the poor King. I have written to him.
Louise will have told you that poor Aunt Sophia4 is
decidedly sinking.
I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to
coming to us now (which would be a sad disappointment),
you would come to see us. Why not come while she is at
Paris? It would be such a pleasure to us. You will of course
have no balls, and you might come even sooner than you
originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I
am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that
would be still better.
Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you
would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle
Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in
London, where we have made a fine collection of his
contemporaries, and we would replace it by a faithful copy,
which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you grant
this?
We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to
build a small glass dome to the greenhouse here where the
palm-trees are, and (if you approved) there could be no
difficulty in getting this done; the palm-trees are beautiful,
and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not allowed to grow.
We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's love, ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She died in May
1848.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
dreadful blow to the poor King. I have written to him.
Louise will have told you that poor Aunt Sophia4 is
decidedly sinking.
I wish, dearest Uncle, if even Louise feels unequal to
coming to us now (which would be a sad disappointment),
you would come to see us. Why not come while she is at
Paris? It would be such a pleasure to us. You will of course
have no balls, and you might come even sooner than you
originally intended. Pray do see if you could manage this. I
am sure you could. If Louise could come, of course that
would be still better.
Albert desires me to ask you the following favour, viz. if you
would give us the picture that is here of Grand Uncle
Frederic (the Field-Marshal), that we might hang it up in
London, where we have made a fine collection of his
contemporaries, and we would replace it by a faithful copy,
which could be hung up in the frame here. Will you grant
this?
We are very desirous of getting the Woods and Forests to
build a small glass dome to the greenhouse here where the
palm-trees are, and (if you approved) there could be no
difficulty in getting this done; the palm-trees are beautiful,
and will be quite stunted and spoilt if not allowed to grow.
We shall stay here till Monday next. With Albert's love, ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 4: Fifth daughter of George III., born 1777. She died in May
1848.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Page 222
THE FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY
Laeken, 12th January 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—A messenger of my own going to
England, I take advantage of it to write you a few words.
Your kind letter to the poor King was an act for which I
thank you from the bottom of my soul, because it made him
so happy. I was still in his rooms—where the family has
been breakfasting and dining till now—when your letter
arrived; he was so delighted with it that he kissed it most
tenderly. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather
a severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the
Grippe, which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor
Aunt's death, as from over-anxiety for her beloved brother,
she got up in the night to find out how he was. His cold had
been better when he went to Dreux, then he met the
procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church;
this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also
a good deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is
much occupied about some of the arrangements connected
with poor Aunt's fortune; she left her landed property to
Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier, charged with the
various sums she left to nearly all the branches of her family.
The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of
this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ
the revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as
well as landed property, to free the landed property of the
mortgage of the various legacies. This will require a good
many years, and I told him that it would force him to live till
it would be arranged, which will easily require ten years. In
France a good feeling has been shown on this occasion. I
heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were
known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed
themselves most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that
sad event will take place, the reaction in Europe will be
great, as all the bad passions which are kept down by him
will then of course try to get the over hand. The Queen is
Laeken, 12th January 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—A messenger of my own going to
England, I take advantage of it to write you a few words.
Your kind letter to the poor King was an act for which I
thank you from the bottom of my soul, because it made him
so happy. I was still in his rooms—where the family has
been breakfasting and dining till now—when your letter
arrived; he was so delighted with it that he kissed it most
tenderly. I left him tolerably well on Monday, but with rather
a severe cold. He had certainly at the end of December the
Grippe, which perhaps was the immediate cause of poor
Aunt's death, as from over-anxiety for her beloved brother,
she got up in the night to find out how he was. His cold had
been better when he went to Dreux, then he met the
procession, and walked with it bareheaded to the church;
this seems to have given him a new cold. His nerves are also
a good deal shaken, and this renders him very irritable. He is
much occupied about some of the arrangements connected
with poor Aunt's fortune; she left her landed property to
Nemours, Joinville, and Montpensier, charged with the
various sums she left to nearly all the branches of her family.
The King is to have, however, the enjoyment of the whole of
this fortune for his life. His great wish would be to employ
the revenues, from the whole of the succession legacies as
well as landed property, to free the landed property of the
mortgage of the various legacies. This will require a good
many years, and I told him that it would force him to live till
it would be arranged, which will easily require ten years. In
France a good feeling has been shown on this occasion. I
heard from trustworthy quarters that even people who were
known to be personally not very kind to the King, expressed
themselves most anxious for his preservation. Whenever that
sad event will take place, the reaction in Europe will be
great, as all the bad passions which are kept down by him
will then of course try to get the over hand. The Queen is
Page 223
much affected by all this, and thinks much of her own end.
The children, including good Hélène, have all behaved with
the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal
particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My
beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
REVOLUTION IN FRANCE
Laeken, 12th February 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—... From Paris the news are
alarming;5 the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards
radicalism, or in fact merely their own promotion; principles
are out of the question. This state of affairs reacts in a very
lamentable way upon the well-being of the great European
community. Great complaints are made that the working
classes are deprived of work and at the same time political
agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping
transactions of every description. The human race is a sad
creation, and I trust the other planets are better organised
and that we may get there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid
headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon Barrot,
proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February. Louis
Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented to a change of
Ministry, but the formation of a new Government proved impossible.
The Revolution could have been quelled, had it not been for the King's
reluctance to shed blood in defence of the Throne to which he had
been elected; even to the agitators themselves the completeness of the
Revolution was a surprise.
The children, including good Hélène, have all behaved with
the utmost affection to their parents, and nothing can equal
particularly good Nemours' devotion and attention. My
beloved Child, your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
REVOLUTION IN FRANCE
Laeken, 12th February 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—... From Paris the news are
alarming;5 the struggle of the Liberal Party leaning towards
radicalism, or in fact merely their own promotion; principles
are out of the question. This state of affairs reacts in a very
lamentable way upon the well-being of the great European
community. Great complaints are made that the working
classes are deprived of work and at the same time political
agitation is kept up, which must have the effect of stopping
transactions of every description. The human race is a sad
creation, and I trust the other planets are better organised
and that we may get there hereafter.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 5: The Republican movement had been making rapid
headway in Paris, and the leader of the Opposition, M. Odilon Barrot,
proposed Guizot's impeachment on the 22nd of February. Louis
Philippe, when it was unfortunately too late, consented to a change of
Ministry, but the formation of a new Government proved impossible.
The Revolution could have been quelled, had it not been for the King's
reluctance to shed blood in defence of the Throne to which he had
been elected; even to the agitators themselves the completeness of the
Revolution was a surprise.
Page 224
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 23rd February 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at
three o'clock to-morrow.
Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little
information.6
There has been some fighting in the streets, and some
apprehension for the night. But it does not appear probable
that any serious danger will be incurred, with the troops in
such force in Paris.
Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the
Government of the King, and the Republicans. But in that
case such men as M. Odilon Barrot will shrink from the
contest.
Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to
Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's Life of Palmerston, vol. i.
chap. iii.) gives an account of the situation on the eve of the 22nd of
February. On the 25th of February he wrote:—
"The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full march upon
the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when
Emile Girardin, the editor of the Presse newspaper, who was in
advance as an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of
Abdication, and placed it before the King as the only means of safety.
The King at first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc
de Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his
country from confusion. The King at last signed it, and threw it
impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who, I believe, has been in
favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The Royal Family then
retired through the garden, the King saying to every one as he passed,
'J'abdique, j'abdique.'"
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 23rd February 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at
three o'clock to-morrow.
Lord Normanby's letters from Paris give a little
information.6
There has been some fighting in the streets, and some
apprehension for the night. But it does not appear probable
that any serious danger will be incurred, with the troops in
such force in Paris.
Hereafter there may be a serious struggle between the
Government of the King, and the Republicans. But in that
case such men as M. Odilon Barrot will shrink from the
contest.
Footnote 6: A letter from Lord Normanby on the 13th of March to
Lord Palmerston (published in Ashley's Life of Palmerston, vol. i.
chap. iii.) gives an account of the situation on the eve of the 22nd of
February. On the 25th of February he wrote:—
"The National Guards, mixed with the people, were in full march upon
the Tuileries, and the latter threatening the life of the King, when
Emile Girardin, the editor of the Presse newspaper, who was in
advance as an officer of the National Guard, hastily drew up an Act of
Abdication, and placed it before the King as the only means of safety.
The King at first refused, saying that he would rather die; but the Duc
de Montpensier urged him, not only for his own sake, but to save his
country from confusion. The King at last signed it, and threw it
impatiently at the Duc de Montpensier, who, I believe, has been in
favour of conciliatory counsel throughout. The Royal Family then
retired through the garden, the King saying to every one as he passed,
'J'abdique, j'abdique.'"
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Page 225
Laeken, 26th February 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—I am very unwell in consequence of
the awful events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is
in a state of despair which is pitiful to behold. What will
soon become of us God alone knows; great efforts will be
made to revolutionise this country; as there are poor and
wicked people in all countries it may succeed.
Against France we, of course, have a right to claim
protection from England and the other Powers. I can write
no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY
Brussels, 27th February 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—I understand by an account
arrived this morning, and which seems to be correct, that my
unfortunate parents arrived in England before yesterday
evening: but I don't know where they are. (I don't know
anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!) But you will
surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor
mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but
I am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my
agony and anguish. What an unbelievable clap of thunder! I
know still nothing of what Nemours and Montpensier are
become. I rely on your interest and sympathy, and remain as
ever, yours most devotedly,
Louise.
I hear this moment with an extreme relief that my parents
were to arrive yesterday at London, and thank God from the
My dearest Victoria,—I am very unwell in consequence of
the awful events at Paris. How will this end? Poor Louise is
in a state of despair which is pitiful to behold. What will
soon become of us God alone knows; great efforts will be
made to revolutionise this country; as there are poor and
wicked people in all countries it may succeed.
Against France we, of course, have a right to claim
protection from England and the other Powers. I can write
no more. God bless you. Ever your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
FLIGHT OF FRENCH ROYAL FAMILY
Brussels, 27th February 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—I understand by an account
arrived this morning, and which seems to be correct, that my
unfortunate parents arrived in England before yesterday
evening: but I don't know where they are. (I don't know
anything of them since the 23rd, evening!!!) But you will
surely know, and kindly forward the letter to my poor
mother. I have just received your kind letter of the 25th, but
I am unable to say more to-day. You will easily conceive my
agony and anguish. What an unbelievable clap of thunder! I
know still nothing of what Nemours and Montpensier are
become. I rely on your interest and sympathy, and remain as
ever, yours most devotedly,
Louise.
I hear this moment with an extreme relief that my parents
were to arrive yesterday at London, and thank God from the
Page 226
bottom of my heart for their safety! In my agony I did not
wish for anything else.
The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria.
[Translation.]
THE KING OF PRUSSIA
27th February 1848.
Most gracious Queen and Sister,—Even at this midnight
hour of the day, on the evening of which the awful news
from Paris has arrived, I venture to address these lines to
your Majesty. God has permitted events which decisively
threaten the peace of Europe.
It is an attempt to "spread the principles of the Revolution
by every means throughout the whole of Europe." This
programme binds together both these individuals and their
parties. The consequences for the peace of the world are
clear and certain. If the revolutionary party carries out its
programme, "The sovereignty of the people," my minor
crown will be broken, no less certainly than the mighty
crowns of your Majesty, and a fearful scourge will be laid
upon the nations; a century [will follow] of rebellion, of
lawlessness, and of godlessness. The late King did not dare
to write "by the Grace of God." We, however, call ourselves
King "by the Grace of God," because it is true. Well, then,
most gracious Queen, let us now show to men, to the
peoples threatened with disruption and nameless misery,
both that we understand our sacred office and how we
understand it. God has placed in your Majesty's hands, in the
hands of the two Emperors, in those of the German
Federation, and in mine, a power, which, if it now acts in
union and harmony, with reliance on Heaven, is able
wish for anything else.
The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria.
[Translation.]
THE KING OF PRUSSIA
27th February 1848.
Most gracious Queen and Sister,—Even at this midnight
hour of the day, on the evening of which the awful news
from Paris has arrived, I venture to address these lines to
your Majesty. God has permitted events which decisively
threaten the peace of Europe.
It is an attempt to "spread the principles of the Revolution
by every means throughout the whole of Europe." This
programme binds together both these individuals and their
parties. The consequences for the peace of the world are
clear and certain. If the revolutionary party carries out its
programme, "The sovereignty of the people," my minor
crown will be broken, no less certainly than the mighty
crowns of your Majesty, and a fearful scourge will be laid
upon the nations; a century [will follow] of rebellion, of
lawlessness, and of godlessness. The late King did not dare
to write "by the Grace of God." We, however, call ourselves
King "by the Grace of God," because it is true. Well, then,
most gracious Queen, let us now show to men, to the
peoples threatened with disruption and nameless misery,
both that we understand our sacred office and how we
understand it. God has placed in your Majesty's hands, in the
hands of the two Emperors, in those of the German
Federation, and in mine, a power, which, if it now acts in
union and harmony, with reliance on Heaven, is able
Page 227
humanly speaking, to enforce, with certainty, the
maintenance of the peace of the world. This power is not
that of arms, for these, more than ever, must only afford the
ultima ratio.
The power I mean is "the power of united speech." In the
year 1830 the use of this immeasurable power was
criminally neglected. But now I think the danger is much
more pressing than it was then. This power is divided among
us in equal portions. I possess the smallest portion of it, and
your Majesty has by far the greatest share. That share is so
great that your Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone
carry out the task. But the certainty of victory lies, subject to
the Divine blessing, solely in our utterance being united.
This must be our message to France; "that all of us are
cordial well-wishers to France; we do not grudge her all
possible welfare and glory; we mean never to encroach on it,
and we will stand by the new Government as by the old, foi
de gentils-hommes. But the first breach of the peace, be it
with reference to Italy, Belgium, or Germany would be,
undoubtedly and at the same time, a breach with 'all of us,'
and we should, with all the power that God has given us, let
France feel by sea and by land, as in the years '13, '14, and
'15, what our union may mean."
Now I bless Providence for having placed Lord Palmerston
at the head of your Foreign Office, and keeping him there at
this very moment. During the last quarter of the past year I
could not always cordially agree with him. His genuine
British disposition will honour this open confession. All the
more frankly may I now express the hopes which rise in me,
from the very fact of his holding that office at the present
moment; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic
Minister of foreign affairs, a man that would more
indefatigably pursue great aims, your Majesty could
probably never have. If at this grave hour he sets himself to
proclaim that our forces are united; if he himself utters his
message as befits St George, he will earn the blessing of
maintenance of the peace of the world. This power is not
that of arms, for these, more than ever, must only afford the
ultima ratio.
The power I mean is "the power of united speech." In the
year 1830 the use of this immeasurable power was
criminally neglected. But now I think the danger is much
more pressing than it was then. This power is divided among
us in equal portions. I possess the smallest portion of it, and
your Majesty has by far the greatest share. That share is so
great that your Majesty, by your powerful word, might alone
carry out the task. But the certainty of victory lies, subject to
the Divine blessing, solely in our utterance being united.
This must be our message to France; "that all of us are
cordial well-wishers to France; we do not grudge her all
possible welfare and glory; we mean never to encroach on it,
and we will stand by the new Government as by the old, foi
de gentils-hommes. But the first breach of the peace, be it
with reference to Italy, Belgium, or Germany would be,
undoubtedly and at the same time, a breach with 'all of us,'
and we should, with all the power that God has given us, let
France feel by sea and by land, as in the years '13, '14, and
'15, what our union may mean."
Now I bless Providence for having placed Lord Palmerston
at the head of your Foreign Office, and keeping him there at
this very moment. During the last quarter of the past year I
could not always cordially agree with him. His genuine
British disposition will honour this open confession. All the
more frankly may I now express the hopes which rise in me,
from the very fact of his holding that office at the present
moment; for a more active, more vivid, more energetic
Minister of foreign affairs, a man that would more
indefatigably pursue great aims, your Majesty could
probably never have. If at this grave hour he sets himself to
proclaim that our forces are united; if he himself utters his
message as befits St George, he will earn the blessing of
Page 228
millions, and the blessing of God and of the world will rest
on your Majesty's sacred head. That I am your Majesty's and
Old England's most faithful and most devoted brother and
companion, you are aware, and I mean to prove it. On both,
knees I adjure you, use, for the welfare of Europe,
"Engellands England."
With these words I fall at your Majesty's feet, most gracious
Queen, and remain your Majesty's most faithfully devoted,
most attached Servant and good Brother,
Frederic William.
P. S.—The Prince I embrace. He surely feels with me, and
justly appraises my endeavours.
ANARCHY IN PARIS
Post scriptum, 28th, in the evening.
I venture to open my letter again, for this day has brought us
news from France, which one can only call horrible.
According to what we hear, there is no longer left a King in
France. A regency, a government, and the most complete
anarchy has ensued, under the name of the Republic—a
condition of things in which, at first, there will be no
possibility of communicating with the people, infuriated
with crime. In case a Government should evolve itself out of
this chaos, I conscientiously hold that the "united word" of
the great Powers, such as I have indicated in the preceding
pages, should be made known, without any modification, to
the new holders of power. Your Majesty's gracious
friendship will certainly not take amiss this addition to my
letter, though it be not conformable to strict etiquette.
The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of Orleans, of
the whole honourable and amiable family, cuts me to the
heart, for up to this time we do not know what has become
of any of them. We owe Louis Philippe eighteen happy years
of peace. No noble heart must forget that. And yet—who
on your Majesty's sacred head. That I am your Majesty's and
Old England's most faithful and most devoted brother and
companion, you are aware, and I mean to prove it. On both,
knees I adjure you, use, for the welfare of Europe,
"Engellands England."
With these words I fall at your Majesty's feet, most gracious
Queen, and remain your Majesty's most faithfully devoted,
most attached Servant and good Brother,
Frederic William.
P. S.—The Prince I embrace. He surely feels with me, and
justly appraises my endeavours.
ANARCHY IN PARIS
Post scriptum, 28th, in the evening.
I venture to open my letter again, for this day has brought us
news from France, which one can only call horrible.
According to what we hear, there is no longer left a King in
France. A regency, a government, and the most complete
anarchy has ensued, under the name of the Republic—a
condition of things in which, at first, there will be no
possibility of communicating with the people, infuriated
with crime. In case a Government should evolve itself out of
this chaos, I conscientiously hold that the "united word" of
the great Powers, such as I have indicated in the preceding
pages, should be made known, without any modification, to
the new holders of power. Your Majesty's gracious
friendship will certainly not take amiss this addition to my
letter, though it be not conformable to strict etiquette.
The fate of the poor old King, of the Duchess of Orleans, of
the whole honourable and amiable family, cuts me to the
heart, for up to this time we do not know what has become
of any of them. We owe Louis Philippe eighteen happy years
of peace. No noble heart must forget that. And yet—who
Page 229
would not recognise the avenging hand of the King of kings
in all this?
I kiss your Majesty's hands.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
LETTER FROM QUEEN LOUISE
Brussels, 28th February 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—What a misfortune! What an
awful, overwhelming, unexpected and inexplicable
catastrophe. Is it possible that we should witness such
events, and that this should be the end of nearly eighteen
years of courageous and successful efforts to maintain order,
peace, and make France happy, what she was? I have heard,
I read hourly, what has happened: I cannot believe it yet; but
if my beloved parents and the remainder of the family are at
least safe I won't mind the rest. In the hours of agony we
have gone through I asked God only to spare the lives, and I
ask still nothing else: but we don't know them yet all saved,
and till I have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my
unhappy brothers far away, of all those for whom I would
lay my life at any moment and whose danger I could not
even share or alleviate, I cannot exist.
I was sure, my beloved Victoria, of all you would feel for us
when you would hear of these awful events. I received
yesterday your two kind, warm, sympathising letters of the
25th and 26th, and thank you with all my heart for them, and
for yours and Albert's share and sympathy.
ANXIETY OF QUEEN LOUISE
Our anguish has been undescribable. We have been thirty-
six hours without any news, not knowing even if my parents
and the family were still alive or not, and what had been
in all this?
I kiss your Majesty's hands.
The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
LETTER FROM QUEEN LOUISE
Brussels, 28th February 1848.
My dearly beloved Victoria,—What a misfortune! What an
awful, overwhelming, unexpected and inexplicable
catastrophe. Is it possible that we should witness such
events, and that this should be the end of nearly eighteen
years of courageous and successful efforts to maintain order,
peace, and make France happy, what she was? I have heard,
I read hourly, what has happened: I cannot believe it yet; but
if my beloved parents and the remainder of the family are at
least safe I won't mind the rest. In the hours of agony we
have gone through I asked God only to spare the lives, and I
ask still nothing else: but we don't know them yet all saved,
and till I have heard of my unfortunate parents, of my
unhappy brothers far away, of all those for whom I would
lay my life at any moment and whose danger I could not
even share or alleviate, I cannot exist.
I was sure, my beloved Victoria, of all you would feel for us
when you would hear of these awful events. I received
yesterday your two kind, warm, sympathising letters of the
25th and 26th, and thank you with all my heart for them, and
for yours and Albert's share and sympathy.
ANXIETY OF QUEEN LOUISE
Our anguish has been undescribable. We have been thirty-
six hours without any news, not knowing even if my parents
and the family were still alive or not, and what had been
Page 230
their fate. Death is not worse than what we endured during
these horrible hours. We don't know yet what to think, what
to believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we are stunned
and crushed by the awful blow. What has happened is
unaccountable, incomprehensible; it appears to us like a
fearful dream. Alas! I fear my dear beloved father was led
away by his extreme courage; by that same courage which
had made his success and a part of his strength; for it is
strange to say that even those that deplored most his
resolution never to yield on certain things gave him credit
for it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and
resistance, or rather immobility, lost him, as that of war lost
Napoleon. Had he shunned less war on all occasions, and
granted in time some trifling reforms, he would have
satisfied public opinion, and would probably be still where
he was only eight days ago, strong, beloved, and respected!
Guizot's accession has been as fatal as his fall, and is
perhaps the first cause of our ruin, though my father cannot
be blamed for having kept him in office, as he had the
majority in the Chamber, and an overwhelming one.
Constitutionally, he could not have been turned out, and it
was impossible to foresee that when all was quiet, the
country prosperous and happy, the laws and liberty
respected, the Government strong, a Revolution—and such a
Revolution—would be brought on by a few imprudent
words, and the resistance (lamentable as it was) to a
manifestation which, in fact, the Government had a right to
prevent. It was the Almighty's will: we must submit. He had
decreed our loss the day He removed my beloved brother7
from this world. Had he lived still, all this would have
turned otherwise. It has been also an immense misfortune
that Joinville and Aumale were both away. They were both
popular (which poor dear never-to-be-sufficiently-respected
Nemours was not), energetic, courageous, and capable of
turning chance in our favour. Oh! how I long to know what
is become of them! I cannot live till then, and the thought of
my unfortunate parents annihilates me! Poor dear Joinville
these horrible hours. We don't know yet what to think, what
to believe, I would almost say, what to wish; we are stunned
and crushed by the awful blow. What has happened is
unaccountable, incomprehensible; it appears to us like a
fearful dream. Alas! I fear my dear beloved father was led
away by his extreme courage; by that same courage which
had made his success and a part of his strength; for it is
strange to say that even those that deplored most his
resolution never to yield on certain things gave him credit
for it. The exaggeration of the system of peace and
resistance, or rather immobility, lost him, as that of war lost
Napoleon. Had he shunned less war on all occasions, and
granted in time some trifling reforms, he would have
satisfied public opinion, and would probably be still where
he was only eight days ago, strong, beloved, and respected!
Guizot's accession has been as fatal as his fall, and is
perhaps the first cause of our ruin, though my father cannot
be blamed for having kept him in office, as he had the
majority in the Chamber, and an overwhelming one.
Constitutionally, he could not have been turned out, and it
was impossible to foresee that when all was quiet, the
country prosperous and happy, the laws and liberty
respected, the Government strong, a Revolution—and such a
Revolution—would be brought on by a few imprudent
words, and the resistance (lamentable as it was) to a
manifestation which, in fact, the Government had a right to
prevent. It was the Almighty's will: we must submit. He had
decreed our loss the day He removed my beloved brother7
from this world. Had he lived still, all this would have
turned otherwise. It has been also an immense misfortune
that Joinville and Aumale were both away. They were both
popular (which poor dear never-to-be-sufficiently-respected
Nemours was not), energetic, courageous, and capable of
turning chance in our favour. Oh! how I long to know what
is become of them! I cannot live till then, and the thought of
my unfortunate parents annihilates me! Poor dear Joinville
Page 231
had foreseen and foretold almost all that has happened, and
it was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made him
so unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several times six
weeks ago. Alas! nobody would believe him, and who could
believe that in a day, almost without struggle, all would be
over, and the past, the present, the future carried away on an
unaccountable storm! God's will be done! He was at least
merciful to my dear Aunt, and I hope He will preserve all
those dear to me!
Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and the best
feeling and spirit prevailing. There is still now nothing to
fear: but if a republic really established itself in France, it is
impossible to tell what may happen. For this reason your
Uncle thinks it right that we should remove to some place of
safety what we have of precious. If you permit I will avail
myself of the various messengers that are going now to send
under your care several boxes, which you will kindly send
to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle already
sent. They contain your Uncle's letters and those of my
parents—the treasure I most value in the world.
29th.—My dearly beloved Victoria,—This was written
yesterday, in a moment of comparative quiet, when I thought
my parents at least safe and in security in England. Albert's
letter to your Uncle of the 27th, which arrived yesterday
evening, says they were not arrived yet, and I am again in
the most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening details
of their flight (my father flying!!!) by Madame de Murat,
Victoire's lady, who has gone to England, which quite
distracted me. Thank God that Nemours and Clém at least
are safe! I am quite unable to say more, and I hope the
Duchess and Alexandrine will excuse me if I don't write to
them. Truly, I can't. I thank you only once more, my beloved
Victoria, for all your kindness and interest for my
unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you feel for us
won't hurt you. God bless you ever, with all those dear to
it was the idea of the crisis he apprehended which made him
so unhappy to go. He repeated it to me several times six
weeks ago. Alas! nobody would believe him, and who could
believe that in a day, almost without struggle, all would be
over, and the past, the present, the future carried away on an
unaccountable storm! God's will be done! He was at least
merciful to my dear Aunt, and I hope He will preserve all
those dear to me!
Here everything is quiet: the horror general, and the best
feeling and spirit prevailing. There is still now nothing to
fear: but if a republic really established itself in France, it is
impossible to tell what may happen. For this reason your
Uncle thinks it right that we should remove to some place of
safety what we have of precious. If you permit I will avail
myself of the various messengers that are going now to send
under your care several boxes, which you will kindly send
to Claremont to Moor, to keep with those your Uncle already
sent. They contain your Uncle's letters and those of my
parents—the treasure I most value in the world.
29th.—My dearly beloved Victoria,—This was written
yesterday, in a moment of comparative quiet, when I thought
my parents at least safe and in security in England. Albert's
letter to your Uncle of the 27th, which arrived yesterday
evening, says they were not arrived yet, and I am again in
the most horrible agony. I had also yesterday evening details
of their flight (my father flying!!!) by Madame de Murat,
Victoire's lady, who has gone to England, which quite
distracted me. Thank God that Nemours and Clém at least
are safe! I am quite unable to say more, and I hope the
Duchess and Alexandrine will excuse me if I don't write to
them. Truly, I can't. I thank you only once more, my beloved
Victoria, for all your kindness and interest for my
unfortunate family, and trust all the anxiety you feel for us
won't hurt you. God bless you ever, with all those dear to
Page 232
you. Believe me always, my beloved Victoria, yours most
devotedly,
Louise.
I send you no letter for my mother in the present uncertainty.
Footnote 7: The Duc d'Orléans, who was killed on 13th July 1842.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 29th February 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to transmit a short note from Lord
Normanby, which is very satisfactory.
Lord John Russell declared last night that your Majesty
would not interfere in the internal affairs of France. But in
repeating this declaration, in answer to Mr Cobden, he added
that the sacred duties of hospitality would be, as in all times,
performed towards persons of all opinions. Both
declarations were generally cheered. In extending this
hospitality to members of the Royal Family of France, it is
only to be observed that no encouragement should be given
by your Majesty to any notion that your Majesty would
assist them to recover the Crown. In this light it is desirable
that no Prince of the House of Orleans should inhabit one of
your Majesty's palaces in or near London.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT
(Undated.)8
devotedly,
Louise.
I send you no letter for my mother in the present uncertainty.
Footnote 7: The Duc d'Orléans, who was killed on 13th July 1842.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 29th February 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to transmit a short note from Lord
Normanby, which is very satisfactory.
Lord John Russell declared last night that your Majesty
would not interfere in the internal affairs of France. But in
repeating this declaration, in answer to Mr Cobden, he added
that the sacred duties of hospitality would be, as in all times,
performed towards persons of all opinions. Both
declarations were generally cheered. In extending this
hospitality to members of the Royal Family of France, it is
only to be observed that no encouragement should be given
by your Majesty to any notion that your Majesty would
assist them to recover the Crown. In this light it is desirable
that no Prince of the House of Orleans should inhabit one of
your Majesty's palaces in or near London.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT
(Undated.)8
Page 233
The Queen has perused the enclosed despatches and the
proposed Minutes of a draft to Lord Normanby with Lord
John Russell's remarks. She approves generally of the
Minutes, but would like that amongst the laudable intentions
of the new French Government, that of keeping inviolate the
European Treaties should be brought in in some way. In the
paper No. 2, the expression "most cordial friendship" strikes
the Queen as rather too strong. We have just had sad
experience of cordial understandings. "Friendly relations"
might do better or the whole sentence might run thus: "that
not peace only but cordial friendship with France had been
at all times [instead of "is one of the," etc.] one of the first
wishes of the British Government, and that this will remain,"
etc., etc., etc.
Footnote 8: Apparently written at the end of February.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ESCAPE OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Every hour seems to bring fresh news
and events. Victoire and her children and Montpensier are at
Jersey, and are expected to arrive to-morrow. About the King
and Queen, we still know nothing, but we have some clue,
and think he may be somewhere on the coast, or even in
England. We do everything we can for the poor dear Family,
who are indeed most dreadfully to be pitied; but you will
naturally understand that we cannot make cause commune
with them and cannot take a hostile position opposite to the
new state of things in France; we leave them alone, but if a
Government which has the approbation of the country be
formed, we shall feel it necessary to recognise it, in order to
proposed Minutes of a draft to Lord Normanby with Lord
John Russell's remarks. She approves generally of the
Minutes, but would like that amongst the laudable intentions
of the new French Government, that of keeping inviolate the
European Treaties should be brought in in some way. In the
paper No. 2, the expression "most cordial friendship" strikes
the Queen as rather too strong. We have just had sad
experience of cordial understandings. "Friendly relations"
might do better or the whole sentence might run thus: "that
not peace only but cordial friendship with France had been
at all times [instead of "is one of the," etc.] one of the first
wishes of the British Government, and that this will remain,"
etc., etc., etc.
Footnote 8: Apparently written at the end of February.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ESCAPE OF KING LOUIS PHILIPPE
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Every hour seems to bring fresh news
and events. Victoire and her children and Montpensier are at
Jersey, and are expected to arrive to-morrow. About the King
and Queen, we still know nothing, but we have some clue,
and think he may be somewhere on the coast, or even in
England. We do everything we can for the poor dear Family,
who are indeed most dreadfully to be pitied; but you will
naturally understand that we cannot make cause commune
with them and cannot take a hostile position opposite to the
new state of things in France; we leave them alone, but if a
Government which has the approbation of the country be
formed, we shall feel it necessary to recognise it, in order to
Page 234
pin them down to maintain peace and the existing Treaties,
which is of great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to
do this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go
before one's feelings. God knows what one feels towards the
French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain the fine
and independent position you are now in, which is so
gratifying to us, and I am sure you will feel that much as we
all must sympathise with our poor French relations, you
should not for that quarrel with the existing state of things,
which however is very uncertain. There were fresh reports of
great confusion at Paris, which is sure to happen. All our
poor relations have gone through is worthy only of a
dreadful romance, and poor Clém behaves beautifully,
courageously, and calmly, and is full of resignation; but she
can get no sleep, poor thing—and hears the horrid cries and
sees those fiend-like faces before her! The children are very
happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the
Duchesse de Montpensier to-day.
Now, with every wish for all going on well, believe me ever,
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Mr Featherstonhaugh9 to Viscount Palmerston.
MR FEATHERSTONHAUGH
Havre, 3rd March 1848.
My dear Lord Palmerston,—It was a hair-trigger affair
altogether, but thanks be to God everything has gone off
admirably. I was obliged to abandon the plan of trusting the
King in a fishing-boat from Trouville. The weather was very
stormy; had he attempted to find the steamer, he might have
failed, for the sea was in a furious state and the wind ahead.
which is of great importance. It will not be pleasant for us to
do this, but the public good and the peace of Europe go
before one's feelings. God knows what one feels towards the
French. I trust, dear Uncle, that you will maintain the fine
and independent position you are now in, which is so
gratifying to us, and I am sure you will feel that much as we
all must sympathise with our poor French relations, you
should not for that quarrel with the existing state of things,
which however is very uncertain. There were fresh reports of
great confusion at Paris, which is sure to happen. All our
poor relations have gone through is worthy only of a
dreadful romance, and poor Clém behaves beautifully,
courageously, and calmly, and is full of resignation; but she
can get no sleep, poor thing—and hears the horrid cries and
sees those fiend-like faces before her! The children are very
happy with ours, but very unmanageable. I saw the
Duchesse de Montpensier to-day.
Now, with every wish for all going on well, believe me ever,
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Mr Featherstonhaugh9 to Viscount Palmerston.
MR FEATHERSTONHAUGH
Havre, 3rd March 1848.
My dear Lord Palmerston,—It was a hair-trigger affair
altogether, but thanks be to God everything has gone off
admirably. I was obliged to abandon the plan of trusting the
King in a fishing-boat from Trouville. The weather was very
stormy; had he attempted to find the steamer, he might have
failed, for the sea was in a furious state and the wind ahead.
Page 235
There was also the danger of the fishing-boat being lost, a
contingency the very idea of which made me miserable.
I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after much
and careful reflection determined to execute one more
within my control, and the boldness of which, though trying
to the nerves, was its very essence for success. It was to
bring the King and Queen into Havre itself before anybody
could suspect such a dangerous intention, and have
everything ready for their embarkation to a minute. To carry
out the plan, I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents,
and I found them as it turned out. It was known to me that
the lower classes suspected it was M. Guizot concealed at
Trouville, and as some sinister occurrence might reasonably
be expected there, I sent a faithful person into Calvados. It
was high time. The mob had assembled at the place where
the King was, who had to slip out at the back door and walk
two leagues on foot. At length he reached a small cottage
belonging to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen was.
This was half-past six o'clock A.M. yesterday. My agent saw
the King and Queen, who, after some conversation, sent him
back with this message, that they "would wait where they
were until they again heard from me, and would carry out
my final arrangements with exactitude, as far as it depended
upon them." I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at
half-past seven P.M., when it would be dark, to have his
water hot, ready to get up steam; to have only a rope moored
to the quay with an anchor astern; to expect me with a party
a little before eight P.M., and as soon as I had got on board
with my party and told him to push off, he was to let me go
on shore, cut his rope and cable, get into the middle of the
Basin, up with his steam and jib and push for England. Not a
word was to be spoken on board.
A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE
To get the King here from Honfleur the following method
was adopted: M. Bresson, a loyal and intelligent officer in
the French Navy and well known to the King, and Mr Jones,
contingency the very idea of which made me miserable.
I therefore abandoned the plan altogether, and after much
and careful reflection determined to execute one more
within my control, and the boldness of which, though trying
to the nerves, was its very essence for success. It was to
bring the King and Queen into Havre itself before anybody
could suspect such a dangerous intention, and have
everything ready for their embarkation to a minute. To carry
out the plan, I wanted vigilant, intelligent, and firm agents,
and I found them as it turned out. It was known to me that
the lower classes suspected it was M. Guizot concealed at
Trouville, and as some sinister occurrence might reasonably
be expected there, I sent a faithful person into Calvados. It
was high time. The mob had assembled at the place where
the King was, who had to slip out at the back door and walk
two leagues on foot. At length he reached a small cottage
belonging to a gardener at Honfleur, where the Queen was.
This was half-past six o'clock A.M. yesterday. My agent saw
the King and Queen, who, after some conversation, sent him
back with this message, that they "would wait where they
were until they again heard from me, and would carry out
my final arrangements with exactitude, as far as it depended
upon them." I now instructed Captain Paul to be ready at
half-past seven P.M., when it would be dark, to have his
water hot, ready to get up steam; to have only a rope moored
to the quay with an anchor astern; to expect me with a party
a little before eight P.M., and as soon as I had got on board
with my party and told him to push off, he was to let me go
on shore, cut his rope and cable, get into the middle of the
Basin, up with his steam and jib and push for England. Not a
word was to be spoken on board.
A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE
To get the King here from Honfleur the following method
was adopted: M. Bresson, a loyal and intelligent officer in
the French Navy and well known to the King, and Mr Jones,
Page 236
my Vice-Consul and principal Clerk, went in the steam
ferry-boat a quarter before five P.M. to Honfleur. From the
landing-place it is three-quarters of a mile to the place where
the King and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to
leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o'clock. I
had given M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs Smith, and
with this passport the King was to walk to the landing-place,
where he was to be met by my Vice-Consul and be governed
by him.
If the gens d'armes disputed his passport Mr Jones was to
vouch for its regularity, and say that he was sent by me to
conduct Mr Smith to Havre, who was my Uncle. M. Bresson
was to follow with the Queen, and the rest of the suite were
to come to the ferry-boat one after another, but none of the
party were to know each other. The ferry-boat was to arrive
in Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the rest. A
white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited as a
signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of the gens
d'armes being infinitely more to be provided against and
apprehended here, I first confidentially communicated to the
greatest gossips in the town that I had seen a written
statement from an official person that the King had reached
England in a fishing-boat from the neighbourhood of
Tréport, and then got some persons whom I could rely upon,
sons of my tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, to
be near the steamer that was to receive the King, to give me
their assistance if it should be necessary, on account of the
turbulence of the crowd, to embark some friends of mine
who were going to England. And if an extraordinary number
of gens d'armes were stationed at the steamer, and they
hesitated about letting my Uncle go on board, then about one
hundred yards off I had two persons who were to pretend a
quarrel and a fight, to which I knew the gens d'armes would
all go as well as the crowd. In the meantime I hoped that as
Captain Paul made no noise with his steam that the crowd
would not assemble, and that we might find no gens
d'armes. The anxiously expected moment at length arrived.
ferry-boat a quarter before five P.M. to Honfleur. From the
landing-place it is three-quarters of a mile to the place where
the King and Queen were concealed. The ferry-boat was to
leave Honfleur for Havre a quarter before seven o'clock. I
had given M. Bresson a passport for Mr and Mrs Smith, and
with this passport the King was to walk to the landing-place,
where he was to be met by my Vice-Consul and be governed
by him.
If the gens d'armes disputed his passport Mr Jones was to
vouch for its regularity, and say that he was sent by me to
conduct Mr Smith to Havre, who was my Uncle. M. Bresson
was to follow with the Queen, and the rest of the suite were
to come to the ferry-boat one after another, but none of the
party were to know each other. The ferry-boat was to arrive
in Havre about half-past seven, and I was to do the rest. A
white pocket-handkerchief was to be twice exhibited as a
signal that all was right so far. The difficulty of the gens
d'armes being infinitely more to be provided against and
apprehended here, I first confidentially communicated to the
greatest gossips in the town that I had seen a written
statement from an official person that the King had reached
England in a fishing-boat from the neighbourhood of
Tréport, and then got some persons whom I could rely upon,
sons of my tradesmen here who are in the National Guard, to
be near the steamer that was to receive the King, to give me
their assistance if it should be necessary, on account of the
turbulence of the crowd, to embark some friends of mine
who were going to England. And if an extraordinary number
of gens d'armes were stationed at the steamer, and they
hesitated about letting my Uncle go on board, then about one
hundred yards off I had two persons who were to pretend a
quarrel and a fight, to which I knew the gens d'armes would
all go as well as the crowd. In the meantime I hoped that as
Captain Paul made no noise with his steam that the crowd
would not assemble, and that we might find no gens
d'armes. The anxiously expected moment at length arrived.
Page 237
The ferry-boat steamer came to the quay; it was almost dark,
but I saw the white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great
number of passengers, which favoured the debarkation.
When half of them were out, the trembling Queen came up
the ladder. I took her hand, told her it was me, and M.
Bresson walked with her towards our steamer. At last came
the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, a sort of
casquette on his head, and a coarse overcoat, and immense
goggles over his eyes. Not being able to see well, he
stumbled, when I advanced, took his hand and said, "Ah,
dear Uncle, I am delighted to see you." Upon which he
answered, "My dear George, I am glad you are here." The
English about me now opened the crowd for their Consul,
and I moved off to a quiet and shaded part of the quay. But
my dear Uncle talked so loud and so much that I had the
greatest difficulty to make him keep silence. At length we
reached the steamer; it was like a clock-work movement.
The crowd was again opened for me. I conducted the King
to a state-room below, gave him some information, and
having personally ascertained that the Queen was in her
cabin, and being very much touched with her tears and her
grateful acknowledgments, I respectfully took my leave,
gave the Captain the word to cut loose, and scrambled
ashore. In twenty minutes the steamer was outside, steaming
away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and had that last
satisfaction of seeing her beyond all possibility of recall, and
then drove home. Much has been said this morning about the
mysterious departure of Captain Paul, and I have been
obliged to confess that the gentleman I was seen conducting
on board was a brother of the King of Naples, who was
immensely frightened without cause, and that I had engaged
the steamer for him and his family. Many think, however,
that it was the King, but then again that could not be if he
crossed over from Tréport in a fishing-boat. We have got
everybody completely mystified, and there are only four
persons in the secret, who will all remain in the same story.
but I saw the white pocket-handkerchief. There was a great
number of passengers, which favoured the debarkation.
When half of them were out, the trembling Queen came up
the ladder. I took her hand, told her it was me, and M.
Bresson walked with her towards our steamer. At last came
the King, disguised, his whiskers shaved off, a sort of
casquette on his head, and a coarse overcoat, and immense
goggles over his eyes. Not being able to see well, he
stumbled, when I advanced, took his hand and said, "Ah,
dear Uncle, I am delighted to see you." Upon which he
answered, "My dear George, I am glad you are here." The
English about me now opened the crowd for their Consul,
and I moved off to a quiet and shaded part of the quay. But
my dear Uncle talked so loud and so much that I had the
greatest difficulty to make him keep silence. At length we
reached the steamer; it was like a clock-work movement.
The crowd was again opened for me. I conducted the King
to a state-room below, gave him some information, and
having personally ascertained that the Queen was in her
cabin, and being very much touched with her tears and her
grateful acknowledgments, I respectfully took my leave,
gave the Captain the word to cut loose, and scrambled
ashore. In twenty minutes the steamer was outside, steaming
away for England. I drove down to the jetty, and had that last
satisfaction of seeing her beyond all possibility of recall, and
then drove home. Much has been said this morning about the
mysterious departure of Captain Paul, and I have been
obliged to confess that the gentleman I was seen conducting
on board was a brother of the King of Naples, who was
immensely frightened without cause, and that I had engaged
the steamer for him and his family. Many think, however,
that it was the King, but then again that could not be if he
crossed over from Tréport in a fishing-boat. We have got
everybody completely mystified, and there are only four
persons in the secret, who will all remain in the same story.
Page 238
I have scribbled, amidst the most hurried engagements, this
little narrative, believing that it would interest your
Lordship. It has the interest of romance and the support of
truth. I have the honour to be, etc.
G. W. Featherstonhaugh.
Information has just reached me that one hour after the King
and Queen left their hiding-place last night, and just when I
was embarking them, an officer and three gens d'armes
came to the place to arrest him. They were sent by the new
Republican Préfet. It appears that the man who gave him
refuge had confessed who he was as soon as the King had
left Trouville, and had betrayed the King's hiding-place at
Honfleur. What an escape! Your Lordship will see a
paragraph in the enclosed newspaper not altogether false.
We in the secret know nothing about Louis Philippe; we
know something about the Count of Syracuse and something
about Mr William Smith. If it leaks out, it must come from
England. Here no one has any proof. In the meantime almost
everybody here is delighted to think that he may have
escaped.
Footnote 9: British Consul at Havre. This letter was submitted to the
Queen by Lord Palmerston.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND
Carlton Gardens, 3rd March 1848.
(3 P.M.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and begs to state that General Dumas has just been
with him to announce that the King and Queen of the French
landed this morning at Newhaven, having been brought over
little narrative, believing that it would interest your
Lordship. It has the interest of romance and the support of
truth. I have the honour to be, etc.
G. W. Featherstonhaugh.
Information has just reached me that one hour after the King
and Queen left their hiding-place last night, and just when I
was embarking them, an officer and three gens d'armes
came to the place to arrest him. They were sent by the new
Republican Préfet. It appears that the man who gave him
refuge had confessed who he was as soon as the King had
left Trouville, and had betrayed the King's hiding-place at
Honfleur. What an escape! Your Lordship will see a
paragraph in the enclosed newspaper not altogether false.
We in the secret know nothing about Louis Philippe; we
know something about the Count of Syracuse and something
about Mr William Smith. If it leaks out, it must come from
England. Here no one has any proof. In the meantime almost
everybody here is delighted to think that he may have
escaped.
Footnote 9: British Consul at Havre. This letter was submitted to the
Queen by Lord Palmerston.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND
Carlton Gardens, 3rd March 1848.
(3 P.M.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and begs to state that General Dumas has just been
with him to announce that the King and Queen of the French
landed this morning at Newhaven, having been brought over
Page 239
in the Steam Packet Express, in which they embarked at
Havre yesterday evening about eight o'clock.
General Dumas says that till the morning of their arrival at
Dreux the King and the Queen imagined that the Comte de
Paris had succeeded to the Throne, and that the Duchess of
Orleans had been declared Regent; that when they heard that
a Republic and a Provisional Government had been declared
they thought it unsafe to remain at Dreux; and that they then
separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur,
where they were to meet at a small house belonging to a
friend of General Dumas. At that house they remained for
some days, until Mr Featherstonhaugh opened a
communication with them. The King then removed to
Trouville in order to embark from thence in a manner which
Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, and he remained there
two or three days for that purpose; but the weather was too
stormy, and prevented his departure. In the meanwhile the
people of Trouville found out who he was, and their
demonstrations of attachment became inconvenient. He
therefore returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were
altered. Yesterday evening at seven o'clock the King, the
Queen, and General Dumas came to the ferry-boat which
plies between Honfleur and Havre, and were met by the
Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of the Consul.
On landing at Havre the King walked straight down to the
Express Packet, which was lying ready; the Queen went
separately, and after making a slight round through the
streets of Havre embarked also; the Packet then immediately
started, and went into Newhaven in preference to any other
port, because no Packets start from thence for the French
coast. General Dumas says that the whole party were
unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, and he
was going to the King's banker to provide funds to enable
him to come to town, and said that the King begged him to
apologise for his not having at once written to your Majesty
to thank your Majesty for the great interest which your
Majesty has taken in his safety, and for the assistance, which
Havre yesterday evening about eight o'clock.
General Dumas says that till the morning of their arrival at
Dreux the King and the Queen imagined that the Comte de
Paris had succeeded to the Throne, and that the Duchess of
Orleans had been declared Regent; that when they heard that
a Republic and a Provisional Government had been declared
they thought it unsafe to remain at Dreux; and that they then
separated in order to go by different roads to Honfleur,
where they were to meet at a small house belonging to a
friend of General Dumas. At that house they remained for
some days, until Mr Featherstonhaugh opened a
communication with them. The King then removed to
Trouville in order to embark from thence in a manner which
Mr Featherstonhaugh had arranged, and he remained there
two or three days for that purpose; but the weather was too
stormy, and prevented his departure. In the meanwhile the
people of Trouville found out who he was, and their
demonstrations of attachment became inconvenient. He
therefore returned to Honfleur, and the arrangements were
altered. Yesterday evening at seven o'clock the King, the
Queen, and General Dumas came to the ferry-boat which
plies between Honfleur and Havre, and were met by the
Vice-Consul, who treated the King as uncle of the Consul.
On landing at Havre the King walked straight down to the
Express Packet, which was lying ready; the Queen went
separately, and after making a slight round through the
streets of Havre embarked also; the Packet then immediately
started, and went into Newhaven in preference to any other
port, because no Packets start from thence for the French
coast. General Dumas says that the whole party were
unprovided with anything but the clothes they wore, and he
was going to the King's banker to provide funds to enable
him to come to town, and said that the King begged him to
apologise for his not having at once written to your Majesty
to thank your Majesty for the great interest which your
Majesty has taken in his safety, and for the assistance, which
Page 240
he has received for his escape, but that he would do so this
evening.
General Dumas said that the King's present intention is to
remain in England in the strictest incognito, and that he and
the Queen will assume the title of Count and Countess of
Neuilly.
RECEPTION AT CLAREMONT
Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas that your
Majesty has made arrangements for the King's reception at
Claremont, and that your Majesty intended to send down an
officer of your Majesty's Household to communicate with
the King.
General Dumas said that the King would most gratefully
avail himself of the arrangement as to Claremont, but that
under all circumstances, and as the King wished to remain in
entire privacy, he thought it would be better that no person
from your Majesty's Household should go down to the King
at Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would rather
find his own way from the railway station at London Bridge
to Claremont than attract attention by being met at the
station by any of your Majesty's carriages.
The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and would
come up to-morrow morning. General Dumas said that the
King and the Queen had gone through much personal fatigue
and mental anxiety, but are both well in health. The General
was going to Count Jarnac before he returned to Newhaven.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
THE KING'S GRATITUDE
Newhaven, Sussex, 3ème Mars 1848.
evening.
General Dumas said that the King's present intention is to
remain in England in the strictest incognito, and that he and
the Queen will assume the title of Count and Countess of
Neuilly.
RECEPTION AT CLAREMONT
Viscount Palmerston explained to General Dumas that your
Majesty has made arrangements for the King's reception at
Claremont, and that your Majesty intended to send down an
officer of your Majesty's Household to communicate with
the King.
General Dumas said that the King would most gratefully
avail himself of the arrangement as to Claremont, but that
under all circumstances, and as the King wished to remain in
entire privacy, he thought it would be better that no person
from your Majesty's Household should go down to the King
at Newhaven, and that he was sure the King would rather
find his own way from the railway station at London Bridge
to Claremont than attract attention by being met at the
station by any of your Majesty's carriages.
The King would remain to-night at Newhaven, and would
come up to-morrow morning. General Dumas said that the
King and the Queen had gone through much personal fatigue
and mental anxiety, but are both well in health. The General
was going to Count Jarnac before he returned to Newhaven.
The King of the French to Queen Victoria.
THE KING'S GRATITUDE
Newhaven, Sussex, 3ème Mars 1848.
Page 241
Madame,—Après avoir rendu grâces à Dieu, mon premier
devoir est d'offrir à votre Majesté l'hommage de ma
reconnaissance pour la généreuse assistance qu'elle nous a
donnée, à moi et à tous les miens et que la Providence vient
de couvrir d'un succès complet, puisque j'apprends qu'ils
sont tous à présent sur la terre hospitalière de l'Angleterre.
Ce n'est plus, Madame, que le Comte de Neuilly qui, se
rappelant vos anciennes bontés, vient chercher sous ses
auspices, un asyle et une retraite paisible et aussi éloignée de
tout rapport politique que celle dont il y a joui dans d'autres
temps, et dont il a toujours précieusement conservé le
souvenir.
On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le train qui
emportera ma lettre que j'ai à peine le temps de prier votre
Majesté d'être mon interprète auprès du Prince votre auguste
Époux.
Ma femme, accablée de fatigue par la vie que nous venons
de mener depuis dix jours! écrira un peu plus tard à votre
Majesté. Tout ce qu'elle a pu faire, est de tracer quelques
mots pour notre bien aimée Louise que je recommande à
votre bonté. On me presse encore, Madame, je ne puis que
me souscrire avec mon vieil attachement pour vous, de votre
Majesté, très affectionné,
Louis Philippe.
The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria.
Newhaven, 3ème Mars 1848.
Madame,—A peine arrivée dans cette contrée hospitalière
après 9 jours d'une cruelle agonie, mon premier sentiment,
après avoir béni la Divine Providence, c'est de remercier, du
fond de mon cœur, votre Majesté, pour les facilités qu'elle a
bien voulu nous donner pour venir dans ce pays terminer nos
devoir est d'offrir à votre Majesté l'hommage de ma
reconnaissance pour la généreuse assistance qu'elle nous a
donnée, à moi et à tous les miens et que la Providence vient
de couvrir d'un succès complet, puisque j'apprends qu'ils
sont tous à présent sur la terre hospitalière de l'Angleterre.
Ce n'est plus, Madame, que le Comte de Neuilly qui, se
rappelant vos anciennes bontés, vient chercher sous ses
auspices, un asyle et une retraite paisible et aussi éloignée de
tout rapport politique que celle dont il y a joui dans d'autres
temps, et dont il a toujours précieusement conservé le
souvenir.
On me presse tellement pour ne pas manquer le train qui
emportera ma lettre que j'ai à peine le temps de prier votre
Majesté d'être mon interprète auprès du Prince votre auguste
Époux.
Ma femme, accablée de fatigue par la vie que nous venons
de mener depuis dix jours! écrira un peu plus tard à votre
Majesté. Tout ce qu'elle a pu faire, est de tracer quelques
mots pour notre bien aimée Louise que je recommande à
votre bonté. On me presse encore, Madame, je ne puis que
me souscrire avec mon vieil attachement pour vous, de votre
Majesté, très affectionné,
Louis Philippe.
The Queen of the French to Queen Victoria.
Newhaven, 3ème Mars 1848.
Madame,—A peine arrivée dans cette contrée hospitalière
après 9 jours d'une cruelle agonie, mon premier sentiment,
après avoir béni la Divine Providence, c'est de remercier, du
fond de mon cœur, votre Majesté, pour les facilités qu'elle a
bien voulu nous donner pour venir dans ce pays terminer nos
Page 242
vieux jours dans la tranquillité et l'oubli. Une vive
inquiétude me tourmente, c'est d'apprendre le sort de mes
enfants chéris desquels nous avons dû nous séparer; j'ai la
confiance qu'ils auront trouvé aussi un appui dans le cœur
généreux de votre Majesté, et qu'ils auront été également
sauvés comme leur admirable Père, mon premier trésor. Que
Dieu vous bénisse, Madame, ainsi que le Prince Albert et
vos enfants, et vous préserve de malheurs pareils aux nôtres,
c'est le vœu le plus sincère de celle qui se dit, Madame, de
votre Majesté, la toute dévouée,
Marie Amélie.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
ARRIVAL OF GUIZOT
House of Commons, 3rd March 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty:
he has read with deep interest the affecting letter of the
fallen King.
After the vicissitudes of a long life, it may be no
irremediable calamity if a Prince of great powers of mind
and warm domestic affections is permitted by Providence to
end his days in peace and tranquillity.
Of course all enmity to his projects as a King ceases with his
deposition.
M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half-past six.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
Palais de Buckingham, 3ème Mars 1848.
inquiétude me tourmente, c'est d'apprendre le sort de mes
enfants chéris desquels nous avons dû nous séparer; j'ai la
confiance qu'ils auront trouvé aussi un appui dans le cœur
généreux de votre Majesté, et qu'ils auront été également
sauvés comme leur admirable Père, mon premier trésor. Que
Dieu vous bénisse, Madame, ainsi que le Prince Albert et
vos enfants, et vous préserve de malheurs pareils aux nôtres,
c'est le vœu le plus sincère de celle qui se dit, Madame, de
votre Majesté, la toute dévouée,
Marie Amélie.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
ARRIVAL OF GUIZOT
House of Commons, 3rd March 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty:
he has read with deep interest the affecting letter of the
fallen King.
After the vicissitudes of a long life, it may be no
irremediable calamity if a Prince of great powers of mind
and warm domestic affections is permitted by Providence to
end his days in peace and tranquillity.
Of course all enmity to his projects as a King ceases with his
deposition.
M. Guizot came to London from Dover at half-past six.
Queen Victoria to the King of the French.
Palais de Buckingham, 3ème Mars 1848.
Page 243
Sire et mon cher Frère,—C'était une consolation bien vive
pour moi de recevoir la bonne lettre de votre Majesté qui m'a
bien touchée. Nous avons tous été dans de vives inquiétudes
pour vous, pour la Reine et toute la famille, et nous
remercions la Providence pour que vous soyez arrivés en
sûreté sur le sol d'Angleterre, et nous sommes bien heureux
de savoir que vous êtes ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous
ont récemment menacés. Votre Majesté croira combien ces
derniers affreux événements si inattendus nous ont
péniblement agités. Il nous tarde de savoir que vos santés
n'ont pas été altérées par ces derniers jours d'inquiétude et de
fatigue. Albert me charge d'offrir les hommages à votre
Majesté, et je vous prie de déposer les nôtres aux pieds de la
Reine, à qui je compte répondre demain. Je me dis, Sire et
mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée Sœur,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French.
Palais de Buckingham, 4ème Mars 1848.
Madame,—Votre Majesté aura excusé que je ne vous ai pas
de suite remercié de votre bonne et aimable lettre de hier.
C'est des fonds de mon cœur que je me réjouis de vous
savoir en sûreté à Claremont avec le Roi. Mes pensées
étaient auprès de votre Majesté pendant tous ces affreux
jours, et je frémis en pensant à tout ce que vous avez souffert
de corps et d'âme.
Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes; j'aurais été si heureuse
de l'accompagner pour vous voir, mais je n'ose plus quitter
Londres.
Avec l'expression de l'affection et de l'estime, je me dis
toujours, Madame, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée
Sœur,
Victoria R.
pour moi de recevoir la bonne lettre de votre Majesté qui m'a
bien touchée. Nous avons tous été dans de vives inquiétudes
pour vous, pour la Reine et toute la famille, et nous
remercions la Providence pour que vous soyez arrivés en
sûreté sur le sol d'Angleterre, et nous sommes bien heureux
de savoir que vous êtes ici loin de tous ces dangers qui vous
ont récemment menacés. Votre Majesté croira combien ces
derniers affreux événements si inattendus nous ont
péniblement agités. Il nous tarde de savoir que vos santés
n'ont pas été altérées par ces derniers jours d'inquiétude et de
fatigue. Albert me charge d'offrir les hommages à votre
Majesté, et je vous prie de déposer les nôtres aux pieds de la
Reine, à qui je compte répondre demain. Je me dis, Sire et
mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée Sœur,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Queen of the French.
Palais de Buckingham, 4ème Mars 1848.
Madame,—Votre Majesté aura excusé que je ne vous ai pas
de suite remercié de votre bonne et aimable lettre de hier.
C'est des fonds de mon cœur que je me réjouis de vous
savoir en sûreté à Claremont avec le Roi. Mes pensées
étaient auprès de votre Majesté pendant tous ces affreux
jours, et je frémis en pensant à tout ce que vous avez souffert
de corps et d'âme.
Albert sera le Porteur de ces lignes; j'aurais été si heureuse
de l'accompagner pour vous voir, mais je n'ose plus quitter
Londres.
Avec l'expression de l'affection et de l'estime, je me dis
toujours, Madame, de votre Majesté, la bien affectionnée
Sœur,
Victoria R.
Page 244
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
THE ROYAL FUGITIVES
Carlton Gardens, 5th March 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and cannot see that there could be any objection to
the King and Queen of the French coming to town to visit
your Majesty, and indeed, on the contrary, it would seem
under all the circumstances of the case natural that they
should be anxious to see your Majesty, and that your
Majesty should be desirous of receiving them.
Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty would read
with interest Mr Featherstonhaugh's account of the manner
in which he managed the escape of the King and Queen of
the French. It is like one of Walter Scott's best tales, and the
arrangements and the execution of them do great credit to
Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly gratified to learn,
as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him, that your
Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr Featherstonhaugh has
also probably rendered a good service to the Provisional
Government, who would have been much embarrassed if
their Commissioner had arrested the King and Queen.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 7th March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Albert has written to you so constantly
that I have little to add; he just tells me this is not quite true.
However, there is nothing very new except that we have
seen the King and Queen; Albert went down to Claremont to
see them on Saturday, and yesterday they came here with
Montpensier. They both look very abattus, and the poor
THE ROYAL FUGITIVES
Carlton Gardens, 5th March 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and cannot see that there could be any objection to
the King and Queen of the French coming to town to visit
your Majesty, and indeed, on the contrary, it would seem
under all the circumstances of the case natural that they
should be anxious to see your Majesty, and that your
Majesty should be desirous of receiving them.
Viscount Palmerston was sure that your Majesty would read
with interest Mr Featherstonhaugh's account of the manner
in which he managed the escape of the King and Queen of
the French. It is like one of Walter Scott's best tales, and the
arrangements and the execution of them do great credit to
Mr Featherstonhaugh, who will be highly gratified to learn,
as Viscount Palmerston proposes to inform him, that your
Majesty has approved his conduct. Mr Featherstonhaugh has
also probably rendered a good service to the Provisional
Government, who would have been much embarrassed if
their Commissioner had arrested the King and Queen.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 7th March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Albert has written to you so constantly
that I have little to add; he just tells me this is not quite true.
However, there is nothing very new except that we have
seen the King and Queen; Albert went down to Claremont to
see them on Saturday, and yesterday they came here with
Montpensier. They both look very abattus, and the poor
Page 245
Queen cried much in thinking of what she had gone through
—and what dangers the King had incurred; in short,
humbled poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I saw on
Sunday; she has also gone through much, and is so dear and
good and gentle. She looked wonderfully well considering.
They are still very much in want of means, and live on a
very reduced scale.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN'S VIEW OF THE CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 11th March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I profit by the departure of Andrews to
write to you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the
continued satisfactory behaviour of my friends, the good
Belgians; fervently do I hope and really trust all will go on
well; but what an extraordinary state of things everywhere!
"Je ne sais plus où je suis," and I fancy really that we have
gone back into the old century. But I also feel one must not
be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good
cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties.
Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is
good.... What is your opinion as to the late events at Paris?
Do you not think the King ought to have retired to
Vincenness or somewhere else a day or two before, and put
himself at the head of the army? Ought not Montpensier at
least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clém even thinks
this—as also that one ought to have foreseen, and ought to
have managed things better. Certainly at the very last, if they
had not gone, they would all have been massacred; and I
think they were quite right, and in short could not avoid
going as quickly as they could; but there is an impression
they fled too quickly. Still the recollection of Louis XVI.... is
—and what dangers the King had incurred; in short,
humbled poor people they looked. Dearest Vic I saw on
Sunday; she has also gone through much, and is so dear and
good and gentle. She looked wonderfully well considering.
They are still very much in want of means, and live on a
very reduced scale.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN'S VIEW OF THE CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 11th March 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I profit by the departure of Andrews to
write to you a few lines, and to wish you joy of the
continued satisfactory behaviour of my friends, the good
Belgians; fervently do I hope and really trust all will go on
well; but what an extraordinary state of things everywhere!
"Je ne sais plus où je suis," and I fancy really that we have
gone back into the old century. But I also feel one must not
be nervous or alarmed at these moments, but be of good
cheer, and muster up courage to meet all the difficulties.
Our little riots are mere nothing, and the feeling here is
good.... What is your opinion as to the late events at Paris?
Do you not think the King ought to have retired to
Vincenness or somewhere else a day or two before, and put
himself at the head of the army? Ought not Montpensier at
least to have gone to Vincennes? I know Clém even thinks
this—as also that one ought to have foreseen, and ought to
have managed things better. Certainly at the very last, if they
had not gone, they would all have been massacred; and I
think they were quite right, and in short could not avoid
going as quickly as they could; but there is an impression
they fled too quickly. Still the recollection of Louis XVI.... is
Page 246
enough to justify all, and everybody will admit that; but the
Princes, they think, ought to have remained. What do you
think of all this? I think the blunders were all on the last
three or four days—and on the last day, but were no longer
to be avoided at last; there seemed a fatality, and all was
lost. Poor Nemours did his best till he could no longer get to
the troops. People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go
alone—but he remained to do his duty; a little more
empressement on her arrival here I would have wished.
Albert told you all about the Montpensiers' journey. It would
do the King irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain;
the feeling of anger would all return. Poor people! they are
all in a sad state of want at present.
I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your
opinion.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY
Buckingham Palace, 15th March 1848.
The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord
Melbourne hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy
returns of it in health and strength.
Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three
weeks have brought back the times of the last century, and
we are in the midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in
France is a sad and alarming thing.... The poor King and his
Government made many mistakes within the last two years,
and were obstinate and totally blind at the last till flight was
inevitable. But for sixteen years he did a great deal to
Princes, they think, ought to have remained. What do you
think of all this? I think the blunders were all on the last
three or four days—and on the last day, but were no longer
to be avoided at last; there seemed a fatality, and all was
lost. Poor Nemours did his best till he could no longer get to
the troops. People here also abuse him for letting Victoire go
alone—but he remained to do his duty; a little more
empressement on her arrival here I would have wished.
Albert told you all about the Montpensiers' journey. It would
do the King irreparable mischief if they went now to Spain;
the feeling of anger would all return. Poor people! they are
all in a sad state of want at present.
I must conclude. Hoping to hear from you, and to have your
opinion.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne.
THE QUEEN'S SYMPATHY
Buckingham Palace, 15th March 1848.
The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering Lord
Melbourne hers and the Prince's best wishes for many happy
returns of it in health and strength.
Lord Melbourne will agree with the Queen that the last three
weeks have brought back the times of the last century, and
we are in the midst of troubles abroad. The Revolution in
France is a sad and alarming thing.... The poor King and his
Government made many mistakes within the last two years,
and were obstinate and totally blind at the last till flight was
inevitable. But for sixteen years he did a great deal to
Page 247
maintain peace, and made France prosperous, which should
not be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve
to think of the real want the poor King and Queen are in,
their dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the
poor Nemours hardly know which way to turn. If the private
property be not restored God only knows what is to become
of these distinguished young Princes and their little children.
What will be their avenir? It breaks one's heart to think of it,
and the Queen, being so nearly related to them and knowing
them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor old King is
sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will
surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he
seen or heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who
is here with the Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen
of the Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God,
Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there are
everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at
bottom very loyal....
The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed—
keeping the Government in awe—failures in all directions,
and nothing but ruin and misery. This is too gloomy a letter
for a birthday, and the Queen must apologise for it. The
Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR'S VIEW 22 Mars
St. Petersburg, le ———– 1848.
3 Avril
Madame ma Sœur,—Veuillez
me permettre, Madame, d'offrir à votre Majesté mes sincères
félicitations de son heureuse délivrance.10 Puisse le bon
Dieu conserver votre Majesté et toute son auguste famille,
c'est mon vœu de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame,
au milieu des désastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on
not be forgotten.... Lord Melbourne's kind heart will grieve
to think of the real want the poor King and Queen are in,
their dinner-table containing barely enough to eat. And the
poor Nemours hardly know which way to turn. If the private
property be not restored God only knows what is to become
of these distinguished young Princes and their little children.
What will be their avenir? It breaks one's heart to think of it,
and the Queen, being so nearly related to them and knowing
them all, feels it very much. Surely the poor old King is
sufficiently punished for his faults. Lord Beauvale will
surely be shocked at the complete ruin of the family. Has he
seen or heard from his old friend Madame de Montjoye, who
is here with the Queen of the French? The poor dear Queen
of the Belgians is quite broken-hearted, but, thank God,
Belgium goes on admirably. In Germany also there are
everywhere disturbances, but the good Germans are at
bottom very loyal....
The state of Paris is very gloomy; the rabble armed—
keeping the Government in awe—failures in all directions,
and nothing but ruin and misery. This is too gloomy a letter
for a birthday, and the Queen must apologise for it. The
Prince wishes to be kindly remembered to Lord Melbourne.
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR'S VIEW 22 Mars
St. Petersburg, le ———– 1848.
3 Avril
Madame ma Sœur,—Veuillez
me permettre, Madame, d'offrir à votre Majesté mes sincères
félicitations de son heureuse délivrance.10 Puisse le bon
Dieu conserver votre Majesté et toute son auguste famille,
c'est mon vœu de tous les jours. Plus que jamais, Madame,
au milieu des désastres qui renversent l'ordre social, l'on
Page 248
éprouve le besoin de relier les liens d'amitié que l'on a été
heureux de former dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-là au
moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de la portée des
hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que votre noble
cœur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se passe,
peut-être votre Majesté accordera-t-elle un souvenir à ce que
j'eus l'honneur de lui prédire, assis à table près d'elle: depuis,
4 années à peine se sont écoulées, et que reste-t-il encore
debout en Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie!
Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime
est appelée peut-être à sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame,
cet épanchement d'un cœur qui vous est dévoué et qui a pris
l'habitude de souvenir à vous.
J'ose avec une entière confiance compter sur l'amitié de
votre Majesté, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de
l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de
votre Majesté, le tout dévoué et fidèle bon Frère et Ami,
Nicolas.
Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse
Royale Monsieur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Brussels, 25th March 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—... England seems quiet, and even
the attempt in Ireland seems to have passed over. But
Germany is in an awful state, beyond what I ever should
have thought possible in that country, and with such a good
nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had been
stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of
the Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who
heureux de former dans de meilleurs temps; ceux-là au
moins nous restent, car ils sont hors de la portée des
hommes, et je suis fier et heureux de ce que votre noble
cœur me comprendra. En jettant les yeux sur ce qui se passe,
peut-être votre Majesté accordera-t-elle un souvenir à ce que
j'eus l'honneur de lui prédire, assis à table près d'elle: depuis,
4 années à peine se sont écoulées, et que reste-t-il encore
debout en Europe? La Grande-Bretagne et la Russie!
Ne serait-il pas naturel d'en conclure que notre union intime
est appelée peut-être à sauver le monde? Excusez, Madame,
cet épanchement d'un cœur qui vous est dévoué et qui a pris
l'habitude de souvenir à vous.
J'ose avec une entière confiance compter sur l'amitié de
votre Majesté, et la prie de recevoir l'assurance de
l'inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de
votre Majesté, le tout dévoué et fidèle bon Frère et Ami,
Nicolas.
Veuillez, Madame, me rappeler au souvenir de son Altesse
Royale Monsieur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 10: The Princess Louise was born on 18th March.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Brussels, 25th March 1848.
My dearest Victoria,—... England seems quiet, and even
the attempt in Ireland seems to have passed over. But
Germany is in an awful state, beyond what I ever should
have thought possible in that country, and with such a good
nation. For years, however, all sorts of people had been
stirring them up, and half measures, seeming dishonest, of
the Sovereigns have done harm. Curious enough that I, who
Page 249
in fact was desirous of retiring from politics, should be on
the Continent the only Sovereign who stood the storm,
though I am at ten hours' distance from Paris. I trust we shall
be able to go on with our money matters to enable us to keep
up; our working classes are at this moment what occupies us
most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were
much threatened, are now safe.
We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but
I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children
are attentive and amiable. Poor things! their existence is a
good deal on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are
in equal danger.
Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my
beloved child, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION
Buckingham Palace, 4th April 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for three most
kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st.
Thank God, I am particularly strong and well in every
possible respect, which is a blessing in these awful, sad,
heart-breaking times. From the first I heard all that passed,
and my only thoughts and talk were—Politics; but I never
was calmer and quieter or less nervous. Great events make
me quiet and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my
nerves. But I feel grown old and serious, and the future is
very dark. God, however, will come to help and protect us,
and we must keep up our spirits. Germany makes me so sad;
on the other hand, Belgium is a real pride and happiness.
the Continent the only Sovereign who stood the storm,
though I am at ten hours' distance from Paris. I trust we shall
be able to go on with our money matters to enable us to keep
up; our working classes are at this moment what occupies us
most, and much has been done, and our Banks, which were
much threatened, are now safe.
We work hard, and with these few days I suffered a little, but
I am better to-day. Louise is tolerably well; the poor children
are attentive and amiable. Poor things! their existence is a
good deal on the cards, and fortunes, private and public, are
in equal danger.
Now I will leave you that you should not be tired. Ever, my
beloved child, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE CHARTIST DEMONSTRATION
Buckingham Palace, 4th April 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for three most
kind letters, of the 18th and 25th March, and of the 1st.
Thank God, I am particularly strong and well in every
possible respect, which is a blessing in these awful, sad,
heart-breaking times. From the first I heard all that passed,
and my only thoughts and talk were—Politics; but I never
was calmer and quieter or less nervous. Great events make
me quiet and calm, and little trifles fidget me and irritate my
nerves. But I feel grown old and serious, and the future is
very dark. God, however, will come to help and protect us,
and we must keep up our spirits. Germany makes me so sad;
on the other hand, Belgium is a real pride and happiness.
Page 250
We saw your poor father and mother-in-law with the
Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to
see them thus, here! They are well in health, and the young
people's conduct most praiseworthy; really the three
Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to every
one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My
beloved Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so
cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a great
pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by such
misfortunes!
Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of
your present most flourishing position, ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 9th April 1848.
Sir,—The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of
Wellington in framing their plans for to-morrow.
Colonel Rowan11 advised that the procession should be
formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they may
choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He thinks this is
the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, the Chartists fire
and draw their swords and use their daggers, the Military are
to be called out.
I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob.
But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling
resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that all may
pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, your Royal
Highness's most obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Nemours, Joinville, and Aumale yesterday. Still a dream to
see them thus, here! They are well in health, and the young
people's conduct most praiseworthy; really the three
Princesses are astonishing, and a beautiful lesson to every
one. They are so much admired and respected for it. My
beloved Vic, with her lovely face, is perfection, and so
cheerful. She often comes to see me, and this is a great
pleasure to me, if only it was not caused by such
misfortunes!
Now good-bye. With fervent prayers for the continuation of
your present most flourishing position, ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 9th April 1848.
Sir,—The Cabinet have had the assistance of the Duke of
Wellington in framing their plans for to-morrow.
Colonel Rowan11 advised that the procession should be
formed, and allowed to come as far as the bridge they may
choose to pass, and should there be stopped. He thinks this is
the only way to avoid a fight. If, however, the Chartists fire
and draw their swords and use their daggers, the Military are
to be called out.
I have no doubt of their easy triumph over a London mob.
But any loss of life will cause a deep and rankling
resentment. I trust, for this and every reason, that all may
pass off quietly. I have the honour to be, your Royal
Highness's most obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Page 251
Footnote 11: Chief Commissioner of Police, afterwards Sir C. Rowan,
K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the 10th.
"THE COUSINS."
H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA AND THE DUCHESS OF
NEMOURS
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace
K.C.B. The Chartist meeting had been fixed for the 10th.
"THE COUSINS."
H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA AND THE DUCHESS OF
NEMOURS
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace
Page 252
To face p. 168, Vol II.
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
THE UNEMPLOYED
Osborne, 10th April 1848.
My dear Lord John,—To-day the strength of the Chartists
and all evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to
the test against the force of the law, the Government, and the
good sense of the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment
who will be found the stronger, but should be exceedingly
mortified if anything like a commotion was to take place, as
it would shake that confidence which the whole of Europe
reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which will
depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a good
deal into the state of employment about London, and I find,
to my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades
out of employment is very large, and that it has been
increased by the reduction of all the works under
Government, owing to the clamour for economy in the
House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been
discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace
much fewer hands are employed than are really wanted; the
formation of Battersea Park has been suspended, etc., etc.
Surely this is not the moment for the tax-payers to
economise upon the working classes! And though I don't
wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of
organisation du travail,12 I think the Government is bound
to do what it can to help the working classes over the present
moment of distress. It may do this consistently with real
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
THE UNEMPLOYED
Osborne, 10th April 1848.
My dear Lord John,—To-day the strength of the Chartists
and all evil-disposed people in the country will be brought to
the test against the force of the law, the Government, and the
good sense of the country. I don't feel doubtful for a moment
who will be found the stronger, but should be exceedingly
mortified if anything like a commotion was to take place, as
it would shake that confidence which the whole of Europe
reposes in our stability at this moment, and upon which will
depend the prosperity of the country. I have enquired a good
deal into the state of employment about London, and I find,
to my great regret, that the number of workmen of all trades
out of employment is very large, and that it has been
increased by the reduction of all the works under
Government, owing to the clamour for economy in the
House of Commons. Several hundred workmen have been
discharged at Westminster Palace; at Buckingham Palace
much fewer hands are employed than are really wanted; the
formation of Battersea Park has been suspended, etc., etc.
Surely this is not the moment for the tax-payers to
economise upon the working classes! And though I don't
wish our Government to follow Louis Blanc in his system of
organisation du travail,12 I think the Government is bound
to do what it can to help the working classes over the present
moment of distress. It may do this consistently with real
Page 253
economy in its own works, whilst the reductions on the part
of the Government are followed by all private individuals as
a sign of the times. I have before this spoken to Lord
Morpeth13 upon this subject, but I wish to bring it specially
under your consideration at the present moment. Ever yours
truly,
Albert.
Footnote 12: Alluding to the Ateliers Nationaux, to be established
under the guidance of a Council of Administration.
Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
FEARGUS O'CONNOR
Downing Street, 10th April 1848.
(2 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the Kennington Common
Meeting has proved a complete failure.
About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus
O'Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was
ordered by Mr Mayne14 to come and speak to him. He
immediately left the car and came, looking pale and
frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting
would not be prevented, but that no procession would be
allowed to pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks,
and begged to shake Mr Mayne by the hand. He then
addressed the crowd, advising them to disperse, and after
rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab to the
Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his
thanks, his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should
of the Government are followed by all private individuals as
a sign of the times. I have before this spoken to Lord
Morpeth13 upon this subject, but I wish to bring it specially
under your consideration at the present moment. Ever yours
truly,
Albert.
Footnote 12: Alluding to the Ateliers Nationaux, to be established
under the guidance of a Council of Administration.
Footnote 13: Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
FEARGUS O'CONNOR
Downing Street, 10th April 1848.
(2 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the Kennington Common
Meeting has proved a complete failure.
About 12,000 or 15,000 persons met in good order. Feargus
O'Connor, upon arriving upon the ground in a car, was
ordered by Mr Mayne14 to come and speak to him. He
immediately left the car and came, looking pale and
frightened, to Mr Mayne. Upon being told that the meeting
would not be prevented, but that no procession would be
allowed to pass the bridges, he expressed the utmost thanks,
and begged to shake Mr Mayne by the hand. He then
addressed the crowd, advising them to disperse, and after
rebuking them for their folly he went off in a cab to the
Home Office, where he repeated to Sir George Grey his
thanks, his fears, and his assurances that the crowd should
Page 254
disperse quietly. Sir George Grey said he had done very
rightly, but that the force at the bridges should not be
diminished.
Mr F. O'Connor—"Not a man should be taken away. The
Government have been quite right. I told the Convention
that if they had been the Government they never would have
allowed such a meeting."
The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly
dispersing.
The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now
takes place will be the act of individuals; but it is to be
hoped the preparations made will daunt those wicked but not
brave men.
The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet.
At Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have
bad designs.
A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise
us in foreign countries.
Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the
sea air.
Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police, created a
K.C.B. in 1851.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 15th April 1848.
Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day
in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin
to-night. He speaks confidently of the disposition of the
troops.
rightly, but that the force at the bridges should not be
diminished.
Mr F. O'Connor—"Not a man should be taken away. The
Government have been quite right. I told the Convention
that if they had been the Government they never would have
allowed such a meeting."
The last account gave the numbers as about 5,000 rapidly
dispersing.
The mob was in good humour, and any mischief that now
takes place will be the act of individuals; but it is to be
hoped the preparations made will daunt those wicked but not
brave men.
The accounts from the country are good. Scotland is quiet.
At Manchester, however, the Chartists are armed, and have
bad designs.
A quiet termination of the present ferment will greatly raise
us in foreign countries.
Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty has profited by the
sea air.
Footnote 14: Mr Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police, created a
K.C.B. in 1851.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 15th April 1848.
Lord John Russell has a letter from Lord Clarendon to-day
in better spirits, but somewhat fearing an outbreak in Dublin
to-night. He speaks confidently of the disposition of the
troops.
Page 255
Lord John Russell cannot wonder that your Majesty has felt
deeply the events of the last six weeks. The King of the
French has brought upon his own family, upon France, and
upon Europe a great calamity. A moderate and constitutional
Government at home, coupled with an abstinence from
ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have laid the
foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in
Europe. Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which
honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is impossible
not to pity the innocent victims of the misconduct of Louis
Philippe. Still less can one refrain from regarding with dread
the fearful state of Germany, of her princes, her nobles, and
her tempest-tossed people.
The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an
interval of reflection for Europe. The next six months will be
very trying, but they may end with better prospects than we
can now behold. It was impossible that the exclusion of free
speaking and writing which formed the essence of Prince
Metternich's system could continue. It might have been
reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which spreads
ruin and death around.
Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your
Majesty and the Prince.15 She is going on well to-day.
Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND
Osborne, 16th April 1848.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state
of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether,
deeply the events of the last six weeks. The King of the
French has brought upon his own family, upon France, and
upon Europe a great calamity. A moderate and constitutional
Government at home, coupled with an abstinence from
ambitious projects for his family abroad, might have laid the
foundation of permanent peace, order, and freedom in
Europe. Selfishness and cunning have destroyed that which
honesty and wisdom might have maintained. It is impossible
not to pity the innocent victims of the misconduct of Louis
Philippe. Still less can one refrain from regarding with dread
the fearful state of Germany, of her princes, her nobles, and
her tempest-tossed people.
The example of Great Britain, may, however, secure an
interval of reflection for Europe. The next six months will be
very trying, but they may end with better prospects than we
can now behold. It was impossible that the exclusion of free
speaking and writing which formed the essence of Prince
Metternich's system could continue. It might have been
reformed quietly; it has fallen with a crash which spreads
ruin and death around.
Lady John is deeply grateful for the congratulations of your
Majesty and the Prince.15 She is going on well to-day.
Footnote 15: On the birth of a second son.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ALARMING STATE OF IRELAND
Osborne, 16th April 1848.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. The state
of Ireland is most alarming and most anxious; altogether,
Page 256
there is so much inflammable matter all around us that it
makes one tremble. Still, the events of Monday must have a
calming and salutary effect. Lord John Russell's remarks
about Europe, and the unfortunate and calamitous policy of
the Government of the poor King of the French are most
true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause
of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to
himself), for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride
humbled, his children—whom he loves dearly—ruined—is
not this enough to make a man wretched? and indeed much
to be pitied; for he cannot feel he could not have prevented
all this. Still Guizot is more to blame; he was the responsible
adviser of all this policy: he is no Bourbon, and he ought to
have behaved differently. Had the poor King died in 1844
after he came here, and before that most unfortunate Spanish
marriages question was started, he would have deservedly
gone down to posterity as a great monarch. Now, what will
be his name in history? His fate is a great moral!
With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of
half the misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the
sovereigns of that country, and it has kept them from doing
in time what has now been torn from them with the loss of
many rights which they need not have sacrificed. We heard
yesterday that the Archduke John16 had arrived at Frankfort.
This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent
much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished
prince....
Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria, born
1782.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN
makes one tremble. Still, the events of Monday must have a
calming and salutary effect. Lord John Russell's remarks
about Europe, and the unfortunate and calamitous policy of
the Government of the poor King of the French are most
true. But is he not even most to be pitied for being the cause
of such misery? (Though perhaps he does not attribute it to
himself), for, to see all his hopes thus destroyed, his pride
humbled, his children—whom he loves dearly—ruined—is
not this enough to make a man wretched? and indeed much
to be pitied; for he cannot feel he could not have prevented
all this. Still Guizot is more to blame; he was the responsible
adviser of all this policy: he is no Bourbon, and he ought to
have behaved differently. Had the poor King died in 1844
after he came here, and before that most unfortunate Spanish
marriages question was started, he would have deservedly
gone down to posterity as a great monarch. Now, what will
be his name in history? His fate is a great moral!
With regard to Germany, Prince Metternich is the cause of
half the misfortune. His advice was taken by almost all the
sovereigns of that country, and it has kept them from doing
in time what has now been torn from them with the loss of
many rights which they need not have sacrificed. We heard
yesterday that the Archduke John16 had arrived at Frankfort.
This is a wise measure, and may do much good and prevent
much evil, as he is a popular and most distinguished
prince....
Footnote 16: Uncle of the Emperor (Ferdinand I.) of Austria, born
1782.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN
Page 257
Osborne, 17th April 1848.
The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston
respecting foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must
be in constant communication with the Foreign Ministers in
these most eventful and anxious times, writes to urge Lord
Palmerston to keep her informed of what he hears, and of
the views of the Government on the important questions
before us.
She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone.
The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and
Holstein is too important an event not to have been first
submitted to the Queen.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 18th April 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately had an
opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally such
explanations as your Majesty might wish to receive with
respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount
Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a
few days on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence
wait upon your Majesty on any morning and at any hour
your Majesty might be pleased to appoint.
Although events of the greatest importance have been
passing in rapid succession in almost every part of Europe,
the position of your Majesty's Government has been one
rather of observation than of action, it being desirable that
England should keep herself as free as possible from
unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that
your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the
The Queen not having heard anything from Lord Palmerston
respecting foreign affairs for so long a time, and as he must
be in constant communication with the Foreign Ministers in
these most eventful and anxious times, writes to urge Lord
Palmerston to keep her informed of what he hears, and of
the views of the Government on the important questions
before us.
She now only gets the Drafts when they are gone.
The acceptance of the mediation between Denmark and
Holstein is too important an event not to have been first
submitted to the Queen.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 18th April 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and regrets much that he has not lately had an
opportunity of giving your Majesty verbally such
explanations as your Majesty might wish to receive with
respect to the progress of foreign affairs, but Viscount
Palmerston hopes to be able to get down to Broadlands for a
few days on Saturday next, and he could easily from thence
wait upon your Majesty on any morning and at any hour
your Majesty might be pleased to appoint.
Although events of the greatest importance have been
passing in rapid succession in almost every part of Europe,
the position of your Majesty's Government has been one
rather of observation than of action, it being desirable that
England should keep herself as free as possible from
unnecessary engagements and entanglements, in order that
your Majesty may be at liberty to take such decisions as the
Page 258
state of things may from time to time appear to render most
advisable.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOYALTY OF BELGIUM
Barton, 18th April 1848.
Dearest Uncle,—Detained here by a heavy shower of rain,
I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear
and kind letter of the 15th, which I received yesterday.
Truly proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the
Belgians,17 and at their loyalty and affection for you and
yours, which I am sure must be a reward for all that you
have done these seventeen years. I must beg to say that you
are wrong in supposing that no mention is made of what
took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it has
been most gratifyingly mentioned in the Times, Chronicle,
John Bull, etc. You are held up as a pattern to the German
Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German
people.
In France, really things go on dreadfully.... One does not like
to attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis
Philippe, has brought much of this on by that ill-fated return
to a Bourbon Policy. I always think he ought not to have
abdicated; every one seems to think he might have stemmed
the torrent then still. On the other hand, Joinville says it was
sure to happen, for that the French want constant change,
and were quite tired of the present Government. Qu'en dites-
vous? How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits are better.
Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We
have got nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the
wood down near the sea. We are all extremely well, and
advisable.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOYALTY OF BELGIUM
Barton, 18th April 1848.
Dearest Uncle,—Detained here by a heavy shower of rain,
I begin my letter to you and thank you warmly for your dear
and kind letter of the 15th, which I received yesterday.
Truly proud and delighted are we at the conduct of the
Belgians,17 and at their loyalty and affection for you and
yours, which I am sure must be a reward for all that you
have done these seventeen years. I must beg to say that you
are wrong in supposing that no mention is made of what
took place on the 9th in our papers; on the contrary, it has
been most gratifyingly mentioned in the Times, Chronicle,
John Bull, etc. You are held up as a pattern to the German
Sovereigns, and the Belgians as a pattern to the German
people.
In France, really things go on dreadfully.... One does not like
to attack those who are fallen, but the poor King, Louis
Philippe, has brought much of this on by that ill-fated return
to a Bourbon Policy. I always think he ought not to have
abdicated; every one seems to think he might have stemmed
the torrent then still. On the other hand, Joinville says it was
sure to happen, for that the French want constant change,
and were quite tired of the present Government. Qu'en dites-
vous? How is poor, dear Louise? I hope her spirits are better.
Our weather is terribly rainy, though very fine between. We
have got nightingales in the pleasure ground, and in the
wood down near the sea. We are all extremely well, and
Page 259
expect the Prince of Prussia here to-day for two nights. Ever
your devoted and attached Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium with the
intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt signally failed.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 1st May 1848.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's
letter.18 She cannot see any reason for deviating from the
established rules, and inviting to Court Frenchmen who are
not recognised in their official capacity, and have no natural
representatives to present them as private individuals. As an
invitation cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it
ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the
contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals,
might lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient
precedents.
Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a letter from
M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional chargé d'affaires of the
French Government, and Lord Palmerston had suggested to the Queen
that etiquette would not be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Buckingham Palace, 9th May 1848.
your devoted and attached Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 17: A party of French Republicans entered Belgium with the
intention of exciting an insurrection; the attempt signally failed.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 1st May 1848.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Palmerston's
letter.18 She cannot see any reason for deviating from the
established rules, and inviting to Court Frenchmen who are
not recognised in their official capacity, and have no natural
representatives to present them as private individuals. As an
invitation cannot be claimed by them, the omission of it
ought not to lead to any misrepresentation; whilst the
contrary, under the fiction of their being private individuals,
might lead to misconstruction and to most inconvenient
precedents.
Footnote 18: M. de Tallenay had arrived in London with a letter from
M. Lamartine, accrediting him as provisional chargé d'affaires of the
French Government, and Lord Palmerston had suggested to the Queen
that etiquette would not be violated by inviting him to a Court Ball.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Buckingham Palace, 9th May 1848.
Page 260
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your very kind letter
of the 6th. How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of
Belgium! If only dear Germany gets right and if all our
interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrificed!
I cannot say how it distresses and vexes me, and comme je
l'ai à cœur. My good and dear Albert is much worried and
works very hard....
I had a curious account of the opening of the Assemblée
from Lady Normanby.19 No real enthusiasm, dreadful
confusion, and the Blouses taking part in everything, and
stopping the Speakers if they did not please them. The
opinion is that it cannot last.
I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an
account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad;
but the respect shown for poor Chartres is very touching,
and might interest poor dear Louise, if you think fit to show
it her. But why show such hatred to poor Nemours and to the
Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause his unpopularity,
possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back.
I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont
this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on 4th
May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the Republic
proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 16th May 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I have just heard the news of the
extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end in a
Blutbad. Lamartine has quite lost all influence by yielding to
of the 6th. How delightful it is to hear such good accounts of
Belgium! If only dear Germany gets right and if all our
interests (those of the smaller Sovereigns) are not sacrificed!
I cannot say how it distresses and vexes me, and comme je
l'ai à cœur. My good and dear Albert is much worried and
works very hard....
I had a curious account of the opening of the Assemblée
from Lady Normanby.19 No real enthusiasm, dreadful
confusion, and the Blouses taking part in everything, and
stopping the Speakers if they did not please them. The
opinion is that it cannot last.
I enclose another letter from Lady Normanby, with an
account of the poor Tuileries, which is very curious and sad;
but the respect shown for poor Chartres is very touching,
and might interest poor dear Louise, if you think fit to show
it her. But why show such hatred to poor Nemours and to the
Queen? Montpensier's marriage may cause his unpopularity,
possibly. I shall beg to have the letter back.
I must conclude, as we are going to pay a visit at Claremont
this afternoon. Ever your truly devoted Child and Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: The National Assembly commenced its sittings on 4th
May, when the Oath of Allegiance was abolished, and the Republic
proclaimed in the presence of 200,000 citizens.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 16th May 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I have just heard the news of the
extraordinary confusion at Paris, which must end in a
Blutbad. Lamartine has quite lost all influence by yielding to
Page 261
and supporting Ledru Rollin!20 It seems inexplicable! In
Germany, too, everything looks most anxious, and I tremble
for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.21 I am so
anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it
would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it much more than
Albert, as it would break my heart to see Coburg reduced.
Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank
God! that with you everything goes on so well. I will take
care and let Lord Normanby know your kind expressions.
The visit to old Claremont was a touching one, and it
seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them all there.
They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than the
Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor
Duchess of Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and
gave us a dreadful fright at the Christening by quite
forgetting where she was, and coming and kneeling at my
feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror!
I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot
for me. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the
Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive
Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general
employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly en masse, and
attempted a counter-revolution.
Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany had
grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary session as a
Vor-Parlament, was to reassemble on 18th May.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AUSTRIA AND ITALY
Germany, too, everything looks most anxious, and I tremble
for the result of the Parliament at Frankfort.21 I am so
anxious for the fate of the poor smaller Sovereigns, which it
would be infamous to sacrifice. I feel it much more than
Albert, as it would break my heart to see Coburg reduced.
Many thanks for your kind and dear letter of the 13th. Thank
God! that with you everything goes on so well. I will take
care and let Lord Normanby know your kind expressions.
The visit to old Claremont was a touching one, and it
seemed an incomprehensible dream to see them all there.
They bear up wonderfully. Nothing can be kinder than the
Queen-Dowager's behaviour towards them all. The poor
Duchess of Gloster is again in one of her nervous states, and
gave us a dreadful fright at the Christening by quite
forgetting where she was, and coming and kneeling at my
feet in the midst of the service. Imagine our horror!
I must now conclude. The weather is beautiful, but too hot
for me. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 20: Lamartine and Ledru Rollin were members of the
Provisional Government, and subsequently of the Executive
Committee. The mob, holding that the promises of general
employment had been broken, invaded the Assembly en masse, and
attempted a counter-revolution.
Footnote 21: Out of the revolutionary movement in Germany had
grown their National Assembly, which after a preliminary session as a
Vor-Parlament, was to reassemble on 18th May.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AUSTRIA AND ITALY
Page 262
(No date.)
The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and
wishes to have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's22 note sent to
her to keep.
The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the
Queen was struck by the light way in which the claims of
the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken of (as disposed
of by the events), whilst their position and that of Austria are
in every respect identical.23 The Queen thinks Lord
Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most
equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far
enough; the position which Austria means to take in Italy
with her Italian province ought to be explained, and a
declaration be made that Austria will, with this province,
join any Italian league which the other states of Italy may
wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much
facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the
Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be
terminated, the question of the political constitution of Italy
(as a whole) will have to be decided. Why Charles Albert
ought to get any additional territory the Queen cannot in the
least see. She thinks it will be better to proceed at once upon
the revised Austrian proposal, than to wait for Italian
propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously extravagant.
Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to maintain its
ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer to negotiate
with Lord Palmerston.
Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their dominions,
while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw in his lot with the
cause of United Italy as against Austria, which then ruled Lombardy.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
The Queen has carefully perused the enclosed papers, and
wishes to have a copy of Baron Hummelauer's22 note sent to
her to keep.
The basis laid down in it is quite inadmissible, and the
Queen was struck by the light way in which the claims of
the Dukes of Parma and Modena are spoken of (as disposed
of by the events), whilst their position and that of Austria are
in every respect identical.23 The Queen thinks Lord
Palmerston's proposition the one which is the most
equitable, still likely to be attained, but it does not go far
enough; the position which Austria means to take in Italy
with her Italian province ought to be explained, and a
declaration be made that Austria will, with this province,
join any Italian league which the other states of Italy may
wish to establish. This will be useful to Italy, and much
facilitate the acceptance of the Austrian proposal, as the
Queen feels convinced that as soon as the war shall be
terminated, the question of the political constitution of Italy
(as a whole) will have to be decided. Why Charles Albert
ought to get any additional territory the Queen cannot in the
least see. She thinks it will be better to proceed at once upon
the revised Austrian proposal, than to wait for Italian
propositions, which are sure to be ridiculously extravagant.
Footnote 22: The Austrian Government, in its efforts to maintain its
ascendency in Lombardy, had sent Baron Hummelauer to negotiate
with Lord Palmerston.
Footnote 23: The Dukes had both been driven from their dominions,
while the King (Charles Albert) of Sardinia threw in his lot with the
cause of United Italy as against Austria, which then ruled Lombardy.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Page 263
ENGLAND AND SPAIN
Osborne, 23rd May 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting
Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H.
Bulwer24 is a serious affair, which will add to our many
embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it,
from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from
the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost
been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted
of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy,
"though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in
them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured
the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At
every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose
between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long
ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy
with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he
could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be
known in Spain, the more so when one considers the
extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable
imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is
said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen
has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of
Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists
are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment
be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the
person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish
to look at it, Sir Henry still is her Minister.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to
Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government
mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair.
Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer (which
the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen
on her choice of Minister. This "assumption of superiority," as Sir R.
Osborne, 23rd May 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting
Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H.
Bulwer24 is a serious affair, which will add to our many
embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it,
from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from
the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost
been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted
of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy,
"though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in
them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured
the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At
every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose
between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long
ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy
with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he
could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be
known in Spain, the more so when one considers the
extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable
imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is
said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen
has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of
Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists
are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment
be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the
person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish
to look at it, Sir Henry still is her Minister.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to
Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government
mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair.
Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer (which
the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen
on her choice of Minister. This "assumption of superiority," as Sir R.
Page 264
Peel called it, led to a peremptory order to Bulwer to leave Spain in
twenty-four hours. His own account of the affair appears in his Life of
Palmerston, vol. iii. chap. vii.
The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria.
THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA
[Translation.]
Brussels 30th May 1848.
Most gracious Cousin,—I obey the impulse of my heart in
seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you
my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely
gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince
have treated me during my stay in London.25 It was a
melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic
view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin,
it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one
that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This
graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards
the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and
so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a
fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy
heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future
lies before me to meet—and only knowing that I shall need
the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in
England and an insight into her institutions have afforded
me in full measure.
Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to
whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most
gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted
Cousin,
Prince of Prussia.
twenty-four hours. His own account of the affair appears in his Life of
Palmerston, vol. iii. chap. vii.
The Prince of Prussia to Queen Victoria.
THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA
[Translation.]
Brussels 30th May 1848.
Most gracious Cousin,—I obey the impulse of my heart in
seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you
my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely
gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince
have treated me during my stay in London.25 It was a
melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic
view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin,
it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one
that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This
graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards
the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and
so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a
fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy
heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future
lies before me to meet—and only knowing that I shall need
the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in
England and an insight into her institutions have afforded
me in full measure.
Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to
whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most
gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted
Cousin,
Prince of Prussia.
Page 265
Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William I.,
having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in
March to fly for his life, in disguise, viâ Hamburg, to England.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE ROYAL EXILES
Buckingham Palace, 1st June 1848.
The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John
Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and
therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable
that they, or at least some of them, will take up their
residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their
position is now a defined one, viz. that of exiles, their
treatment should be defined and established.
At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were
much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was
done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were
recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a
good deal altered this. They have lived in complete
retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their
poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met
with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to
take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which
could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do
everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in
severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of
intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She
accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection
to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of
Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at
Osborne when she goes there, quite privately; the Duchess
of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come
with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it
having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in
March to fly for his life, in disguise, viâ Hamburg, to England.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE ROYAL EXILES
Buckingham Palace, 1st June 1848.
The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John
Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and
therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable
that they, or at least some of them, will take up their
residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their
position is now a defined one, viz. that of exiles, their
treatment should be defined and established.
At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were
much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was
done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were
recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has a
good deal altered this. They have lived in complete
retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their
poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met
with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to
take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which
could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do
everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in
severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of
intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She
accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection
to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of
Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at
Osborne when she goes there, quite privately; the Duchess
of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come
with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it
Page 266
would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as to fortune, for
banished they already are) is decided, to be even for a day at
Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the
evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.
The Queen considers that when she is staying in the country
during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of
the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the
Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them
for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for
their returning the same day. They are exiles, and not
Pretenders, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de
Montemolin are (and who are for that reason only not
received at Court). In all countries where illustrious exiles
related to the Sovereign have been they have always been
received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse
d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna
(even on public occasions), there being a French
Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing
between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King
Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by
the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of
Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the
French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of
time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there
may no longer exist that wish and that necessity for extreme
privacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just
mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what is
likely to take place (except in the case of her cousin, the
Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might
occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the
country. Of course events might arise which would change
this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the
Queen would communicate with Lord John, and ask his
advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers
to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely to
strictly private visits, and on no state occasion. This is a
long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be
banished they already are) is decided, to be even for a day at
Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the
evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.
The Queen considers that when she is staying in the country
during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of
the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the
Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them
for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for
their returning the same day. They are exiles, and not
Pretenders, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de
Montemolin are (and who are for that reason only not
received at Court). In all countries where illustrious exiles
related to the Sovereign have been they have always been
received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse
d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna
(even on public occasions), there being a French
Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing
between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King
Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by
the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of
Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the
French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of
time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there
may no longer exist that wish and that necessity for extreme
privacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just
mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what is
likely to take place (except in the case of her cousin, the
Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might
occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the
country. Of course events might arise which would change
this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the
Queen would communicate with Lord John, and ask his
advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers
to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely to
strictly private visits, and on no state occasion. This is a
long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be
Page 267
quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have
stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY
Buckingham Palace, 4th June 1848.
The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon
it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if
the draft—though civil—is not to be a mere refusal to do
anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever
the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation
is hardly necessary.26 The Queen thinks it most important
that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and
equally important that the boundary which is to be settled
should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities
unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord
Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the
Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been
submitted to her.
Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians
under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the King of
Sardinia.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 14th June 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your
Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter.
stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY
Buckingham Palace, 4th June 1848.
The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon
it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if
the draft—though civil—is not to be a mere refusal to do
anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever
the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation
is hardly necessary.26 The Queen thinks it most important
that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and
equally important that the boundary which is to be settled
should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities
unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord
Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the
Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been
submitted to her.
Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians
under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the King of
Sardinia.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 14th June 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your
Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter.
Page 268
An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair
termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with
the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of
order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end.
May Heaven preserve us in peace!
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
SIR HENRY BULWER
Buckingham Palace, 15th June 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining
his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive
from the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite
fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her
Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he
should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of
Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of
this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer,
after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the
position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been
after the constitution of the French Republic when we had
no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire
confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the
state into which our relations with that country have been
brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters
must have been mismanaged.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 16th June 1848.
termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with
the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of
order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end.
May Heaven preserve us in peace!
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
SIR HENRY BULWER
Buckingham Palace, 15th June 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining
his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receive
from the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite
fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her
Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he
should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of
Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of
this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer,
after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the
position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been
after the constitution of the French Republic when we had
no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire
confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the
state into which our relations with that country have been
brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters
must have been mismanaged.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 16th June 1848.
Page 269
The Queen sends the enclosed draft,27 and asks whether this
note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to
Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up
with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?28 ...
Footnote 27: The draft ran:—"As it is evident that the Queen and the
Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that
agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future
from giving any longer any advice to them on political matters, taking
care to explain both to the Queen and the Government your reasons for
doing so. You will, however, at the same time positively declare to the
Portuguese Government that if by the course of policy they are
pursuing they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly
understand that they will not have to expect any assistance from
England."
Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write
immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He
added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 17th June 1848.
My dear John Russell,—The draft to Seymour was written
in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen
wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would
be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must,
however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government
have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the
Queen in the Protocol of last year....
Palmerston.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to
Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up
with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?28 ...
Footnote 27: The draft ran:—"As it is evident that the Queen and the
Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that
agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future
from giving any longer any advice to them on political matters, taking
care to explain both to the Queen and the Government your reasons for
doing so. You will, however, at the same time positively declare to the
Portuguese Government that if by the course of policy they are
pursuing they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly
understand that they will not have to expect any assistance from
England."
Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write
immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He
added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 17th June 1848.
My dear John Russell,—The draft to Seymour was written
in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen
wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would
be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must,
however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government
have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the
Queen in the Protocol of last year....
Palmerston.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Page 270
Buckingham Palace, 17th June 1848.
The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is
at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain,
under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy,
which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign
countries its principal object. This system is condemned
alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen
fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord
Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal
against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether
that erroneous policy is to be maintained to the detriment of
the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be
followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a
matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston
is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the
Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of
the utmost importance that in these perilous times this
question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy
should be settled, and has no objection to Lord John
showing this letter to Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 18th June 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to
rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton
Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from
regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the
inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service
from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present
critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he
had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his
colleagues or of his Sovereign.
The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is
at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain,
under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy,
which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign
countries its principal object. This system is condemned
alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen
fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord
Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal
against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether
that erroneous policy is to be maintained to the detriment of
the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be
followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a
matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston
is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the
Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of
the utmost importance that in these perilous times this
question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy
should be settled, and has no objection to Lord John
showing this letter to Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 18th June 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to
rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton
Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from
regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the
inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service
from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present
critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he
had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his
colleagues or of his Sovereign.
Page 271
Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular
point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that
precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue
with foreign parties against a foreign government, with
which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to
insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to
that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in
the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference
with respect to which he has not specific directions from
your Majesty's Government.
But in this case he must take upon himself the whole
responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord
Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's
service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the
Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding
which may lead to the most serious consequences.
It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of
policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and
that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare
exceptions.
Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he
proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He
would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can
do so.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1848.
The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord
Palmerston,29 which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's
and Lord John's views upon the important question of our
point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that
precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue
with foreign parties against a foreign government, with
which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to
insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to
that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in
the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference
with respect to which he has not specific directions from
your Majesty's Government.
But in this case he must take upon himself the whole
responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord
Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's
service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the
Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding
which may lead to the most serious consequences.
It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of
policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and
that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare
exceptions.
Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he
proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He
would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can
do so.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1848.
The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord
Palmerston,29 which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's
and Lord John's views upon the important question of our
Page 272
foreign policy entirely coincide. The Queen is sorry that the
trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many
anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels
sure that his insisting upon a sound line of policy will save
him and the country from far greater troubles....
Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to
take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from
confidential communications with members of the Opposition.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 26th June 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your
Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go
by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the
wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore
obliged to defer it till the next mail.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 26th June 1848.
The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received
from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with
Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of
Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with
the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many
anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels
sure that his insisting upon a sound line of policy will save
him and the country from far greater troubles....
Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to
take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from
confidential communications with members of the Opposition.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 26th June 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your
Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go
by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the
wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore
obliged to defer it till the next mail.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 26th June 1848.
The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received
from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with
Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of
Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with
the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Page 273
ENGLAND AND ITALY
Buckingham Palace, 1st July 1848.
The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of
the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed
of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian
controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of
gaining influence in Italy.30 The Queen does not consider
influence so gained as an advantage, and though this
influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid
that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way
of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has
been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made
for it, the least good has been done—the Queen means in
Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of
consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we
follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly
alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of
right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid
Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles
Albert except that if he did not wish to take all the Emperor
of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay any
obstacles in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in
Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the
following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that
no territory or state, which is not now according to the
Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can
be added to that territory without the consent of the
Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree
with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy
into the states of the King of Sardinia?
Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the anti-
Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky's
evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of Sardinia in support
of the Lombards were successful, and he had assistance from Tuscany,
Naples, and Rome. The Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and
Buckingham Palace, 1st July 1848.
The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of
the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed
of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian
controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of
gaining influence in Italy.30 The Queen does not consider
influence so gained as an advantage, and though this
influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid
that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way
of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has
been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made
for it, the least good has been done—the Queen means in
Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of
consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we
follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly
alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of
right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid
Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles
Albert except that if he did not wish to take all the Emperor
of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay any
obstacles in the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in
Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the
following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that
no territory or state, which is not now according to the
Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can
be added to that territory without the consent of the
Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree
with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy
into the states of the King of Sardinia?
Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the anti-
Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky's
evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of Sardinia in support
of the Lombards were successful, and he had assistance from Tuscany,
Naples, and Rome. The Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and
Page 274
Goito, and the independence of Northern Italy seemed to be
accomplished. But the tide had begun to turn.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD MINTO'S MISSION
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long
Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length
of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of
the subject.
The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at
the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been
called in question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the
Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear
now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and
nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our
endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement
of the present Italian difference.31 If, therefore, the Italians
should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no
dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The
danger of French interference increases with the delay and is
equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in
the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to
his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French
seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line
they pursue even with regard to Naples.
Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the
case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that
Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of
States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the
stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of
another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue
accomplished. But the tide had begun to turn.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD MINTO'S MISSION
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long
Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length
of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of
the subject.
The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at
the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been
called in question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the
Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear
now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and
nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our
endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement
of the present Italian difference.31 If, therefore, the Italians
should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no
dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The
danger of French interference increases with the delay and is
equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in
the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to
his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French
seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line
they pursue even with regard to Naples.
Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the
case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that
Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of
States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the
stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of
another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue
Page 275
Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different
impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have
made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the
retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard
to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try
their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every
one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise
the Progressista Party and regain the so-called English
influence, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe
(who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together,
and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination,
which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the
present convulsions in Europe.
Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the
Prime Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope
Pius IX., who was halting between progress and reaction: on the
sanguinary risings taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission
naturally appeared hostile to Austria.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AN ANXIOUS PERIOD
Buckingham Palace, 11th July 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—For another kind and dear letter of the
8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little
Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May
God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!
Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything
existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one
never felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their
education, their future—and prays for them—I always think
and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for whatever
station they may be placed in—high or low." This one never
impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have
made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the
retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard
to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try
their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every
one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise
the Progressista Party and regain the so-called English
influence, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe
(who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together,
and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination,
which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the
present convulsions in Europe.
Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the
Prime Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope
Pius IX., who was halting between progress and reaction: on the
sanguinary risings taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission
naturally appeared hostile to Austria.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AN ANXIOUS PERIOD
Buckingham Palace, 11th July 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—For another kind and dear letter of the
8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little
Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May
God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!
Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything
existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one
never felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their
education, their future—and prays for them—I always think
and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for whatever
station they may be placed in—high or low." This one never
Page 276
thought of before, but I do always now. Altogether one's
whole disposition is so changed—bores and trifles which
one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago,
one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing—
provided one can keep one's position in quiet!
I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,32 as they
fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a
widow of a regicide, and as stern and severe as can be
imagined.
I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully
merry still and quite himself, but she feels it deeply—and for
her there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.
Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; how I wish
you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have,
however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with
me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and
feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we
were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and still beautiful
child.
I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's
picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been given
quasi-dictatorial powers during the insurrection. These powers, on the
suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost
unanimously made President of the Council.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 13th July 1848.
whole disposition is so changed—bores and trifles which
one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago,
one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing—
provided one can keep one's position in quiet!
I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,32 as they
fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a
widow of a regicide, and as stern and severe as can be
imagined.
I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully
merry still and quite himself, but she feels it deeply—and for
her there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.
Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; how I wish
you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have,
however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with
me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and
feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we
were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and still beautiful
child.
I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's
picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been given
quasi-dictatorial powers during the insurrection. These powers, on the
suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost
unanimously made President of the Council.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 13th July 1848.
Page 277
The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night.
She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say when the
Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that
the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and
was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col.
Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she
thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we
should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for
ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very
much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see our own place
makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is,
however, impossible to say if we can get away even for so
short a time.
The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection
to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to
and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and
consequently in a different position to any of the others;
moreover, he does not wish at present to spend one night
there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.
Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and
the other Princes and Princesses should themselves ask to
come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and
return again the same day (as they do here), there would be
any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in
case they should ask leave to do so, what she can answer.
Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey.
COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY
Buckingham Palace, 14th July 1848.
The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of
yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the
mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army.
She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say when the
Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that
the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and
was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col.
Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she
thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we
should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for
ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very
much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see our own place
makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is,
however, impossible to say if we can get away even for so
short a time.
The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection
to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to
and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and
consequently in a different position to any of the others;
moreover, he does not wish at present to spend one night
there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.
Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and
the other Princes and Princesses should themselves ask to
come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and
return again the same day (as they do here), there would be
any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in
case they should ask leave to do so, what she can answer.
Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey.
COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY
Buckingham Palace, 14th July 1848.
The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of
yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the
mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army.
Page 278
The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble
which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto
entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the
advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the
Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether
the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead
of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they
were in future only to receive a certificate from the
Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.
She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.
The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his
responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing
Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his
responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of
the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.
The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 18th July 1848.
My dearest Cousin,—I have received the beautiful dolls'
house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you
very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I
dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day
after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls
were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty
little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put
her to bed.
Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my
dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most
affectionate Cousin,
Charlotte.
which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto
entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the
advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the
Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether
the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead
of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they
were in future only to receive a certificate from the
Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.
She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.
The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his
responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing
Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his
responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of
the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.
The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 18th July 1848.
My dearest Cousin,—I have received the beautiful dolls'
house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you
very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I
dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day
after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls
were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty
little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put
her to bed.
Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my
dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most
affectionate Cousin,
Charlotte.
Page 279
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ITALY AND FRANCE
Osborne, 24th July 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter33 reporting
his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat
her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree
with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with
regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will
make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally
constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the
fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will
call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it
is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay
seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called
upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian
territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to
set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for
us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it.
Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day,
and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on
which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may
prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.
Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de
Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in
Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced,
the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a fait
accompli, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ITALY AND FRANCE
Osborne, 24th July 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter33 reporting
his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat
her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree
with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with
regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will
make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally
constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the
fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will
call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it
is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay
seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called
upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian
territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to
set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for
us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it.
Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day,
and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on
which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may
prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.
Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de
Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in
Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced,
the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a fait
accompli, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 280
NORTHERN ITALY
Osborne, 25th July 1848.
The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch
from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was
sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve.
The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told
Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the
establishment of an entente cordiale with the French
Republic, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of
their dominions in Italy, would be a disgrace to this country.
That the French would attach the greatest importance to it
and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt
of; but how will England appear before the world at the
moment when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in
Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her
European relations, having declined all this time to interfere
in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian
Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having
refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria,
because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she
should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to
interfere against her at the moment when she has recovered
in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?
The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French
guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says
that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by
Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every
account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona,
Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that
the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The
French Republic seems not to be anxious for war, not able to
conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against
it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it
would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition,
viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria
Osborne, 25th July 1848.
The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch
from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was
sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve.
The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told
Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the
establishment of an entente cordiale with the French
Republic, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of
their dominions in Italy, would be a disgrace to this country.
That the French would attach the greatest importance to it
and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt
of; but how will England appear before the world at the
moment when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in
Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her
European relations, having declined all this time to interfere
in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian
Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having
refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria,
because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she
should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to
interfere against her at the moment when she has recovered
in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?
The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French
guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says
that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by
Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every
account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona,
Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that
the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The
French Republic seems not to be anxious for war, not able to
conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against
it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it
would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition,
viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria
Page 281
on the one side, and the union under one powerful state
under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the
north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit
declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of
Europe that we should name this to Charles Albert, and call
upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude
a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from
her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this
has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the
Queen cannot comprehend.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 27th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two
letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet
many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step
another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the
advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good
conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a
league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to
preserve to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to
which we were a party.
As the amended draft secures us against these appearances,
and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
MINOR GERMAN STATES
Osborne, 1st August 1848.
under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the
north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit
declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of
Europe that we should name this to Charles Albert, and call
upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude
a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from
her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this
has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the
Queen cannot comprehend.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 27th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two
letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet
many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step
another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the
advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good
conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a
league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to
preserve to herself a territory granted to her by a Treaty to
which we were a party.
As the amended draft secures us against these appearances,
and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
MINOR GERMAN STATES
Osborne, 1st August 1848.
Page 282
My dearest Uncle,—I had yesterday the happiness of
receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my
best thanks.
There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in
Ireland,34 and I think it now is very likely to go off without
any contest. ...Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on
the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him.
I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so
completely decided as Charles35 ... is so anxious to make
one believe. There is only a question of taking certain
powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them;
and I think you will see that the Ausführung of the Unity
will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at
Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly
both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the
attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still
extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to
being ausgewischt. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of
the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest
attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of
independence is very great, and at Strelitz, on the occasion
of Augusta's confinement with a son, the enthusiasm and
rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.
We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so,
if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear
to us, and for the state of the world in general.
I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine
marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other
day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different
to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at
the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale
of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my
best thanks.
There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in
Ireland,34 and I think it now is very likely to go off without
any contest. ...Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on
the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him.
I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so
completely decided as Charles35 ... is so anxious to make
one believe. There is only a question of taking certain
powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them;
and I think you will see that the Ausführung of the Unity
will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at
Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly
both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the
attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still
extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to
being ausgewischt. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of
the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest
attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of
independence is very great, and at Strelitz, on the occasion
of Augusta's confinement with a son, the enthusiasm and
rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.
We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so,
if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear
to us, and for the state of the world in general.
I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine
marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other
day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different
to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at
the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale
of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 283
We have just heard that there has been an action in Ireland in
which some of the insurgents have been killed; fifty Police
dispersed four thousand people. Smith O'Brien is, however,
not yet taken.
Footnote 34: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 141.
Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of
German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the
hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke
John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and
the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted
with the Department of Foreign Affairs.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE
Osborne, 8th August 1848.
... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord
Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris.
As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only a
provisional one, the Queen thinks that the appointment of a
Minister now will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador
hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous,
whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment.
Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister
hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French
Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here,
and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if
Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris,
against which we would be secured in having only a
Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the
public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may
be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great
admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc.
which some of the insurgents have been killed; fifty Police
dispersed four thousand people. Smith O'Brien is, however,
not yet taken.
Footnote 34: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 141.
Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of
German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the
hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke
John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and
the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted
with the Department of Foreign Affairs.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE
Osborne, 8th August 1848.
... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord
Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris.
As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only a
provisional one, the Queen thinks that the appointment of a
Minister now will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador
hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous,
whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment.
Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister
hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French
Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here,
and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if
Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris,
against which we would be secured in having only a
Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the
public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may
be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great
admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc.
Page 284
The possibility of mixing freely with persons of various
kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important
consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for
a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador.
All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to
have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris.
M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on
Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in
Town.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord
Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to
Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris,
after his having before stated to the Queen that this would
never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby;
Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does
in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by
Lord Palmerston. By the delay and Lord Normanby's various
conversations with M. Bastide36 and General Cavaignac it
has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the
Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at
Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent
being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord
Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on
the distinct understanding that there is to be no Ambassador
sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be
appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is
permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord
Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the
kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important
consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for
a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador.
All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to
have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris.
M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on
Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in
Town.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord
Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to
Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris,
after his having before stated to the Queen that this would
never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby;
Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does
in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by
Lord Palmerston. By the delay and Lord Normanby's various
conversations with M. Bastide36 and General Cavaignac it
has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the
Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at
Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent
being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord
Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on
the distinct understanding that there is to be no Ambassador
sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be
appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is
permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord
Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the
Page 285
arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry
this into effect.
Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT
Osborne, 11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's
behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's
appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby
could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the
Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has
now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and
getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his
point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby
as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us
cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which
they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course,
like an entente cordiale with us at the expense of Austria;...
but this can be no consideration for us....
Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon
them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their
provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be
impossible; therefore the entente with the Republic is of the
greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians
at any time with the French intervention which he can have
at command if he agrees to it.37 The Queen has read the
leading articles of the Times of yesterday and to-day on this
subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost
this into effect.
Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT
Osborne, 11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's
behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's
appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby
could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the
Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has
now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and
getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his
point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby
as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us
cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which
they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course,
like an entente cordiale with us at the expense of Austria;...
but this can be no consideration for us....
Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon
them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their
provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be
impossible; therefore the entente with the Republic is of the
greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians
at any time with the French intervention which he can have
at command if he agrees to it.37 The Queen has read the
leading articles of the Times of yesterday and to-day on this
subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost
Page 286
entirely the same views and feelings which she entertains.
The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them;
indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this
subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two
opinions upon it....
Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not
continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they
had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of
Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his
troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support
from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses,
Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively
defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio.
With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was
eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there.
Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually
Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to
effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to
relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to
retain.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Osborne, 20th August 1848.
The Queen has received an autograph letter from the
Archduke John (in answer to the private letter she had
written to him through Lord Cowley), which has been cut
open at the Foreign Office. The Queen wishes Lord
Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again. The
opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen,
which she has of late observed, is really not becoming, and
ought to be discontinued, as it used never to be the case
formerly.
The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them;
indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this
subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two
opinions upon it....
Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not
continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they
had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of
Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his
troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support
from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses,
Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively
defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio.
With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was
eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there.
Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually
Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to
effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to
relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to
retain.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Osborne, 20th August 1848.
The Queen has received an autograph letter from the
Archduke John (in answer to the private letter she had
written to him through Lord Cowley), which has been cut
open at the Foreign Office. The Queen wishes Lord
Palmerston to take care that this does not happen again. The
opening of official letters even, addressed to the Queen,
which she has of late observed, is really not becoming, and
ought to be discontinued, as it used never to be the case
formerly.
Page 287
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 21st August 1848.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday, but cannot say that she has been satisfied by the
reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union of Lombardy
and Piedmont cannot be considered as a concession to
France for the maintenance of peace, because we know that
it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite
agrees that the principal consideration always to be kept in
sight is the preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is
precisely on that account that she regrets that the terms
proposed by Lord Palmerston (whilst they are not in
accordance with the views of France) are almost the only
ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord
Palmerston will have his kingdom of Upper Italy under
Charles Albert, to which every other consideration is to be
sacrificed, and Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms
certainly serve that purpose well; but it is quite independent
of the question of mediation, and the only thing in the whole
proceeding which is indefensible in principle.
It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to
become part of the international law, viz. "that a people can
at any time transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of
one State to that of another by universal suffrage (under
momentary excitement)," and this is what Lord Normanby—
no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's wishes—has taken
as the basis of the mediation. For even the faits accomplis,
which are a convenient basis to justify any act of injustice,
are here against Charles Albert.
Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,38 which
the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the
Treaty of 1720.
Osborne, 21st August 1848.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday, but cannot say that she has been satisfied by the
reasons given by Lord Palmerston. The union of Lombardy
and Piedmont cannot be considered as a concession to
France for the maintenance of peace, because we know that
it is the very thing the French object to. The Queen quite
agrees that the principal consideration always to be kept in
sight is the preservation of the peace of Europe; but it is
precisely on that account that she regrets that the terms
proposed by Lord Palmerston (whilst they are not in
accordance with the views of France) are almost the only
ones which must be most offensive to Austria. Lord
Palmerston will have his kingdom of Upper Italy under
Charles Albert, to which every other consideration is to be
sacrificed, and Lord Normanby's alteration of the terms
certainly serve that purpose well; but it is quite independent
of the question of mediation, and the only thing in the whole
proceeding which is indefensible in principle.
It will be a calamity for ages to come if this principle is to
become part of the international law, viz. "that a people can
at any time transfer their allegiance from the Sovereign of
one State to that of another by universal suffrage (under
momentary excitement)," and this is what Lord Normanby—
no doubt according to Lord Palmerston's wishes—has taken
as the basis of the mediation. For even the faits accomplis,
which are a convenient basis to justify any act of injustice,
are here against Charles Albert.
Lord Palmerston's argument respecting Schleswig,38 which
the Queen quoted in her last letter, had no reference to the
Treaty of 1720.
Page 288
Footnote 38: The first act of the Vor-Parlament, a body which had
existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for the National
Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been to treat Schleswig,
theretofore part of the Danish dominions, as absorbed in the German
Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's objections to this proceeding
had been treated by the Queen in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent
with his attitude towards Austria.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PRUSSIA AND GERMANY
Osborne, 29th August 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Most warmly do I thank you for your
very kind and dear letter of the 26th, with so many good
wishes for that dearest of days. It is indeed to me one of
eternal thankfulness, for a purer, more perfect being than my
beloved Albert the Creator could not have sent into this
troubled world. I feel that I could not exist without him, and
that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and
dégoûts of my very difficult position, were it not for his
assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I
thank you for your great share in bringing about our
marriage.
Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that
he really wishes to ruin all the smaller States, though his
principal object is that unity which I fear he will not obtain.
I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should
take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible,
for it is the country of all others which the rest of Germany
dislikes. Stockmar cannot be my good old friend if he has
such notions of injustice as I hear attributed to him. But
whatever they may be, I do not believe the Ausführung to be
possible.
existed temporarily at Frankfort, to pave the way for the National
Assembly of a Consolidated Germany, had been to treat Schleswig,
theretofore part of the Danish dominions, as absorbed in the German
Confederation, and Lord Palmerston's objections to this proceeding
had been treated by the Queen in a letter of 19th August as inconsistent
with his attitude towards Austria.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PRUSSIA AND GERMANY
Osborne, 29th August 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Most warmly do I thank you for your
very kind and dear letter of the 26th, with so many good
wishes for that dearest of days. It is indeed to me one of
eternal thankfulness, for a purer, more perfect being than my
beloved Albert the Creator could not have sent into this
troubled world. I feel that I could not exist without him, and
that I should sink under the troubles and annoyances and
dégoûts of my very difficult position, were it not for his
assistance, protection, guidance, and comfort. Truly do I
thank you for your great share in bringing about our
marriage.
Stockmar I do not quite understand, and I cannot believe that
he really wishes to ruin all the smaller States, though his
principal object is that unity which I fear he will not obtain.
I do not either at all agree in his wish that Prussia should
take the lead; his love for Prussia is to me incomprehensible,
for it is the country of all others which the rest of Germany
dislikes. Stockmar cannot be my good old friend if he has
such notions of injustice as I hear attributed to him. But
whatever they may be, I do not believe the Ausführung to be
possible.
Page 289
I have great hopes of soon hearing of something decided
about the fortunes of the poor French family. You will have
seen how nobly and courageously good Joinville and
Aumale behaved on the occasion of the burning of that
emigrant ship off Liverpool.39 It will do them great good. I
must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the
burning of the Ocean Monarch; the French Princes were on board a
Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION
Osborne, 2nd September 1848.
The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and
Sardinia have nearly settled their differences, and also "that
it was confidently stated that a French and British squadron,
with troops on board, are to make a demonstration in the
Adriatic."
Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to
inform Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a
thing be thought of, it is a step which the Queen could not
give her consent to.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 4th September 1848.
about the fortunes of the poor French family. You will have
seen how nobly and courageously good Joinville and
Aumale behaved on the occasion of the burning of that
emigrant ship off Liverpool.39 It will do them great good. I
must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 39: One hundred and seventy-eight persons perished in the
burning of the Ocean Monarch; the French Princes were on board a
Brazilian steam frigate, which saved one hundred and fifty-six lives.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
AUSTRIA DECLINES MEDIATION
Osborne, 2nd September 1848.
The Queen has read in the papers the news that Austria and
Sardinia have nearly settled their differences, and also "that
it was confidently stated that a French and British squadron,
with troops on board, are to make a demonstration in the
Adriatic."
Though the Queen cannot believe this, she thinks it right to
inform Lord Palmerston without delay that, should such a
thing be thought of, it is a step which the Queen could not
give her consent to.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 4th September 1848.
Page 290
The Queen since her arrival in Town has heard that the
answer from Austria declining our mediation has some days
ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is
surprised that Lord Palmerston should have left her
uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has
received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to
mediate on the part of the central power of Germany,40 and
does not see why that power, which has a responsible
Government, is to be precluded from taking part in a
negotiation because the Archduke John might be friendly
towards Austria—whereas the French republic, which had in
public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party
to it.
Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly
interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.41
Footnote 40: See ante, p. 188, note 35.
Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately
succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's co-operation in
mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive
party in France from maturing any designs on Italy.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
AUSTRIA AND ITALY
On board the Victoria and Albert,
Aberdeen, 7th September 1848.
The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John
Russell, with a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it.
Lord Palmerston has as usual pretended not to have had time
to submit the draft to the Queen before he had sent it off.
What the Queen has long suspected and often warned
answer from Austria declining our mediation has some days
ago been communicated to Lord Palmerston. The Queen is
surprised that Lord Palmerston should have left her
uninformed of so important an event. The Queen has
received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting the proposal to
mediate on the part of the central power of Germany,40 and
does not see why that power, which has a responsible
Government, is to be precluded from taking part in a
negotiation because the Archduke John might be friendly
towards Austria—whereas the French republic, which had in
public documents espoused the Italian Cause, is to be a party
to it.
Neither France nor England are neighbours to or directly
interested in Lombardy, whereas Germany is both.41
Footnote 40: See ante, p. 188, note 35.
Footnote 41: Lord Palmerston's object, in which he ultimately
succeeded, was, by obtaining the French Government's co-operation in
mediating between Austria and Piedmont, to prevent the aggressive
party in France from maturing any designs on Italy.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
AUSTRIA AND ITALY
On board the Victoria and Albert,
Aberdeen, 7th September 1848.
The Queen must send the enclosed draft to Lord John
Russell, with a copy of her letter to Lord Palmerston upon it.
Lord Palmerston has as usual pretended not to have had time
to submit the draft to the Queen before he had sent it off.
What the Queen has long suspected and often warned
Page 291
against is on the point of happening, viz. Lord Palmerston's
using the new entente cordiale for the purpose of wresting
from Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This
would be a most iniquitous proceeding. It is another
question whether it is good policy for Austria to try to retain
Lombardy, but that is for her and not for us to decide. Many
people might think that we would be happier without Ireland
or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very
intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language
is.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Balmoral Castle, 13th September 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I yesterday received your dear and
kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in London only the
day before), which is very quick, and I thank you much for
it. The Schleswig affair at Frankfort is very unfortunate, and
there seems a lamentable want of all practical sense,
foresight, or even common prudence.42
The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me very
doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's
skin. Nous verrons, how matters will be arranged....
My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage
and our arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and
though the hills seen from the windows are not so fine, the
scenery all around is the finest almost I have seen anywhere.
It is very wild and solitary, and yet cheerful and beautifully
wooded, with the river Dee running between the two sides of
the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate
vicinity, and belongs to us.
Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere,
and all the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The
using the new entente cordiale for the purpose of wresting
from Austria her Italian provinces by French arms. This
would be a most iniquitous proceeding. It is another
question whether it is good policy for Austria to try to retain
Lombardy, but that is for her and not for us to decide. Many
people might think that we would be happier without Ireland
or Canada. Lord John will not fail to observe how very
intemperate the whole tone of Lord Palmerston's language
is.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Balmoral Castle, 13th September 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I yesterday received your dear and
kind letter of the 9th (it having arrived in London only the
day before), which is very quick, and I thank you much for
it. The Schleswig affair at Frankfort is very unfortunate, and
there seems a lamentable want of all practical sense,
foresight, or even common prudence.42
The poor Austrians seem now to accept the (to me very
doubtful) mediation. It reminds me of the wolf in the lamb's
skin. Nous verrons, how matters will be arranged....
My letter to Louise will have informed you of our voyage
and our arrival here. This house is small but pretty, and
though the hills seen from the windows are not so fine, the
scenery all around is the finest almost I have seen anywhere.
It is very wild and solitary, and yet cheerful and beautifully
wooded, with the river Dee running between the two sides of
the hills. Loch Nagar is the highest hill in the immediate
vicinity, and belongs to us.
Then the soil is the driest and best known almost anywhere,
and all the hills are as sound and hard as the road. The
Page 292
climate is also dry, and in general not very cold, though we
had one or two very cold days. There is a deer forest—many
roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which does not belong to
us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert
has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after
the deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite
close by the house. The children are very well, and enjoying
themselves much. The boys always wear their Highland
dress.
I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much
delighted we are that everything goes on so well in Belgium.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly
resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a
temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National
Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was
written it was ratified.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Balmoral, 19th September 1848.
I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a
subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed
mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak
quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord
Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him,
that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me
seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country
and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very
uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen.
Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had
had one or two very cold days. There is a deer forest—many
roe deer, and on the opposite hill (which does not belong to
us) grouse. There is also black cock and ptarmigan. Albert
has, however, no luck this year, and has in vain been after
the deer, though they are continually seen, and often quite
close by the house. The children are very well, and enjoying
themselves much. The boys always wear their Highland
dress.
I must now wish you good-bye, and repeat how much
delighted we are that everything goes on so well in Belgium.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly
resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a
temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National
Assembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was
written it was ratified.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Balmoral, 19th September 1848.
I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a
subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed
mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak
quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord
Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him,
that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me
seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country
and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very
uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen.
Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had
Page 293
considered the matter already, having heard from his brother
(the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he
felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand,
Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his
office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making
any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly
unreasonably) complaining of other people mixing with and
interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully
believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had
been the original cause of so many present misfortunes,
would never have become so embrouillé had it not been for
Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he
disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's
correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise
than object to the marriage. This is true enough. I repeated
that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done
harm, as it was done by Lord Palmerston, who was
distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I
said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of
England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a
question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and
did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented to, and
that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord
Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could
come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and
Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord
John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that
Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant,
but that another thing to be considered was the danger of
making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that
Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of
Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to
him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another
office, that he (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn
against the Government if displaced. I said that might be,
but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which
exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was
(the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he
felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand,
Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his
office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making
any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly
unreasonably) complaining of other people mixing with and
interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully
believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had
been the original cause of so many present misfortunes,
would never have become so embrouillé had it not been for
Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he
disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's
correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise
than object to the marriage. This is true enough. I repeated
that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done
harm, as it was done by Lord Palmerston, who was
distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I
said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of
England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a
question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and
did great harm, which Lord John entirely assented to, and
that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord
Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could
come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and
Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord
John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that
Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant,
but that another thing to be considered was the danger of
making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that
Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of
Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to
him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another
office, that he (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn
against the Government if displaced. I said that might be,
but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which
exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was
Page 294
here the case; Lord John said it was very true, but that at
moments like these one of course was anxious not to do
anything which could cause internal trouble. I admitted this,
but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood,
though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid
that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not
put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be
very disagreeable and awkward.
It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in
mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish.
Victoria R.
Minute by the Governor-General of India.
AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB
30th September 1848.
... The course of events, as they have developed
themselves,HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS and long and anxious
considerations of this important subject, have finally and
immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the
earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had
founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any
stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from
anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier,
unless the British Government, justly indignant at the
unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again
committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually
provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the
Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British
province, and by adopting the only measure which will
secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely,
depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I
moments like these one of course was anxious not to do
anything which could cause internal trouble. I admitted this,
but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood,
though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid
that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not
put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be
very disagreeable and awkward.
It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in
mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish.
Victoria R.
Minute by the Governor-General of India.
AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB
30th September 1848.
... The course of events, as they have developed
themselves,HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS and long and anxious
considerations of this important subject, have finally and
immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the
earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had
founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any
stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from
anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier,
unless the British Government, justly indignant at the
unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again
committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually
provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the
Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British
province, and by adopting the only measure which will
secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely,
depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I
Page 295
continue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment of
a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would
be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of
British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that
such a Government cannot be formed.43
The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and
worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all
control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of
those who are professedly their rulers.
Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do,
that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to
the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to
us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable
to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That
which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed
neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a
permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to
disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we
seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed
fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers'
turbulence, or command their obedience?
I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the
Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us....
To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council
have yielded their ready assent.
I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if
it could prudently or fitly be avoided.
The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having
resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with
all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every
exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into
effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of
India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe,
are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to
a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would
be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of
British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that
such a Government cannot be formed.43
The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and
worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all
control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of
those who are professedly their rulers.
Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do,
that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to
the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to
us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable
to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That
which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed
neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a
permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to
disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we
seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the assumed
fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers'
turbulence, or command their obedience?
I discredit altogether the assurances of the fidelity of the
Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us....
To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council
have yielded their ready assent.
I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if
it could prudently or fitly be avoided.
The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having
resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with
all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every
exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into
effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of
India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe,
are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to
Page 296
the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the
people over whom we rule.
Dalhousie.
Footnote 43: See Introductory Note for 1849, post, p. 208.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY
Osborne, 7th October 1848.
The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter,
of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell,
and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The
partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really
surpasses all conception, and makes the Queen very uneasy
on account of the character and honour of England, and on
account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be
exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that
upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia,
negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered
into, had our mediation not been offered to the King, to
whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept,
and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made
good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the
principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is Italian
Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and
Tyranny. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to
Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy
be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such
important matters without principle and by personal passion
alone. When the French Government say they cannot control
public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable
fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up
people over whom we rule.
Dalhousie.
Footnote 43: See Introductory Note for 1849, post, p. 208.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY
Osborne, 7th October 1848.
The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter,
of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell,
and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The
partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really
surpasses all conception, and makes the Queen very uneasy
on account of the character and honour of England, and on
account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be
exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that
upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia,
negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered
into, had our mediation not been offered to the King, to
whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept,
and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made
good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the
principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is Italian
Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and
Tyranny. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to
Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy
be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such
important matters without principle and by personal passion
alone. When the French Government say they cannot control
public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable
fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up
Page 297
Lombardy; when, however, the Austrian Government say
they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of
the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and
under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston
flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so,
the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky
Emperor." When Charles Albert burned the whole of the
suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to
defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now
that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary
placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which
arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons
concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to
Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more
of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the
spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof
of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired,"
etc., etc., etc.
Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the
Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is
not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to
keep something in hand against which Austria is to make
further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from
the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are
actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town,
and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord
Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a
line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even
to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to
be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston
alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has
pledged himself over and over again for Italian
independence (so called). If Austria makes peace with
Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National
Institutions with a liberal constitutional Government, who
can force upon her another arrangement?
they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of
the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and
under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston
flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so,
the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky
Emperor." When Charles Albert burned the whole of the
suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to
defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now
that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary
placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which
arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons
concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to
Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more
of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the
spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof
of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired,"
etc., etc., etc.
Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the
Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is
not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to
keep something in hand against which Austria is to make
further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from
the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are
actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town,
and have asked him to assist, which he refused. Lord
Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a
line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even
to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to
be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston
alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has
pledged himself over and over again for Italian
independence (so called). If Austria makes peace with
Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National
Institutions with a liberal constitutional Government, who
can force upon her another arrangement?
Page 298
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
GREECE
Osborne, 8th October 1848.
The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what
a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord
Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon
her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which
she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British
Government; she was particularly struck by the language in
which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign
with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity
against the Government of the King of the French, who is
really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he
may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be
placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French
Republic, the Queen can only see with much regret.44
Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two
Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to
conciliate the present Government of France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 10th October 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Our voyage yesterday was much
saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed
us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea
was running very high, and we were just outside what is
called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on
the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment
Albert discerned many heads above the sea, including a poor
GREECE
Osborne, 8th October 1848.
The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what
a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord
Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon
her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which
she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British
Government; she was particularly struck by the language in
which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign
with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity
against the Government of the King of the French, who is
really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he
may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be
placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French
Republic, the Queen can only see with much regret.44
Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two
Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to
conciliate the present Government of France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 10th October 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Our voyage yesterday was much
saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed
us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea
was running very high, and we were just outside what is
called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on
the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment
Albert discerned many heads above the sea, including a poor
Page 299
woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only
stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our
horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been
saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our
Fairy's boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid
indeed.
The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite
ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy
people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but
they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and
shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. What a
very bad figure we cut in this mediation! Really it is quite
immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to
throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force
Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say
if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me
terribly. This ought to be the principle in all actions, private
as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht,
das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ...
I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Earl Grey to Queen Victoria.
THE BOERS
Colonial Office, 25th October 1848.
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
begs to inform your Majesty that no official accounts have
been received of the engagement on the Cape Frontier
between your Majesty's forces under Sir H. Smith and the
insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account is published in
the newspapers.45 Lord Grey has, however, seen a private
stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our
horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been
saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our
Fairy's boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid
indeed.
The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite
ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy
people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but
they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and
shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. What a
very bad figure we cut in this mediation! Really it is quite
immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to
throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force
Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say
if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me
terribly. This ought to be the principle in all actions, private
as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, dass dir geschieht,
das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ...
I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Earl Grey to Queen Victoria.
THE BOERS
Colonial Office, 25th October 1848.
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
begs to inform your Majesty that no official accounts have
been received of the engagement on the Cape Frontier
between your Majesty's forces under Sir H. Smith and the
insurgent Dutch farmers, of which an account is published in
the newspapers.45 Lord Grey has, however, seen a private
Page 300
letter, which mentions, in addition to what is stated in the
Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry
Smith exposed himself very much, and was slightly
wounded; most fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg;
his horse was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large
proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the rebels
were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed
at.
Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in consequence of
the British annexation of territory, expelled the British Resident from
Bloemfontein. See Introductory Note, ante, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith
decisively defeated the Boers on the 29th of August.
Queen Victoria to Earl Grey.
Windsor Castle, 26th October 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to
hear that Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature.
The loss of so many officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds
from their wearing a blue coat whilst the men are in scarlet;
the Austrians lost a great proportion of officers in Italy from
a similar difference of dress.
As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not
approve but disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be
given instead, which has been done. The medals for troops
in general (given by the East India Company) are a new and
doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to reward even a
special case of personal distinction by the Company's
conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the
Queen that it will be better not to establish two fountains of
honour in the Realm. If the East India Company wish to
mark their approbation, perhaps they might send Major
Edwardes a fine sword or something of that kind.
Government notice in the Cape newspapers, that Sir Harry
Smith exposed himself very much, and was slightly
wounded; most fortunately, he was merely grazed in the leg;
his horse was also struck by a bullet in the nose. A very large
proportion of those who were hit by the fire of the rebels
were officers, who appear to have been particularly aimed
at.
Footnote 45: In July, Pretorius, the Boer leader, had in consequence of
the British annexation of territory, expelled the British Resident from
Bloemfontein. See Introductory Note, ante, p. 142. Sir Harry Smith
decisively defeated the Boers on the 29th of August.
Queen Victoria to Earl Grey.
Windsor Castle, 26th October 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Grey's letter, and is glad to
hear that Sir H. Smith's wound was not of a serious nature.
The loss of so many officers, the Queen is certain, proceeds
from their wearing a blue coat whilst the men are in scarlet;
the Austrians lost a great proportion of officers in Italy from
a similar difference of dress.
As to the Medal for Major Edwardes, the Queen did not
approve but disapprove the step, and wished the Bath to be
given instead, which has been done. The medals for troops
in general (given by the East India Company) are a new and
doubtful thing, and now it is proposed to reward even a
special case of personal distinction by the Company's
conferring a mark of honour. Lord Grey will agree with the
Queen that it will be better not to establish two fountains of
honour in the Realm. If the East India Company wish to
mark their approbation, perhaps they might send Major
Edwardes a fine sword or something of that kind.
Page 301
Earl Grey to Queen Victoria.
GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR
Colonial Office, 26th October 1848.
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
just had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord
Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here when it arrived, and
Lord Grey read to him that part of it which relates to the
danger occasioned to officers in action from wearing a dress
of a different colour from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy
observed that although there can be no doubt of the
objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance
their having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that
cause, as it appears that all the officers who were wounded
but one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the
Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed in
the same colour as the men....
Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual
time for relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now
come, and that he thinks it very desirable to appoint a
successor to Sir Robert Wilson, who now fills that situation.
It appears to Lord Grey that, considering the nature of the
appointment and also the great advantage which would
result from affording greater encouragement to the officers
serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to
confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to
the Royal Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in
making a selection from the officers of these Corps, because,
from their retiring only by seniority, they seldom attain the
rank of General Officer while they are still in possession of
sufficient strength and activity for employment. Lord Grey,
however, believes from the information he has been able to
obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be
appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to
recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey
GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR
Colonial Office, 26th October 1848.
Earl Grey presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
just had the honour of receiving your Majesty's letter. Lord
Fitzroy Somerset happened to be here when it arrived, and
Lord Grey read to him that part of it which relates to the
danger occasioned to officers in action from wearing a dress
of a different colour from that of the men. Lord Fitzroy
observed that although there can be no doubt of the
objection to the blue coats worn by officers, in this instance
their having suffered so much cannot be attributed to that
cause, as it appears that all the officers who were wounded
but one, belonged to regiments (the Rifle Battalion or the
Cape Mounted Rifles) in which the officers are dressed in
the same colour as the men....
Lord Grey begs to submit to your Majesty that the usual
time for relieving the present Governor of Gibraltar is now
come, and that he thinks it very desirable to appoint a
successor to Sir Robert Wilson, who now fills that situation.
It appears to Lord Grey that, considering the nature of the
appointment and also the great advantage which would
result from affording greater encouragement to the officers
serving under the Ordnance, it would be very proper to
confer this government upon a General Officer belonging to
the Royal Artillery or Engineers. There is some difficulty in
making a selection from the officers of these Corps, because,
from their retiring only by seniority, they seldom attain the
rank of General Officer while they are still in possession of
sufficient strength and activity for employment. Lord Grey,
however, believes from the information he has been able to
obtain, that Sir Robert Gardiner might, with advantage, be
appointed to this command, which he therefore begs leave to
recommend to your Majesty to confer upon him. Lord Grey
Page 302
has had no communication with Sir R. Gardiner, and is
entirely ignorant whether he would accept this
employment.46
Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of November, and
held that post till 1855.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ITALY AND AUSTRIA
Windsor Castle, 27th October 1848.
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord
John Russell's communication of the views of the Cabinet on
the Italian affairs.47 She is very glad that the Cabinet should
have considered this important question, and that she should
have received an assurance "that she will not be advised to
have recourse to forcible intervention." The Queen
understands this principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to
Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible intervention" will not
only be avoided as to British means, but likewise as to
French means, with British consent and concurrence.
Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into
particulars with regard to the opinions of the Members of the
Cabinet as the Queen might have wished, she infers from the
proposition that Lombardy should be constituted separately
under an Archduke, that the idea of making it over to the
King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.
Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while no definite
decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy, it was thought by the
Cabinet that every means should be used to induce Austria to give up
Lombardy to an Austrian Prince, as most conformable to the interests
of Austria herself. The question of Sicily (he added) was more
entirely ignorant whether he would accept this
employment.46
Footnote 46: Sir Robert Gardiner, K.C.B.. was appointed Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of Gibraltar on the 21st of November, and
held that post till 1855.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ITALY AND AUSTRIA
Windsor Castle, 27th October 1848.
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the receipt of Lord
John Russell's communication of the views of the Cabinet on
the Italian affairs.47 She is very glad that the Cabinet should
have considered this important question, and that she should
have received an assurance "that she will not be advised to
have recourse to forcible intervention." The Queen
understands this principle to apply to Lombardy as well as to
Sicily, and that, of course, "forcible intervention" will not
only be avoided as to British means, but likewise as to
French means, with British consent and concurrence.
Though Lord John Russell does not enter so much into
particulars with regard to the opinions of the Members of the
Cabinet as the Queen might have wished, she infers from the
proposition that Lombardy should be constituted separately
under an Archduke, that the idea of making it over to the
King of Sardinia is finally abandoned.
Footnote 47: Lord John had written to the effect that, while no definite
decision had been arrived at with regard to Italy, it was thought by the
Cabinet that every means should be used to induce Austria to give up
Lombardy to an Austrian Prince, as most conformable to the interests
of Austria herself. The question of Sicily (he added) was more
Page 303
difficult, but if no agreement could be arrived at by amicable
negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to
have recourse to forcible intervention.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 19th November 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who
will then be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord
John Russell thinks it his duty to state that however
unwilling he may be to diminish the Military and Naval
force, it is still more essential to keep our income within our
expenditure.
The whole matter will be under the consideration of the
Cabinet next week.
The approaching election of a President in France must
decide the question of the future Government of France.
Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part of Richard
Cromwell.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to thank you for your kind
letter of the 18th on your god-daughter's eighth birthday! It
does seem like an incredible dream that Vicky should
already be so old! She is very happy with all her gifts.
In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election
seems certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to
something else.
negotiation, the Cabinet would not be disposed to advise the Queen to
have recourse to forcible intervention.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 19th November 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
It will probably be necessary to send troops to India, who
will then be no longer chargeable to this country. But Lord
John Russell thinks it his duty to state that however
unwilling he may be to diminish the Military and Naval
force, it is still more essential to keep our income within our
expenditure.
The whole matter will be under the consideration of the
Cabinet next week.
The approaching election of a President in France must
decide the question of the future Government of France.
Louis Bonaparte may probably play the part of Richard
Cromwell.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to thank you for your kind
letter of the 18th on your god-daughter's eighth birthday! It
does seem like an incredible dream that Vicky should
already be so old! She is very happy with all her gifts.
In Vienna things are much better. Louis Napoleon's election
seems certain, and I own I wish for it as I think it will lead to
something else.
Page 304
You will grieve to hear that our good, dear, old friend
Melbourne is dying; there is no hope, and I enclose a pretty
letter of Lady Beauvale's,48 which I think will interest you,
and which I beg you to return. One cannot forget how good
and kind and amiable he was, and it brings back so many
recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I never wish
that time back again.
We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful
Osborne.
I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady Beauvale
in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 23rd November 1848.
Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy
occupation of watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of
life of one who was not more distinguished by his brilliant
talents, his warm affections, and his first-rate understanding,
than by those sentiments of attachment to your Majesty
which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever had
the honour to serve a Sovereign.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE
Melbourne is dying; there is no hope, and I enclose a pretty
letter of Lady Beauvale's,48 which I think will interest you,
and which I beg you to return. One cannot forget how good
and kind and amiable he was, and it brings back so many
recollections to my mind, though, God knows! I never wish
that time back again.
We go to-morrow for four weeks to our dear, peaceful
Osborne.
I will now take my leave. Begging you to believe me ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 48: See Greville's appreciative description of Lady Beauvale
in his Journal for the 30th of January 1853.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Brocket Hall, 23rd November 1848.
Viscount Palmerston is here engaged in the melancholy
occupation of watching the gradual extinction of the lamp of
life of one who was not more distinguished by his brilliant
talents, his warm affections, and his first-rate understanding,
than by those sentiments of attachment to your Majesty
which rendered him the most devoted subject who ever had
the honour to serve a Sovereign.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LORD MELBOURNE
Page 305
Brocket Hall, 25th November 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne was
released from further suffering at about six o'clock yesterday
afternoon. His bodily strength had been rapidly declining
during the last few days, and it was only at intervals that he
retained any degree of apparent consciousness. The last
transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible
gradation.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 26th November 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty:
he sees no political objection to a visit to Osborne on the
part of the Duke and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a
President in France is so completely absorbing attention that
any mark of regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass
unnoticed.
Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe
in this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing
to the convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a
very serious one.
Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property
belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that
Louis Philippe would ultimately be possessed of more than a
million sterling.
Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis
Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. He feels
confident that France cannot go to war on account of the
state of her finances.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has to state that Viscount Melbourne was
released from further suffering at about six o'clock yesterday
afternoon. His bodily strength had been rapidly declining
during the last few days, and it was only at intervals that he
retained any degree of apparent consciousness. The last
transition took place quietly and with almost imperceptible
gradation.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 26th November 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty:
he sees no political objection to a visit to Osborne on the
part of the Duke and Duchess of Nemours. The election of a
President in France is so completely absorbing attention that
any mark of regard to the Duke of Nemours may well pass
unnoticed.
Lord John Russell had the honour of seeing Louis Philippe
in this house on Friday. He was in much better spirits, owing
to the convalescence of the Queen; but the illness has been a
very serious one.
Lord John Russell had understood that the affairs of property
belonging to the Orleans family were arranged, and that
Louis Philippe would ultimately be possessed of more than a
million sterling.
Louis Philippe expressed his opinion in favour of Louis
Bonaparte as a candidate for the Presidency. He feels
confident that France cannot go to war on account of the
state of her finances.
Page 306
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 21th November 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Thank God! that the news from Berlin
are better. It is to be hoped that this may have a good effect
elsewhere.
In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long,
qui que ce soit.
Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely
regret him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a
firm Minister he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being.
Poor Lord Beauvale and Lady Palmerston feel it very much.
I wish it might soften the caro sposo of the latter-named
person.
Victoria R.
Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria.49
LETTER FROM THE POPE
To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the
Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.
Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal
Majesty has already learned what a subversion of public
affairs has taken place at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of
violence was, on the 16th of the late month of November,
offered to us in our very Palace of the Quirinal, in
consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and
most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent
commotions and more serious dangers, as likewise for the
purpose of freely performing the functions of our apostolic
Ministry, we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt
sorrow, have been constrained to depart for a time from our
Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical
Osborne, 21th November 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—Thank God! that the news from Berlin
are better. It is to be hoped that this may have a good effect
elsewhere.
In France there ought really to be a Monarchy before long,
qui que ce soit.
Our poor old friend Melbourne died on the 24th. I sincerely
regret him, for he was truly attached to me, and though not a
firm Minister he was a noble, kind-hearted, generous being.
Poor Lord Beauvale and Lady Palmerston feel it very much.
I wish it might soften the caro sposo of the latter-named
person.
Victoria R.
Pope Pius IX. to Queen Victoria.49
LETTER FROM THE POPE
To the Most Serene and Potent Sovereign Victoria, the
Illustrious Queen of England, Pius Papa Nonus.
Most Serene and Most Potent Queen, Greeting! Your Royal
Majesty has already learned what a subversion of public
affairs has taken place at Rome, and what utterly unheard-of
violence was, on the 16th of the late month of November,
offered to us in our very Palace of the Quirinal, in
consequence of a nefarious conspiracy of abandoned and
most turbulent men. Hence, in order to avoid more violent
commotions and more serious dangers, as likewise for the
purpose of freely performing the functions of our apostolic
Ministry, we, not without the deepest and most heartfelt
sorrow, have been constrained to depart for a time from our
Holy City, and from the whole state of our pontifical
Page 307
dominions; and in the meanwhile we come as far as Gaëta,
where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to
declare to our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will,
by a public edict, a copy of which we transmit to your Royal
Majesty, together with these our letters. Without doubt,
through your own wisdom, you will perfectly understand,
Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst the other
most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be
chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal
rule and the rights and possessions of the Roman Church,
which, moreover, your august Uncle and the other Princes of
Europe protected with so much zeal. But we do not in the
least doubt that, in conformity with your exalted
magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to
maintain order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer
this same to be wanting to us at this most lamentable time.
Trusting indeed in this hope, we do not cease, in the
humility and affliction of our heart, from earnestly
beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may
heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all
true and solid prosperity, and that He may unite you with us
in perfect charity.
Given at Gaëta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third
year of our Pontificate.
Pius PP. IX.50
Footnote 49: Official translation.
Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general terms.
See p. 210.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
where, as soon as we had arrived, our first care was to
declare to our subjects the sentiments of our mind and will,
by a public edict, a copy of which we transmit to your Royal
Majesty, together with these our letters. Without doubt,
through your own wisdom, you will perfectly understand,
Most Serene and Potent Sovereign, that amongst the other
most cruel difficulties by which we are pressed, we must be
chiefly solicitous concerning those subject to our temporal
rule and the rights and possessions of the Roman Church,
which, moreover, your august Uncle and the other Princes of
Europe protected with so much zeal. But we do not in the
least doubt that, in conformity with your exalted
magnanimity, your justice, and your known desire to
maintain order in public affairs, you will by no means suffer
this same to be wanting to us at this most lamentable time.
Trusting indeed in this hope, we do not cease, in the
humility and affliction of our heart, from earnestly
beseeching God, the All Good and All Great, that He may
heap upon your Royal Majesty and your whole House all
true and solid prosperity, and that He may unite you with us
in perfect charity.
Given at Gaëta, the 4th day of December 1848, in the third
year of our Pontificate.
Pius PP. IX.50
Footnote 49: Official translation.
Footnote 50: This letter was suitably acknowledged in general terms.
See p. 210.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Page 308
Osborne, 13th December 1848.
My beloved Uncle,—Pray accept my warmest and best
wishes for many, many happy returns of your birthday—a
day so dear to so many, and which will be hailed with such
joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason to look with
satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful thing to
think how many have been ruined and made miserable since
this day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may
bring many things round again.
The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over
to pay our respects to you on your dear birthday.
The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of
Louis Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a
sign of better times. But that one should have to wish for him
is really wonderful.
Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 19th December 1848.
My dearest, kindest Uncle,—Your dear letter, full of
interesting topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great
pleasure, and I thank you much for it. The success of Louis
Napoleon51 is an extraordinary event, but valuable as a
universal condemnation of the Republic since February.
It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him
again than one at first may imagine. Nemours thinks it better
that none of themselves should be called into action for
some time to come. I fear that he feels now that they ought
to have foreseen the dangers in February, and ought not to
have yielded; when I said to him that the Pope had declared
My beloved Uncle,—Pray accept my warmest and best
wishes for many, many happy returns of your birthday—a
day so dear to so many, and which will be hailed with such
joy in Belgium. You have indeed reason to look with
satisfaction on all around you, though it is a painful thing to
think how many have been ruined and made miserable since
this day twelvemonths. Let us hope that another year may
bring many things round again.
The weather is beautiful, and I wish much we could fly over
to pay our respects to you on your dear birthday.
The papers are just come, and I see there is no doubt of
Louis Napoleon's election, which I am very glad of, as it is a
sign of better times. But that one should have to wish for him
is really wonderful.
Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 19th December 1848.
My dearest, kindest Uncle,—Your dear letter, full of
interesting topics, which I received yesterday, gave me great
pleasure, and I thank you much for it. The success of Louis
Napoleon51 is an extraordinary event, but valuable as a
universal condemnation of the Republic since February.
It will, however, perhaps be more difficult to get rid of him
again than one at first may imagine. Nemours thinks it better
that none of themselves should be called into action for
some time to come. I fear that he feels now that they ought
to have foreseen the dangers in February, and ought not to
have yielded; when I said to him that the Pope had declared
Page 309
that he would never quit Rome, and did so do the very next
day, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse entraîner dans ces
moments." Louise said to me that her Father had so often
declared he would never quit Paris alive, so that when she
heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he
must be dead....
Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of December, by an
immense majority.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1848.
The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord
John Russell upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed
sending the enclosed letter from Lord Palmerston.52 But lest
any further delay might cause future inconvenience, she
sends it now without having received Lord John's answer.
The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord
Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard
for the Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord
Normanby's Despatch shows that the step to be taken with
reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is avowedly for
the purpose of controlling the future action of the Queen's
Government, and to oblige her to keep a permanent
Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is
not very delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a
message, nor in Lord Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de
Beaumont's departure from this country without taking leave
of the Queen was neither very becoming.
The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account,
received two public affronts: the one by her Minister in
day, he said: "Ah! mon Dieu, on se laisse entraîner dans ces
moments." Louise said to me that her Father had so often
declared he would never quit Paris alive, so that when she
heard of his flight she always believed it was untrue and he
must be dead....
Footnote 51: He was elected President on the 10th of December, by an
immense majority.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1848.
The Queen has been waiting to receive an answer from Lord
John Russell upon her last letter, and has therefore delayed
sending the enclosed letter from Lord Palmerston.52 But lest
any further delay might cause future inconvenience, she
sends it now without having received Lord John's answer.
The Queen is sure Lord John will feel that neither Lord
Palmerston nor Lord Normanby have shown a proper regard
for the Queen's wishes and opinion in this matter. Lord
Normanby's Despatch shows that the step to be taken with
reference to an Ambassador to be sent here is avowedly for
the purpose of controlling the future action of the Queen's
Government, and to oblige her to keep a permanent
Ambassador at Paris in the person of Lord Normanby. It is
not very delicate in Lord Normanby to convey such a
message, nor in Lord Palmerston to urge it so eagerly. M. de
Beaumont's departure from this country without taking leave
of the Queen was neither very becoming.
The Queen has already, on Lord Palmerston's account,
received two public affronts: the one by her Minister in
Page 310
Spain having been sent out of that country,53 the other now,
by the new Emperor of Austria not announcing to her by
special mission his accession to the Throne, which he did to
all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark the
indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the
British Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in
the face of such slurs, the dignity of England will be
vindicated by a race between her representative and that of
Spain, who is to present his credentials first to the new
President of the French Republic, which Lord Palmerston
considers of such importance as to render an immediate
decision indispensable.
Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for
Louis Napoleon than has been done in the case of General
Cavaignac, the Queen will not object to renewing Lord
Normanby's credentials as Ambassador-Extraordinary on a
special mission.
Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that Lord Normanby's
credentials were provisional, and regular credentials would become
necessary. The new French Government were sending Ambassadors to
Vienna, Rome, and other capitals, which in return would send
Ambassadors to Paris, so that it would be injurious for this country's
representative to be of inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote
subsequently, "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the
character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present state of
things between the British and Spanish Governments the Spanish
Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part of your Majesty's
Government, be allowed to raise a question about precedence with
your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be very inconvenient if
that question were decided unfavourably to your Majesty's
representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be under
obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour."
Footnote 53: See ante, p. 175.
by the new Emperor of Austria not announcing to her by
special mission his accession to the Throne, which he did to
all other Sovereigns, avowedly, as it appears, to mark the
indignation of Austria at the inimical proceedings of the
British Foreign Secretary. The Queen does not think that, in
the face of such slurs, the dignity of England will be
vindicated by a race between her representative and that of
Spain, who is to present his credentials first to the new
President of the French Republic, which Lord Palmerston
considers of such importance as to render an immediate
decision indispensable.
Should Lord John think that we cannot do less now for
Louis Napoleon than has been done in the case of General
Cavaignac, the Queen will not object to renewing Lord
Normanby's credentials as Ambassador-Extraordinary on a
special mission.
Footnote 52: Lord Palmerston had written to say that Lord Normanby's
credentials were provisional, and regular credentials would become
necessary. The new French Government were sending Ambassadors to
Vienna, Rome, and other capitals, which in return would send
Ambassadors to Paris, so that it would be injurious for this country's
representative to be of inferior diplomatic rank. "It would," he wrote
subsequently, "be derogatory to the dignity of your Majesty, and to the
character of your Majesty's Government if, in the present state of
things between the British and Spanish Governments the Spanish
Ambassador should, by a dilatoriness on the part of your Majesty's
Government, be allowed to raise a question about precedence with
your Majesty's representative at Paris; it would be very inconvenient if
that question were decided unfavourably to your Majesty's
representative, and very undesirable that he should appear to be under
obligation to the French Government for a decision in his favour."
Footnote 53: See ante, p. 175.
Page 311
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XVIII
The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of Mr
Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in place of
Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess; the Peelites,
though influential, were numerically few, and they continued by their
support to maintain the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session
being the Act for the repeal of the Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to
Peel's free trade policy. A Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at
Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received
with great enthusiasm.
Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The Sicilian
revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was re-established in
Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at Novara, and abdicated
in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome
in disguise, in November 1848, and was living at Gaëta, was now under the
protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot occupied the Papal
city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and
Modena to their rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the
acceptance by the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany.
Hungary, in consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese
insurrectionists in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian
co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth
and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian
Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.
The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful
termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior numbers,
had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and virtually
unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out to supersede him.
Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been
besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January. Dalhousie had established
himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were
overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March the Punjab
TO CHAPTER XVIII
The opening of Parliament (1849) was noteworthy for the appearance of Mr
Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, in place of
Lord George Bentinck, who had died suddenly in the recess; the Peelites,
though influential, were numerically few, and they continued by their
support to maintain the Whigs in office, the principal measure of the session
being the Act for the repeal of the Navigation Laws, a natural corollary to
Peel's free trade policy. A Royal visit was paid to Ireland in August, and at
Cork, Waterford, Dublin, and Belfast, the Queen and Prince were received
with great enthusiasm.
Abroad, the cause of United Italy suffered a severe check. The Sicilian
revolt came to an end, and Austrian ascendency was re-established in
Northern Italy. King Charles Albert was defeated at Novara, and abdicated
in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel. The Pope, who had fled from Rome
in disguise, in November 1848, and was living at Gaëta, was now under the
protection of Austria and France, and General Oudinot occupied the Papal
city on his behalf in June. Austrian influence restored Tuscany, Parma, and
Modena to their rulers, and in Central Europe operated to prevent the
acceptance by the King of Prussia of the Imperial Crown of Germany.
Hungary, in consequence of the help rendered to the Viennese
insurrectionists in 1848, was reduced to submission, but only with Russian
co-operation. Heavy retribution was inflicted on the Hungarians; Kossuth
and other revolutionaries fled to Turkey, the Russian and Austrian
Governments unsuccessfully demanding their extradition.
The British operations against the Sikhs were brought to a successful
termination; the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gough, with inferior numbers,
had engaged the enemy at Chillianwalla, with indecisive and virtually
unfavourable results, and Sir Charles Napier was sent out to supersede him.
Mooltan, where the outrage of the previous year had taken place, had been
besieged, and fell on the 22nd of January. Dalhousie had established
himself at Ferozepore. A week or two later the Sikhs and Afghans were
overwhelmingly defeated at Gujerat, and on the 29th of March the Punjab
Page 312
was incorporated in the British Empire; the "Koh-i-noor" was, in token of
submission, presented by the Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie
received a Marquisate, and the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were
voted to all concerned.
submission, presented by the Maharajah to the Queen. Lord Dalhousie
received a Marquisate, and the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were
voted to all concerned.
Page 313
CHAPTER XVIII
1849
Memorandum on Matters connected with the Form of
addressing the Pope in Answer to his Letter to Her Majesty
of 4th December 1848.
Foreign Office, 5th January 1849.
The accompanying draft of answer to the letter which the
Pope addressed to Her Majesty from Gaëta on the 4th of
December is in the same form as letters which were written
to Pope Pius VII. by George the Fourth while Prince Regent,
and after he came to the Throne. They address the Pope as
"Most Eminent Sir," style him "Your Holiness," and finish
with the mere signature after the date of the conclusion of
the letter. Copies of those letters are annexed.
Other forms of writing Royal letters are:—
1st. Commencing "Sir my Brother" (or "Sir my Cousin,"
etc., as the case may be), and ending thus:
"Sir my Brother,
Your Majesty's
Good Sister."
This is the form used between Sovereign and Sovereign.
1849
Memorandum on Matters connected with the Form of
addressing the Pope in Answer to his Letter to Her Majesty
of 4th December 1848.
Foreign Office, 5th January 1849.
The accompanying draft of answer to the letter which the
Pope addressed to Her Majesty from Gaëta on the 4th of
December is in the same form as letters which were written
to Pope Pius VII. by George the Fourth while Prince Regent,
and after he came to the Throne. They address the Pope as
"Most Eminent Sir," style him "Your Holiness," and finish
with the mere signature after the date of the conclusion of
the letter. Copies of those letters are annexed.
Other forms of writing Royal letters are:—
1st. Commencing "Sir my Brother" (or "Sir my Cousin,"
etc., as the case may be), and ending thus:
"Sir my Brother,
Your Majesty's
Good Sister."
This is the form used between Sovereign and Sovereign.
Page 314
2nd. Commencing with the Queen's titles. In these letters the
plural "we" and "our" are employed instead of "I" and "my,"
and the letters terminate thus:—
"Your Good Friend,
. . . ."
This form is now used almost exclusively for Royal letters
to Republics.
In the State Paper Office there is, with only one exception,
no record of any letter from a Sovereign of England to the
Pope from the time of Henry VIII., when the State Paper
Office records commence. The single exception is an
original letter from Queen Mary in 1555 to Pope Paul IV. It
seems that when the time of her expected confinement drew
nigh, she caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth
of a son, and signed them in anticipation of the event. When
no birth took place, the letters were of course not sent off;
but they have been preserved to the present day, and among
them is the letter to the Pope. The accompanying paper
contains a copy of the beginning and conclusion of it.
There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any letter of
credence having been given by James II. to Lord
Castlemaine in 1685. The correspondence of the reign of
James II. is, however, very defective, and much of it must
either have been suppressed or have got into private hands.
Draft] Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX.1
REPLY TO THE POPE
Most Eminent Sir,—I have received the letter which your
Holiness addressed to me from Gaëta on the 4th of
December last, and in which you acquaint me that in
consequence of the violent proceedings of certain of your
subjects, you had felt yourself obliged to depart from Rome,
plural "we" and "our" are employed instead of "I" and "my,"
and the letters terminate thus:—
"Your Good Friend,
. . . ."
This form is now used almost exclusively for Royal letters
to Republics.
In the State Paper Office there is, with only one exception,
no record of any letter from a Sovereign of England to the
Pope from the time of Henry VIII., when the State Paper
Office records commence. The single exception is an
original letter from Queen Mary in 1555 to Pope Paul IV. It
seems that when the time of her expected confinement drew
nigh, she caused letters to be prepared announcing the birth
of a son, and signed them in anticipation of the event. When
no birth took place, the letters were of course not sent off;
but they have been preserved to the present day, and among
them is the letter to the Pope. The accompanying paper
contains a copy of the beginning and conclusion of it.
There is no trace in the State Paper Office of any letter of
credence having been given by James II. to Lord
Castlemaine in 1685. The correspondence of the reign of
James II. is, however, very defective, and much of it must
either have been suppressed or have got into private hands.
Draft] Queen Victoria to Pope Pius IX.1
REPLY TO THE POPE
Most Eminent Sir,—I have received the letter which your
Holiness addressed to me from Gaëta on the 4th of
December last, and in which you acquaint me that in
consequence of the violent proceedings of certain of your
subjects, you had felt yourself obliged to depart from Rome,
Page 315
and for a time to quit your dominions. I assure your Holiness
that I have been deeply pained at the intelligence of the
events to which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest
justice to the motives which induced your Holiness to
withdraw for a time from your capital. Your Holiness has
given so many proofs of being animated by a sincere desire
to improve the condition of the people whom, under Divine
Providence, you have been chosen to govern, and the
clemency of your heart and the rectitude of your intentions
are so well known and so truly appreciated, that I cannot but
hope that the trials which you have experienced in
consequence of popular commotion will speedily come to an
end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good understanding
between your Holiness and the Roman people. I request
your Holiness to believe that it would afford me real
pleasure to be able in any degree to contribute to a result so
much to be desired; and I am happy in having this
opportunity of assuring you of my sincere friendship, and of
the unfeigned respect and esteem which I entertain for your
person and character.
Given at Windsor Castle the [ ] day of January 1849.
Footnote 1: See p. 204.
The President of the French Republic to Queen Victoria.
LETTER FROM PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON
Elysée National, le 22 Janvier 1849.
Très chère et grande Amie,—Une de mes premières
pensées lorsque le vœu de la nation Française m'appela au
pouvoir fut de faire part à votre Majesté de mon avènement
et des sentiments que j'apportais dans ma nouvelle position.
that I have been deeply pained at the intelligence of the
events to which your letter refers, and that I do the fullest
justice to the motives which induced your Holiness to
withdraw for a time from your capital. Your Holiness has
given so many proofs of being animated by a sincere desire
to improve the condition of the people whom, under Divine
Providence, you have been chosen to govern, and the
clemency of your heart and the rectitude of your intentions
are so well known and so truly appreciated, that I cannot but
hope that the trials which you have experienced in
consequence of popular commotion will speedily come to an
end, and will be succeeded by a cordial, good understanding
between your Holiness and the Roman people. I request
your Holiness to believe that it would afford me real
pleasure to be able in any degree to contribute to a result so
much to be desired; and I am happy in having this
opportunity of assuring you of my sincere friendship, and of
the unfeigned respect and esteem which I entertain for your
person and character.
Given at Windsor Castle the [ ] day of January 1849.
Footnote 1: See p. 204.
The President of the French Republic to Queen Victoria.
LETTER FROM PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON
Elysée National, le 22 Janvier 1849.
Très chère et grande Amie,—Une de mes premières
pensées lorsque le vœu de la nation Française m'appela au
pouvoir fut de faire part à votre Majesté de mon avènement
et des sentiments que j'apportais dans ma nouvelle position.
Page 316
Des circonstances particulières ont retardé le départ de
l'ambassadeur qui devait porter ma lettre; mais aujourd'hui
que l'Amiral Cécile se rend à Londres je désire exprimer à
votre Majesté la respectueuse sympathie que j'ai toujours
éprouvée pour sa personne; je désire surtout lui dire combien
je suis reconnaissant de la généreuse hospitalité qu'elle m'a
donnée dans ses états lorsque j'étais fugitif ou proscrit et
combien je serais heureux si ce souvenir pouvait servir à
resserrer les liens qui unissent les gouvernements et les
peuples de nos deux pays.
Je prie votre Majesté de croire à mes sentiments. Votre ami,
Louis Napoléon Bonaparte.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Chesham Place, 22nd January 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and would now wish to consult Lord Lansdowne on the
propriety of offering to Lord Palmerston to exchange the
Foreign Office for the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.2
As Lord John Russell has always approved in the main of
the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, he could only make
this offering in a mode honourable to Lord Palmerston—that
is to say, for instance, by offering him at the same time an
English Earldom, or an English Barony with the Garter. Nor
could he proceed in the matter without Lord Lansdowne's
concurrence.
Footnote 2: Hostilities were in progress between the Sicilian
insurgents and their Sovereign. An agent for the former came to
England to purchase arms, but was informed by the contractor to
whom he applied that the whole of his stock had been pledged to the
l'ambassadeur qui devait porter ma lettre; mais aujourd'hui
que l'Amiral Cécile se rend à Londres je désire exprimer à
votre Majesté la respectueuse sympathie que j'ai toujours
éprouvée pour sa personne; je désire surtout lui dire combien
je suis reconnaissant de la généreuse hospitalité qu'elle m'a
donnée dans ses états lorsque j'étais fugitif ou proscrit et
combien je serais heureux si ce souvenir pouvait servir à
resserrer les liens qui unissent les gouvernements et les
peuples de nos deux pays.
Je prie votre Majesté de croire à mes sentiments. Votre ami,
Louis Napoléon Bonaparte.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Chesham Place, 22nd January 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and would now wish to consult Lord Lansdowne on the
propriety of offering to Lord Palmerston to exchange the
Foreign Office for the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.2
As Lord John Russell has always approved in the main of
the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, he could only make
this offering in a mode honourable to Lord Palmerston—that
is to say, for instance, by offering him at the same time an
English Earldom, or an English Barony with the Garter. Nor
could he proceed in the matter without Lord Lansdowne's
concurrence.
Footnote 2: Hostilities were in progress between the Sicilian
insurgents and their Sovereign. An agent for the former came to
England to purchase arms, but was informed by the contractor to
whom he applied that the whole of his stock had been pledged to the
Page 317
Ordnance Office. Lord Palmerston, without consulting the Cabinet,
allowed this stock to be transferred to the insurgents. The matter
became public property, and the Premier brought it before the Cabinet
on the 23rd of January, when, somewhat unexpectedly, the Foreign
Secretary consented to make an apology to the Neapolitan
Government; so that the crisis terminated for the time.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 22nd January 1849.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter and
enclosures, the contents of which have deeply grieved her, as
the honour of her Government has always been nearest to
her heart. She feels deeply the humiliation to have to make
an apology to the Government of Naples, which stands so
very low in public estimation, and she naturally dreads the
effect this disclosure about the guns will have in the world,
when she considers how many accusations have been
brought against the good faith of this country latterly by
many different Governments. Of course they will all
consider their suspicions and accusations, however absurd
they may have been, as justified and proved.
The Queen supposes that the proposition Lord John makes
to her about moving Lord Palmerston to Ireland is the result
of his conviction that after this disclosure it will be no longer
to the advantage of the public service to leave the direction
of the Foreign Affairs in these critical times in Lord
Palmerston's hands. The Queen will be anxious to see Lord
John upon this subject. All she wishes for is, that matters
may be so managed as to reflect the least possible discredit
upon the Government and Lord Palmerston himself.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
allowed this stock to be transferred to the insurgents. The matter
became public property, and the Premier brought it before the Cabinet
on the 23rd of January, when, somewhat unexpectedly, the Foreign
Secretary consented to make an apology to the Neapolitan
Government; so that the crisis terminated for the time.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 22nd January 1849.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter and
enclosures, the contents of which have deeply grieved her, as
the honour of her Government has always been nearest to
her heart. She feels deeply the humiliation to have to make
an apology to the Government of Naples, which stands so
very low in public estimation, and she naturally dreads the
effect this disclosure about the guns will have in the world,
when she considers how many accusations have been
brought against the good faith of this country latterly by
many different Governments. Of course they will all
consider their suspicions and accusations, however absurd
they may have been, as justified and proved.
The Queen supposes that the proposition Lord John makes
to her about moving Lord Palmerston to Ireland is the result
of his conviction that after this disclosure it will be no longer
to the advantage of the public service to leave the direction
of the Foreign Affairs in these critical times in Lord
Palmerston's hands. The Queen will be anxious to see Lord
John upon this subject. All she wishes for is, that matters
may be so managed as to reflect the least possible discredit
upon the Government and Lord Palmerston himself.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 318
Windsor Castle, 6th February 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—We are well. All went off extremely
well on Thursday, but the Government must expect
difficulties upon their (very doubtful) Foreign Policy. I own
I do not feel reassured about peace. Italy and the Pope, etc.,
are very ticklish subjects.
Everybody says Louis Napoleon has behaved extremely well
in the last crisis—full of courage and energy, and they say
that he is decidedly straightforward, which is not to be
despised. I will not admit that the Gemüthlichkeit ist für
immer begraben in Germany; it will surely return when this
madness is over, but how soon no one can tell. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Dalhousie.
Windsor Castle, 6th February 1849.
The Queen has not yet thanked Lord Dalhousie for his long
and interesting letter which she received in the summer.
Since that period many important events have taken place in
India, and the last news have naturally made the Queen feel
very anxious. She deeply laments the loss of General
Cureton and Colonel Havelock, officers who will not be
easily replaced. The Queen thinks that Lord Dalhousie has
throughout acted most judiciously and has thwarted more
mischief being done. She will abstain from remarking upon
the conduct of the Commander-in-Chief, as she knows that
the Duke of Wellington has written fully to Lord Dalhousie
on this painful subject.3 The Queen concludes with
expressing her hopes that Lord and Lady Dalhousie are in
good health, and with the Prince's kindest remembrances to
Lord Dalhousie.
My dearest Uncle,—We are well. All went off extremely
well on Thursday, but the Government must expect
difficulties upon their (very doubtful) Foreign Policy. I own
I do not feel reassured about peace. Italy and the Pope, etc.,
are very ticklish subjects.
Everybody says Louis Napoleon has behaved extremely well
in the last crisis—full of courage and energy, and they say
that he is decidedly straightforward, which is not to be
despised. I will not admit that the Gemüthlichkeit ist für
immer begraben in Germany; it will surely return when this
madness is over, but how soon no one can tell. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Dalhousie.
Windsor Castle, 6th February 1849.
The Queen has not yet thanked Lord Dalhousie for his long
and interesting letter which she received in the summer.
Since that period many important events have taken place in
India, and the last news have naturally made the Queen feel
very anxious. She deeply laments the loss of General
Cureton and Colonel Havelock, officers who will not be
easily replaced. The Queen thinks that Lord Dalhousie has
throughout acted most judiciously and has thwarted more
mischief being done. She will abstain from remarking upon
the conduct of the Commander-in-Chief, as she knows that
the Duke of Wellington has written fully to Lord Dalhousie
on this painful subject.3 The Queen concludes with
expressing her hopes that Lord and Lady Dalhousie are in
good health, and with the Prince's kindest remembrances to
Lord Dalhousie.
Page 319
Footnote 3: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 208.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
STATE OF EUROPE
Laeken, 10th February 1849.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to offer my most affectionate
thanks for your dear letter of the 6th. The state of the Queen
seems better, though I fear not so solidly as to be beyond
mischief; but the improvement is real, and will act as a
moral support. They have been severely tried, those poor
exiles, and Heaven knows what is still in store for them. I
don't think that in Italy there will be war. The French cannot
think of it for some months, probably not before June or
July, and the Italians cannot make it alone without being
licked; the better informed know that. The Pope ought to be
replaced on his seat for the sake of every one; and his ultra-
Liberal policy entitles him to be supported by all
Governments and by all right-minded people.
Louis Bonaparte has not ill-behaved, it seems; negatively he
might have done much harm. The position continues to be
abominable. There is for every one an absence d'avenir
which ruins everything and everybody—that is the real
difficulty.
Die Gemüthlichkeit in Germany was the consequence of its
political existence these last thousand years; that is now all
going to ruin, and the Gemüthlichkeit will be as little found
again que l'urbanité Française so much talked of formerly
and now unknown.
This part of February puts me always in mind of my dear
little séjour with you in 1841. How far that period is now,
though but eight years from us; the very features of
everything changed, I fear for ever, and not for the better....
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
STATE OF EUROPE
Laeken, 10th February 1849.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to offer my most affectionate
thanks for your dear letter of the 6th. The state of the Queen
seems better, though I fear not so solidly as to be beyond
mischief; but the improvement is real, and will act as a
moral support. They have been severely tried, those poor
exiles, and Heaven knows what is still in store for them. I
don't think that in Italy there will be war. The French cannot
think of it for some months, probably not before June or
July, and the Italians cannot make it alone without being
licked; the better informed know that. The Pope ought to be
replaced on his seat for the sake of every one; and his ultra-
Liberal policy entitles him to be supported by all
Governments and by all right-minded people.
Louis Bonaparte has not ill-behaved, it seems; negatively he
might have done much harm. The position continues to be
abominable. There is for every one an absence d'avenir
which ruins everything and everybody—that is the real
difficulty.
Die Gemüthlichkeit in Germany was the consequence of its
political existence these last thousand years; that is now all
going to ruin, and the Gemüthlichkeit will be as little found
again que l'urbanité Française so much talked of formerly
and now unknown.
This part of February puts me always in mind of my dear
little séjour with you in 1841. How far that period is now,
though but eight years from us; the very features of
everything changed, I fear for ever, and not for the better....
Page 320
Now I must conclude, and remain ever, my dearest Victoria,
your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
LOUIS NAPOLEON.
Buckingham Palace, 19th February 1849.
Admiral Cécile, who dined here for the first time after the
presentation of his credentials as Ambassador from the
French Republic, with whom I spoke for some time after
dinner, said: "Nous en avons fait de tristes expériences en
France," but that he hoped "que les choses s'amélioraient";
that the Government was very firm and decided, and
determined not to allow order to be disturbed; "Paris a
maintenant fait quatre Révolutions que la France a subies;
votre Majesté sait qui a proclamé la République au mois de
Février? Une centaine de coquins! Personne s'en doutait, et
cependant la France s'y est soumise!" That the Government
was however determined, and so were all the Departments,
that this should never happen again; no doubt the danger
from the Socialists was great, all over the world; that that
was the real danger, and that they would readily make
another attempt like the fearful one in June (the result of
which for three days was uncertain), but that they had not
the power; that he was continually impressing upon all his
friends in France the necessity of supporting whatever form
of Government there was whose object was the maintenance
of order, and to unite "contre cet ennemi commun." The
President, he continued, had risen amazingly in the opinion
of every one by his firmness, courage, and determination—
which he had shown in those critical days a fortnight or
three weeks ago—and that in these two months he had
acquired "une grande aptitude pour les affaires; tout le
your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
LOUIS NAPOLEON.
Buckingham Palace, 19th February 1849.
Admiral Cécile, who dined here for the first time after the
presentation of his credentials as Ambassador from the
French Republic, with whom I spoke for some time after
dinner, said: "Nous en avons fait de tristes expériences en
France," but that he hoped "que les choses s'amélioraient";
that the Government was very firm and decided, and
determined not to allow order to be disturbed; "Paris a
maintenant fait quatre Révolutions que la France a subies;
votre Majesté sait qui a proclamé la République au mois de
Février? Une centaine de coquins! Personne s'en doutait, et
cependant la France s'y est soumise!" That the Government
was however determined, and so were all the Departments,
that this should never happen again; no doubt the danger
from the Socialists was great, all over the world; that that
was the real danger, and that they would readily make
another attempt like the fearful one in June (the result of
which for three days was uncertain), but that they had not
the power; that he was continually impressing upon all his
friends in France the necessity of supporting whatever form
of Government there was whose object was the maintenance
of order, and to unite "contre cet ennemi commun." The
President, he continued, had risen amazingly in the opinion
of every one by his firmness, courage, and determination—
which he had shown in those critical days a fortnight or
three weeks ago—and that in these two months he had
acquired "une grande aptitude pour les affaires; tout le
Page 321
monde est étonné, parce que personne ne s'y attendait." He
spoke with great delight of Belgium—and how it had stood
the shock of the events in France—and also of England.
Italy, he considered, was by far the greatest object of danger.
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
GAELIC AND WELSH
Osborne, 3rd March 1849.
The Queen sends Lord Lansdowne the book4 she mentioned
to him. It is an extraordinary production for people of the
working classes, and there are a great many sound and good
observations in it on education; the observations on the
deficiency in the religious instruction and in the preaching
the Queen thinks are particularly true. It likewise shows a
lofty and enlarged view of education which is often
overlooked.
The Queen takes this occasion of repeating her hope that
Gaelic will be taught in future in the Highland schools, as
well as English, as it is really a great mistake that the people
should be constantly talking a language which they often
cannot read and generally not write. Being very partial to her
loyal and good Highlanders, the Queen takes much interest
in what she thinks will tend more than anything to keep up
their simplicity of character, which she considers a great
merit in these days.
The Queen thinks equally that Welsh should be taught in
Wales as well as English.5
Footnote 4: This book was probably Popular Education, as regards
Juvenile Delinquency, by Thos. Bullock, 1849.
spoke with great delight of Belgium—and how it had stood
the shock of the events in France—and also of England.
Italy, he considered, was by far the greatest object of danger.
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
GAELIC AND WELSH
Osborne, 3rd March 1849.
The Queen sends Lord Lansdowne the book4 she mentioned
to him. It is an extraordinary production for people of the
working classes, and there are a great many sound and good
observations in it on education; the observations on the
deficiency in the religious instruction and in the preaching
the Queen thinks are particularly true. It likewise shows a
lofty and enlarged view of education which is often
overlooked.
The Queen takes this occasion of repeating her hope that
Gaelic will be taught in future in the Highland schools, as
well as English, as it is really a great mistake that the people
should be constantly talking a language which they often
cannot read and generally not write. Being very partial to her
loyal and good Highlanders, the Queen takes much interest
in what she thinks will tend more than anything to keep up
their simplicity of character, which she considers a great
merit in these days.
The Queen thinks equally that Welsh should be taught in
Wales as well as English.5
Footnote 4: This book was probably Popular Education, as regards
Juvenile Delinquency, by Thos. Bullock, 1849.
Page 322
Footnote 5: Lord Lansdowne, in his reply, undertook "to combine
instruction in the Gaelic with the English language in the Highland as
well as the Welsh schools, and to have a view to it in the choice of
Inspectors."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 6th March 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter reached me yesterday,
and I thank you warmly for it. I wish you could be here, for I
never remember finer weather than we have had since we
came here; perfect summer, and so sweet, so enjoyable, and
then with all the pleasures and beauties of Spring you have
that beautiful sea—so blue and smooth as it has been these
three days. If we have no mountains to boast of, we have the
sea, which is ever enjoyable. We have camelias which have
stood out two winters covered with red flowers, and scarlet
rhododendrons in brilliant bloom. Does this not sound
tempting? It seems almost wrong to be at home, and Albert
really hardly is.
I wish you joy of your twenty-four foxes. If there was a
black one amongst them I should beg for one, as the skin
you sent me last year was not a black one.
The news from India are very distressing, and make one
very anxious, but Sir Charles Napier is instantly to be sent
out to supersede Lord Gough, and he is so well versed in
Indian tactics that we may look with safety to the future
after his arrival.
The Italian Question remains very complicated, and the
German one a very perplexing, sad one. Prussia must protect
the poor Princes and put herself at the head, else there is no
hope. Austria should behave better, and not oppose the
consolidation of a central Power, else I know not what is to
become of poor Germany.
instruction in the Gaelic with the English language in the Highland as
well as the Welsh schools, and to have a view to it in the choice of
Inspectors."
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 6th March 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter reached me yesterday,
and I thank you warmly for it. I wish you could be here, for I
never remember finer weather than we have had since we
came here; perfect summer, and so sweet, so enjoyable, and
then with all the pleasures and beauties of Spring you have
that beautiful sea—so blue and smooth as it has been these
three days. If we have no mountains to boast of, we have the
sea, which is ever enjoyable. We have camelias which have
stood out two winters covered with red flowers, and scarlet
rhododendrons in brilliant bloom. Does this not sound
tempting? It seems almost wrong to be at home, and Albert
really hardly is.
I wish you joy of your twenty-four foxes. If there was a
black one amongst them I should beg for one, as the skin
you sent me last year was not a black one.
The news from India are very distressing, and make one
very anxious, but Sir Charles Napier is instantly to be sent
out to supersede Lord Gough, and he is so well versed in
Indian tactics that we may look with safety to the future
after his arrival.
The Italian Question remains very complicated, and the
German one a very perplexing, sad one. Prussia must protect
the poor Princes and put herself at the head, else there is no
hope. Austria should behave better, and not oppose the
consolidation of a central Power, else I know not what is to
become of poor Germany.
Page 323
Pray use your influence to prevent more fatal mischief.
Now adieu, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 16th March 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the debate last night was
brought to a close.6
Mr Cobden and Mr Disraeli made very able speeches at the
end of the debate.
The debate has been a remarkable one, and the division
shows tolerably well the strength of parties. The
Protectionists, animated by the cry of agricultural distress,
are disposed to use their power to the utmost. Mr Disraeli
shows himself a much abler and less passionate leader than
Lord George Bentinck.
On the other hand, the friends of Sir Robert Peel and the
party of Mr Cobden unite with the Government in resisting
the Protectionist party. The House of Commons thus gives a
majority, which, though not compact, is decided at once
against the extreme Tory and the extreme Radical party.
With such a House of Commons the great interests of the
Throne and the Constitution are safe. An abrupt dissolution
would put everything to hazard.
Footnote 6: On Mr Disraeli's motion for payment of the half of local
rates by the Treasury, which was defeated by 280 to 189.
The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
Now adieu, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 16th March 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the debate last night was
brought to a close.6
Mr Cobden and Mr Disraeli made very able speeches at the
end of the debate.
The debate has been a remarkable one, and the division
shows tolerably well the strength of parties. The
Protectionists, animated by the cry of agricultural distress,
are disposed to use their power to the utmost. Mr Disraeli
shows himself a much abler and less passionate leader than
Lord George Bentinck.
On the other hand, the friends of Sir Robert Peel and the
party of Mr Cobden unite with the Government in resisting
the Protectionist party. The House of Commons thus gives a
majority, which, though not compact, is decided at once
against the extreme Tory and the extreme Radical party.
With such a House of Commons the great interests of the
Throne and the Constitution are safe. An abrupt dissolution
would put everything to hazard.
Footnote 6: On Mr Disraeli's motion for payment of the half of local
rates by the Treasury, which was defeated by 280 to 189.
The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
Page 324
END OF THE SIKH WAR
Camp, Ferozepore, 24th March 1849.
The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to
your Majesty, and has the honour of acknowledging the
receipt of the letter which your Majesty most graciously
addressed to him on the 5th of February.
He is deeply sensible of your Majesty's goodness, and most
grateful for the expression of approbation which it has
conveyed.
The Governor-General is not without fear that he may have
intruded too often of late upon your Majesty's time. But he is
so satisfied of the extreme pleasure which your Majesty
would experience on learning that the prisoners who were in
the hands of the Sikhs, and especially the ladies and
children, were once again safe in the British camp, that he
would have ventured to convey to your Majesty that
intelligence, even though he had not been able to add to it—
as happily he can—the announcement of the surrender of the
whole Khalsa army, and the end of the war with the Sikhs.
Major-General Gilbert pushed on rapidly in pursuit of the
Sikhs, who were a few marches in front of him, carrying off
our prisoners with them.
At Rawul Pindee, half-way between the Jhelum and Attock,
the Sikh troops, as we have since heard, would go no further.
They received no pay, they were starving, they had been
beaten and were disheartened; and so they surrendered.
All the prisoners were brought safe into our camp. Forty-one
pieces of artillery were given up. Chuttur Singh and Shere
Singh, with all the Sirdars, delivered their swords to General
Gilbert in the presence of his officers; and the remains of the
Sikh army, 16,000 strong, were marched into camp, by 1000
at a time, and laid down their arms as they passed between
the lines of the British troops.
Camp, Ferozepore, 24th March 1849.
The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to
your Majesty, and has the honour of acknowledging the
receipt of the letter which your Majesty most graciously
addressed to him on the 5th of February.
He is deeply sensible of your Majesty's goodness, and most
grateful for the expression of approbation which it has
conveyed.
The Governor-General is not without fear that he may have
intruded too often of late upon your Majesty's time. But he is
so satisfied of the extreme pleasure which your Majesty
would experience on learning that the prisoners who were in
the hands of the Sikhs, and especially the ladies and
children, were once again safe in the British camp, that he
would have ventured to convey to your Majesty that
intelligence, even though he had not been able to add to it—
as happily he can—the announcement of the surrender of the
whole Khalsa army, and the end of the war with the Sikhs.
Major-General Gilbert pushed on rapidly in pursuit of the
Sikhs, who were a few marches in front of him, carrying off
our prisoners with them.
At Rawul Pindee, half-way between the Jhelum and Attock,
the Sikh troops, as we have since heard, would go no further.
They received no pay, they were starving, they had been
beaten and were disheartened; and so they surrendered.
All the prisoners were brought safe into our camp. Forty-one
pieces of artillery were given up. Chuttur Singh and Shere
Singh, with all the Sirdars, delivered their swords to General
Gilbert in the presence of his officers; and the remains of the
Sikh army, 16,000 strong, were marched into camp, by 1000
at a time, and laid down their arms as they passed between
the lines of the British troops.
Page 325
Your Majesty may well imagine the pride with which British
Officers looked on such a scene, and witnessed this absolute
subjection and humiliation of so powerful an enemy.
How deeply the humiliation was felt by the Sikhs
themselves may be judged by the report which the officers
who were present have made, that many of them, and
especially the grim old Khalsas of Runjeet's time, exclaimed
as they threw their arms down upon the heap: "This day
Runjeet Singh has died!"
Upwards of 20,000 stands of arms were taken in the hills.
Vast quantities were gathered after the flight of the Sikhs
from Gujerat. As a further precaution, the Governor-General
has ordered a disarming of the Sikhs throughout the Eastern
Doabs, while they are yet cast down and afraid of
punishment. He trusts that these measures may all tend to
ensure the continuance of peace.
MRS GEORGE LAWRENCE
The Sirdars will arrive at Lahore to-day, where they will
await the determination of their future places of residence.
The officers who were prisoners have also reached Lahore,
together with Mrs George Lawrence and her children.
It is impossible to speak too highly of the admirable spirit
which this lady has displayed during many months of very
arduous trial.
By the kindness of others, the Governor-General has had the
opportunity of seeing constantly the little notes which were
secretly despatched by her from her prison. The gallant heart
she kept up under it all, the cheerful face she put upon it, and
the unrepining patience with which she bore the privations
of captivity and the dangers which it threatened to her
children, her husband, and herself, must command the
highest respect and make one proud of one's countrywomen.
General Gilbert, by the latest intelligence, had seized the fort
of Attock, had crossed the Indus, and was advancing on
Officers looked on such a scene, and witnessed this absolute
subjection and humiliation of so powerful an enemy.
How deeply the humiliation was felt by the Sikhs
themselves may be judged by the report which the officers
who were present have made, that many of them, and
especially the grim old Khalsas of Runjeet's time, exclaimed
as they threw their arms down upon the heap: "This day
Runjeet Singh has died!"
Upwards of 20,000 stands of arms were taken in the hills.
Vast quantities were gathered after the flight of the Sikhs
from Gujerat. As a further precaution, the Governor-General
has ordered a disarming of the Sikhs throughout the Eastern
Doabs, while they are yet cast down and afraid of
punishment. He trusts that these measures may all tend to
ensure the continuance of peace.
MRS GEORGE LAWRENCE
The Sirdars will arrive at Lahore to-day, where they will
await the determination of their future places of residence.
The officers who were prisoners have also reached Lahore,
together with Mrs George Lawrence and her children.
It is impossible to speak too highly of the admirable spirit
which this lady has displayed during many months of very
arduous trial.
By the kindness of others, the Governor-General has had the
opportunity of seeing constantly the little notes which were
secretly despatched by her from her prison. The gallant heart
she kept up under it all, the cheerful face she put upon it, and
the unrepining patience with which she bore the privations
of captivity and the dangers which it threatened to her
children, her husband, and herself, must command the
highest respect and make one proud of one's countrywomen.
General Gilbert, by the latest intelligence, had seized the fort
of Attock, had crossed the Indus, and was advancing on
Page 326
Peshawur, whither the Afghans had retired.
By next mail the Governor-General trusts that he will be
able to announce that every enemy has been swept away by
your Majesty's Armies, and that the Afghans have either
been crushed like the Sikhs or have fled to Cabul again.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most
obedient, most humble and very faithful Subject and
Servant,
Dalhousie.
The King of Sardinia (Victor Emanuel) to Queen Victoria.
THE KING OF SARDINIA
Turin, le 30 Mars 1849.
Ma très chère Sœur,—La participation officielle que je
m'empresse de vous donner de mon avènement au trône
m'offre une occasion que je suis heureux de saisir pour vous
exprimer dans une lettre de ma main les sentiments de ma
vive gratitude pour l'affection dont ma maison a reçu des
preuves marquantes et réitérées de votre part, comme pour le
bienveillant intérêt que votre Gouvernement a témoigné à ce
pays particulièrement dans les graves événements qui ont eu
lieu pendant cette dernière année.
Je vous prie d'être persuadée que rien n'est plus sincère que
la reconnaissance que j'en conserve, et de me laisser nourrir
la confiance que je puis compter sur la continuation de ces
dispositions si aimables.
En vous renouvelant les sentiments d'amitié la plus parfaite,
je suis, votre très cher Frère,
Victor Emanuel.
By next mail the Governor-General trusts that he will be
able to announce that every enemy has been swept away by
your Majesty's Armies, and that the Afghans have either
been crushed like the Sikhs or have fled to Cabul again.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most
obedient, most humble and very faithful Subject and
Servant,
Dalhousie.
The King of Sardinia (Victor Emanuel) to Queen Victoria.
THE KING OF SARDINIA
Turin, le 30 Mars 1849.
Ma très chère Sœur,—La participation officielle que je
m'empresse de vous donner de mon avènement au trône
m'offre une occasion que je suis heureux de saisir pour vous
exprimer dans une lettre de ma main les sentiments de ma
vive gratitude pour l'affection dont ma maison a reçu des
preuves marquantes et réitérées de votre part, comme pour le
bienveillant intérêt que votre Gouvernement a témoigné à ce
pays particulièrement dans les graves événements qui ont eu
lieu pendant cette dernière année.
Je vous prie d'être persuadée que rien n'est plus sincère que
la reconnaissance que j'en conserve, et de me laisser nourrir
la confiance que je puis compter sur la continuation de ces
dispositions si aimables.
En vous renouvelant les sentiments d'amitié la plus parfaite,
je suis, votre très cher Frère,
Victor Emanuel.
Page 327
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 10th April 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—You will, I am sure, share our joy at
Ernest's wonderful success at Eckerforde.7 It is a marvellous
piece of good fortune pour son baptême de feu, but it
alarmed and agitated us all to think that he might have been
wounded, to say the least, for he had his horse killed under
him. At all events, he has done honour to the poor race to
which he belongs, and it makes us both very happy. I think it
will tend decidedly to shorten the war. Poor dear
Alexandrine! in what anxiety she will have been.
The victory of Novara8 seems to have been one of the
hardest fought and most brilliant battles known for years and
years, and old Radetzky says that he must name every
individual if he was to do justice to officers and men. But
the loss was very severe. The regiment of Kinsky lost
twenty-four officers! The Archduke Albert distinguished
himself exceedingly, which is worthy of his noble father. I
could work myself up to a great excitement about these
exploits, for there is nothing I admire more than great
military exploits and daring.
Footnote 7: In this engagement with the Danes, arising out of the
Schleswig-Holstein dispute, Prince Ernest greatly distinguished
himself.
Footnote 8: In which Marshal Radetzky defeated the Piedmontese.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
1st May 1849.
Windsor Castle, 10th April 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—You will, I am sure, share our joy at
Ernest's wonderful success at Eckerforde.7 It is a marvellous
piece of good fortune pour son baptême de feu, but it
alarmed and agitated us all to think that he might have been
wounded, to say the least, for he had his horse killed under
him. At all events, he has done honour to the poor race to
which he belongs, and it makes us both very happy. I think it
will tend decidedly to shorten the war. Poor dear
Alexandrine! in what anxiety she will have been.
The victory of Novara8 seems to have been one of the
hardest fought and most brilliant battles known for years and
years, and old Radetzky says that he must name every
individual if he was to do justice to officers and men. But
the loss was very severe. The regiment of Kinsky lost
twenty-four officers! The Archduke Albert distinguished
himself exceedingly, which is worthy of his noble father. I
could work myself up to a great excitement about these
exploits, for there is nothing I admire more than great
military exploits and daring.
Footnote 7: In this engagement with the Danes, arising out of the
Schleswig-Holstein dispute, Prince Ernest greatly distinguished
himself.
Footnote 8: In which Marshal Radetzky defeated the Piedmontese.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Wellington.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
1st May 1849.
Page 328
The Queen cannot let this day pass without offering to the
Duke of Wellington her warmest and sincerest wishes for
many happy returns of this day. She hopes the Duke will
place the accompanying trifle on his table, and that it will
recall to his mind one who ever reflects with gratitude on the
services he has rendered and always does render to his
Sovereign and his country.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 8th May 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Alas! poor Germany, I am wretched
about her; those news from Dresden are very distressing.9
Really with such an excellent man as the poor King, it is too
wicked to do what they have done. If only some sort of
arrangement could be made; then afterwards there might be
modifications, both in the Constitution, etc., for that
Constitution never will work well.
Our Navigation Laws debate in the House of Lords began
last night, and is to be concluded to-night. There seems to be
almost a certainty that there will be a majority, though a very
small one, and the danger of course exists that any accident
may turn it the other way.
Knowing your esteem for our worthy friend, Sir Robert Peel,
you will, I am sure, be glad to hear that his second son,
Frederick,10 made such a beautiful speech—his maiden
speech—in the House of Commons last night; he was
complimented by every one, and Sir Robert was delighted. I
am so glad for him, and also rejoice to see that there is a
young man who promises to be of use hereafter to his
country.
Albert is again gone to lay a first stone. It is a delight to hear
people speak of the good he does by always saying and
Duke of Wellington her warmest and sincerest wishes for
many happy returns of this day. She hopes the Duke will
place the accompanying trifle on his table, and that it will
recall to his mind one who ever reflects with gratitude on the
services he has rendered and always does render to his
Sovereign and his country.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 8th May 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Alas! poor Germany, I am wretched
about her; those news from Dresden are very distressing.9
Really with such an excellent man as the poor King, it is too
wicked to do what they have done. If only some sort of
arrangement could be made; then afterwards there might be
modifications, both in the Constitution, etc., for that
Constitution never will work well.
Our Navigation Laws debate in the House of Lords began
last night, and is to be concluded to-night. There seems to be
almost a certainty that there will be a majority, though a very
small one, and the danger of course exists that any accident
may turn it the other way.
Knowing your esteem for our worthy friend, Sir Robert Peel,
you will, I am sure, be glad to hear that his second son,
Frederick,10 made such a beautiful speech—his maiden
speech—in the House of Commons last night; he was
complimented by every one, and Sir Robert was delighted. I
am so glad for him, and also rejoice to see that there is a
young man who promises to be of use hereafter to his
country.
Albert is again gone to lay a first stone. It is a delight to hear
people speak of the good he does by always saying and
Page 329
doing the right thing....
Footnote 9: The King of Prussia, finding Saxony, Bavaria,
Würtemberg, and Hanover opposed to the ascendency of Prussia in the
Confederation, declined the Imperial Crown of Germany; fresh
disturbances thereupon ensued, and at Dresden, the King of Saxony
had to take refuge in a fortress.
Footnote 10: Afterwards the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Peel, who died
in 1906.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd May 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—I could not write to you yesterday, my
time having been so entirely taken up by kind visitors, etc.,
and I trust you will forgive these hurried lines written just
before our departure for Osborne.11 I hope that you will not
have been alarmed by the account of the occurrence which
took place on Saturday, and which I can assure you did not
alarm me at all. This time it is quite clear that it was a
wanton and wicked wish merely to frighten, which is very
wrong, and will be tried and punished as a misdemeanour.
The account in the Times is quite correct. The indignation,
loyalty, and affection this act has called forth is very
gratifying and touching.
Alice gives a very good account of it, and Lenchen12 even
says, "Man shot, tried to shoot dear Mamma, must be
punished." They, Affie, and Miss Macdonald were with me.
Albert was riding, and had just returned before me. Augustus
and Clém had left us just two hours before....
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th. What a state
Germany is in!—I mean Baden, but I hope that this violent
crisis may lead to good.
Footnote 9: The King of Prussia, finding Saxony, Bavaria,
Würtemberg, and Hanover opposed to the ascendency of Prussia in the
Confederation, declined the Imperial Crown of Germany; fresh
disturbances thereupon ensued, and at Dresden, the King of Saxony
had to take refuge in a fortress.
Footnote 10: Afterwards the Right Hon. Sir Frederick Peel, who died
in 1906.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd May 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—I could not write to you yesterday, my
time having been so entirely taken up by kind visitors, etc.,
and I trust you will forgive these hurried lines written just
before our departure for Osborne.11 I hope that you will not
have been alarmed by the account of the occurrence which
took place on Saturday, and which I can assure you did not
alarm me at all. This time it is quite clear that it was a
wanton and wicked wish merely to frighten, which is very
wrong, and will be tried and punished as a misdemeanour.
The account in the Times is quite correct. The indignation,
loyalty, and affection this act has called forth is very
gratifying and touching.
Alice gives a very good account of it, and Lenchen12 even
says, "Man shot, tried to shoot dear Mamma, must be
punished." They, Affie, and Miss Macdonald were with me.
Albert was riding, and had just returned before me. Augustus
and Clém had left us just two hours before....
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th. What a state
Germany is in!—I mean Baden, but I hope that this violent
crisis may lead to good.
Page 330
I must conclude. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 11: The Queen, while driving down Constitution Hill, was
fired at by one William Hamilton, the pistol being charged only with
powder. He was tried under the Act of 1842, and sentenced to seven
years' transportation.
Footnote 12: Princess Helena (now Princess Christian), born 25th May
1846.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB
Osborne, 26th May 1849.
The Queen has to say, in answer to Lord John Russell's
communication respecting India, that she quite approves the
annexation of the Punjab, and is pleased to find that the
Government concur in this view. The elevation of Lord
Dalhousie to a Marquisate is well deserved, and almost the
only thing that can be offered him as a reward for his
services; but considering his want of fortune, the Queen
thinks that it should be ascertained in the first instance
whether the increase of rank will be convenient to him. Lord
Gough's elevation to the dignity of Viscount has the Queen's
sanction.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
FOREIGN OFFICE BUSINESS
Chesham Place, 19th June 1849.
Victoria R.
Footnote 11: The Queen, while driving down Constitution Hill, was
fired at by one William Hamilton, the pistol being charged only with
powder. He was tried under the Act of 1842, and sentenced to seven
years' transportation.
Footnote 12: Princess Helena (now Princess Christian), born 25th May
1846.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ANNEXATION OF THE PUNJAB
Osborne, 26th May 1849.
The Queen has to say, in answer to Lord John Russell's
communication respecting India, that she quite approves the
annexation of the Punjab, and is pleased to find that the
Government concur in this view. The elevation of Lord
Dalhousie to a Marquisate is well deserved, and almost the
only thing that can be offered him as a reward for his
services; but considering his want of fortune, the Queen
thinks that it should be ascertained in the first instance
whether the increase of rank will be convenient to him. Lord
Gough's elevation to the dignity of Viscount has the Queen's
sanction.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
FOREIGN OFFICE BUSINESS
Chesham Place, 19th June 1849.
Page 331
Sir,—I have spoken to Lord Palmerston respecting the draft
to Mr Buchanan.13
It appears that he converted it into a private letter, as I
suggested, but he thought fit to place it on record, as it
contained information derived from authentic sources, and
of importance.
It appears the drafts are still sent to the Queen at the same
time as to me, so that my remarks or corrections, or even the
cancelling of a despatch, as not infrequently happens, may
take effect after the Queen's pleasure has been taken.
This appears to me an inconvenient course.
Lord Palmerston alleges that as 28,000 despatches were
received and sent last year, much expedition is required; but
he professes himself ready to send the despatches to me in
the first instance, if the Queen should desire it.
It appears to me that all our despatches ought to be
thoroughly considered, but that Her Majesty should give
every facility to the transaction of business by attending to
the drafts as soon as possible after their arrival.
I would suggest therefore that the drafts should have my
concurrence before they are submitted to the Queen, and in
case of any material change, that I should write to apprise
Her Majesty of my views, and, if necessary, submit my
reasons, I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's
most obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Footnote 13: Mr (afterwards Sir) Andrew Buchanan (1807-1882),
Secretary of Legation at St. Petersburg.
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
to Mr Buchanan.13
It appears that he converted it into a private letter, as I
suggested, but he thought fit to place it on record, as it
contained information derived from authentic sources, and
of importance.
It appears the drafts are still sent to the Queen at the same
time as to me, so that my remarks or corrections, or even the
cancelling of a despatch, as not infrequently happens, may
take effect after the Queen's pleasure has been taken.
This appears to me an inconvenient course.
Lord Palmerston alleges that as 28,000 despatches were
received and sent last year, much expedition is required; but
he professes himself ready to send the despatches to me in
the first instance, if the Queen should desire it.
It appears to me that all our despatches ought to be
thoroughly considered, but that Her Majesty should give
every facility to the transaction of business by attending to
the drafts as soon as possible after their arrival.
I would suggest therefore that the drafts should have my
concurrence before they are submitted to the Queen, and in
case of any material change, that I should write to apprise
Her Majesty of my views, and, if necessary, submit my
reasons, I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's
most obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Footnote 13: Mr (afterwards Sir) Andrew Buchanan (1807-1882),
Secretary of Legation at St. Petersburg.
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
Page 332
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
20th June 1849.
My dear Lord John,—Your proposal with respect to the
mode of taking the Queen's pleasure about the drafts is
perfectly agreeable to the Queen. She would only require
that she would not be pressed for an answer within a few
minutes, as is now done sometimes.
Lord Palmerston could always manage so that there are
twelve or twenty-four hours left for reference to you, and
consideration, and there are few instances in which business
would suffer from so short a delay. As Lord Palmerston
knows when the Mails go, he has only to write in time for
them, and he must recollect that the 28,000 despatches in the
year come to you and to the Queen as well as to himself.
Should the Queen in future have to make any remark, she
will make it to you, if that will suit you. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Viscount Palmerston.
21st June 1849.
My dear Palmerston,—I wrote the substance of what you
wrote to me to the Prince, and proposed that the drafts
should, in the first instance, be sent to me. You will see by
the enclosed letter from the Prince that the Queen approves
of this proposal.
It may somewhat abridge the circuit if, when I have no
remark to make, I forward the drafts with the Foreign Office
direction to the Queen at once.
I cannot pretend to say that I paid the same attention to the
28,000 despatches of 1848 that you are obliged to do. Still I
agree in the Prince's remark that directions to Foreign
Ministers ought to be very maturely weighed, for the Queen
20th June 1849.
My dear Lord John,—Your proposal with respect to the
mode of taking the Queen's pleasure about the drafts is
perfectly agreeable to the Queen. She would only require
that she would not be pressed for an answer within a few
minutes, as is now done sometimes.
Lord Palmerston could always manage so that there are
twelve or twenty-four hours left for reference to you, and
consideration, and there are few instances in which business
would suffer from so short a delay. As Lord Palmerston
knows when the Mails go, he has only to write in time for
them, and he must recollect that the 28,000 despatches in the
year come to you and to the Queen as well as to himself.
Should the Queen in future have to make any remark, she
will make it to you, if that will suit you. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Viscount Palmerston.
21st June 1849.
My dear Palmerston,—I wrote the substance of what you
wrote to me to the Prince, and proposed that the drafts
should, in the first instance, be sent to me. You will see by
the enclosed letter from the Prince that the Queen approves
of this proposal.
It may somewhat abridge the circuit if, when I have no
remark to make, I forward the drafts with the Foreign Office
direction to the Queen at once.
I cannot pretend to say that I paid the same attention to the
28,000 despatches of 1848 that you are obliged to do. Still I
agree in the Prince's remark that directions to Foreign
Ministers ought to be very maturely weighed, for the Queen
Page 333
and the Government speak to foreign nations in this and no
other manner. Yours truly,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN
Buckingham Palace, 21st June 1849.
The Queen returns the enclosed drafts, which she will not
further object to, but she feels it necessary to say a few
words in answer to Lord Palmerston's letter. The union of
Schleswig and Holstein14 is not an ideal one, but complete
as to Constitution, Finance, Customs, Jurisdiction, Church,
Universities, Poor Law, Settlement, Debts, etc., etc., etc. It is
not established by the Kings-Dukes, but has existed for
centuries. To defend Holstein against the attack made by
Denmark upon this union, Germany joined the war. It is true
that it is now proposed in the new Constitution for Germany
to consent to the separation of Schleswig and Holstein,
although last year the Frankfort Parliament had desired the
incorporation of Schleswig into Germany with Holstein; but
the question for Germany is now not to begin a war, but to
close one by a lasting peace. In this she has, in the Queen's
opinion, a right and a duty to see that the independence of
Schleswig is secured before she abandons that country. The
comparison with Saxony does not hold good for a moment,
for the Schleswig Revolution was not directed against the
Duke, but against the King of Denmark, who invaded the
rights of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein; the assistance of
Prussia could therefore not be given to Denmark, but to
Schleswig-Holstein. The case of Hungary has neither any
similitude. Hungary is not to be torn from its connection
other manner. Yours truly,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN
Buckingham Palace, 21st June 1849.
The Queen returns the enclosed drafts, which she will not
further object to, but she feels it necessary to say a few
words in answer to Lord Palmerston's letter. The union of
Schleswig and Holstein14 is not an ideal one, but complete
as to Constitution, Finance, Customs, Jurisdiction, Church,
Universities, Poor Law, Settlement, Debts, etc., etc., etc. It is
not established by the Kings-Dukes, but has existed for
centuries. To defend Holstein against the attack made by
Denmark upon this union, Germany joined the war. It is true
that it is now proposed in the new Constitution for Germany
to consent to the separation of Schleswig and Holstein,
although last year the Frankfort Parliament had desired the
incorporation of Schleswig into Germany with Holstein; but
the question for Germany is now not to begin a war, but to
close one by a lasting peace. In this she has, in the Queen's
opinion, a right and a duty to see that the independence of
Schleswig is secured before she abandons that country. The
comparison with Saxony does not hold good for a moment,
for the Schleswig Revolution was not directed against the
Duke, but against the King of Denmark, who invaded the
rights of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein; the assistance of
Prussia could therefore not be given to Denmark, but to
Schleswig-Holstein. The case of Hungary has neither any
similitude. Hungary is not to be torn from its connection
Page 334
with the German States by the Austrian Government, but
just the reverse.
Lord Palmerston cannot be more anxious for a speedy
termination of the Danish war than the Queen is, but she
thinks that the mediation will not effect this as long as the
mediating power merely watches which of the two parties is
in the greatest difficulties for the moment, and urges it to
give way; but by a careful and anxious discovery of the
rights of the question and a steady adherence to the
recommendation that what is right and fair ought to be done.
The cause of the war having been the unlawful attempt to
incorporate Schleswig into Denmark, the peace cannot be
lasting unless it contains sufficient guarantees against the
resumption of that scheme.15
Footnote 14: Schleswig had been claimed by Germany as an integral
part of her territory, and a war between Germany and Denmark was in
progress.
Footnote 15: In reply, Lord Palmerston expressed entire concurrence in
the justice of the principles which the Queen indicated as being those
which ought to guide a mediating Power.
Lord John Russell to the Earl of Clarendon.
PROPOSED VISIT TO IRELAND
23rd June 1849.
I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that I have
received the Queen's commands to acquaint you that Her
Majesty hopes to be able in the course of the present
summer to fulfil the intention, which you are aware she has
long entertained, of a visit to Ireland. The general distress
unfortunately still prevalent in Ireland precludes the Queen
from visiting Dublin in state, and thereby causing ill-timed
just the reverse.
Lord Palmerston cannot be more anxious for a speedy
termination of the Danish war than the Queen is, but she
thinks that the mediation will not effect this as long as the
mediating power merely watches which of the two parties is
in the greatest difficulties for the moment, and urges it to
give way; but by a careful and anxious discovery of the
rights of the question and a steady adherence to the
recommendation that what is right and fair ought to be done.
The cause of the war having been the unlawful attempt to
incorporate Schleswig into Denmark, the peace cannot be
lasting unless it contains sufficient guarantees against the
resumption of that scheme.15
Footnote 14: Schleswig had been claimed by Germany as an integral
part of her territory, and a war between Germany and Denmark was in
progress.
Footnote 15: In reply, Lord Palmerston expressed entire concurrence in
the justice of the principles which the Queen indicated as being those
which ought to guide a mediating Power.
Lord John Russell to the Earl of Clarendon.
PROPOSED VISIT TO IRELAND
23rd June 1849.
I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that I have
received the Queen's commands to acquaint you that Her
Majesty hopes to be able in the course of the present
summer to fulfil the intention, which you are aware she has
long entertained, of a visit to Ireland. The general distress
unfortunately still prevalent in Ireland precludes the Queen
from visiting Dublin in state, and thereby causing ill-timed
Page 335
expenditure and inconvenience to her subjects; yet Her
Majesty does not wish to let another year pass without
visiting a part of her dominions which she has for so long a
time been anxious personally to become acquainted with.
She accordingly will, at some sacrifice of personal
convenience, take a longer sea voyage, for the purpose of
visiting in the first instance the Cove of Cork, and from
thence proceed along the Irish coast to Dublin. After
remaining there a few days, during which time Her Majesty
will be the guest of your Excellency, she would continue her
cruise along the Irish coast northward and visit Belfast, and
from thence cross to Scotland. Although the precise time of
Her Majesty's visit cannot yet be fixed, it will probably take
place as early in August as the termination of the session of
Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this early
announcement of her intentions will be received with great
satisfaction by Her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in
Ireland.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 19th July 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters. She
returns Lord Clarendon's, and the very kind one of the
Primate.16
With respect to Lord Clarendon's suggestion that the Prince
of Wales should be created Duke, or rather, as Lord John
says, Earl of Dublin—the Queen thinks it is a matter for
consideration whether such an act should follow the Queen's
visit as a compliment to Ireland, but she is decidedly of
opinion that it should not precede it.
We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going to Ireland,
but fully comprehend his wishes to remain quiet for three
Majesty does not wish to let another year pass without
visiting a part of her dominions which she has for so long a
time been anxious personally to become acquainted with.
She accordingly will, at some sacrifice of personal
convenience, take a longer sea voyage, for the purpose of
visiting in the first instance the Cove of Cork, and from
thence proceed along the Irish coast to Dublin. After
remaining there a few days, during which time Her Majesty
will be the guest of your Excellency, she would continue her
cruise along the Irish coast northward and visit Belfast, and
from thence cross to Scotland. Although the precise time of
Her Majesty's visit cannot yet be fixed, it will probably take
place as early in August as the termination of the session of
Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this early
announcement of her intentions will be received with great
satisfaction by Her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in
Ireland.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 19th July 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters. She
returns Lord Clarendon's, and the very kind one of the
Primate.16
With respect to Lord Clarendon's suggestion that the Prince
of Wales should be created Duke, or rather, as Lord John
says, Earl of Dublin—the Queen thinks it is a matter for
consideration whether such an act should follow the Queen's
visit as a compliment to Ireland, but she is decidedly of
opinion that it should not precede it.
We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going to Ireland,
but fully comprehend his wishes to remain quiet for three
Page 336
weeks. We shall be very glad to see him at Balmoral on the
20th or 22nd of August.
We hope Lady John and the baby continue to go on well.
Footnote 16: Lord John George de la Poer Beresford (1773-1862) was
Archbishop of Armagh from 1822 until his death.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN
Lodge, Phœnix Park, 6th August 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Though this letter will only go to-
morrow, I will begin it to-day and tell you that everything
has gone off beautifully since we arrived in Ireland, and that
our entrance into Dublin was really a magnificent thing. By
my letter to Louise you will have heard of our arrival in the
Cove of Cork. Our visit to Cork was very successful; the
Mayor was knighted on deck (on board the Fairy), like in
times of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River
Lee, which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of
Devonshire scenery. We had previously stepped on shore at
Cove, a small place, to enable them to call it Queen's Town;
the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork there was more
firing than I remember since the Rhine.
THE IRISH VISIT
We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and contrary
wind which made it rough and me very sick.
7th.—I was unable to continue till now, and have since
received your kind letter, for which I return my warmest
thanks. We went into Waterford Harbour on Saturday
afternoon, which is likewise a fine, large, safe harbour.
Albert went up to Waterford in the Fairy, but I did not. The
20th or 22nd of August.
We hope Lady John and the baby continue to go on well.
Footnote 16: Lord John George de la Poer Beresford (1773-1862) was
Archbishop of Armagh from 1822 until his death.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN
Lodge, Phœnix Park, 6th August 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Though this letter will only go to-
morrow, I will begin it to-day and tell you that everything
has gone off beautifully since we arrived in Ireland, and that
our entrance into Dublin was really a magnificent thing. By
my letter to Louise you will have heard of our arrival in the
Cove of Cork. Our visit to Cork was very successful; the
Mayor was knighted on deck (on board the Fairy), like in
times of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River
Lee, which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of
Devonshire scenery. We had previously stepped on shore at
Cove, a small place, to enable them to call it Queen's Town;
the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork there was more
firing than I remember since the Rhine.
THE IRISH VISIT
We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and contrary
wind which made it rough and me very sick.
7th.—I was unable to continue till now, and have since
received your kind letter, for which I return my warmest
thanks. We went into Waterford Harbour on Saturday
afternoon, which is likewise a fine, large, safe harbour.
Albert went up to Waterford in the Fairy, but I did not. The
Page 337
next morning we received much the same report of the
weather which we had done at Cork, viz. that the weather
was fair but the wind contrary. However we went out, as it
could not be helped, and we might have remained there
some days for no use. The first three hours were very nasty,
but afterwards it cleared and the evening was beautiful. The
entrance at seven o'clock into Kingston Harbour was
splendid; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole
harbour, wharf, and every surrounding place was covered
with thousands and thousands of people, who received us
with the greatest enthusiasm. We disembarked yesterday
morning at ten o'clock, and took two hours to come here.
The most perfect order was maintained in spite of the
immense mass of people assembled, and a more good-
humoured crowd I never saw, but noisy and excitable
beyond belief, talking, jumping, and shrieking instead of
cheering. There were numbers of troops out, and it really
was a wonderful scene. This is a very pretty place, and the
house reminds me of dear Claremont. The view of the
Wicklow Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and
the whole park is very extensive and full of very fine trees.
We drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed by
jaunting-cars and riders and people running and screaming,
which would have amused you. In the evening we had a
dinner party, and so we have to-night. This morning we
visited the Bank, the Model School (where the Protestant
and Catholic Archbishops received us), and the College, and
this afternoon we went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow
we have a Levée, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the
next day a Review, and in the evening the Drawing-Room,
when 900 ladies are to be presented.
George17 is here, and has a command here. He rode on one
side of our carriage yesterday. You see more ragged and
wretched people here than I ever saw anywhere else. En
revanche, the women are really very handsome—quite in the
weather which we had done at Cork, viz. that the weather
was fair but the wind contrary. However we went out, as it
could not be helped, and we might have remained there
some days for no use. The first three hours were very nasty,
but afterwards it cleared and the evening was beautiful. The
entrance at seven o'clock into Kingston Harbour was
splendid; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole
harbour, wharf, and every surrounding place was covered
with thousands and thousands of people, who received us
with the greatest enthusiasm. We disembarked yesterday
morning at ten o'clock, and took two hours to come here.
The most perfect order was maintained in spite of the
immense mass of people assembled, and a more good-
humoured crowd I never saw, but noisy and excitable
beyond belief, talking, jumping, and shrieking instead of
cheering. There were numbers of troops out, and it really
was a wonderful scene. This is a very pretty place, and the
house reminds me of dear Claremont. The view of the
Wicklow Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and
the whole park is very extensive and full of very fine trees.
We drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed by
jaunting-cars and riders and people running and screaming,
which would have amused you. In the evening we had a
dinner party, and so we have to-night. This morning we
visited the Bank, the Model School (where the Protestant
and Catholic Archbishops received us), and the College, and
this afternoon we went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow
we have a Levée, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the
next day a Review, and in the evening the Drawing-Room,
when 900 ladies are to be presented.
George17 is here, and has a command here. He rode on one
side of our carriage yesterday. You see more ragged and
wretched people here than I ever saw anywhere else. En
revanche, the women are really very handsome—quite in the
Page 338
lowest class—as well at Cork as here; such beautiful black
eyes and hair and such fine colours and teeth.
I must now take my leave. Ever your most affectionate
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 17: The late Duke of Cambridge.
The Earl of Clarendon to Sir George Grey.
Vice-Regal Lodge, 14th August 1849.
My dear Grey,—If I had known where to direct I should
have thanked you sooner for your two welcome letters from
Belfast, where everything seems to have gone off to our
hearts' desire, and the Queen's presence, as the Stipendiary
Magistrate writes word, has united all classes and parties in
a manner incredible to those who know the distance at
which they have hitherto been kept asunder.
The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is not an
individual in Dublin that does not take as a personal
compliment to himself the Queen's having gone upon the
paddle-box and having ordered the Royal Standard to be
lowered three times.
Even the ex-Clubbists,18 who threatened broken heads and
windows before the Queen came, are now among the most
loyal of her subjects, and are ready, according to the police
reports, to fight any one who dare say a disrespectful word
of Her Majesty.
In short, the people are not only enchanted with the Queen
and the gracious kindness of her manner and the confidence
she has shown in them, but they are pleased with themselves
for their own good feelings and behaviour, which they
eyes and hair and such fine colours and teeth.
I must now take my leave. Ever your most affectionate
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 17: The late Duke of Cambridge.
The Earl of Clarendon to Sir George Grey.
Vice-Regal Lodge, 14th August 1849.
My dear Grey,—If I had known where to direct I should
have thanked you sooner for your two welcome letters from
Belfast, where everything seems to have gone off to our
hearts' desire, and the Queen's presence, as the Stipendiary
Magistrate writes word, has united all classes and parties in
a manner incredible to those who know the distance at
which they have hitherto been kept asunder.
The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is not an
individual in Dublin that does not take as a personal
compliment to himself the Queen's having gone upon the
paddle-box and having ordered the Royal Standard to be
lowered three times.
Even the ex-Clubbists,18 who threatened broken heads and
windows before the Queen came, are now among the most
loyal of her subjects, and are ready, according to the police
reports, to fight any one who dare say a disrespectful word
of Her Majesty.
In short, the people are not only enchanted with the Queen
and the gracious kindness of her manner and the confidence
she has shown in them, but they are pleased with themselves
for their own good feelings and behaviour, which they
Page 339
consider have removed the barrier that hitherto existed
between the Sovereign and themselves, and that they now
occupy a higher position in the eyes of the world. Friend
Bright was with me to-day, and said he would not for the
world have missed seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for
he had felt just the same enthusiasm as the rest of the crowd.
"Indeed," he added, "I'll defy any man to have felt otherwise
when he saw the Queen come upon the platform and bow to
the people in a manner that showed her heart was with
them." He didn't disguise either that the Monarchical
principle had made great way with him since Friday. Ever
yours truly,
Clarendon.
Footnote 18: Seditious clubs had been an important factor in the Irish
disturbances of 1848.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
BREVET PROMOTIONS
Osborne, 3rd October 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's explanation
respecting the brevet promotions on the occasion of her visit
to Ireland, but cannot say that his objections have convinced
her of the impropriety of such a promotion (to a limited
extent). To Lord John's fears of the dangerous consequences
of the precedent, the Queen has only to answer, that there
can be only one first visit to Ireland, and that the first visit to
Scotland in 1842 was followed by a few promotions,
without this entailing promotions on her subsequent visits to
that part of the country; that even the first visit to the
Channel Islands was followed by a few promotions, and this
under Lord John's Government. All the precedents being in
between the Sovereign and themselves, and that they now
occupy a higher position in the eyes of the world. Friend
Bright was with me to-day, and said he would not for the
world have missed seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for
he had felt just the same enthusiasm as the rest of the crowd.
"Indeed," he added, "I'll defy any man to have felt otherwise
when he saw the Queen come upon the platform and bow to
the people in a manner that showed her heart was with
them." He didn't disguise either that the Monarchical
principle had made great way with him since Friday. Ever
yours truly,
Clarendon.
Footnote 18: Seditious clubs had been an important factor in the Irish
disturbances of 1848.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
BREVET PROMOTIONS
Osborne, 3rd October 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's explanation
respecting the brevet promotions on the occasion of her visit
to Ireland, but cannot say that his objections have convinced
her of the impropriety of such a promotion (to a limited
extent). To Lord John's fears of the dangerous consequences
of the precedent, the Queen has only to answer, that there
can be only one first visit to Ireland, and that the first visit to
Scotland in 1842 was followed by a few promotions,
without this entailing promotions on her subsequent visits to
that part of the country; that even the first visit to the
Channel Islands was followed by a few promotions, and this
under Lord John's Government. All the precedents being in
Page 340
accordance with the proposition made by the Duke, an
opposition on the part of the Government would imply a
declaration against all brevets except in the field, which
would deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative. If
such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to great
additional expense, the Queen could understand the
objection on the ground of economy; but the giving brevet
rank to a few subaltern officers is too trifling a matter to
alarm the Government. Perhaps the number might be
reduced even, but to deviate from the established precedents
for the first time altogether in this case, and that after the
excellent behaviour of the Army in Ireland under very trying
circumstances, would be felt as a great injustice.
The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask the Duke to
send him the former precedents and to consider with his
colleagues whether a modified recommendation cannot be
laid before her.19
Footnote 19: The Duke of Wellington had submitted a list of Officers
for brevet promotion, which received the Queen's sanction; but the list
was afterwards reduced.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Woburn Abbey, 4th October 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will consider, in communication with the Duke of
Wellington, whether any modified list can be proposed by
him to your Majesty.
The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not a matter
of much consideration. But to reward Officers on the Staff,
who are already favoured by being placed on the Staff in
Ireland, is a practice which tends but too much to encourage
opposition on the part of the Government would imply a
declaration against all brevets except in the field, which
would deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative. If
such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to great
additional expense, the Queen could understand the
objection on the ground of economy; but the giving brevet
rank to a few subaltern officers is too trifling a matter to
alarm the Government. Perhaps the number might be
reduced even, but to deviate from the established precedents
for the first time altogether in this case, and that after the
excellent behaviour of the Army in Ireland under very trying
circumstances, would be felt as a great injustice.
The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask the Duke to
send him the former precedents and to consider with his
colleagues whether a modified recommendation cannot be
laid before her.19
Footnote 19: The Duke of Wellington had submitted a list of Officers
for brevet promotion, which received the Queen's sanction; but the list
was afterwards reduced.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Woburn Abbey, 4th October 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and will consider, in communication with the Duke of
Wellington, whether any modified list can be proposed by
him to your Majesty.
The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not a matter
of much consideration. But to reward Officers on the Staff,
who are already favoured by being placed on the Staff in
Ireland, is a practice which tends but too much to encourage
Page 341
the opinion that promotions in the Army and Navy are given
not to merit, but to aristocratical connection and official
favour.
In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which the last
two years have seen in Europe, it will be well if the English
Crown preserves all its just prerogatives, and has only to
relinquish some customary abuses, which are not useful to
the Sovereign, and are only an equivocal advantage to the
Ministers of the day.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
A PUBLIC THANKSGIVING
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1849.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter, and
was much rejoiced at everything having gone off so well
yesterday;20 she was very much annoyed at being unable to
go herself, and that the untoward chicken-pox should have
come at this moment; she is, however, quite recovered,
though still much marked.
With respect to the proposition about the Thanksgiving, the
Queen quite approves of it, and (if it is generally preferred)
that it should be on a week-day. As to the Bishop of
London's proposal,21 the Queen thinks that Lord John may
have misunderstood him; she supposes that he meant that
she should attend some place of public worship, and not in
her domestic chapel, in order to join in the public
demonstration. The Queen is quite ready to go with her
Court to St George's Chapel here; but she would like it to
take place on an earlier day than the 27th of November,
when she would probably be already in the Isle of Wight,
where we think of going as usual on the 22nd or 23rd.
not to merit, but to aristocratical connection and official
favour.
In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which the last
two years have seen in Europe, it will be well if the English
Crown preserves all its just prerogatives, and has only to
relinquish some customary abuses, which are not useful to
the Sovereign, and are only an equivocal advantage to the
Ministers of the day.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
A PUBLIC THANKSGIVING
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1849.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter, and
was much rejoiced at everything having gone off so well
yesterday;20 she was very much annoyed at being unable to
go herself, and that the untoward chicken-pox should have
come at this moment; she is, however, quite recovered,
though still much marked.
With respect to the proposition about the Thanksgiving, the
Queen quite approves of it, and (if it is generally preferred)
that it should be on a week-day. As to the Bishop of
London's proposal,21 the Queen thinks that Lord John may
have misunderstood him; she supposes that he meant that
she should attend some place of public worship, and not in
her domestic chapel, in order to join in the public
demonstration. The Queen is quite ready to go with her
Court to St George's Chapel here; but she would like it to
take place on an earlier day than the 27th of November,
when she would probably be already in the Isle of Wight,
where we think of going as usual on the 22nd or 23rd.
Page 342
Footnote 20: The ceremony of opening the new Coal Exchange, at
which, besides Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal
were present.
Footnote 21: There had been a severe epidemic of cholera in the
country. In twelve months 14,000 deaths, in London alone, were due to
this malady. The 15th of November was appointed for a general Day of
Thanksgiving for its cessation, and the Bishop of London had
suggested that the Queen should attend a public service at St Paul's.
Lord John Russell was in favour of Westminster Abbey.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
POSITION OF GERMANY
Eaton Square, 29th November 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
In answer to your Majesty's enquiry, he has to state that a
very short conversation took place in the Cabinet on the
affairs of Germany upon an enquiry of Lord John Russell
whether the Diet of Erfurt22 might not be considered a
violation of the Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston thought
not, but had not examined the question.
The affairs of Germany are in a critical position; Austria will
oppose anything which tends to aggrandise Prussia; Prussia
will oppose anything which tends to free Government; and
France will oppose anything which tends to strengthen
Germany. Still, all these powers might be disregarded were
Germany united, but it is obvious that Bavaria and
Würtemberg look to Austria and France for support, while
Hanover and Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a
Prussian League.
The matter is very critical, but probably will not lead to war.
Footnote 22: In order to effect the consolidation of Germany, the King
of Prussia had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet at Erfurt.
which, besides Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal
were present.
Footnote 21: There had been a severe epidemic of cholera in the
country. In twelve months 14,000 deaths, in London alone, were due to
this malady. The 15th of November was appointed for a general Day of
Thanksgiving for its cessation, and the Bishop of London had
suggested that the Queen should attend a public service at St Paul's.
Lord John Russell was in favour of Westminster Abbey.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
POSITION OF GERMANY
Eaton Square, 29th November 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
In answer to your Majesty's enquiry, he has to state that a
very short conversation took place in the Cabinet on the
affairs of Germany upon an enquiry of Lord John Russell
whether the Diet of Erfurt22 might not be considered a
violation of the Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston thought
not, but had not examined the question.
The affairs of Germany are in a critical position; Austria will
oppose anything which tends to aggrandise Prussia; Prussia
will oppose anything which tends to free Government; and
France will oppose anything which tends to strengthen
Germany. Still, all these powers might be disregarded were
Germany united, but it is obvious that Bavaria and
Würtemberg look to Austria and France for support, while
Hanover and Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a
Prussian League.
The matter is very critical, but probably will not lead to war.
Footnote 22: In order to effect the consolidation of Germany, the King
of Prussia had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet at Erfurt.
Page 343
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 30th November 1849.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's enquiry as to what
the measures would be which Sir William Parker23 would
have to take in order to support Mr Wyse's24 demands for
redress for certain wrongs sustained by British and Ionian
subjects, begs to say that the ordinary and accustomed
method of enforcing such demands is by reprisals—that is to
say, by seizing some vessels and property of the party which
refuses redress,25 and retaining possession thereof until
redress is granted.
Another method is the blockading of the ports of the party
by whom redress is refused, and by interrupting commercial
intercourse to cause inconvenience and loss. Viscount
Palmerston, however, does not apprehend that any active
measures of this kind will be required, but rather expects
that when the Greek Government finds that the demand is
made in earnest, and that means are at hand to enforce it,
satisfaction will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek
Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive
neglect with which they have treated the applications of your
Majesty's representative at Athens have, as Viscount
Palmerston is convinced, been the result of a belief that the
British Government never would take any real steps in order
to press these matters to a settlement.
Footnote 23: Commanding the Mediterranean Fleet.
Footnote 24: British Envoy at Athens.
Footnote 25: See Introductory Note for 1850, post, p. 231.
Foreign Office, 30th November 1849.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's enquiry as to what
the measures would be which Sir William Parker23 would
have to take in order to support Mr Wyse's24 demands for
redress for certain wrongs sustained by British and Ionian
subjects, begs to say that the ordinary and accustomed
method of enforcing such demands is by reprisals—that is to
say, by seizing some vessels and property of the party which
refuses redress,25 and retaining possession thereof until
redress is granted.
Another method is the blockading of the ports of the party
by whom redress is refused, and by interrupting commercial
intercourse to cause inconvenience and loss. Viscount
Palmerston, however, does not apprehend that any active
measures of this kind will be required, but rather expects
that when the Greek Government finds that the demand is
made in earnest, and that means are at hand to enforce it,
satisfaction will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek
Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive
neglect with which they have treated the applications of your
Majesty's representative at Athens have, as Viscount
Palmerston is convinced, been the result of a belief that the
British Government never would take any real steps in order
to press these matters to a settlement.
Footnote 23: Commanding the Mediterranean Fleet.
Footnote 24: British Envoy at Athens.
Footnote 25: See Introductory Note for 1850, post, p. 231.
Page 344
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF QUEEN ADELAIDE
Osborne, 11th December 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Thank you much for your kind letter
of the 6th; you will have received mine of the 4th shortly
after you wrote. I know how you would mourn with us over
the death of our beloved Queen Adelaide. We have lost the
kindest and dearest of friends, and the universal feeling of
sorrow, of regret, and of real appreciation of her character is
very touching and gratifying. All parties, all classes, join in
doing her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against her,
but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed love and
affection, and for the last eight years their friendship was as
great as ever. Ever yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XIX
The Ministry were still (1850) able, relying on the support of Sir Robert
Peel, to resist the attacks of the Protectionists in the House of Commons,
though their majority on a critical occasion fell to twenty-one; but they
were rehabilitated by the discussions on foreign policy. One Don Pacifico, a
Portuguese Jew, a native of Gibraltar and a British subject, had had his
house in Athens pillaged by a mob; he, with Mr Finlay, the historian, who
had a money claim against the Greek Government, instead of establishing
their claims in the local courts, sought the intervention of the home
DEATH OF QUEEN ADELAIDE
Osborne, 11th December 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Thank you much for your kind letter
of the 6th; you will have received mine of the 4th shortly
after you wrote. I know how you would mourn with us over
the death of our beloved Queen Adelaide. We have lost the
kindest and dearest of friends, and the universal feeling of
sorrow, of regret, and of real appreciation of her character is
very touching and gratifying. All parties, all classes, join in
doing her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against her,
but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed love and
affection, and for the last eight years their friendship was as
great as ever. Ever yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XIX
The Ministry were still (1850) able, relying on the support of Sir Robert
Peel, to resist the attacks of the Protectionists in the House of Commons,
though their majority on a critical occasion fell to twenty-one; but they
were rehabilitated by the discussions on foreign policy. One Don Pacifico, a
Portuguese Jew, a native of Gibraltar and a British subject, had had his
house in Athens pillaged by a mob; he, with Mr Finlay, the historian, who
had a money claim against the Greek Government, instead of establishing
their claims in the local courts, sought the intervention of the home
Page 345
Government; Lord Palmerston, whose relations with the Court were even
more strained than usual, resolved to make a hostile demonstration against
Greece, and a fleet was sent to the Piræus with a peremptory demand for
settlement. The House of Lords condemned this high-handed action, but a
friendly motion of confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord
Palmerston had an extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six,
notwithstanding that the ablest men outside the Ministry spoke against him,
and that his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were about to culminate
in a severe reprimand.
Sir Robert Peel's speech in this debate proved to be his last public utterance,
his premature death, resulting from a fall from his horse, taking place a few
days later; Louis Philippe, who had been living in retirement at Claremont,
passed away about the same time. Another attack on the Queen, this time a
blow with a cane, was made by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well-
connected; the plea of insanity was not established, and Pate was
transported.
Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition in Hyde Park,
Prince Albert making a memorable speech at the Mansion House in support
of the scheme; the popular voice had not been unanimous in approval, and
subscriptions had hung fire, but henceforward matters improved, and Mr
Paxton's design for a glass and iron structure was accepted and proceeded
with.
The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his action in
respect to General Haynau, an Austrian whose cruelty had been notorious,
and who was assaulted by some of the employés at a London brewery. The
Foreign Office note to the Austrian Government nearly brought about
Palmerston's resignation, which was much desired by the Queen.
At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment at the issue of a
Papal Brief, re-establishing the hierarchy of Bishops in England with local
titles derived from their sees; and Cardinal Wiseman, thenceforward
Archbishop of Westminster, by issuing a pastoral letter on the subject, made
matters worse. The Protestant spirit was aroused, the two Universities
presented petitions, and the Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of
Durham, helped to fan the "No Popery" flame. Just at a time when a
more strained than usual, resolved to make a hostile demonstration against
Greece, and a fleet was sent to the Piræus with a peremptory demand for
settlement. The House of Lords condemned this high-handed action, but a
friendly motion of confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord
Palmerston had an extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six,
notwithstanding that the ablest men outside the Ministry spoke against him,
and that his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were about to culminate
in a severe reprimand.
Sir Robert Peel's speech in this debate proved to be his last public utterance,
his premature death, resulting from a fall from his horse, taking place a few
days later; Louis Philippe, who had been living in retirement at Claremont,
passed away about the same time. Another attack on the Queen, this time a
blow with a cane, was made by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well-
connected; the plea of insanity was not established, and Pate was
transported.
Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition in Hyde Park,
Prince Albert making a memorable speech at the Mansion House in support
of the scheme; the popular voice had not been unanimous in approval, and
subscriptions had hung fire, but henceforward matters improved, and Mr
Paxton's design for a glass and iron structure was accepted and proceeded
with.
The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his action in
respect to General Haynau, an Austrian whose cruelty had been notorious,
and who was assaulted by some of the employés at a London brewery. The
Foreign Office note to the Austrian Government nearly brought about
Palmerston's resignation, which was much desired by the Queen.
At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment at the issue of a
Papal Brief, re-establishing the hierarchy of Bishops in England with local
titles derived from their sees; and Cardinal Wiseman, thenceforward
Archbishop of Westminster, by issuing a pastoral letter on the subject, made
matters worse. The Protestant spirit was aroused, the two Universities
presented petitions, and the Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of
Durham, helped to fan the "No Popery" flame. Just at a time when a
Page 346
coalition of Whigs and Peelites was beginning to be possible, an
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, almost fatal to mutual confidence, became
necessary.
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, almost fatal to mutual confidence, became
necessary.
Page 347
CHAPTER XIX
1850
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 5th February 1850.
My dear Uncle,—We had the house full for three days last
week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday,
which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess
Stephanie was here, très aimable, and not altered. She spoke
much of Germany and of politics, and of you in the highest
terms—"Comme le Roi Léopold s'est bien tenu"—and that
she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked
at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon
exemple devant lui, et il en a profité!" She thought the whole
family très digne in their malheur, but was struck with the
melancholy effect of the whole thing.
Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and
the Protectionists have received an effective check; the
question of the Corn Laws seems indeed settled. This is of
great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and
expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up
by the aristocracy....
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
1850
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 5th February 1850.
My dear Uncle,—We had the house full for three days last
week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday,
which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess
Stephanie was here, très aimable, and not altered. She spoke
much of Germany and of politics, and of you in the highest
terms—"Comme le Roi Léopold s'est bien tenu"—and that
she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked
at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon
exemple devant lui, et il en a profité!" She thought the whole
family très digne in their malheur, but was struck with the
melancholy effect of the whole thing.
Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and
the Protectionists have received an effective check; the
question of the Corn Laws seems indeed settled. This is of
great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and
expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up
by the aristocracy....
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Page 348
Victoria R.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 15th February 1850.
My dear John Russell,—I have altered this draft so as I
think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in
regard to the continuance of the suspension.1 I should not
like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than
we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't
think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is
due. If the demands were for the British Government, we
might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we
have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and
claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall
get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the
Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 1: I.e. of hostilities against the Greek Government, designed
to extract compensation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects.
See ante, p. 231.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE DRAFT TO GREECE
Buckingham Palace, 17th February 1850.
The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft
to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a
Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord
Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 15th February 1850.
My dear John Russell,—I have altered this draft so as I
think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in
regard to the continuance of the suspension.1 I should not
like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than
we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't
think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is
due. If the demands were for the British Government, we
might forego what portions we might like to give up, but we
have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and
claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall
get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the
Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 1: I.e. of hostilities against the Greek Government, designed
to extract compensation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects.
See ante, p. 231.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
THE DRAFT TO GREECE
Buckingham Palace, 17th February 1850.
The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft
to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a
Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord
Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and
Page 349
wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has not yet
received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears
from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord
Palmerston has sent the draft off unaltered.2 The Queen
must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is
not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that
this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect
right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with
her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to
his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and
her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without
her knowledge.
Footnote 2: See Ashley's Palmerston, vol. i. chap. v.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION
Carlton Gardens. 17th February 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of
this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before
yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed
draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying
Memorandum3 from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft,
and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from
Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to
that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important
that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time
occupied in these communications rendered it just, but
barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train
of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the
views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the
received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears
from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord
Palmerston has sent the draft off unaltered.2 The Queen
must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is
not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that
this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect
right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with
her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to
his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and
her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without
her knowledge.
Footnote 2: See Ashley's Palmerston, vol. i. chap. v.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION
Carlton Gardens. 17th February 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of
this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before
yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed
draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying
Memorandum3 from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft,
and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from
Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to
that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important
that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time
occupied in these communications rendered it just, but
barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train
of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the
views of your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the
Page 350
question in regard to the length of time during which
reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French
negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a
latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which
might be made to him by the Greek Government was
considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday
afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude
of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only
one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which
he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off
yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some
instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to
communicate with Baron Gros,4 and those instructions were
the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had
with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the
Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of
the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day
being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to
your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an
explanation of the circumstances which rendered it
impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were
sent off.5
Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks should
be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms as
satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker should not be
obliged to resume coercive measures, if the concessions of the Greek
Government should appear to afford a prospect of a speedy settlement
of the affair.
Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by the
French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute.
Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, Walpole's Russell, vol. ii. chap. xix.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French
negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a
latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which
might be made to him by the Greek Government was
considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday
afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude
of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only
one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which
he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off
yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some
instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to
communicate with Baron Gros,4 and those instructions were
the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had
with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the
Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of
the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day
being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to
your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an
explanation of the circumstances which rendered it
impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were
sent off.5
Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks should
be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms as
satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker should not be
obliged to resume coercive measures, if the concessions of the Greek
Government should appear to afford a prospect of a speedy settlement
of the affair.
Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by the
French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute.
Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and
Lord Palmerston, Walpole's Russell, vol. ii. chap. xix.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Page 351
RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED
Windsor Castle, 3rd March 1850.
Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell,
who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord
Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all
times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague;
that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had
not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly
and in the most spirited manner on all political questions;
besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the
House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that
both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord
John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could
hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a
disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party
confusion was the only one which still held together. On the
other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord
Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of
the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a
plan by which Lord Palmerston's services could be retained
with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to
other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give
Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons—the
highest position a statesman could aspire to—and to go
himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his
views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought
he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at
once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to
have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's
confidence, but he thought this had not been on personal
grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with
which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord
John by remarking that she distrusted him on personal
grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far
at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the
Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political
Windsor Castle, 3rd March 1850.
Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell,
who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord
Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all
times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague;
that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had
not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly
and in the most spirited manner on all political questions;
besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the
House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that
both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord
John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could
hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a
disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party
confusion was the only one which still held together. On the
other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord
Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of
the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a
plan by which Lord Palmerston's services could be retained
with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to
other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give
Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons—the
highest position a statesman could aspire to—and to go
himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his
views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought
he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at
once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to
have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's
confidence, but he thought this had not been on personal
grounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with
which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord
John by remarking that she distrusted him on personal
grounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far
at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the
Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political
Page 352
doings, to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston
appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN
On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled,
Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto,
ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was
somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought
that would not go down with the public. After Lord
Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest
men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an
equally able statesman; the Office was of enormous
importance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but
Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's
enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it,
Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the
Minister should not produce a change in the general line of
policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that
Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he
never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs;
he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an
alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she
knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which
the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a
merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but
merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged
Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said
would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto
to take them; he himself would be able to do the business
when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it
unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it
would have been impossible for him.
The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House
of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he
could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to
Lord Clarendon.
appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN
On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled,
Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto,
ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was
somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought
that would not go down with the public. After Lord
Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest
men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an
equally able statesman; the Office was of enormous
importance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but
Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's
enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it,
Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the
Minister should not produce a change in the general line of
policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that
Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he
never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs;
he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an
alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she
knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which
the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a
merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but
merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged
Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said
would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto
to take them; he himself would be able to do the business
when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it
unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it
would have been impossible for him.
The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House
of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he
could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to
Lord Clarendon.
Page 353
I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to
entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of
Commons, that it might be that the Government were
defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might
take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that
which Lord John would like, and might so easily force
himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John,
however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord
Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed
his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was
the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little
later the lead would still fall into his hands.
The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that
Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir
George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this
office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to
have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast.
Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for
Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly
also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord
Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be
glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the
Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving
Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John
acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this
arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its
having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845,
and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at
that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused
to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by
saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it
was intended that nothing should be done about it till after
the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and
questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had
agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in
the House of Lords, and begged for the utmost secrecy at
present.
entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of
Commons, that it might be that the Government were
defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might
take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that
which Lord John would like, and might so easily force
himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John,
however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord
Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed
his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was
the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little
later the lead would still fall into his hands.
The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that
Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir
George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this
office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to
have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast.
Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for
Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly
also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord
Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be
glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the
Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving
Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John
acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this
arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its
having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845,
and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at
that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused
to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by
saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it
was intended that nothing should be done about it till after
the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and
questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had
agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in
the House of Lords, and begged for the utmost secrecy at
present.
Page 354
Albert.
Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his
wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the
House of Commons, together with his other business, too
much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be
relieved from the lead in the Upper House.
Albert.
Memorandum by Baron Stockmar.6
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
12th March 1850.
The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:
—
1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given
case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what
she has to give her royal sanction.
2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister
who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it
arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown,
which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to
visit with the dismissal of that Minister.
Stockmar.
Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn up
on the 12th of August.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Buckingham Palace, 16th March 1850.
Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his
wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the
House of Commons, together with his other business, too
much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be
relieved from the lead in the Upper House.
Albert.
Memorandum by Baron Stockmar.6
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
12th March 1850.
The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:
—
1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given
case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what
she has to give her royal sanction.
2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister
who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it
arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown,
which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to
visit with the dismissal of that Minister.
Stockmar.
Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn up
on the 12th of August.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Buckingham Palace, 16th March 1850.
Page 355
The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his
answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night
might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord
Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had
been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval
of it. She must protest against such an inference being
drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed
having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from
that which she had approved.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
Laeken, 25th March 1850.
My dearest Victoria,— ... King Louis Philippe seems
better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder
when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to
suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in
France, and if all the family have, which is but7 in France,
may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the
people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics,
their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is
mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never
was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and
the numerous parties who will not unite render all solutions
impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very
reason. It is but a name and no substance, but that name of
republic encourages every extravagant or desperate
proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies;
every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some
republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all
the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who,
according to their own opinion, are wonderful people, will
answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night
might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord
Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had
been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval
of it. She must protest against such an inference being
drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed
having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from
that which she had approved.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
Laeken, 25th March 1850.
My dearest Victoria,— ... King Louis Philippe seems
better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder
when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to
suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in
France, and if all the family have, which is but7 in France,
may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the
people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics,
their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is
mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never
was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and
the numerous parties who will not unite render all solutions
impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very
reason. It is but a name and no substance, but that name of
republic encourages every extravagant or desperate
proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies;
every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some
republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all
the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who,
according to their own opinion, are wonderful people, will
Page 356
be insatiable and much more dangerous than you imagine in
England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to
be at the head of the Government; there is no political
measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or
doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in
similar positions—on ne doute de rien. When you consider
that a banqueroutier like Ledru Rollin8 ruled over France for
six months almost with absolute power, merely because he
took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of
workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule
over their fellow-citizens; toujours convaincu de leur propre
mérite. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial
crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful
for you at such a moment.
Albert made a fine long speech, I see.9 Did he read it? ex
tempore, it would have been very trying. I trust we may
come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of
universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers
as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of
mankind at Paris get the upper hand, universal war will be
the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this
that we are very seriously occupied with the means of
defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that
if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible
to force our positions on the Schelde.
I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 7: I.e. "only."
Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.
Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for
the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T. Martin's Life,
vol. ii, p. 247.
England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to
be at the head of the Government; there is no political
measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or
doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in
similar positions—on ne doute de rien. When you consider
that a banqueroutier like Ledru Rollin8 ruled over France for
six months almost with absolute power, merely because he
took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of
workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule
over their fellow-citizens; toujours convaincu de leur propre
mérite. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial
crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful
for you at such a moment.
Albert made a fine long speech, I see.9 Did he read it? ex
tempore, it would have been very trying. I trust we may
come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of
universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers
as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of
mankind at Paris get the upper hand, universal war will be
the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this
that we are very seriously occupied with the means of
defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that
if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible
to force our positions on the Schelde.
I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 7: I.e. "only."
Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.
Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for
the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T. Martin's Life,
vol. ii, p. 247.
Page 357
BARON STOCKMAR.
From the portrait by John Partridge at Buckingham Palace
To face p. 240, Vol. II.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 25th March 1850.
From the portrait by John Partridge at Buckingham Palace
To face p. 240, Vol. II.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 25th March 1850.
Page 358
The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part
alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr
Wyse to satisfy himself of the truth of M. Pacifico's
statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon
them.10 The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims,
but takes their validity for granted.
Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed £31,500—£4,900 being for effects
destroyed, and £26,600 in respect of certain claims against the
Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he stated had been
destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house. His valuation of the
various items was of the most extravagant description.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT
Windsor Castle, 26th March 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Albert made a really beautiful speech
the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and
done great good. He is indeed looked up to and beloved, as I
could wish he should be; and the more his rare qualities of
mind and heart are known, the more he will be understood
and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers
and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work
for others, is so striking in his character; but it is the
happiest life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to
run after what is pleasantest, invariably ends in
disappointment.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr
Wyse to satisfy himself of the truth of M. Pacifico's
statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon
them.10 The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims,
but takes their validity for granted.
Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed £31,500—£4,900 being for effects
destroyed, and £26,600 in respect of certain claims against the
Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he stated had been
destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house. His valuation of the
various items was of the most extravagant description.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT
Windsor Castle, 26th March 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Albert made a really beautiful speech
the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and
done great good. He is indeed looked up to and beloved, as I
could wish he should be; and the more his rare qualities of
mind and heart are known, the more he will be understood
and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers
and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work
for others, is so striking in his character; but it is the
happiest life; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to
run after what is pleasantest, invariably ends in
disappointment.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 359
Windsor Castle, 29th March 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—I write only a few lines to-day,
begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her little
namesake to dearest Louise on her birthday.
I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday,
but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his
fine speech. He never has done so with any of his fine
speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and
written them down,—and does so so well, that no one
believes that he is ever nervous, which he is. This last he is
said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.
We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 14th April 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the
drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent
his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question11 in not
communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed,
is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she
can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it
would be better she should not.
Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for Madrid.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
My dearest Uncle,—I write only a few lines to-day,
begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her little
namesake to dearest Louise on her birthday.
I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday,
but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his
fine speech. He never has done so with any of his fine
speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and
written them down,—and does so so well, that no one
believes that he is ever nervous, which he is. This last he is
said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.
We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 14th April 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the
drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent
his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question11 in not
communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed,
is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she
can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it
would be better she should not.
Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for Madrid.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 360
LORD HOWDEN
Buckingham Palace, 27th April 1850.
In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen
has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden12 to
Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the
stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence
that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all
times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But
she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen
may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows
that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his
appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with
General Narvaez; the correspondent of the Times has
announced his appointment from Madrid already three
weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained
silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her
upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord
Westmorland13 appointed. Lord John must see the
impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's
anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be
exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects,
however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on
the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter
to Lord John as the head of the Government.
Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro.
Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 28th April 1850.
Buckingham Palace, 27th April 1850.
In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen
has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden12 to
Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the
stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence
that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all
times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But
she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen
may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows
that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his
appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with
General Narvaez; the correspondent of the Times has
announced his appointment from Madrid already three
weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained
silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her
upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord
Westmorland13 appointed. Lord John must see the
impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's
anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be
exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects,
however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on
the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter
to Lord John as the head of the Government.
Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro.
Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 28th April 1850.
Page 361
... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's
right to claim every consideration on the part of your
Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this
subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has
so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's
want of attention.
The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
THE KOH-I-NOOR
Simla, 15th May 1850.
... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing
your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the
transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He
therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now
humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself
from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the
Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been
ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived,
and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing
delay. The Medea, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it
is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.
By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a
record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes
through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are
accurate and curious.
In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-
ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the
messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa
Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken
the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man
were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east,
one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space
right to claim every consideration on the part of your
Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this
subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has
so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's
want of attention.
The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
THE KOH-I-NOOR
Simla, 15th May 1850.
... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing
your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the
transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He
therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now
humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself
from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the
Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been
ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived,
and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing
delay. The Medea, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it
is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.
By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a
record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes
through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are
accurate and curious.
In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-
ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the
messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa
Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken
the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man
were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east,
one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space
Page 362
between them were to be filled with gold, all would not
equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking
probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative,
subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah
replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever
possessed it had conquered their enemies."
The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts
that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may
ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most
faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Buckingham Palace, 18th May 1850.
My dear Lord John,—I return you the enclosed letters
which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.14
I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one
conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and
myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is
bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him—I
don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly—
by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that
the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the
consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having
neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel
that her duty demands her not to be content with mere
warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man
the welfare of the country must not be exposed....
Albert.
equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking
probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative,
subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah
replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever
possessed it had conquered their enemies."
The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts
that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may
ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect,
your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most
faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Buckingham Palace, 18th May 1850.
My dear Lord John,—I return you the enclosed letters
which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.14
I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one
conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and
myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is
bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him—I
don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly—
by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that
the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the
consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having
neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel
that her duty demands her not to be content with mere
warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man
the welfare of the country must not be exposed....
Albert.
Page 363
Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece
against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a
Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and
referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord
Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those
negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures,
disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron
Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and
Russia were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the
18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar
action by the Czar.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Pembroke Lodge, 18th May 1850.
Sir,—I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be
exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on
account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on
Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it
will be best for her and for the country to pursue.
1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make
Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be
imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.
2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till
questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If
unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord
John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord
Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.
These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by
Monday.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 20th May 1850.
against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a
Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and
referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord
Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those
negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures,
disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron
Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and
Russia were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the
18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar
action by the Czar.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Pembroke Lodge, 18th May 1850.
Sir,—I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be
exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on
account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on
Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it
will be best for her and for the country to pursue.
1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make
Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be
imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.
2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till
questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If
unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord
John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord
Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.
These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by
Monday.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 20th May 1850.
Page 364
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT
Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the
Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek
question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite
impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question,
that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause
for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who
had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly
held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the
Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's
personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries
and the hostility with which they were looking upon him
was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the
Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted
Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength
of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the
House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen
to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not
her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would
consider the communication of the letter as quite
confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord
Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not
like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be
otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord
Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he
himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he
had received it, and would carefully guard it.
The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord
Clarendon was the only member of the Government to
whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord
John were to take them himself, which was much the best.
Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection
with the Times, and the violent Austrian line of that paper;
moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the
new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The
Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and
should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey
Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the
Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek
question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite
impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question,
that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause
for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who
had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly
held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the
Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's
personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries
and the hostility with which they were looking upon him
was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the
Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted
Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength
of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the
House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen
to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not
her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would
consider the communication of the letter as quite
confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord
Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not
like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be
otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord
Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he
himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he
had received it, and would carefully guard it.
The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord
Clarendon was the only member of the Government to
whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord
John were to take them himself, which was much the best.
Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection
with the Times, and the violent Austrian line of that paper;
moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the
new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The
Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and
should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey
Page 365
was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an
opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but
wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till
after the close of the Session.15
Albert.
Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the
Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on
Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on
the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful
or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
SUNDAY POSTS
Osborne, 9th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If
the Cabinet think it impossible to do otherwise, of course the
Queen consents—though most reluctantly—to a compliance
with the vote respecting the Post Office.16 The Queen thinks
it a very false notion of obeying God's will, to do what will
be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great
distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly
that great caution should be used with respect to any
alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least
some means of communication may still be possible.
Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday
delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and
reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge.
opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but
wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till
after the close of the Session.15
Albert.
Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the
Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on
Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on
the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful
or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
SUNDAY POSTS
Osborne, 9th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If
the Cabinet think it impossible to do otherwise, of course the
Queen consents—though most reluctantly—to a compliance
with the vote respecting the Post Office.16 The Queen thinks
it a very false notion of obeying God's will, to do what will
be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great
distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly
that great caution should be used with respect to any
alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least
some means of communication may still be possible.
Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday
delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and
reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.
Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge.
Page 366
Osborne, 10th June 1850.
My dear Uncle,—I have enquired into the precedents, and
find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of
George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the
House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be
called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of
your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be
from recollections of former times obviously objectionable.
There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers
without having an establishment, consequently there can be
no difficulty on this point.
I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his
politics, and support the Government whenever he can.
Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as
possible aloof from Party Politics, as I think they else
invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and
frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly
regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and
Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE
Cambridge House, 10th June 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I seize the earliest opportunity of
thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this
moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I
do most fully agree with you in your observations
concerning the line in politics which the members of the
Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my
principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully
convinced that George will follow my example.
My dear Uncle,—I have enquired into the precedents, and
find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of
George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the
House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be
called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of
your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be
from recollections of former times obviously objectionable.
There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers
without having an establishment, consequently there can be
no difficulty on this point.
I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his
politics, and support the Government whenever he can.
Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as
possible aloof from Party Politics, as I think they else
invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and
frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly
regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and
Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE
Cambridge House, 10th June 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I seize the earliest opportunity of
thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this
moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I
do most fully agree with you in your observations
concerning the line in politics which the members of the
Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my
principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully
convinced that George will follow my example.
Page 367
I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of
supporting the Government, and I have by that always been
well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties
which other members of my family have had to encounter.
I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who
will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness
you have shown him.
With the request that you will remember me most kindly to
Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate
Uncle,
Adolphus.
Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.
St James's Palace, 15th June 1850.
My dear Cousin,—I have not as yet ventured to address you
on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon
which I am aware that you have been in correspondence
with my father; but as I believe that the question which was
brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer
deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most
sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you
have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and
myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be
called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon
which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and
sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into
my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention
that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl
of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a
seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to
retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not
connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish
expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be
supporting the Government, and I have by that always been
well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties
which other members of my family have had to encounter.
I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who
will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness
you have shown him.
With the request that you will remember me most kindly to
Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate
Uncle,
Adolphus.
Prince George of Cambridge to Queen Victoria.
St James's Palace, 15th June 1850.
My dear Cousin,—I have not as yet ventured to address you
on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon
which I am aware that you have been in correspondence
with my father; but as I believe that the question which was
brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer
deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most
sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you
have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and
myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be
called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon
which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and
sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into
my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention
that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl
of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a
seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to
retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not
connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish
expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be
Page 368
made a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that
it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this
as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to
add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had
been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive
that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members
of the Royal Family should support the Queen's
Government; and if at times it should happen that they have
a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that
they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it.
This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you
will permit me to say so, they are also my own.
Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my
gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most
dutiful Cousin,
George.
Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge.
Osborne, 17th June 1850.
My dear George,—Many thanks for your kind letter
received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely
of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the
Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure
that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view.
With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto
been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never
been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be
much flattered at your being called up by the title of
Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be
called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always
been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I
do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,
Victoria R.17
it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this
as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to
add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had
been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive
that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members
of the Royal Family should support the Queen's
Government; and if at times it should happen that they have
a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that
they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it.
This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you
will permit me to say so, they are also my own.
Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my
gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most
dutiful Cousin,
George.
Queen Victoria to Prince George of Cambridge.
Osborne, 17th June 1850.
My dear George,—Many thanks for your kind letter
received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirely
of my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the
Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure
that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view.
With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto
been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never
been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be
much flattered at your being called up by the title of
Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be
called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always
been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I
do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,
Victoria R.17
Page 369
Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a memorandum
of Prince Albert recording:—
Buckingham Palace. 8th July 1850.
I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the
Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening,
without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four
weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION
Chesham Place, 21st June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him
yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue
after the late vote of the House of Lords.18
The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's
answer.
Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general
approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.
What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say,
but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House
of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it
is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons
on this subject.
The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of
negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our
Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign
Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism
and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in
the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism,
and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on
of Prince Albert recording:—
Buckingham Palace. 8th July 1850.
I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the
Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening,
without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four
weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION
Chesham Place, 21st June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him
yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue
after the late vote of the House of Lords.18
The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's
answer.
Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general
approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.
What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say,
but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House
of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it
is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons
on this subject.
The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of
negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our
Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign
Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism
and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in
the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism,
and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on
Page 370
behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of
Commons would not long bear such a policy.
Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of
strife, which may last for many years to come.
Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a
majority of 37 in a House of 301.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD STANLEY'S MOTION
Buckingham Palace, 21st June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read
his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets
exceedingly the position in which the Government has been
placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords.
Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may
terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the
Government would be most inconvenient. The Queen has
always approved the general tendency of the policy of the
Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their
battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the
execution of this policy Lord Palmerston has gone a long
way in taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this
is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may
be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign
Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the
foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is
to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and
democratic principles in array against each other in this
country, whilst the original question turns only upon the
justice of Don Pacifico's claims.
Commons would not long bear such a policy.
Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of
strife, which may last for many years to come.
Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a
majority of 37 in a House of 301.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD STANLEY'S MOTION
Buckingham Palace, 21st June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read
his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets
exceedingly the position in which the Government has been
placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords.
Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may
terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the
Government would be most inconvenient. The Queen has
always approved the general tendency of the policy of the
Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their
battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the
execution of this policy Lord Palmerston has gone a long
way in taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this
is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may
be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign
Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the
foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is
to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and
democratic principles in array against each other in this
country, whilst the original question turns only upon the
justice of Don Pacifico's claims.
Page 371
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 22nd June 1850.
Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should
be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord
Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it
now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the
general policy, and excludes the particular measures which
from time to time have been adopted as the objects of
approbation.
It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result.
Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr
Disraeli appear to be in close concert.
Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr
Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free
Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest
Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a
coalition.
Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the
Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been
regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the
honour and dignity of this country, and in times of
unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England
and the various nations of the world.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY
Buckingham Palace, 22nd June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his
Chesham Place, 22nd June 1850.
Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should
be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord
Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it
now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the
general policy, and excludes the particular measures which
from time to time have been adopted as the objects of
approbation.
It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result.
Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr
Disraeli appear to be in close concert.
Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr
Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free
Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest
Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a
coalition.
Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the
Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been
regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the
honour and dignity of this country, and in times of
unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England
and the various nations of the world.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY
Buckingham Palace, 22nd June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his
Page 372
former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation should be
omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to
sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate
of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the
propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the
Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected
with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure
the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon
Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent;
and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and
morality for third parties to dispose of other people's
property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty
of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify.
The mode of representation might safely be left to the
Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that
Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's
agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon
the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of
it.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
THE PROTOCOL
Carlton Gardens, 23rd June 1850.
My dear John Russell,—The Queen has entirely
misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol.
It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an
attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is to decide
nothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and
opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign
it....19
How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or
attack Germany?
omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to
sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate
of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the
propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the
Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected
with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure
the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon
Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent;
and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and
morality for third parties to dispose of other people's
property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty
of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify.
The mode of representation might safely be left to the
Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that
Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's
agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon
the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of
it.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
THE PROTOCOL
Carlton Gardens, 23rd June 1850.
My dear John Russell,—The Queen has entirely
misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol.
It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an
attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is to decide
nothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and
opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign
it....19
How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or
attack Germany?
Page 373
Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not
indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic
Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for
Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two
leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in
a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary,
which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely
would not?...
As to my having agreed with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and
France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that
is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow
proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion
with him about it. It is he who has communicated it to the
French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it
privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might
show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland
that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia,
and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be
altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to
Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna
till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could
recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received
the Queen's sanction to do so.
The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to
say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol,
they could add that they signed also in the name of the
Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional
weight of that authority, but that could not be made a sine
quâ non, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia
themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed
by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree
to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of
opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to
decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic
Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for
Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two
leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in
a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary,
which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely
would not?...
As to my having agreed with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and
France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that
is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow
proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion
with him about it. It is he who has communicated it to the
French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it
privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might
show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland
that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia,
and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be
altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to
Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna
till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could
recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received
the Queen's sanction to do so.
The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to
say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol,
they could add that they signed also in the name of the
Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional
weight of that authority, but that could not be made a sine
quâ non, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia
themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed
by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree
to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of
opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to
decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Page 374
Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability of the
following points:—(1) that the several states which constituted the
Danish Monarchy should remain united, and that the Danish Crown
should be settled in such manner that it should go with the Duchy of
Holstein; (2) that the signatory Powers, when the peace should have
been concluded, should concert measures for the purpose of giving to
the results an additional pledge of stability, by a general European
acknowledgment.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
Buckingham Palace, 25th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing
those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The
misconception on the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston
alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the
arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends
that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein
nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the
Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon—
(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of
Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy
(which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is
to remain with it).
(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to
keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to
that of Holstein.
(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their
"soins" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled
in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which
it was one of the conditions that the question of the
succession was to be left untouched.
following points:—(1) that the several states which constituted the
Danish Monarchy should remain united, and that the Danish Crown
should be settled in such manner that it should go with the Duchy of
Holstein; (2) that the signatory Powers, when the peace should have
been concluded, should concert measures for the purpose of giving to
the results an additional pledge of stability, by a general European
acknowledgment.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
Buckingham Palace, 25th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing
those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. The
misconception on the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston
alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the
arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends
that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein
nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the
Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon—
(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of
Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy
(which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is
to remain with it).
(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to
keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to
that of Holstein.
(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their
"soins" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled
in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which
it was one of the conditions that the question of the
succession was to be left untouched.
Page 375
(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European
acknowledgment.
If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "soins"
and the acknowledgments of all the great Powers of Europe
are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if
they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.
Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be
easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of
Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of
Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a
declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its
intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.
The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for
Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same
consideration which is due to every country on whose
interests we mean to decide.
The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject
to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their
deliberate opinion.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 25th June 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Charles will have told you how kindly
and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling
night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for
the christening of our little Arthur.20 I wish you could (and
you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him
speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm
of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The
poor King of Prussia is recovered,21 and has been received
acknowledgment.
If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "soins"
and the acknowledgments of all the great Powers of Europe
are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if
they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.
Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be
easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of
Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of
Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a
declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its
intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.
The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for
Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same
consideration which is due to every country on whose
interests we mean to decide.
The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject
to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their
deliberate opinion.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 25th June 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Charles will have told you how kindly
and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling
night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for
the christening of our little Arthur.20 I wish you could (and
you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him
speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm
of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The
poor King of Prussia is recovered,21 and has been received
Page 376
with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first
reappearance in public.
We are in a crisis, no one knowing how this debate upon this
most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most
unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.
I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the
heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st of May,
the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the sponsors,
and after whom he was named.
Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE
Chesham Place, 26th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night
Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of
the Government in a speech of four hours and three
quarters.22 This speech was one of the most masterly ever
delivered, going through the details of transactions in the
various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time
to great principles of justice and of freedom.
The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was
adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.
The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on
the amount of that majority must depend their future course.
reappearance in public.
We are in a crisis, no one knowing how this debate upon this
most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most
unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.
I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the
heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st of May,
the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the sponsors,
and after whom he was named.
Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE
Chesham Place, 26th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night
Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of
the Government in a speech of four hours and three
quarters.22 This speech was one of the most masterly ever
delivered, going through the details of transactions in the
various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time
to great principles of justice and of freedom.
The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was
adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.
The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on
the amount of that majority must depend their future course.
Page 377
Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister asked for a
verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in days of old held
himself free from indignity when he could say, Civis Romanus sum, so
also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident
that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect him
against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last appearance in
the House, voted against Palmerston.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 27th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division
are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.
Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their
remaining in office.23
Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord
Stanley in forming an Administration.
Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an
audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one
o'clock.
The division will not take place till to-morrow night.
Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 264,
although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone, Mr
Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham, and Sir
William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell, the most effective speech on the Government side
was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of
England.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PEEL'S ACCIDENT
verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in days of old held
himself free from indignity when he could say, Civis Romanus sum, so
also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident
that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect him
against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last appearance in
the House, voted against Palmerston.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 27th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division
are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.
Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their
remaining in office.23
Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord
Stanley in forming an Administration.
Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an
audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one
o'clock.
The division will not take place till to-morrow night.
Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 264,
although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone, Mr
Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham, and Sir
William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell, the most effective speech on the Government side
was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of
England.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
PEEL'S ACCIDENT
Page 378
Buckingham Palace, 2nd July 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—For two most kind and affectionate
letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report
of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness.
By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of
this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable
attack.24 I have not suffered except from my head, which is
still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent,
and the brass end of the stick fell on my head so as to make
a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving,
and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I
am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of
much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir
Robert Peel,25 who, as you will see, has had a most serious
fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night;
thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in
great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it
would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and
irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to
be depended on. All parties are in great anxiety about him. I
will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.
Our good and amiable guest26 likes being with us, and will
remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and
go to the opera very regularly. The Prophète is quite
beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in the
Scène du Couronnement is, I think, finer than anything in
either Robert or the Huguenots; it is highly dramatic, and
really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in
perfection. His Raoul in the Huguenots is also most
beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his
voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts
with such intense feeling.
What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves
things just as they were. The House of Commons is
becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....
My dearest Uncle,—For two most kind and affectionate
letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report
of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness.
By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of
this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable
attack.24 I have not suffered except from my head, which is
still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent,
and the brass end of the stick fell on my head so as to make
a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving,
and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I
am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of
much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir
Robert Peel,25 who, as you will see, has had a most serious
fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night;
thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in
great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it
would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and
irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to
be depended on. All parties are in great anxiety about him. I
will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.
Our good and amiable guest26 likes being with us, and will
remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and
go to the opera very regularly. The Prophète is quite
beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in the
Scène du Couronnement is, I think, finer than anything in
either Robert or the Huguenots; it is highly dramatic, and
really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in
perfection. His Raoul in the Huguenots is also most
beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his
voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts
with such intense feeling.
What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves
things just as they were. The House of Commons is
becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....
Page 379
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most
affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is
freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself
better; the Doctors think there is no vital injury, and nothing
from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some
days in a precarious state.
Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where
she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's health, was
struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer, and a severe
bruise was inflicted on her forehead. The outrage was apparently
committed without motive, but an attempt to prove Pate insane failed,
and he was sentenced to seven years' transportation.
Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate, Sir Robert
Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had
gone out riding. On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he
was thrown from his horse, and, after lingering three days in intense
pain, died on the 5th of July.
Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.
The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria.
THE KING OF DENMARK
Copenhague, 4 Juillet 1850.
Madame ma Sœur,—Je remplis un devoir des plus agréables,
en m'empressant d'annoncer à votre Majesté que la paix
vient d'être signée le 2 de ce mois à Berlin entre moi et Sa
Majesté le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la
Confédération Germanique.27
Je sais et je reconnais de grand cœur combien je suis
redevable à votre Majesté et à Son Gouvernement de ce
affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is
freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself
better; the Doctors think there is no vital injury, and nothing
from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some
days in a precarious state.
Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where
she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's health, was
struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer, and a severe
bruise was inflicted on her forehead. The outrage was apparently
committed without motive, but an attempt to prove Pate insane failed,
and he was sentenced to seven years' transportation.
Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate, Sir Robert
Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had
gone out riding. On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he
was thrown from his horse, and, after lingering three days in intense
pain, died on the 5th of July.
Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.
The King of Denmark to Queen Victoria.
THE KING OF DENMARK
Copenhague, 4 Juillet 1850.
Madame ma Sœur,—Je remplis un devoir des plus agréables,
en m'empressant d'annoncer à votre Majesté que la paix
vient d'être signée le 2 de ce mois à Berlin entre moi et Sa
Majesté le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la
Confédération Germanique.27
Je sais et je reconnais de grand cœur combien je suis
redevable à votre Majesté et à Son Gouvernement de ce
Page 380
résultat important, qui justifie mon espérance de pouvoir
bientôt rendre à tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincère
réconciliation et d'une véritable concorde.
Votre Majesté a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a
constamment accompli le mandat de la médiation dans
l'intérêt du Danemark et de l'Europe, ajouté aux témoignages
inappréciables de sincère amitié qu'elle n'a cessé de
m'accorder durant la longue et pénible épreuve que le
Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui paraît, à
l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place à un
meilleur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majesté,
de nouvelles garanties pour l'indépendance de mon antique
Couronne et pour le maintien de l'intégrité de ma
Monarchie, à la défense desquelles je me suis voué
entièrement.
Je suis persuadé que votre Majesté me fera la justice de
croire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon
peuple fidèle et loyal s'associe à moi et aux miens, pénétré
de ces mêmes sentiments de gratitude envers votre Majesté.
Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter à
toutes Ses bontés, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui
donner des preuves de mon dévouement inaltérable et de la
haute considération avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait,
Madame ma Sœur, vous, votre auguste Époux et tous les
vôtres, dans sa sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis,
Madame ma Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
Frederick.
Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were still
at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now
concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of individual
Germans in the insurgent army continued.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
bientôt rendre à tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincère
réconciliation et d'une véritable concorde.
Votre Majesté a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a
constamment accompli le mandat de la médiation dans
l'intérêt du Danemark et de l'Europe, ajouté aux témoignages
inappréciables de sincère amitié qu'elle n'a cessé de
m'accorder durant la longue et pénible épreuve que le
Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui paraît, à
l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place à un
meilleur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majesté,
de nouvelles garanties pour l'indépendance de mon antique
Couronne et pour le maintien de l'intégrité de ma
Monarchie, à la défense desquelles je me suis voué
entièrement.
Je suis persuadé que votre Majesté me fera la justice de
croire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon
peuple fidèle et loyal s'associe à moi et aux miens, pénétré
de ces mêmes sentiments de gratitude envers votre Majesté.
Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter à
toutes Ses bontés, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui
donner des preuves de mon dévouement inaltérable et de la
haute considération avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait,
Madame ma Sœur, vous, votre auguste Époux et tous les
vôtres, dans sa sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis,
Madame ma Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
Frederick.
Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were still
at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now
concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of individual
Germans in the insurgent army continued.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Page 381
DEATH OF PEEL
Laeken, 5th July 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—It gave me the greatest pain to learn
of the death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel.
That he should have met with his end—he so valuable to the
whole earth—from an accident so easily to be avoided with
some care, is the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose
in him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, great
knowledge of everything connected with the country, can
never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and a
truly wise statesman....
Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to
send a messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to
him. I pity him about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be
much plagued, and I was glad to see that the matter is to be
treated in Parliament. Alas! in all human affairs one is sure
to meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so well;
great care even for the most useful objects is necessary.
I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may
be satisfactory.28 Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your
devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously ill.
Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1850.
Sire, my most honoured Brother,—I have to express to you
my thanks for the pleasure which the visit of your dear
brother has given us, who, as I hope, will remit these lines to
Laeken, 5th July 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—It gave me the greatest pain to learn
of the death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel.
That he should have met with his end—he so valuable to the
whole earth—from an accident so easily to be avoided with
some care, is the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose
in him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, great
knowledge of everything connected with the country, can
never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and a
truly wise statesman....
Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to
send a messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to
him. I pity him about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be
much plagued, and I was glad to see that the matter is to be
treated in Parliament. Alas! in all human affairs one is sure
to meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so well;
great care even for the most useful objects is necessary.
I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may
be satisfactory.28 Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your
devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously ill.
Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia.
Buckingham Palace, 6th July 1850.
Sire, my most honoured Brother,—I have to express to you
my thanks for the pleasure which the visit of your dear
brother has given us, who, as I hope, will remit these lines to
Page 382
you in perfect health. That things go so well with you, and
that the healing of your wound has made undisturbed
progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety. You will
no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object of
an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is,
as usual, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still
the deed remains.
All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the
sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at
the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows
of Fate which could have fallen on us and on the country.
You knew the great man, and understood how to appreciate
his merit. His value is now becoming clear even to his
opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.
The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of
your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most
cordial congratulations on that account.
Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear
Queen, and referring you for detailed news to the dear
Prince, also recommending to your gracious remembrance
Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, on his part, with a
letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear Brother,
your Majesty's faithful Sister,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE
Buckingham Palace, 9th July 1850.
My Dearest Uncle,—We live in the midst of sorrow and
death! My poor good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last,
without a struggle, at a few minutes before ten last night. I
that the healing of your wound has made undisturbed
progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety. You will
no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object of
an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is,
as usual, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still
the deed remains.
All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the
sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at
the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows
of Fate which could have fallen on us and on the country.
You knew the great man, and understood how to appreciate
his merit. His value is now becoming clear even to his
opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.
The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of
your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most
cordial congratulations on that account.
Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear
Queen, and referring you for detailed news to the dear
Prince, also recommending to your gracious remembrance
Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, on his part, with a
letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear Brother,
your Majesty's faithful Sister,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE
Buckingham Palace, 9th July 1850.
My Dearest Uncle,—We live in the midst of sorrow and
death! My poor good Uncle Cambridge breathed his last,
without a struggle, at a few minutes before ten last night. I
Page 383
still saw him yesterday morning at one, but he did not see
me, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold. The poor
Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their
grief, and poor Augusta,29 who arrived just five hours too
late, is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there
was no disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four
weeks ago, from over-exertion, and cold, and which he
neglected for the first week, carried him off.
The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to
talk to and see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a
very intimate footing, we have been able to appreciate his
real worth fully; he is so honest and frank, and so steady of
purpose and courageous.
Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at
his death are most touching, and the country mourns over
him as over a father. Every one seems to have lost a personal
friend.
As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here.
You will be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is
wonderfully calm and resigned. My poor dear Albert, who
had been so fresh and well when we came back, looks so
pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir Robert's
loss dreadfully. He feels he has lost a second father.
May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 29: See ante, vol. i. p. 437.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 19th July 1850.
me, and to-day I saw him lifeless and cold. The poor
Duchess and the poor children are very touching in their
grief, and poor Augusta,29 who arrived just five hours too
late, is quite heartbroken. The end was most peaceful; there
was no disease; only a gastric fever, which came on four
weeks ago, from over-exertion, and cold, and which he
neglected for the first week, carried him off.
The good Prince of Prussia you will have been pleased to
talk to and see. Having lived with him for a fortnight on a
very intimate footing, we have been able to appreciate his
real worth fully; he is so honest and frank, and so steady of
purpose and courageous.
Poor dear Peel is to be buried to-day. The sorrow and grief at
his death are most touching, and the country mourns over
him as over a father. Every one seems to have lost a personal
friend.
As I have much to write, you will forgive me ending here.
You will be glad to hear that poor Aunt Gloucester is
wonderfully calm and resigned. My poor dear Albert, who
had been so fresh and well when we came back, looks so
pale and fagged again. He has felt, and feels, Sir Robert's
loss dreadfully. He feels he has lost a second father.
May God bless and protect you all, you dear ones! Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 29: See ante, vol. i. p. 437.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 19th July 1850.
Page 384
Before this draft to Lord Bloomfield about Greece is sent, it
would be well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is
justified in calling the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a
notorious defaulter to the amount of 200,000 drachms,"30
and should he be so, whether it is a proper thing for the
Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public despatch!
Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see ante, p. 242,
note 1) had decided that £8500 should be distributed among the
claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim against Portugal
should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately he was awarded only an
insignificant sum.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE FOREIGN OFFICE
Osborne, 28th July 1850.
The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and
Duchess of Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited
them. She will be quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on
the Foreign Office. Lord John may be sure that she fully
admits the great difficulties in the way of the projected
alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels the duty she owes
to the country and to herself, not to allow a man in whom
she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in
anything but a straightforward and proper manner to herself,
to remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose
herself to insults from other nations, and the country to the
constant risk of serious and alarming complications. The
Queen considers these reasons as much graver than the other
difficulties. Each time that we were in a difficulty, the
Government seemed to be determined to move Lord
Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over,
those which present themselves in the carrying out of this
would be well to consider whether Lord Palmerston is
justified in calling the Minister of the Interior of Greece "a
notorious defaulter to the amount of 200,000 drachms,"30
and should he be so, whether it is a proper thing for the
Queen's Foreign Secretary to say in a public despatch!
Footnote 30: The Convention of the 18th of April (see ante, p. 242,
note 1) had decided that £8500 should be distributed among the
claimants, and that Don Pacifico's special claim against Portugal
should be referred to arbitration. Ultimately he was awarded only an
insignificant sum.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE FOREIGN OFFICE
Osborne, 28th July 1850.
The Queen will have much pleasure in seeing the Duke and
Duchess of Bedford here next Saturday, and we have invited
them. She will be quite ready to hear the Duke's opinions on
the Foreign Office. Lord John may be sure that she fully
admits the great difficulties in the way of the projected
alteration, but she, on the other hand, feels the duty she owes
to the country and to herself, not to allow a man in whom
she can have no confidence, who has conducted himself in
anything but a straightforward and proper manner to herself,
to remain in the Foreign Office, and thereby to expose
herself to insults from other nations, and the country to the
constant risk of serious and alarming complications. The
Queen considers these reasons as much graver than the other
difficulties. Each time that we were in a difficulty, the
Government seemed to be determined to move Lord
Palmerston, and as soon as these difficulties were got over,
those which present themselves in the carrying out of this
Page 385
removal appeared of so great a magnitude as to cause its
relinquishment. There is no chance of Lord Palmerston
reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year, and after having
considered his last escape as a triumph.... The Queen is
personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is
secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in
Schleswig, which may produce a renewal of revolutions in
Germany, and possibly a general war.
The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no
question of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston
will not arbitrarily and without reference to his colleagues or
Sovereign engage this country.
Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.
Osborne, 29 Juillet 1850.
Sire et mon bon Frère,—La lettre dont votre Majesté a bien
voulu m'honorer m'a causé un bien vif plaisir comme
témoignage que votre Majesté a su apprécier les sentiments
d'amitié pour vous et le désir d'agir avec impartialité qui
m'ont animée ainsi que mon Gouvernement pendant tout le
cours des longues négociations qui out précédé la signature
de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majesté peut aisément
comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le
renouvellement de la guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra
avoir d'autre résultat que l'accroissement de l'animosité et
l'affaiblissement des deux nobles peuples sur lesquels vous
régnez. Dieu veuille que cette dernière lutte se termine
pourtant dans une réconciliation solide, basée sur la
reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux côtés.
Je me trouve poussée à vous soumettre ici, Sire, une prière
pour un Prince qui s'est malheureusement trouvé en conflit
avec votre Majesté, mais pour lequel les liens de parenté me
portent à plaider, le Duc de Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis
relinquishment. There is no chance of Lord Palmerston
reforming himself in his sixty-seventh year, and after having
considered his last escape as a triumph.... The Queen is
personally convinced that Lord Palmerston at this moment is
secretly planning an armed Russian intervention in
Schleswig, which may produce a renewal of revolutions in
Germany, and possibly a general war.
The Queen only adduces this as an instance that there is no
question of delicacy and danger in which Lord Palmerston
will not arbitrarily and without reference to his colleagues or
Sovereign engage this country.
Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.
Osborne, 29 Juillet 1850.
Sire et mon bon Frère,—La lettre dont votre Majesté a bien
voulu m'honorer m'a causé un bien vif plaisir comme
témoignage que votre Majesté a su apprécier les sentiments
d'amitié pour vous et le désir d'agir avec impartialité qui
m'ont animée ainsi que mon Gouvernement pendant tout le
cours des longues négociations qui out précédé la signature
de la Paix avec l'Allemagne. Votre Majesté peut aisément
comprendre aussi combien je dois regretter le
renouvellement de la guerre avec le Schleswig qui ne pourra
avoir d'autre résultat que l'accroissement de l'animosité et
l'affaiblissement des deux nobles peuples sur lesquels vous
régnez. Dieu veuille que cette dernière lutte se termine
pourtant dans une réconciliation solide, basée sur la
reconnaissance des droits et des obligations des deux côtés.
Je me trouve poussée à vous soumettre ici, Sire, une prière
pour un Prince qui s'est malheureusement trouvé en conflit
avec votre Majesté, mais pour lequel les liens de parenté me
portent à plaider, le Duc de Holstein-Augustenburg. Je suis
Page 386
persuadée que la magnanimité de votre Majesté lui rendra
ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a jugé nécessaire de lui ôter
pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaîtrais bien
comme une preuve d'amitié de la part de votre Majesté
envers moi.
En faisant des vœux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le
désir du Prince, mon Epoux, d'être mis aux pieds de votre
Majesté, je suis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté la
bonne Sœur,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG
Osborne, 31st July 1850.
The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the
accompanying draft31 with regard to Schleswig, which is
evidently intended to lay the ground for future foreign armed
intervention. This is to be justified by considering the
assistance which the Stadthalterschaft of Holstein may be
tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an invasion
of Schleswig by a German force."
Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that
passage. This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation,
begging the question at issue. The whole war—Revolution,
mediation, etc., etc.—rested upon the question whether
Schleswig was part of Holstein (though not of the German
Confederation), or part of Denmark and not of Holstein.
Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating with the
Prussian Government against the orders given by the Holstein
Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after the signature of the
peace between Prussia and Denmark.
ses biens particuliers, qu'elle a jugé nécessaire de lui ôter
pendant la guerre de 1848, ce que je reconnaîtrais bien
comme une preuve d'amitié de la part de votre Majesté
envers moi.
En faisant des vœux, pour son bonbeur et en exprimant le
désir du Prince, mon Epoux, d'être mis aux pieds de votre
Majesté, je suis, Sire et mon bon Frère, de votre Majesté la
bonne Sœur,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG
Osborne, 31st July 1850.
The Queen must draw Lord John Russell's attention to the
accompanying draft31 with regard to Schleswig, which is
evidently intended to lay the ground for future foreign armed
intervention. This is to be justified by considering the
assistance which the Stadthalterschaft of Holstein may be
tempted to give to their Schleswig brethren "as an invasion
of Schleswig by a German force."
Lord John seems himself to have placed a "?" against that
passage. This is, after two years' negotiation and mediation,
begging the question at issue. The whole war—Revolution,
mediation, etc., etc.—rested upon the question whether
Schleswig was part of Holstein (though not of the German
Confederation), or part of Denmark and not of Holstein.
Footnote 31: In this draft, Lord Palmerston was remonstrating with the
Prussian Government against the orders given by the Holstein
Statthalters to their army to invade Schleswig, after the signature of the
peace between Prussia and Denmark.
Page 387
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 31st July 1850.
The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum
upon the Rangership of the Parks in London, but cannot say
that it has convinced her of the expediency of its abolition.
There is nothing in the management of these parks by the
Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to all the
others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There
is certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided
authority, but this is amply compensated by the advantage to
the Crown, in appearance at least, to keep up an authority
emanating personally from the Sovereign, and unconnected
with a Government Department which is directly answerable
to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde Park
has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind
the public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As
the Ranger has no power over money, the management will
always remain with the Office of Woods.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS
London, 3rd August 1850.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of
submitting to your Majesty the enclosed letter from General
Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B., in which he tenders his
resignation of the office of Commander-in-Chief of your
Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.32
Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of
Wellington considered it to be his duty to peruse all the
Osborne, 31st July 1850.
The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum
upon the Rangership of the Parks in London, but cannot say
that it has convinced her of the expediency of its abolition.
There is nothing in the management of these parks by the
Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to all the
others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There
is certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided
authority, but this is amply compensated by the advantage to
the Crown, in appearance at least, to keep up an authority
emanating personally from the Sovereign, and unconnected
with a Government Department which is directly answerable
to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde Park
has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind
the public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As
the Ranger has no power over money, the management will
always remain with the Office of Woods.
The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria.
SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS
London, 3rd August 1850.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble
duty to your Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of
submitting to your Majesty the enclosed letter from General
Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B., in which he tenders his
resignation of the office of Commander-in-Chief of your
Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.32
Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of
Wellington considered it to be his duty to peruse all the
Page 388
papers submitted by Sir Charles Napier; to survey the
transaction which had occasioned the censure of the
Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir Charles
Napier; to require from the India House all the information
which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as
well as upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on
account of which it was stated to be necessary.
He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he
submits the copy to your Majesty, his views and opinions
upon the whole subject, and the result which he submits to
your Majesty is that he considers it his duty humbly to
submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be
graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir
Charles Napier thus tendered.
Before he should submit this recommendation to your
Majesty in relation to an office of such high reputation in so
high and important a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of
Wellington considered it his duty to submit his views to your
Majesty's servants, who have expressed their concurrence in
his opinion.
It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will
lay before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret
Committee of the Court of Directors, by the Governor-
General in Council, which are adverted to in the paper
drawn up by the Duke, and of which the substance alone is
stated.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.
Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's action in
exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council, on the occasion
of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.
transaction which had occasioned the censure of the
Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir Charles
Napier; to require from the India House all the information
which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as
well as upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on
account of which it was stated to be necessary.
He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he
submits the copy to your Majesty, his views and opinions
upon the whole subject, and the result which he submits to
your Majesty is that he considers it his duty humbly to
submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be
graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir
Charles Napier thus tendered.
Before he should submit this recommendation to your
Majesty in relation to an office of such high reputation in so
high and important a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of
Wellington considered it his duty to submit his views to your
Majesty's servants, who have expressed their concurrence in
his opinion.
It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will
lay before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret
Committee of the Court of Directors, by the Governor-
General in Council, which are adverted to in the paper
drawn up by the Duke, and of which the substance alone is
stated.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.
Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's action in
exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council, on the occasion
of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.
Page 389
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS
Osborne, 5th August 1850.
Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon,
who had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston
moved, had lately expressed to him his opinion that it would
be most dangerous and impolitic to do so under present
circumstances, we thought it right to see Lord Clarendon
here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon spoke in
his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also of
the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of
the Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were
much dissatisfied with Lord John Russell, and free from
control by the death of Sir Robert Peel. I said that if
everything was done with Lord Palmerston's consent there
would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon assented, but
doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his
hobby. He added, nobody but Lord John could carry on the
Foreign Affairs, but he ought not to leave the House of
Commons under present circumstances, where he was now
the only authority left.
A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT
We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John
had wished us to invite. He is very unhappy about the
present state of affairs, frightened about things going on as
at present, when Lord John can exercise no control over
Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed year after year
to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord
Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other
hand, equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was
aware of all that had passed between us and Lord John, and
ready to do anything he could to bring matters to a
satisfactory solution, but thought his brother would not like
to leave the House of Commons now. He had very much
PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS
Osborne, 5th August 1850.
Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon,
who had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston
moved, had lately expressed to him his opinion that it would
be most dangerous and impolitic to do so under present
circumstances, we thought it right to see Lord Clarendon
here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon spoke in
his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also of
the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of
the Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were
much dissatisfied with Lord John Russell, and free from
control by the death of Sir Robert Peel. I said that if
everything was done with Lord Palmerston's consent there
would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon assented, but
doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his
hobby. He added, nobody but Lord John could carry on the
Foreign Affairs, but he ought not to leave the House of
Commons under present circumstances, where he was now
the only authority left.
A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT
We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John
had wished us to invite. He is very unhappy about the
present state of affairs, frightened about things going on as
at present, when Lord John can exercise no control over
Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed year after year
to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord
Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other
hand, equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was
aware of all that had passed between us and Lord John, and
ready to do anything he could to bring matters to a
satisfactory solution, but thought his brother would not like
to leave the House of Commons now. He had very much
Page 390
changed his opinion on that head latterly, and the more so as
he thought something ought to be done next year with the
franchise, which he alone could carry through. On my
questioning whether it was impossible to persuade him to
take the Foreign Office and stay in the Lower House, with a
first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time, the Duke
thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed to
the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again
his fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if
Lord John would make up his mind to take the Foreign
Office, and to stay in the House of Commons, I saw no
danger, as Lord John would be able to maintain himself
successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to be in
opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable
to anybody who was to gain only the leadership in the
House; moreover, Lord John, having done so much for Lord
Palmerston, could expect and demand a return of sacrifice,
and a variety of posts might be offered to him—the
Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary, or
Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
etc., etc., which places I was sure any member of the
Cabinet would vacate for him. The Duke of Bedford added
the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord Clarendon had told him
he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but only under
one condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to Lord
Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at
this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted
most considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all,
and would support the Government independently in the
House of Lords if this were to facilitate arrangements. The
Queen rejoined that a peerage was of course also at Lord
John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then agreed that
Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord
John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular,
pleasing, conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and
most industrious; trained under Lord John, he could at any
time leave him the office altogether, if Lord John should find
he thought something ought to be done next year with the
franchise, which he alone could carry through. On my
questioning whether it was impossible to persuade him to
take the Foreign Office and stay in the Lower House, with a
first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time, the Duke
thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed to
the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again
his fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if
Lord John would make up his mind to take the Foreign
Office, and to stay in the House of Commons, I saw no
danger, as Lord John would be able to maintain himself
successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to be in
opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable
to anybody who was to gain only the leadership in the
House; moreover, Lord John, having done so much for Lord
Palmerston, could expect and demand a return of sacrifice,
and a variety of posts might be offered to him—the
Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary, or
Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
etc., etc., which places I was sure any member of the
Cabinet would vacate for him. The Duke of Bedford added
the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord Clarendon had told him
he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but only under
one condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to Lord
Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at
this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted
most considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all,
and would support the Government independently in the
House of Lords if this were to facilitate arrangements. The
Queen rejoined that a peerage was of course also at Lord
John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then agreed that
Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord
John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular,
pleasing, conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and
most industrious; trained under Lord John, he could at any
time leave him the office altogether, if Lord John should find
Page 391
it too much for himself. Lord Granville had a higher office
now, that of Vice-President of the Board of Trade and
Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the importance
of taking a lower office under such circumstances and with
such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a
great deal of him latterly, as he is the only working man on
the Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, and have found
him most able, good-natured, and laborious. The Duke liked
the proposal very much, and is going to communicate all
that passed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne, 8th August 1850.
Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to
report to the Queen what had passed between him and Lord
Palmerston the day before, on whom he had called in order
to have an explanation on the Foreign Affairs.
Lord John reminded him of former communications, but
admitted that circumstances were much changed by the
recent debates in both Houses of Parliament; still, it was
necessary to come to an understanding of the position. The
policy pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs had been
right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the
Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the
country. But the manner in which it had been executed had
been unfortunate, led to irritation and hostility; although
peace had actually been preserved, and England stood in a
position requiring no territorial aggrandisement or advantage
of any kind, yet all Governments and Powers, not only
Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal states,
now, that of Vice-President of the Board of Trade and
Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the importance
of taking a lower office under such circumstances and with
such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a
great deal of him latterly, as he is the only working man on
the Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, and have found
him most able, good-natured, and laborious. The Duke liked
the proposal very much, and is going to communicate all
that passed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne, 8th August 1850.
Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to
report to the Queen what had passed between him and Lord
Palmerston the day before, on whom he had called in order
to have an explanation on the Foreign Affairs.
Lord John reminded him of former communications, but
admitted that circumstances were much changed by the
recent debates in both Houses of Parliament; still, it was
necessary to come to an understanding of the position. The
policy pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs had been
right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the
Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the
country. But the manner in which it had been executed had
been unfortunate, led to irritation and hostility; although
peace had actually been preserved, and England stood in a
position requiring no territorial aggrandisement or advantage
of any kind, yet all Governments and Powers, not only
Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal states,
Page 392
had become decidedly hostile to us, and our intercourse was
not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many
cases in which they had been unnecessarily slighted and
provoked by Lord Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in
the Greek affair. Lord Palmerston's conduct towards the
Queen had been disrespectful and wanting in due attention
and deference to her, and had been much complained of.
In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to
Her Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to
Lord Minto, he himself should go to the House of Lords, and
Lord Palmerston should have the lead in the House of
Commons. The Queen had, however, objected to this
arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower House to be
more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home
Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now
had come Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for
Lord John to leave the House of Commons without
endangering the position of Government and of the parties in
the House.
PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION
Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's
intention to stay in the House of Commons, said all was
changed now; there had been a great conspiracy against him,
he had been accused in Parliament, put on his trial and
acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest
enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now
supported by a strong party; he owned, however, that his
success had been chiefly owing to the handsome manner in
which Lord John and his colleagues had supported him in
the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity of
those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross
was quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to
the Queen, and if he had been guilty of any he was quite
unconscious of it and sorry for it.
Lord John reminded him that although the Government had
got a majority in the House of Commons in the Foreign
not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many
cases in which they had been unnecessarily slighted and
provoked by Lord Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in
the Greek affair. Lord Palmerston's conduct towards the
Queen had been disrespectful and wanting in due attention
and deference to her, and had been much complained of.
In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to
Her Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to
Lord Minto, he himself should go to the House of Lords, and
Lord Palmerston should have the lead in the House of
Commons. The Queen had, however, objected to this
arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower House to be
more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home
Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now
had come Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for
Lord John to leave the House of Commons without
endangering the position of Government and of the parties in
the House.
PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION
Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's
intention to stay in the House of Commons, said all was
changed now; there had been a great conspiracy against him,
he had been accused in Parliament, put on his trial and
acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest
enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now
supported by a strong party; he owned, however, that his
success had been chiefly owing to the handsome manner in
which Lord John and his colleagues had supported him in
the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity of
those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross
was quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to
the Queen, and if he had been guilty of any he was quite
unconscious of it and sorry for it.
Lord John reminded him that although the Government had
got a majority in the House of Commons in the Foreign
Page 393
debate, it was not to be forgotten that the fate of the
Government had been staked upon it, and that many people
voted on that account who would not have supported the
Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had
the strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the
Government, but who could not avoid speaking, were
obliged to speak and vote against the Government. Sir R.
Peel's speech was a most remarkable instance of this.
Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a
reluctant effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was
bound to defend. If he (Lord Palmerston) were to leave the
Foreign Office, there must be a ground for it, such as his
having to take the lead in the House of Commons, which
was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign
Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and
after that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But without
such a ground it would be loss of character to him, which he
could not be expected to submit to. There was not even the
excuse of wishing to avoid a difficulty with a foreign
country, as all was smooth now. Those who had wished to
injure him had been beat, and now it would be giving them a
triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were
dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs,
they had a right to demand his resignation, and he would
give it, but they could not ask him to lower himself in public
estimation. Lord John answered that his resignation would
lead to a further split of parties: there were parties already
enough in the House, and it was essential that at least the
Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord
Palmerston assented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated
his complaints against that plot which had been got up in
this country against him, and urged on by foreigners,
complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr Greville of
the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon
him in the Times, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the Times,
of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had
been convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve
Government had been staked upon it, and that many people
voted on that account who would not have supported the
Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had
the strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the
Government, but who could not avoid speaking, were
obliged to speak and vote against the Government. Sir R.
Peel's speech was a most remarkable instance of this.
Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a
reluctant effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was
bound to defend. If he (Lord Palmerston) were to leave the
Foreign Office, there must be a ground for it, such as his
having to take the lead in the House of Commons, which
was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign
Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and
after that failure nobody ought to attempt it.) But without
such a ground it would be loss of character to him, which he
could not be expected to submit to. There was not even the
excuse of wishing to avoid a difficulty with a foreign
country, as all was smooth now. Those who had wished to
injure him had been beat, and now it would be giving them a
triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were
dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs,
they had a right to demand his resignation, and he would
give it, but they could not ask him to lower himself in public
estimation. Lord John answered that his resignation would
lead to a further split of parties: there were parties already
enough in the House, and it was essential that at least the
Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord
Palmerston assented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated
his complaints against that plot which had been got up in
this country against him, and urged on by foreigners,
complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr Greville of
the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon
him in the Times, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the Times,
of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had
been convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve
Page 394
had declared to him that he had been making open and
honourable (?!!) war upon him; now he would make a
lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord Palmerston)
had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that they
were on the best terms together.
Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under
these circumstances, but he seemed much provoked at the
result of his conversation. We expressed our surprise that he
had not made Lord Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord
John replied he had not been sure what he could have
offered him....
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.33
DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY
Osborne, 12th August 1850.
With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston
which the Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day,
and Lord Palmerston's disavowal that he ever intended any
disrespect to her by the various neglects of which she has
had so long and so often to complain, she thinks it right, in
order to prevent any mistake for the future, shortly to explain
what it is she expects from her Foreign Secretary. She
requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what he proposes in
a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly
to what she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having once
given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily
altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must
consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly
to be visited by the exercise of her Constitutional right of
dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of
what passes between him and the Foreign Ministers before
honourable (?!!) war upon him; now he would make a
lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord Palmerston)
had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that they
were on the best terms together.
Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under
these circumstances, but he seemed much provoked at the
result of his conversation. We expressed our surprise that he
had not made Lord Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord
John replied he had not been sure what he could have
offered him....
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.33
DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY
Osborne, 12th August 1850.
With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston
which the Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day,
and Lord Palmerston's disavowal that he ever intended any
disrespect to her by the various neglects of which she has
had so long and so often to complain, she thinks it right, in
order to prevent any mistake for the future, shortly to explain
what it is she expects from her Foreign Secretary. She
requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what he proposes in
a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly
to what she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having once
given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily
altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must
consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly
to be visited by the exercise of her Constitutional right of
dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of
what passes between him and the Foreign Ministers before
Page 395
important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse;
to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and to have
the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to
make herself acquainted with their contents before they must
be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell
should show this letter to Lord Palmerston.
Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron
Stockmar, ante, p. 238. This letter was, after much forbearance, written
in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston to a proper understanding of
his relation to the Sovereign. Even when the catastrophe came, and its
tenor had to be communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the
Preamble was generously omitted; but in consequence of its
description by Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as
an angry memorandum, it was printed in full in The Life of the Prince
Consort.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Foreign Office, 13th August 1850.
My dear John Russell,—I have taken a copy of this
memorandum of the Queen and will not fail to attend to the
directions which it contains. With regard to the sending of
despatches to the Queen, they have sometimes been delayed
longer than should have been the case, in consequence of my
having been prevented by great pressure of business, and by
the many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am
liable, from reading and sending them back into the Office
so soon as I could have wished. But I will give orders that
the old practice shall be reverted to, of making copies of all
important despatches as soon as they reach the Office, so
that there may be no delay in sending the despatches to the
Queen; this practice was gradually left off as the business of
the Office increased, and if it shall require an additional
clerk or two you must be liberal and allow me that
assistance.—Yours sincerely,
to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and to have
the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to
make herself acquainted with their contents before they must
be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell
should show this letter to Lord Palmerston.
Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron
Stockmar, ante, p. 238. This letter was, after much forbearance, written
in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston to a proper understanding of
his relation to the Sovereign. Even when the catastrophe came, and its
tenor had to be communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the
Preamble was generously omitted; but in consequence of its
description by Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as
an angry memorandum, it was printed in full in The Life of the Prince
Consort.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Foreign Office, 13th August 1850.
My dear John Russell,—I have taken a copy of this
memorandum of the Queen and will not fail to attend to the
directions which it contains. With regard to the sending of
despatches to the Queen, they have sometimes been delayed
longer than should have been the case, in consequence of my
having been prevented by great pressure of business, and by
the many interruptions of interviews, etc., to which I am
liable, from reading and sending them back into the Office
so soon as I could have wished. But I will give orders that
the old practice shall be reverted to, of making copies of all
important despatches as soon as they reach the Office, so
that there may be no delay in sending the despatches to the
Queen; this practice was gradually left off as the business of
the Office increased, and if it shall require an additional
clerk or two you must be liberal and allow me that
assistance.—Yours sincerely,
Page 396
Palmerston.
The Duc de Nemours to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LOUIS PHILIPPE
Claremont, 26 Août 1850.
Madame ma chère Cousine,—La main de Dieu vient de
s'appesantir sur nous. Le Roi notre Père n'est plus.34 Après
avoir reçu hier avec calme et résignation les secours de la
religion, il s'est éteint ce matin à huit heures au milieu de
nous tous. Vous le connaissiez ma chère Cousine, vous savez
tout ce que nous perdons, vous comprendrez donc
l'inexprimable douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plongés;
vous la partagerez même je le sais!
La Reine brisée, malgré son courage, ne trouve de
soulagement que dans une retraite absolue où ne voyant
personne elle puisse laisser cours à sa douleur.
Veuillez faire part à Albert de notre malheur et recevoir ici,
ma chère Cousine, l'hommage des sentiments de respect et
d'attachement, de votre bien affectionné Cousin,
Louis d'Orléans.
Footnote 34: King Louis Philippe was in his seventy-seventh year
when he died: his widow, Queen Marie Amélie, lived till 1866, when
she died at the age of eighty-four.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 26th August 1850.
The Duc de Nemours to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LOUIS PHILIPPE
Claremont, 26 Août 1850.
Madame ma chère Cousine,—La main de Dieu vient de
s'appesantir sur nous. Le Roi notre Père n'est plus.34 Après
avoir reçu hier avec calme et résignation les secours de la
religion, il s'est éteint ce matin à huit heures au milieu de
nous tous. Vous le connaissiez ma chère Cousine, vous savez
tout ce que nous perdons, vous comprendrez donc
l'inexprimable douleur dans laquelle nous sommes plongés;
vous la partagerez même je le sais!
La Reine brisée, malgré son courage, ne trouve de
soulagement que dans une retraite absolue où ne voyant
personne elle puisse laisser cours à sa douleur.
Veuillez faire part à Albert de notre malheur et recevoir ici,
ma chère Cousine, l'hommage des sentiments de respect et
d'attachement, de votre bien affectionné Cousin,
Louis d'Orléans.
Footnote 34: King Louis Philippe was in his seventy-seventh year
when he died: his widow, Queen Marie Amélie, lived till 1866, when
she died at the age of eighty-four.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 26th August 1850.
Page 397
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to give directions for a
Court mourning according to those which are usual for an
abdicated King. She likewise wishes that every assistance
should be given, and every attention shown to the afflicted
Royal Family, who have been so severely tried during the
last two years, on the melancholy occasion of the poor King
of the French's death.
The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 30 August 1850.
... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French to remain
at Claremont and d'en disposer as long as Heaven does not
dispose of myself. She, of course, dislikes the place, but will
keep the family with her at least for some time.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Taymouth Castle, 5th September 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and was happy to receive your Majesty's gracious letter,
which reached him the night before last.
The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which are
everywhere exhibited, are the more gratifying as they are
entirely spontaneous.
It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should inhabit the
royal Palace of Holyrood, and this circumstance gives great
satisfaction throughout Scotland.
Court mourning according to those which are usual for an
abdicated King. She likewise wishes that every assistance
should be given, and every attention shown to the afflicted
Royal Family, who have been so severely tried during the
last two years, on the melancholy occasion of the poor King
of the French's death.
The Queen starts for Scotland to-morrow.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 30 August 1850.
... I have offered to the poor Queen of the French to remain
at Claremont and d'en disposer as long as Heaven does not
dispose of myself. She, of course, dislikes the place, but will
keep the family with her at least for some time.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Taymouth Castle, 5th September 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and was happy to receive your Majesty's gracious letter,
which reached him the night before last.
The proofs of attachment to your Majesty, which are
everywhere exhibited, are the more gratifying as they are
entirely spontaneous.
It is fit and becoming that your Majesty should inhabit the
royal Palace of Holyrood, and this circumstance gives great
satisfaction throughout Scotland.
Page 398
Lord John Russell is glad to learn that the family of the late
King of the French will continue to reside in England.
The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and Louis
Philippe were unable to consolidate a dynasty in France,
who will ever be able to do it? The prospect is a succession
of fruitless attempts at civil Government till a General
assumes the command, and governs by military force.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE POET LAUREATE
Dunkeld, 7th September 1850.
... Lord John Russell has had the honour of receiving at
Taymouth a letter from the Prince. He agrees that the office
of Poet Laureate ought to be filled up. There are three or
four authors of nearly equal merit, such as Henry Taylor,
Sheridan Knowles, Professor Wilson, and Mr Tennyson,
who are qualified for the office.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Ostend, 7th October 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I write a few words only to tell you
how our dear patient is.35 Yesterday was a most perilous,
truly dreadful day; our dear angelic Louise was so fainting
that Madame d'Hulst, who was with her, felt the greatest
alarm. She afterwards was better, and her mother, Clém,
Joinville, and Aumale having arrived, she saw them with
more composure than could have been expected. Still, she
would in fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and
King of the French will continue to reside in England.
The reflection naturally occurs, if Napoleon and Louis
Philippe were unable to consolidate a dynasty in France,
who will ever be able to do it? The prospect is a succession
of fruitless attempts at civil Government till a General
assumes the command, and governs by military force.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE POET LAUREATE
Dunkeld, 7th September 1850.
... Lord John Russell has had the honour of receiving at
Taymouth a letter from the Prince. He agrees that the office
of Poet Laureate ought to be filled up. There are three or
four authors of nearly equal merit, such as Henry Taylor,
Sheridan Knowles, Professor Wilson, and Mr Tennyson,
who are qualified for the office.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Ostend, 7th October 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I write a few words only to tell you
how our dear patient is.35 Yesterday was a most perilous,
truly dreadful day; our dear angelic Louise was so fainting
that Madame d'Hulst, who was with her, felt the greatest
alarm. She afterwards was better, and her mother, Clém,
Joinville, and Aumale having arrived, she saw them with
more composure than could have been expected. Still, she
would in fact wish to be left quiet and alone with me, and
Page 399
we try to manage things as much as possible so that their
visit does not tire her too much.
Her courage and strength of mind are most heart-breaking
when one thinks of the danger in which she is, and her dear
and angelic soul seems even to shine more brightly at this
moment of such great and imminent danger. I am in a
dreadful state when I am with her. She is so contented, so
cheerful, that the possibilities of danger appear to me
impossible; but the physicians are very much alarmed,
without thinking the state absolutely hopeless. That one
should write such things about a life so precious, and one in
fact still so young, and whose angelic soul is so strong! You
will feel with me as you love her so dearly. God bless you
and preserve you from heart-breaking sufferings like mine.
Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 35: The Queen of the Belgians died on the 11th of October, at
the age of thirty-eight.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
GENERAL HAYNAU
Broadlands, 8th October 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has had the honour to receive your Majesty's
communication of the 4th instant, expressing your Majesty's
wish that an alteration should be made in his answer to
Baron Koller's36 note of the 5th of September, on the subject
of the attack made upon General Haynau;37 but Viscount
Palmerston begs to state that when Baron Koller was at this
place about ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance
visit does not tire her too much.
Her courage and strength of mind are most heart-breaking
when one thinks of the danger in which she is, and her dear
and angelic soul seems even to shine more brightly at this
moment of such great and imminent danger. I am in a
dreadful state when I am with her. She is so contented, so
cheerful, that the possibilities of danger appear to me
impossible; but the physicians are very much alarmed,
without thinking the state absolutely hopeless. That one
should write such things about a life so precious, and one in
fact still so young, and whose angelic soul is so strong! You
will feel with me as you love her so dearly. God bless you
and preserve you from heart-breaking sufferings like mine.
Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 35: The Queen of the Belgians died on the 11th of October, at
the age of thirty-eight.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
GENERAL HAYNAU
Broadlands, 8th October 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has had the honour to receive your Majesty's
communication of the 4th instant, expressing your Majesty's
wish that an alteration should be made in his answer to
Baron Koller's36 note of the 5th of September, on the subject
of the attack made upon General Haynau;37 but Viscount
Palmerston begs to state that when Baron Koller was at this
place about ten days ago, he expressed so much annoyance
Page 400
at the delay which had already taken place in regard to the
answer to his note of the 5th September, and he requested so
earnestly that he might immediately have the reply, that
Viscount Palmerston could do no otherwise than send him
the answer at once, and Baron Koller despatched it the next
day to Vienna.
Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragraph into the
answer, because he could scarcely have reconciled it to his
own feelings and to his sense of public responsibility to have
put his name to a note which might be liable to be called for
by Parliament, without expressing in it, at least as his own
personal opinion, a sense of the want of propriety evinced by
General Haynau in coming to England at the present
moment.38
The state of public feeling in this country about General
Haynau and his proceedings in Italy and Hungary was
perfectly well known; and his coming here so soon after
those events, without necessity or obligation to do so, was
liable to be looked upon as a bravado, and as a challenge to
an expression of public opinion.
Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that Prince
Metternich and Baron Neumann had at Brussels strongly
dissuaded General Haynau from coming on to England; and
that he (Baron Koller) had after his arrival earnestly
entreated him to cut off those long moustachios which
rendered him so liable to be identified.
With regard to the transaction itself, there is no justifying a
breach of the law, nor an attack by a large number of people
upon one or two individuals who cannot resist such superior
force; and though in the present case, according to Baron
Koller's account, the chief injury sustained by General
Haynau consisted in the tearing of his coat, the loss of a
cane, and some severe bruises on his left arm, and though
four or five policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet
a mob who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage;
answer to his note of the 5th September, and he requested so
earnestly that he might immediately have the reply, that
Viscount Palmerston could do no otherwise than send him
the answer at once, and Baron Koller despatched it the next
day to Vienna.
Viscount Palmerston had put the last paragraph into the
answer, because he could scarcely have reconciled it to his
own feelings and to his sense of public responsibility to have
put his name to a note which might be liable to be called for
by Parliament, without expressing in it, at least as his own
personal opinion, a sense of the want of propriety evinced by
General Haynau in coming to England at the present
moment.38
The state of public feeling in this country about General
Haynau and his proceedings in Italy and Hungary was
perfectly well known; and his coming here so soon after
those events, without necessity or obligation to do so, was
liable to be looked upon as a bravado, and as a challenge to
an expression of public opinion.
Baron Koller indeed told Viscount Palmerston that Prince
Metternich and Baron Neumann had at Brussels strongly
dissuaded General Haynau from coming on to England; and
that he (Baron Koller) had after his arrival earnestly
entreated him to cut off those long moustachios which
rendered him so liable to be identified.
With regard to the transaction itself, there is no justifying a
breach of the law, nor an attack by a large number of people
upon one or two individuals who cannot resist such superior
force; and though in the present case, according to Baron
Koller's account, the chief injury sustained by General
Haynau consisted in the tearing of his coat, the loss of a
cane, and some severe bruises on his left arm, and though
four or five policemen proved to be sufficient protection, yet
a mob who begin by insult lead each other on to outrage;
Page 401
and there is no saying to what extremes they might have
proceeded if they had not been checked.
Such occurrences, however, have taken place before; and to
go no further back than the last summer, the attacks on Lord
Talbot at the Stafford meeting, and on Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt,
and others at the Dorchester meeting, when a man was
killed, were still more violent outrages, and originated
simply in differences of political opinion; whereas in this
case the brewers' men were expressing their feeling at what
they considered inhuman conduct on the part of General
Haynau.
The people of this country are remarkable for their
hospitable reception of foreigners, and for their forgetfulness
of past animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest enemy
that England ever had, was treated while at Plymouth with
respect, and with commiseration while at St Helena. Marshal
Soult, who had fought in many battles against the English,
was received with generous acclamation when he came here
as Special Ambassador. The King of the French, Mons.
Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though all of them great
antagonists of English policy and English interests, were
treated in this country with courtesy and kindness. But
General Haynau was looked upon as a great moral criminal;
and the feeling in regard to him was of the same nature as
that which was manifested towards Tawell39 and the
Mannings,40 with this only difference, that General Haynau's
bad deeds were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon
a far larger number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston can
assure your Majesty that those feelings of just and
honourable indignation have not been confined to England,
for he had good reason to know that General Haynau's
ferocious and unmanly treatment of the unfortunate
inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns and places in Italy,
his savage proclamations to the people of Pesth, and his
barbarous acts in Hungary excited almost as much disgust in
Austria as in England, and that the nickname of "General
proceeded if they had not been checked.
Such occurrences, however, have taken place before; and to
go no further back than the last summer, the attacks on Lord
Talbot at the Stafford meeting, and on Mr Bankes, Mr Sturt,
and others at the Dorchester meeting, when a man was
killed, were still more violent outrages, and originated
simply in differences of political opinion; whereas in this
case the brewers' men were expressing their feeling at what
they considered inhuman conduct on the part of General
Haynau.
The people of this country are remarkable for their
hospitable reception of foreigners, and for their forgetfulness
of past animosities. Napoleon Bonaparte, the greatest enemy
that England ever had, was treated while at Plymouth with
respect, and with commiseration while at St Helena. Marshal
Soult, who had fought in many battles against the English,
was received with generous acclamation when he came here
as Special Ambassador. The King of the French, Mons.
Guizot, and Prince Metternich, though all of them great
antagonists of English policy and English interests, were
treated in this country with courtesy and kindness. But
General Haynau was looked upon as a great moral criminal;
and the feeling in regard to him was of the same nature as
that which was manifested towards Tawell39 and the
Mannings,40 with this only difference, that General Haynau's
bad deeds were committed upon a far larger scale, and upon
a far larger number of victims. But Viscount Palmerston can
assure your Majesty that those feelings of just and
honourable indignation have not been confined to England,
for he had good reason to know that General Haynau's
ferocious and unmanly treatment of the unfortunate
inhabitants of Brescia and of other towns and places in Italy,
his savage proclamations to the people of Pesth, and his
barbarous acts in Hungary excited almost as much disgust in
Austria as in England, and that the nickname of "General
Page 402
Hyæna" was given to him at Vienna long before it was
applied to him in London.
Footnote 36: The Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 37: General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War an
odious reputation as a flogger of women. When visiting the brewery of
Barclay & Perkins, the draymen mobbed and assaulted him; he had to
fly from them, and take refuge in a neighbouring house. Lord
Palmerston had to send an official letter of apology to the Austrian
Government, which, as originally despatched, without waiting for the
Queen's approval, contained a paragraph offensive to Austria.
Footnote 38: See Lord Palmerston's letter to Sir G. Grey, Ashley's Life
of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. chap. vi.
Footnote 39: Executed for the Salt Hill murder.
Footnote 40: Marie Manning (an ex-lady's maid, whose career is said
to have suggested Hortense in Bleak House to Dickens) was executed
with her husband, in 1849, for the murder of a guest. She wore black
satin on the scaffold, a material which consequently became unpopular
for some time.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DRAFT DESPATCHED
Buckingham Palace, 11th October 1850.
The Queen having written to Lord Palmerston in conformity
with Lord John Russell's suggestion respecting the draft to
Baron Koller, now encloses Lord Palmerston's answer,
which she received at Edinburgh yesterday evening. Lord
John will see that Lord Palmerston has not only sent the
draft, but passes over in silence her injunction to have a
corrected copy given to Baron Koller, and adds a
vituperation against General Haynau, which clearly shows
that he is not sorry for what has happened, and makes a
applied to him in London.
Footnote 36: The Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 37: General Haynau had earned in the Hungarian War an
odious reputation as a flogger of women. When visiting the brewery of
Barclay & Perkins, the draymen mobbed and assaulted him; he had to
fly from them, and take refuge in a neighbouring house. Lord
Palmerston had to send an official letter of apology to the Austrian
Government, which, as originally despatched, without waiting for the
Queen's approval, contained a paragraph offensive to Austria.
Footnote 38: See Lord Palmerston's letter to Sir G. Grey, Ashley's Life
of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. chap. vi.
Footnote 39: Executed for the Salt Hill murder.
Footnote 40: Marie Manning (an ex-lady's maid, whose career is said
to have suggested Hortense in Bleak House to Dickens) was executed
with her husband, in 1849, for the murder of a guest. She wore black
satin on the scaffold, a material which consequently became unpopular
for some time.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DRAFT DESPATCHED
Buckingham Palace, 11th October 1850.
The Queen having written to Lord Palmerston in conformity
with Lord John Russell's suggestion respecting the draft to
Baron Koller, now encloses Lord Palmerston's answer,
which she received at Edinburgh yesterday evening. Lord
John will see that Lord Palmerston has not only sent the
draft, but passes over in silence her injunction to have a
corrected copy given to Baron Koller, and adds a
vituperation against General Haynau, which clearly shows
that he is not sorry for what has happened, and makes a
Page 403
merit of sympathising with the draymen at the brewery and
the Chartist Demonstrations....
The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to Lord
Palmerston, and hopes Lord John will write to him.41
Footnote 41: Lord John insisted on the note being withdrawn, and
another substituted with the offensive passage omitted. After
threatening resignation, Lord Palmerston somewhat tamely consented.
Lord John Russell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would be
"somewhat amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable
termination of the dispute regarding the letter to Baron Koller. The
same course may be adopted with advantage if a despatch is ever again
sent which has been objected to, and to which the Queen's sanction has
not been given." See the Queen's letter of the 19th of October.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON CENSURED
Buckingham Palace, 12th October 1850.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting
the draft to Baron Koller. She cannot suppose that Baron
Koller addressed his note to Lord Palmerston in order to
receive in answer an expression of his own personal
opinion; and if Lord Palmerston could not reconcile it to his
own feelings to express the regret of the Queen's
Government at the brutal attack and wanton outrage
committed by a ferocious mob on a distinguished foreigner
of past seventy years of age, who was quietly visiting a
private establishment in this metropolis, without adding his
censure of the want of propriety evinced by General Haynau
in coming to England—he might have done so in a private
letter, where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for
the opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must
repeat her request that Lord Palmerston will rectify this.
the Chartist Demonstrations....
The Queen encloses likewise a copy of her letter to Lord
Palmerston, and hopes Lord John will write to him.41
Footnote 41: Lord John insisted on the note being withdrawn, and
another substituted with the offensive passage omitted. After
threatening resignation, Lord Palmerston somewhat tamely consented.
Lord John Russell wrote to the Prince Albert that he would be
"somewhat amused, if not surprised, at the sudden and amicable
termination of the dispute regarding the letter to Baron Koller. The
same course may be adopted with advantage if a despatch is ever again
sent which has been objected to, and to which the Queen's sanction has
not been given." See the Queen's letter of the 19th of October.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
LORD PALMERSTON CENSURED
Buckingham Palace, 12th October 1850.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting
the draft to Baron Koller. She cannot suppose that Baron
Koller addressed his note to Lord Palmerston in order to
receive in answer an expression of his own personal
opinion; and if Lord Palmerston could not reconcile it to his
own feelings to express the regret of the Queen's
Government at the brutal attack and wanton outrage
committed by a ferocious mob on a distinguished foreigner
of past seventy years of age, who was quietly visiting a
private establishment in this metropolis, without adding his
censure of the want of propriety evinced by General Haynau
in coming to England—he might have done so in a private
letter, where his personal feelings could not be mistaken for
the opinion of the Queen and her Government. She must
repeat her request that Lord Palmerston will rectify this.
Page 404
The Queen can as little approve of the introduction of Lynch
Law in this country as of the violent vituperations with
which Lord Palmerston accuses and condemns public men
in other countries, acting in most difficult circumstances and
under heavy responsibility, without having the means of
obtaining correct information or of sifting evidence.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 16th October 1850.
The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston that he has
given no countenance to the French and Russian proposal at
the suggestion of Denmark, that England, France, and
Russia should, after having signed the Protocol in favour of
Denmark, now go further and send their armies to aid her in
her contest with Holstein.42 The Queen does not expect any
good result from Lord Palmerston's counter proposal to urge
Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay down
their arms. The mediating power ought rather to make
Denmark feel that it requires more than a cessation of
hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a solution of the
questions in dispute, before she can hope permanently to
establish peace. The mediating power itself, however, should
strive to arrive at some opinion on the matter in dispute,
based, not on its own supposed interests, as the Protocol is,
but on an anxious, careful, and impartial investigation of the
rights and pretensions of the disputing parties; and if it finds
it impossible to arrive at such an opinion, to fix upon some
impartial tribunal capable of doing so, to which the dispute
could be submitted for decision. Common principles of
morality would point out such a course, and what is morally
right only can be politically wise.
Law in this country as of the violent vituperations with
which Lord Palmerston accuses and condemns public men
in other countries, acting in most difficult circumstances and
under heavy responsibility, without having the means of
obtaining correct information or of sifting evidence.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 16th October 1850.
The Queen is glad to hear from Lord Palmerston that he has
given no countenance to the French and Russian proposal at
the suggestion of Denmark, that England, France, and
Russia should, after having signed the Protocol in favour of
Denmark, now go further and send their armies to aid her in
her contest with Holstein.42 The Queen does not expect any
good result from Lord Palmerston's counter proposal to urge
Prussia and Austria to compel the Holsteiners to lay down
their arms. The mediating power ought rather to make
Denmark feel that it requires more than a cessation of
hostilities, a plan of reconciliation, and a solution of the
questions in dispute, before she can hope permanently to
establish peace. The mediating power itself, however, should
strive to arrive at some opinion on the matter in dispute,
based, not on its own supposed interests, as the Protocol is,
but on an anxious, careful, and impartial investigation of the
rights and pretensions of the disputing parties; and if it finds
it impossible to arrive at such an opinion, to fix upon some
impartial tribunal capable of doing so, to which the dispute
could be submitted for decision. Common principles of
morality would point out such a course, and what is morally
right only can be politically wise.
Page 405
Footnote 42: A strenuous attempt was being made by the Danish
Government to bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia, to put
down the nationalist movement in the Duchies, either by active
intervention, or by reassembling the Conference which had negotiated
the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston discountenanced both
alternatives, but wrote to the Queen that he and the representatives of
France, Russia, and Denmark thought that Austria and Prussia should
be urged to take all feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF QUEEN LOUISE
Osborne, 18th October 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—This was the day I always and for so
many years wrote to her, to our adored Louise, and I now
write to you, to thank you for that heart-breaking, touching
letter of the 16th, which you so very kindly wrote to me. It is
so kind of you to write to us. What a day Tuesday must have
been! Welch einen Gang! and yesterday! My grief was so
great again yesterday. To talk of her is my greatest
consolation! Let us all try to imitate her! My poor dear
Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to be of any use to you.
You will allow us, in three or four weeks, to go to you for
two or three days, quite quietly and alone, to Laeken without
any one, without any reception anywhere, to cry with you
and to talk with you of Her. It will be a great comfort to us
—a silent tribute of respect and love to her—to be able to
mingle our tears with yours over her tomb! And the affection
of your two devoted children will perhaps be some slight
balm. My first impulse was to fly at once to you, but perhaps
a few weeks' delay will be better. It will be a great and
melancholy satisfaction to us. Daily will you feel more, my
poor dear Uncle, the poignancy of your dreadful loss; my
heart breaks in thinking of you and the poor dear children.
How beautiful it must be to see that your whole country
weeps and mourns with you! For this country and for your
Government to bring pressure to bear on Austria and Prussia, to put
down the nationalist movement in the Duchies, either by active
intervention, or by reassembling the Conference which had negotiated
the Treaty of Berlin. Lord Palmerston discountenanced both
alternatives, but wrote to the Queen that he and the representatives of
France, Russia, and Denmark thought that Austria and Prussia should
be urged to take all feasible steps to put an end to the hostilities.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
DEATH OF QUEEN LOUISE
Osborne, 18th October 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—This was the day I always and for so
many years wrote to her, to our adored Louise, and I now
write to you, to thank you for that heart-breaking, touching
letter of the 16th, which you so very kindly wrote to me. It is
so kind of you to write to us. What a day Tuesday must have
been! Welch einen Gang! and yesterday! My grief was so
great again yesterday. To talk of her is my greatest
consolation! Let us all try to imitate her! My poor dear
Uncle, we wish so to be with you, to be of any use to you.
You will allow us, in three or four weeks, to go to you for
two or three days, quite quietly and alone, to Laeken without
any one, without any reception anywhere, to cry with you
and to talk with you of Her. It will be a great comfort to us
—a silent tribute of respect and love to her—to be able to
mingle our tears with yours over her tomb! And the affection
of your two devoted children will perhaps be some slight
balm. My first impulse was to fly at once to you, but perhaps
a few weeks' delay will be better. It will be a great and
melancholy satisfaction to us. Daily will you feel more, my
poor dear Uncle, the poignancy of your dreadful loss; my
heart breaks in thinking of you and the poor dear children.
How beautiful it must be to see that your whole country
weeps and mourns with you! For this country and for your
Page 406
children you must try to bear up, and feel that in so doing
you are doing all she wished. If only we could be of use to
you! if I could do anything for dear little Charlotte, whom
our blessed Louise talked of so often to me.
May I write to you on Fridays when I used to write to her, as
well as on Tuesdays? You need not answer me, and
whenever it bores you to write to me, or you have no time,
let one of the dear children write to me.
May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved Uncle, is
our anxious prayer. Embrace the dear children in the name
of one who has almost the feelings of a mother for them.
Ever your devoted Niece and loving Child,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Osborne, 19th October 1850.
The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict with
Lord Palmerston, of which Lord John Russell apprised her
by his letter of yesterday's date. The correspondence, which
the Queen now returns, shows clearly that Lord Palmerston
in this transaction, as in every other, remained true to his
principles of action.... But it shows also that Lord John has
the power of exercising that control over Lord Palmerston,
the careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his
colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary
pains to remain firm. The Queen does not believe in
resignation under almost any circumstances.
The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein question, and
sends a copy of her last letter to Lord Palmerston on the
subject.
you are doing all she wished. If only we could be of use to
you! if I could do anything for dear little Charlotte, whom
our blessed Louise talked of so often to me.
May I write to you on Fridays when I used to write to her, as
well as on Tuesdays? You need not answer me, and
whenever it bores you to write to me, or you have no time,
let one of the dear children write to me.
May God bless and protect you ever, my beloved Uncle, is
our anxious prayer. Embrace the dear children in the name
of one who has almost the feelings of a mother for them.
Ever your devoted Niece and loving Child,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Osborne, 19th October 1850.
The Queen is very glad of the result of the conflict with
Lord Palmerston, of which Lord John Russell apprised her
by his letter of yesterday's date. The correspondence, which
the Queen now returns, shows clearly that Lord Palmerston
in this transaction, as in every other, remained true to his
principles of action.... But it shows also that Lord John has
the power of exercising that control over Lord Palmerston,
the careful exercise of which he owes to the Queen, his
colleagues, and the country, if he will take the necessary
pains to remain firm. The Queen does not believe in
resignation under almost any circumstances.
The Queen is very anxious about the Holstein question, and
sends a copy of her last letter to Lord Palmerston on the
subject.
Page 407
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Pembroke Lodge, 21st October 1850.
Sir,—I have just received this note from Lord Palmerston.43
The French Ambassador, who has been here, confirms the
news. We must consider the whole affair on Wednesday, and
I shall be glad to learn what the Queen thinks can be done.
Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate.
I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Footnote 43: The note was in reference to the affairs of Hesse-Cassel,
and to the rumours of a Conference to be held in Austria for the
settlement of German affairs.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT
Bishopthorpe, 25th October 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has read with attention the letter of the Duchess of
Norfolk.44 He has also read the Pope's Bull. It strikes him
that the division into twelve territorial dioceses of eight
ecclesiastical vicariats is not a matter to be alarmed at. The
persons to be affected by this change must be already
Roman Catholics before it can touch them.
The matter to create rational alarm is, as your Majesty says,
the growth of Roman Catholic doctrines and practices within
the bosom of the Church. Dr Arnold said very truly, "I look
Pembroke Lodge, 21st October 1850.
Sir,—I have just received this note from Lord Palmerston.43
The French Ambassador, who has been here, confirms the
news. We must consider the whole affair on Wednesday, and
I shall be glad to learn what the Queen thinks can be done.
Mr Tennyson is a fit person to be Poet Laureate.
I have the honour to be, your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
J. Russell.
Footnote 43: The note was in reference to the affairs of Hesse-Cassel,
and to the rumours of a Conference to be held in Austria for the
settlement of German affairs.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT
Bishopthorpe, 25th October 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has read with attention the letter of the Duchess of
Norfolk.44 He has also read the Pope's Bull. It strikes him
that the division into twelve territorial dioceses of eight
ecclesiastical vicariats is not a matter to be alarmed at. The
persons to be affected by this change must be already
Roman Catholics before it can touch them.
The matter to create rational alarm is, as your Majesty says,
the growth of Roman Catholic doctrines and practices within
the bosom of the Church. Dr Arnold said very truly, "I look
Page 408
upon a Roman Catholic as an enemy in his uniform; I look
upon a Tractarian as an enemy disguised as a spy."
It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of Oxford
proposed, and confer the patronage of the Crown on any of
these Tractarians. But, on the other hand, to treat them with
severity would give the whole party vigour and union.
The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Tractarians are
falling to pieces by dissension. It appears clear that Mr
Denison and Mr Palmer have broken off from Dr Pusey.
Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether there is
anything illegal in Dr Wiseman's assuming the title of
Archbishop of Westminster. An English Cardinal is not a
novelty.45
Footnote 44: Two important events in the history of the English
Church had just occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had refused to
institute Mr Gorham to a Crown living in his diocese, on the ground
that his teaching on baptism was at variance with the formularies of
the Church. This decision, though upheld in the Court of Arches, was
reversed (though not unanimously) by the Privy Council. High Church
feeling was much aroused by the judgment.
In September, Pius IX. (now re-established in the Vatican)
promulgated a papal brief, restoring the Roman Catholic hierarchy in
England, and dividing it territorially into twelve sees, and in October
Cardinal Wiseman, as Archbishop of Westminster, issued his Pastoral,
claiming that Catholic England had been restored to its orbit in the
ecclesiastical firmament. The Duchess of Norfolk, writing from
Arundel, had criticised the proselytising action of certain Roman
Catholic clergy. See the Queen's reply, post, p. 277.
Footnote 45: Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to Dr Maltby,
Bishop of Durham, denouncing the assumption of spiritual superiority
over England, in the documents issued from Rome. But what alarmed
him more (he said) was the action of clergymen within the Church
leading their flocks dangerously near the brink, and recommending for
adoption the honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for the
Church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the muttering of
the liturgy so as to disguise the language in which it was said, with the
recommendation of auricular confession and the administration of
Penance and absolution.
upon a Tractarian as an enemy disguised as a spy."
It would be very wrong to do as the Bishop of Oxford
proposed, and confer the patronage of the Crown on any of
these Tractarians. But, on the other hand, to treat them with
severity would give the whole party vigour and union.
The Dean of Bristol is of opinion that the Tractarians are
falling to pieces by dissension. It appears clear that Mr
Denison and Mr Palmer have broken off from Dr Pusey.
Sir George Grey will ask the Law Officers whether there is
anything illegal in Dr Wiseman's assuming the title of
Archbishop of Westminster. An English Cardinal is not a
novelty.45
Footnote 44: Two important events in the history of the English
Church had just occurred. The Bishop of Exeter had refused to
institute Mr Gorham to a Crown living in his diocese, on the ground
that his teaching on baptism was at variance with the formularies of
the Church. This decision, though upheld in the Court of Arches, was
reversed (though not unanimously) by the Privy Council. High Church
feeling was much aroused by the judgment.
In September, Pius IX. (now re-established in the Vatican)
promulgated a papal brief, restoring the Roman Catholic hierarchy in
England, and dividing it territorially into twelve sees, and in October
Cardinal Wiseman, as Archbishop of Westminster, issued his Pastoral,
claiming that Catholic England had been restored to its orbit in the
ecclesiastical firmament. The Duchess of Norfolk, writing from
Arundel, had criticised the proselytising action of certain Roman
Catholic clergy. See the Queen's reply, post, p. 277.
Footnote 45: Lord John wrote on the 4th of November to Dr Maltby,
Bishop of Durham, denouncing the assumption of spiritual superiority
over England, in the documents issued from Rome. But what alarmed
him more (he said) was the action of clergymen within the Church
leading their flocks dangerously near the brink, and recommending for
adoption the honour paid to saints, the claim of infallibility for the
Church, the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, the muttering of
the liturgy so as to disguise the language in which it was said, with the
recommendation of auricular confession and the administration of
Penance and absolution.
Page 409
Lord John was pictorially satirised in Punch as the boy who chalked
up "No popery" on the door and ran away.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
UNREST IN EUROPE
Ardenne, 10th November 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I write already to-day that it may
not miss to-morrow's messenger. I came here yesterday by a
mild sunshine, and the valley of the Meuse was very pretty. I
love my solitude here, and though the house is small and not
what it ought to have been, still I always liked it. There
seems in most countries danger of agitation and convulsions
arising. I don't know how it will end in Germany. In France
it is difficult that things should not break up some way or
other. I trust you may be spared religious agitation. These
sorts of things begin with one pretext, and sometimes
continue with others. I don't think Europe was ever in more
danger, il y a tant d'anarchie dans les esprits. I don't think
that can be cured à l'eau de rose; the human race is not
naturally good, very much the contrary; it requires a strong
hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in that way; the
memory of all the sort of Césars and Napoléons, from whom
they chiefly got blows, is much dearer to them than the
benefactors of mankind, whom they crucify when they can
have their own way. Give my best love to Albert; and I also
am very anxious to be recalled to the recollection of the
children, who were so very friendly at Ostende. How far we
were then to guess what has since happened.... My dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
up "No popery" on the door and ran away.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
UNREST IN EUROPE
Ardenne, 10th November 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I write already to-day that it may
not miss to-morrow's messenger. I came here yesterday by a
mild sunshine, and the valley of the Meuse was very pretty. I
love my solitude here, and though the house is small and not
what it ought to have been, still I always liked it. There
seems in most countries danger of agitation and convulsions
arising. I don't know how it will end in Germany. In France
it is difficult that things should not break up some way or
other. I trust you may be spared religious agitation. These
sorts of things begin with one pretext, and sometimes
continue with others. I don't think Europe was ever in more
danger, il y a tant d'anarchie dans les esprits. I don't think
that can be cured à l'eau de rose; the human race is not
naturally good, very much the contrary; it requires a strong
hand, and is, in fact, even pleased to be led in that way; the
memory of all the sort of Césars and Napoléons, from whom
they chiefly got blows, is much dearer to them than the
benefactors of mankind, whom they crucify when they can
have their own way. Give my best love to Albert; and I also
am very anxious to be recalled to the recollection of the
children, who were so very friendly at Ostende. How far we
were then to guess what has since happened.... My dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Page 410
Queen Victoria to the Countess of Gainsborough.46
Thursday morning [November ...] 1850.
Dearest Fanny,—This is a case of positive necessity, and as
none of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I must call upon
you to attend me to-night. You did so once in state before,
and as it is not a matter of pleasure, but of duty, I am sure
you will at once feel that you can have no scruple.
Whenever the Mistress of the Robes does not attend, I
always have three ladies, as they must take turns in standing
behind me. Ever yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of the third
Earl of Roden, a Lady of the Bedchamber, and known till 1841 as
Lady Barham.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND GERMANY
Windsor Castle, 18th November 1850.
The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord
Westmorland47 is gone, as she was particularly anxious to
have seen him before his return to Berlin, and to have talked
to him on the present critical events in Germany; but she
quite forgot the day of his departure. What is the object of
his seeing the President at Paris? and what are his
instructions with regard to Germany?48
Having invariably encouraged Constitutional development
in other countries,... and having at the beginning of the great
movement in 1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the
Thursday morning [November ...] 1850.
Dearest Fanny,—This is a case of positive necessity, and as
none of the ladies are forthcoming I fear I must call upon
you to attend me to-night. You did so once in state before,
and as it is not a matter of pleasure, but of duty, I am sure
you will at once feel that you can have no scruple.
Whenever the Mistress of the Robes does not attend, I
always have three ladies, as they must take turns in standing
behind me. Ever yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Frances, Countess of Gainsborough, daughter of the third
Earl of Roden, a Lady of the Bedchamber, and known till 1841 as
Lady Barham.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND GERMANY
Windsor Castle, 18th November 1850.
The Queen is exceedingly sorry to hear that Lord
Westmorland47 is gone, as she was particularly anxious to
have seen him before his return to Berlin, and to have talked
to him on the present critical events in Germany; but she
quite forgot the day of his departure. What is the object of
his seeing the President at Paris? and what are his
instructions with regard to Germany?48
Having invariably encouraged Constitutional development
in other countries,... and having at the beginning of the great
movement in 1847, which led to all the catastrophes of the
Page 411
following years, sent a Cabinet Minister to Italy to declare
to all Italian states that England would protect them from
Austria if she should attempt by threats and violence to
debar them from the attainment of their Constitutional
development, consistency would require that we should now,
when that great struggle is at its end and despotism is to be
re-imposed by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw our
weight into the scale of Constitutional Prussia and
Germany.... The Queen is afraid, however, that all our
Ministers abroad,—at Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart,
Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord Cowley at
Frankfort)—are warm partisans of the despotic league
against Prussia and a German Constitution and for the
maintenance of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian
influence. Ought not Lord Palmerston to make his agents
understand that their sentiments are at variance with those of
the English Government? and that they are doing serious
mischief if they express them at Courts which have already
every inclination to follow their desperate course?
Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once
reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is
that "no organic change can be made without unanimity of
voices," which was the cause of the nullity of that body from
1820 to 1848, and will now enable Austria, should Prussia
and her confederates recognise the Diet, to condemn
Germany to a further life of stagnation or new revolution.
Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.
Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the Queen's
in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord Cowley:
"Her (i.e. Prussia's) partisans try to make out that the contest between
her and Austria is a struggle between constitutional and arbitrary
Government, but it is no such thing." Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston,
vol. 1. chap. vi.
to all Italian states that England would protect them from
Austria if she should attempt by threats and violence to
debar them from the attainment of their Constitutional
development, consistency would require that we should now,
when that great struggle is at its end and despotism is to be
re-imposed by Austrian arms upon Germany, throw our
weight into the scale of Constitutional Prussia and
Germany.... The Queen is afraid, however, that all our
Ministers abroad,—at Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart,
Hanover, etc. (with the exception of Lord Cowley at
Frankfort)—are warm partisans of the despotic league
against Prussia and a German Constitution and for the
maintenance of the old Diet under Austrian and Russian
influence. Ought not Lord Palmerston to make his agents
understand that their sentiments are at variance with those of
the English Government? and that they are doing serious
mischief if they express them at Courts which have already
every inclination to follow their desperate course?
Lord Palmerston is of course aware that the old Diet once
reconstituted and recognised, one of the main laws of it is
that "no organic change can be made without unanimity of
voices," which was the cause of the nullity of that body from
1820 to 1848, and will now enable Austria, should Prussia
and her confederates recognise the Diet, to condemn
Germany to a further life of stagnation or new revolution.
Footnote 47: Minister at Berlin.
Footnote 48: Lord Palmerston may have had this letter of the Queen's
in mind when he wrote on the 22nd of November to Lord Cowley:
"Her (i.e. Prussia's) partisans try to make out that the contest between
her and Austria is a struggle between constitutional and arbitrary
Government, but it is no such thing." Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston,
vol. 1. chap. vi.
Page 412
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY
Foreign Office, 18th November 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. With respect to the maintenance of Constitutional
Government in Germany, Viscount Palmerston entirely
subscribes to your Majesty's opinion, that a regard for
consistency, as well as a sense of right and justice, ought to
lead your Majesty's Government to give to the
Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support
which they endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal,
and elsewhere; but though he is conscious that he may be
deceived and may think better of the Austrian Government
in this respect than it deserves, yet he cannot persuade
himself that rational and sound Constitutional Government
is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian
Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes,
can think it possible in the present day to re-establish
despotic government in a nation so enlightened, and so
attached to free institutions as the German people now is.
The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in the opposite
direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation with
which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before
had refused everything resolved in a moment of alarm to
grant everything, and, passing from one extreme to the other,
threw universal suffrage among people who had been, some
wholly and others very much, unaccustomed to the working
of representative Government. The French have found
universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a
Republic; what must it be for a Monarchy?
Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that
the conflict between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said
to have turned upon principles of Government so much as
upon a struggle for political ascendency in Germany. At
CONSTITUTIONALISM IN GERMANY
Foreign Office, 18th November 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty. With respect to the maintenance of Constitutional
Government in Germany, Viscount Palmerston entirely
subscribes to your Majesty's opinion, that a regard for
consistency, as well as a sense of right and justice, ought to
lead your Majesty's Government to give to the
Constitutional principle in Germany the same moral support
which they endeavoured to afford it in Italy, Spain, Portugal,
and elsewhere; but though he is conscious that he may be
deceived and may think better of the Austrian Government
in this respect than it deserves, yet he cannot persuade
himself that rational and sound Constitutional Government
is at present in danger in Germany, or that the Austrian
Government, whatever may be their inclination and wishes,
can think it possible in the present day to re-establish
despotic government in a nation so enlightened, and so
attached to free institutions as the German people now is.
The danger for Germany seems to lie rather in the opposite
direction, arising from the rash and weak precipitation with
which in 1848 and 1849 those Governments which before
had refused everything resolved in a moment of alarm to
grant everything, and, passing from one extreme to the other,
threw universal suffrage among people who had been, some
wholly and others very much, unaccustomed to the working
of representative Government. The French have found
universal suffrage incompatible with good order even in a
Republic; what must it be for a Monarchy?
Viscount Palmerston would, moreover, beg to submit that
the conflict between Austria and Prussia can scarcely be said
to have turned upon principles of Government so much as
upon a struggle for political ascendency in Germany. At
Page 413
Berlin, at Dresden, and in Baden the Prussian Government
has very properly no doubt employed military force to
reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the
ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as
a military one, and the objection which she made to the
entrance of the troops of the Diet was that those troops
might become hostile, and that they ought not, therefore, to
occupy a central position in the line of military defence of
Prussia.
The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity
being required for certain purposes by the Diet regulations is
no doubt very just, and that circumstance certainly shows
that the free Conference which is about to be held is a better
constructed body for planning a new arrangement of a
central organ.49
Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the relative
predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was left undecided
for some years to come.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
STATE OF THE CONTINENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd November 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
letter of the 17th, and the dear little English one from dear
little Charlotte, which is so nicely written, and shows such
an amiable disposition. I send her to-day a little heart for the
hair of our blessed Angel, which I hope she will often wear.
Our girls have all got one. I have written to the dear child.
You should have the dear children as much with you as
possible; I am sure it would be so good and useful for you
has very properly no doubt employed military force to
reestablish order; and in regard to the affairs of Hesse, the
ground taken by Prussia was not so much a constitutional as
a military one, and the objection which she made to the
entrance of the troops of the Diet was that those troops
might become hostile, and that they ought not, therefore, to
occupy a central position in the line of military defence of
Prussia.
The remark which your Majesty makes as to unanimity
being required for certain purposes by the Diet regulations is
no doubt very just, and that circumstance certainly shows
that the free Conference which is about to be held is a better
constructed body for planning a new arrangement of a
central organ.49
Footnote 49: War was staved off by the Conference; but the relative
predominance of Prussia and Austria in Germany was left undecided
for some years to come.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
STATE OF THE CONTINENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd November 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
letter of the 17th, and the dear little English one from dear
little Charlotte, which is so nicely written, and shows such
an amiable disposition. I send her to-day a little heart for the
hair of our blessed Angel, which I hope she will often wear.
Our girls have all got one. I have written to the dear child.
You should have the dear children as much with you as
possible; I am sure it would be so good and useful for you
Page 414
and them. Children ought to have great confidence in their
parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.
Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she
lives, in eight years more she may be married! She is a very
clever child, and I must say very much improved.
The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria
and the giving way of Prussia are lamentable. Our influence
on the Continent is null.... Add to this, we are between two
fires in this country: a furious Protestant feeling and an
enraged Catholic feeling in Ireland. I believe that Austria
fans the flame at Rome, and that the whole movement on the
Continent is anti-Constitutional, anti-Protestant, and anti-
English; and this is so complicated, and we have (thanks to
Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel so happily, separately
with each, that I do not know how we are to stand against it
all!
I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as
time goes on.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk.
Windsor Castle, 22nd November 1850.
My dear Duchess,—It is very remiss in me not to have
sooner answered your letter with the enclosure, but I
received it at a moment of great grief, and since then I have
been much occupied.
I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of
the Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no real
danger to be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I
parents, in order for them to have any influence over them.
Yesterday Vicky was ten years old. It seems a dream. If she
lives, in eight years more she may be married! She is a very
clever child, and I must say very much improved.
The state of the Continent is deplorable; the folly of Austria
and the giving way of Prussia are lamentable. Our influence
on the Continent is null.... Add to this, we are between two
fires in this country: a furious Protestant feeling and an
enraged Catholic feeling in Ireland. I believe that Austria
fans the flame at Rome, and that the whole movement on the
Continent is anti-Constitutional, anti-Protestant, and anti-
English; and this is so complicated, and we have (thanks to
Lord Palmerston) contrived to quarrel so happily, separately
with each, that I do not know how we are to stand against it
all!
I must now conclude. Trusting soon to hear from you again.
Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
My longing for dearest Louise seems only to increase as
time goes on.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Norfolk.
Windsor Castle, 22nd November 1850.
My dear Duchess,—It is very remiss in me not to have
sooner answered your letter with the enclosure, but I
received it at a moment of great grief, and since then I have
been much occupied.
I fully understand your anxiety relative to the proceedings of
the Roman Catholic Clergy, but I trust that there is no real
danger to be apprehended from that quarter, the more so as I
Page 415
believe they see that they have been misled and misinformed
as to the feeling of this country by some of the new converts
to their religion. The real danger to be apprehended, and
what I am certain has led to these proceedings on the part of
the Pope, lies in our own divisions, and in the extraordinary
conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many may
now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any
acts of intolerance towards the many innocent people who I
believe entirely disapprove the injudicious conduct of their
Clergy.
Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours,
affectionately,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 29th November 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—I have no dear letter to answer, but
write to keep to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to
me by the recollection of our dearly beloved Louise.
We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our
religious troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal
Wiseman himself admits that Austria not only approves the
conduct of the Pope but is urging on the Propaganda. I know
this to be so. Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to
steer clear of both parties—the violent Protestants and the
Roman Catholics. We wish in no way to infringe the rights
of the Roman Catholics, while we must protect and uphold
our own religion.
We have seen General Radowitz,50 with whom we have
been much interested; his accounts are very clear and very
able, and I must say, very fair and strictly constitutional. You
know him, I suppose? Might I again ask, dearest Uncle, if
as to the feeling of this country by some of the new converts
to their religion. The real danger to be apprehended, and
what I am certain has led to these proceedings on the part of
the Pope, lies in our own divisions, and in the extraordinary
conduct of the Puseyites. I trust that the eyes of many may
now be opened. One would, however, much regret to see any
acts of intolerance towards the many innocent people who I
believe entirely disapprove the injudicious conduct of their
Clergy.
Hoping that you are all well, believe me, always, yours,
affectionately,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 29th November 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—I have no dear letter to answer, but
write to keep to the dear day, rendered so peculiarly dear to
me by the recollection of our dearly beloved Louise.
We are well, but much troubled with numberless things. Our
religious troubles are great, and I must just say that Cardinal
Wiseman himself admits that Austria not only approves the
conduct of the Pope but is urging on the Propaganda. I know
this to be so. Our great difficulty must be, and will be, to
steer clear of both parties—the violent Protestants and the
Roman Catholics. We wish in no way to infringe the rights
of the Roman Catholics, while we must protect and uphold
our own religion.
We have seen General Radowitz,50 with whom we have
been much interested; his accounts are very clear and very
able, and I must say, very fair and strictly constitutional. You
know him, I suppose? Might I again ask, dearest Uncle, if
Page 416
you would like to have a copy of Ross's picture of our angel
Louise or of Winterhalter's?
Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her
enquiries after you.
I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for Foreign
Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a special mission
from the King of Prussia.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
STATE OF GERMANY
Windsor Castle, 3rd December 1850.
My beloved Uncle,—Two of your dear letters are before
me, of the 29th November and of yesterday. In the former
you give me a promise, which I consider most valuable, and
which I shall remind you of if you get desponding, viz. "I
will to please you labour on, and do all the good I can." It is
so pleasing to feel that one does good and does one's duty. It
sweetens so many bitter trials.
The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a
mistake to think the supremacy of Prussia is what is wished
for. General Radowitz himself says that what is necessary
for Germany [is] that she should take the lead, and should
redeem the pledges given in '48. Unless this be done in a
moderate and determined way, a fearful reaction will take
place, which will overturn Thrones; to use Radowitz's own
words: "und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben." Prussia is
the only large and powerful really German Power there is,
Louise or of Winterhalter's?
Lady Lyttelton, who is returned, is very anxious in her
enquiries after you.
I must now conclude, my dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 50: General Radowitz, who had been Minister for Foreign
Affairs in Prussia, had just arrived in England on a special mission
from the King of Prussia.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
STATE OF GERMANY
Windsor Castle, 3rd December 1850.
My beloved Uncle,—Two of your dear letters are before
me, of the 29th November and of yesterday. In the former
you give me a promise, which I consider most valuable, and
which I shall remind you of if you get desponding, viz. "I
will to please you labour on, and do all the good I can." It is
so pleasing to feel that one does good and does one's duty. It
sweetens so many bitter trials.
The state of Germany is indeed a very anxious one. It is a
mistake to think the supremacy of Prussia is what is wished
for. General Radowitz himself says that what is necessary
for Germany [is] that she should take the lead, and should
redeem the pledges given in '48. Unless this be done in a
moderate and determined way, a fearful reaction will take
place, which will overturn Thrones; to use Radowitz's own
words: "und nicht vor dem Thron stehen bleiben." Prussia is
the only large and powerful really German Power there is,
Page 417
and therefore she must take the lead; but her constant
vacillation—one day doing one thing and another day
another—has caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are
quite right in saying things should be done d'un commun
accord, and I think that the other great Powers ought to be
consulted. Unfortunately, Lord Palmerston has contrived to
make us so hated by all parties abroad, that we have lost our
position and our influence, which, considering the
flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all
the European convulsions, ought to have been immense. This
it is which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have
so plainly been speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a
noble position we might have had, and how wantonly has it
been thrown away!
Good Stockmar is well, and always of the greatest comfort
and use to us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and
so dispassionate. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND ROME
Windsor Castle, 8th December 1850.
The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft
yesterday. He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr
Sheil's51 presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her
own part, she thinks it entirely against her notions of what is
becoming to ask the Pope for a favour (for it is tantamount
to that) at a moment when his name is being vilified and
abused in every possible manner in this country. It strikes
the Queen as an undignified course for this Government to
pursue.
vacillation—one day doing one thing and another day
another—has caused her to be entirely distrusted. You are
quite right in saying things should be done d'un commun
accord, and I think that the other great Powers ought to be
consulted. Unfortunately, Lord Palmerston has contrived to
make us so hated by all parties abroad, that we have lost our
position and our influence, which, considering the
flourishing and satisfactory state of this country during all
the European convulsions, ought to have been immense. This
it is which pains and grieves me so deeply, and which I have
so plainly been speaking to Lord John Russell about. What a
noble position we might have had, and how wantonly has it
been thrown away!
Good Stockmar is well, and always of the greatest comfort
and use to us. His judgment is so sound, so unbiassed, and
so dispassionate. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
ENGLAND AND ROME
Windsor Castle, 8th December 1850.
The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter and the draft
yesterday. He must be a better judge of what the effect of Mr
Sheil's51 presence in Rome may be than she can; but for her
own part, she thinks it entirely against her notions of what is
becoming to ask the Pope for a favour (for it is tantamount
to that) at a moment when his name is being vilified and
abused in every possible manner in this country. It strikes
the Queen as an undignified course for this Government to
pursue.
Page 418
The Queen is glad to hear of what passed between the
Archbishop and Lord John.52 She trusts that something may
be done, as the desire for it seems to be so great. On the
other hand, the Queen deeply regrets the great abuse of the
Roman Catholic religion which takes place at all these
meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and unwise, and
trusts that it will soon cease....
Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.
Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the introduction of
their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LADY PEEL
Windsor Castle, 10th December 1850.
My beloved Uncle,—My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat
hurried and short one, for my morning has been taken up in
receiving in state Addresses from the City and Universities
about this unfortunate "Papal Aggression" business, which is
still keeping people in a feverish state of wild excitement.53
One good effect it has had, viz. that of directing people's
serious attention to the very alarming tendency of the
Tractarians, which was doing immense harm....
Many, many thanks for your two dear and kind letters of the
6th and of yesterday. All you say about Louise, and about the
disappearance for ever of all that she loved and was proud
of, is so true, so dreadful. One fancies (foolishly and
wrongly, but still one does) that the lost one has been hardly
used in no longer enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's
grief seems to break out afresh in bitter agony upon small
and comparatively trifling occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom
Archbishop and Lord John.52 She trusts that something may
be done, as the desire for it seems to be so great. On the
other hand, the Queen deeply regrets the great abuse of the
Roman Catholic religion which takes place at all these
meetings, etc. She thinks it unchristian and unwise, and
trusts that it will soon cease....
Footnote 51: Minister at the Court of Tuscany.
Footnote 52: The Government were preparing for the introduction of
their Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LADY PEEL
Windsor Castle, 10th December 1850.
My beloved Uncle,—My letter must, I fear, be a somewhat
hurried and short one, for my morning has been taken up in
receiving in state Addresses from the City and Universities
about this unfortunate "Papal Aggression" business, which is
still keeping people in a feverish state of wild excitement.53
One good effect it has had, viz. that of directing people's
serious attention to the very alarming tendency of the
Tractarians, which was doing immense harm....
Many, many thanks for your two dear and kind letters of the
6th and of yesterday. All you say about Louise, and about the
disappearance for ever of all that she loved and was proud
of, is so true, so dreadful. One fancies (foolishly and
wrongly, but still one does) that the lost one has been hardly
used in no longer enjoying these earthly blessings, and one's
grief seems to break out afresh in bitter agony upon small
and comparatively trifling occasions. Poor Lady Peel (whom
Page 419
I saw for the first time yesterday at Buckingham Palace,
whither I had gone for an hour) expressed this strongly. Hers
is indeed a broken heart; she is so truly crushed by the
agony of her grief; it was very touching to see and to hear
her. Poor thing! she never can be happy again!
What you say about me is far too kind. I am very often sadly
dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I
have.
Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs
are very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards,"
as you say, of my poor friend the King of Prussia is
calamitous; it causes all parties to distrust him, and gives
real strength only to the Republicans. Since '48 that has been
his conduct, and the misfortune for Germany. A steady
course, whatever it may be, is always the best.
What you say about poor Hélène54 and France is true and
sad. I really wish you would caution Hélène as to her
language; she is much attached to you. I pity her very much;
her position is very trying, and her religion renders it more
difficult even.
I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going
alone to Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your
poor children also ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor, Prince
Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the Universities of
Cambridge and Oxford.
Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
whither I had gone for an hour) expressed this strongly. Hers
is indeed a broken heart; she is so truly crushed by the
agony of her grief; it was very touching to see and to hear
her. Poor thing! she never can be happy again!
What you say about me is far too kind. I am very often sadly
dissatisfied with myself and with the little self-control I
have.
Your long letter interested us much. I fear the German affairs
are very bad.... That everlasting "backwards and forwards,"
as you say, of my poor friend the King of Prussia is
calamitous; it causes all parties to distrust him, and gives
real strength only to the Republicans. Since '48 that has been
his conduct, and the misfortune for Germany. A steady
course, whatever it may be, is always the best.
What you say about poor Hélène54 and France is true and
sad. I really wish you would caution Hélène as to her
language; she is much attached to you. I pity her very much;
her position is very trying, and her religion renders it more
difficult even.
I must now end my letter. I grieve to hear of your going
alone to Ardenne; it is BAD for you to be alone, and your
poor children also ought not to be alone. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 53: These Addresses were presented at Windsor, Prince
Albert and the Duke of Wellington representing the Universities of
Cambridge and Oxford.
Footnote 54: The Duchess of Orleans.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Page 420
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH
Downing Street, 11th December 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day
considered at great length the question of the steps to be
taken in respect to the Papal Aggression.
The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to
bring a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any
titles of archbishop, etc., of any place in the United
Kingdom illegal, and to make any gift of property conveyed
under such title null and void.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester.
RITUALISM
Windsor Castle, 12th December 1850.
My dear Aunt,—Many thanks for your kind letter; you are
quite right not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by
mentioning to her what I wrote to you about the Bishop of
London.55 I am glad that you are pleased with my answers to
the Addresses; I thought them very proper.56
I would never have consented to say anything which
breathed a spirit of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I
always have been and always shall be, and indignant as I am
at those who call themselves Protestants, while they in fact
are quite the contrary, I much regret the unchristian and
intolerant spirit exhibited by many people at the public
meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the
Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the
many good and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we
must hope and trust this excitement will soon cease, and that
Downing Street, 11th December 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that the Cabinet to-day
considered at great length the question of the steps to be
taken in respect to the Papal Aggression.
The inclination of the majority was not to prosecute, but to
bring a Bill into Parliament to make the assumption of any
titles of archbishop, etc., of any place in the United
Kingdom illegal, and to make any gift of property conveyed
under such title null and void.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Gloucester.
RITUALISM
Windsor Castle, 12th December 1850.
My dear Aunt,—Many thanks for your kind letter; you are
quite right not to distress the Duchess of Cambridge by
mentioning to her what I wrote to you about the Bishop of
London.55 I am glad that you are pleased with my answers to
the Addresses; I thought them very proper.56
I would never have consented to say anything which
breathed a spirit of intolerance. Sincerely Protestant as I
always have been and always shall be, and indignant as I am
at those who call themselves Protestants, while they in fact
are quite the contrary, I much regret the unchristian and
intolerant spirit exhibited by many people at the public
meetings. I cannot bear to hear the violent abuse of the
Catholic religion, which is so painful and cruel towards the
many good and innocent Roman Catholics. However, we
must hope and trust this excitement will soon cease, and that
Page 421
the wholesome effect of it on our own Church will be the
lasting result of it. Ever yours ...
Victoria R.
Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view as Lord
John Russell of the Papal action, though they had disagreed over the
Gorham controversy.
Footnote 56: See ante, p. 279.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th December 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday. She sanctions the introduction into Parliament of
a Bill framed on the principles agreed upon at yesterday's
Cabinet, presuming that it will extend to the whole United
Kingdom. What is to be done, however, with respect to the
Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are
recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and
what is to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title
of Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is
punishable under the Emancipation Act? If this is left
unnoticed, the Government will be left with the "lame"
argument in Parliament of which we conversed here. Could
the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by the
Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes
that the meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may
do some good; she cannot say that she is pleased with the
Archbishop's answer to the laity published in to-day's Times,
which leaves them without a remedy if the clergymen persist
in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will return Lord Minto's
letter with the next messenger.
lasting result of it. Ever yours ...
Victoria R.
Footnote 55: The Bishop of London had taken the same view as Lord
John Russell of the Papal action, though they had disagreed over the
Gorham controversy.
Footnote 56: See ante, p. 279.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th December 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday. She sanctions the introduction into Parliament of
a Bill framed on the principles agreed upon at yesterday's
Cabinet, presuming that it will extend to the whole United
Kingdom. What is to be done, however, with respect to the
Colonies where the Roman Catholic bishoprics are
recognised by the Government under territorial titles? and
what is to be done with Dr Cullen, who has assumed the title
of Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland, which is
punishable under the Emancipation Act? If this is left
unnoticed, the Government will be left with the "lame"
argument in Parliament of which we conversed here. Could
the Government not be helped out of this difficulty by the
Primate himself prosecuting the obtruder? The Queen hopes
that the meeting of the archdeacons with Dr Lushington may
do some good; she cannot say that she is pleased with the
Archbishop's answer to the laity published in to-day's Times,
which leaves them without a remedy if the clergymen persist
in Puseyite Rituals! The Queen will return Lord Minto's
letter with the next messenger.
Page 422
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1850.
The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the
New Forest, and sanctions the proposed arrangement.
Considering, however, that she gives up the deer, and all
patronage and authority over the Forest, she wishes the
shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be
withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to
give Deputations57 to shoot over the various divisions and
walks of the Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or
others; but in order that this may establish no right on their
part, and may leave the Sovereign a voice in the matter, she
wishes that a list be prepared every year of the persons
recommended by the Office of Woods to receive
Deputations and submitted for her approval.
Footnote 57: A deputation, i.e., a deputed right to take game.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XX
The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session
(1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of the
agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was allowed to
be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by their own
friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis ensued, and a
coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but proved impracticable.
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1850.
The Queen now returns Lord Seymour's letter respecting the
New Forest, and sanctions the proposed arrangement.
Considering, however, that she gives up the deer, and all
patronage and authority over the Forest, she wishes the
shooting, as the only remaining Royalty, not to be
withdrawn from her authority also. It will be quite right to
give Deputations57 to shoot over the various divisions and
walks of the Forest to gentlemen of the neighbourhood or
others; but in order that this may establish no right on their
part, and may leave the Sovereign a voice in the matter, she
wishes that a list be prepared every year of the persons
recommended by the Office of Woods to receive
Deputations and submitted for her approval.
Footnote 57: A deputation, i.e., a deputed right to take game.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XX
The Ministry were in difficulties at the very beginning of the session
(1851), being nearly defeated on a motion made in the interest of the
agricultural party; and though the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill was allowed to
be brought in, they were beaten in a thin House chiefly by their own
friends, on the question of the County Franchise. A crisis ensued, and a
coalition of Whigs and Peelites was attempted, but proved impracticable.
Page 423
Lord Stanley having then failed to form a Protectionist Ministry, the Whigs,
much weakened, had to resume office.
The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a
complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six million
people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the building, some
time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at the Crystal Palace.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with, and,
though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law, though its
effect, while in operation, was virtually nil. It was in after-years repealed.
Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in
October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained from
receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later, Kossuth's ultra-
liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign Secretary in language
violently denunciatory of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, for which
Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them. The cup was filled to the brim by
his recognition of the President's coup d'état in France. Louis Napoleon,
after arresting M. Thiers and many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the
Council of State and the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and
re-established universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten
years, and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston
thereupon, though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to
the French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding,
and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise. Even
after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty in bringing
him to book; but before the end of the year he was dismissed from office,
with the offer, which he declined, of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a
British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's satisfaction, Lord Granville became
Foreign Secretary.
At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the Kaffirs,
which were not brought to a successful termination till the following year,
when General Cathcart had superseded him.
much weakened, had to resume office.
The Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde Park on the 1st of May, was a
complete success, a brilliant triumph indeed, for the Prince, over six million
people visiting it; it remained open till the Autumn, and the building, some
time after its removal, was re-erected at Sydenham, at the Crystal Palace.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, much modified, was proceeded with, and,
though opposed by the ablest Peelites and Radicals, became law, though its
effect, while in operation, was virtually nil. It was in after-years repealed.
Kossuth, the champion of Hungarian independence, visited England in
October, and Lord Palmerston had to be peremptorily restrained from
receiving him publicly at the Foreign Office. A little later, Kossuth's ultra-
liberal sympathisers in London addressed the Foreign Secretary in language
violently denunciatory of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, for which
Lord Palmerston failed to rebuke them. The cup was filled to the brim by
his recognition of the President's coup d'état in France. Louis Napoleon,
after arresting M. Thiers and many others, proclaimed the dissolution of the
Council of State and the National Assembly, decreed a state of siege, and
re-established universal suffrage, with a Chief Magistrate elected for ten
years, and a Ministry depending on the executive alone. Palmerston
thereupon, though professing an intention of non-interference, conveyed to
the French Ambassador in London his full approbation of the proceeding,
and his conviction that the President could not have acted otherwise. Even
after this indiscreet action, the Premier found some difficulty in bringing
him to book; but before the end of the year he was dismissed from office,
with the offer, which he declined, of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy and a
British Peerage. Greatly to the Queen's satisfaction, Lord Granville became
Foreign Secretary.
At the Cape, Sir Harry Smith was engaged in operations against the Kaffirs,
which were not brought to a successful termination till the following year,
when General Cathcart had superseded him.
Page 424
CHAPTER XX
1851
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 25th January 1851.
The Queen approves of the elevation of Mr. Pemberton
Leigh1 to the Peerage, which she considers a very useful
measure, and not likely to lead to any permanent increase of
the Peerage, as he is not likely to marry at his present age,
and considering that he has only a life interest in his large
property.
With regard to the creation of Dr Lushington2 as a Peer,
without remainder, the Queen has again thoroughly
considered the question, and is of opinion that the
establishment of the principle of creation for life—in cases
where public advantage may be derived from the grant of a
Peerage, but where there may be no fortune to support the
dignity in the family—is most desirable. The mode in which
the public will take the introduction of it will however
chiefly depend upon the merits of the first case brought
forward. Dr Lushington appears to the Queen so
unobjectionable in this respect that she cannot but approve
of the experiment being tried with him.
1851
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 25th January 1851.
The Queen approves of the elevation of Mr. Pemberton
Leigh1 to the Peerage, which she considers a very useful
measure, and not likely to lead to any permanent increase of
the Peerage, as he is not likely to marry at his present age,
and considering that he has only a life interest in his large
property.
With regard to the creation of Dr Lushington2 as a Peer,
without remainder, the Queen has again thoroughly
considered the question, and is of opinion that the
establishment of the principle of creation for life—in cases
where public advantage may be derived from the grant of a
Peerage, but where there may be no fortune to support the
dignity in the family—is most desirable. The mode in which
the public will take the introduction of it will however
chiefly depend upon the merits of the first case brought
forward. Dr Lushington appears to the Queen so
unobjectionable in this respect that she cannot but approve
of the experiment being tried with him.
Page 425
It would be well, however, that it should be done quietly;
that it should not be talked about beforehand or get into the
papers, which so frequently happens on occasions of this
kind, and generally does harm.
Footnote 1: Member of Parliament for Rye 1881-1832, and Ripon
1835-1843, afterwards a member of the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council: he became a Peer (Lord Kingsdown) in 1858, having
declined a peerage on the present and other occasions.
Footnote 2: Dr Lushington was judge of the Admiralty Court: he had
been counsel for, and an executor of, Queen Caroline. He declined the
offer now suggested, and the subsequent debates on the Wensleydale
Peerage show that the proposed grant would have been ineffectual for
its purpose.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS
Windsor Castle, 31st January 1851.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th,
in which he proposes a change in those diplomatic
arrangements which she had already sanctioned on his
recommendation, and must remark that the reasons which
Lord Palmerston adduces in support of his present
proposition are in direct contradiction to those by which he
supported his former recommendation.3
The principle which the Queen would wish to see acted
upon in her diplomatic appointments in general, is, that the
good of the service should precede every other
consideration, and that the selection of an agent should
depend more on his personal qualifications for the particular
post for which he is to be selected than on the mere pleasure
and convenience of the person to be employed, or of the
Minister recommending him.
that it should not be talked about beforehand or get into the
papers, which so frequently happens on occasions of this
kind, and generally does harm.
Footnote 1: Member of Parliament for Rye 1881-1832, and Ripon
1835-1843, afterwards a member of the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council: he became a Peer (Lord Kingsdown) in 1858, having
declined a peerage on the present and other occasions.
Footnote 2: Dr Lushington was judge of the Admiralty Court: he had
been counsel for, and an executor of, Queen Caroline. He declined the
offer now suggested, and the subsequent debates on the Wensleydale
Peerage show that the proposed grant would have been ineffectual for
its purpose.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS
Windsor Castle, 31st January 1851.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th,
in which he proposes a change in those diplomatic
arrangements which she had already sanctioned on his
recommendation, and must remark that the reasons which
Lord Palmerston adduces in support of his present
proposition are in direct contradiction to those by which he
supported his former recommendation.3
The principle which the Queen would wish to see acted
upon in her diplomatic appointments in general, is, that the
good of the service should precede every other
consideration, and that the selection of an agent should
depend more on his personal qualifications for the particular
post for which he is to be selected than on the mere pleasure
and convenience of the person to be employed, or of the
Minister recommending him.
Page 426
According to Lord Palmerston's first proposal, Sir H.
Seymour was to have gone to St Petersburg, Lord
Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir Richard Pakenham to Lisbon;
now Lord Palmerston wishes to send Lord Cowley to St
Petersburg.
The Queen has the highest opinion of Lord Cowley's
abilities, and agrees with Lord Palmerston in thinking that
Russia will, for some time at least, exercise a predominating
influence over all European affairs. She would accordingly
not object to see that Agent accredited there in whom she
herself places the greatest confidence. But according to the
same principle, she must insist that the posts of Berlin and
Frankfort, which in her opinion are of nearly equal
importance, should be filled by men capable of dealing with
the complicated and dangerous political questions now in
agitation there, and the just appreciation and judicious
treatment of which are of the highest importance to the
peace of Europe, and therefore to the welfare of England.
Before the Queen therefore decides upon Lord Palmerston's
new proposals, she wishes to know whom he could
recommend for the post of Frankfort in the event of Lord
Cowley leaving it, and thinks it but right to premise that in
giving her sanction to the proposals Lord Palmerston may
have to submit, she will be guided entirely by the principle
set forth above.
Footnote 3: Lord Palmerston had altered his mind as to certain
proposed diplomatic changes, and suggested the appointment of Sir
Hamilton Seymour to Berlin, Lord Bloomfield to Lisbon, Lord
Cowley to Petersburg, Mr Jerningham, Sir Henry Ellis, or Sir Richard
Pakenham to Frankfort.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Seymour was to have gone to St Petersburg, Lord
Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir Richard Pakenham to Lisbon;
now Lord Palmerston wishes to send Lord Cowley to St
Petersburg.
The Queen has the highest opinion of Lord Cowley's
abilities, and agrees with Lord Palmerston in thinking that
Russia will, for some time at least, exercise a predominating
influence over all European affairs. She would accordingly
not object to see that Agent accredited there in whom she
herself places the greatest confidence. But according to the
same principle, she must insist that the posts of Berlin and
Frankfort, which in her opinion are of nearly equal
importance, should be filled by men capable of dealing with
the complicated and dangerous political questions now in
agitation there, and the just appreciation and judicious
treatment of which are of the highest importance to the
peace of Europe, and therefore to the welfare of England.
Before the Queen therefore decides upon Lord Palmerston's
new proposals, she wishes to know whom he could
recommend for the post of Frankfort in the event of Lord
Cowley leaving it, and thinks it but right to premise that in
giving her sanction to the proposals Lord Palmerston may
have to submit, she will be guided entirely by the principle
set forth above.
Footnote 3: Lord Palmerston had altered his mind as to certain
proposed diplomatic changes, and suggested the appointment of Sir
Hamilton Seymour to Berlin, Lord Bloomfield to Lisbon, Lord
Cowley to Petersburg, Mr Jerningham, Sir Henry Ellis, or Sir Richard
Pakenham to Frankfort.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Page 427
DIPLOMATIC ARRANGEMENTS
Chesham Place, 12th January 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that Mr Disraeli brought forward
his Motion yesterday.4 His speech was long and elaborate,
but not that of a man who was persuaded he was undertaking
a good cause.
He proposed nothing specific, but said nothing offensive.
The doubts about the division increase. Mr Hayter reckoned
yesterday on a majority of three! Sir James Graham is of
opinion Lord Stanley will not undertake anything desperate.
He will speak in favour of Government to-morrow, when the
division will probably take place.
Footnote 4: On agricultural distress; the Motion was lost by fourteen
only in a large House.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 15th February 1851.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday, and has to state in answer her decision in favour
of the original plan of appointments, viz. of Sir H. Seymour
to Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir R.
Pakenham to Lisbon. The Queen quite agrees with Lord
Palmerston in the opinion that the post at Petersburg is more
important than that of Frankfort, and had Lord Palmerston
been able to propose a good successor to Lord Cowley she
would have approved his going to Petersburg; Sir R.
Pakenham, however, would not take Frankfort if offered to
him, as it appears, and the two other persons proposed
would not do for it, in the Queen's opinion. It must not be
Chesham Place, 12th January 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that Mr Disraeli brought forward
his Motion yesterday.4 His speech was long and elaborate,
but not that of a man who was persuaded he was undertaking
a good cause.
He proposed nothing specific, but said nothing offensive.
The doubts about the division increase. Mr Hayter reckoned
yesterday on a majority of three! Sir James Graham is of
opinion Lord Stanley will not undertake anything desperate.
He will speak in favour of Government to-morrow, when the
division will probably take place.
Footnote 4: On agricultural distress; the Motion was lost by fourteen
only in a large House.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 15th February 1851.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of
yesterday, and has to state in answer her decision in favour
of the original plan of appointments, viz. of Sir H. Seymour
to Petersburg, Lord Bloomfield to Berlin, and Sir R.
Pakenham to Lisbon. The Queen quite agrees with Lord
Palmerston in the opinion that the post at Petersburg is more
important than that of Frankfort, and had Lord Palmerston
been able to propose a good successor to Lord Cowley she
would have approved his going to Petersburg; Sir R.
Pakenham, however, would not take Frankfort if offered to
him, as it appears, and the two other persons proposed
would not do for it, in the Queen's opinion. It must not be
Page 428
forgotten that at a place for action like Petersburg, the
Minister will chiefly have to look to his instructions from
home, while at a place of observation, as Lord Palmerston
justly calls Frankfort, everything depends upon the
acuteness and impartiality of the observer, and upon the
confidence with which he may be able to inspire those from
whom alone accurate information can be obtained. Lord
Cowley possesses eminently these qualities, and Sir H.
Seymour has at all times shown himself equal to acting
under most difficult circumstances. The desire of the
Emperor to see Lord Cowley at Petersburg may possibly
resolve itself in the desire of Baron Brunnow to see him
removed from Germany.... The Queen had always
understood that Sir H. Seymour would be very acceptable to
the Emperor, and that Count Nesselrode called him a
diplomatist "de la bonne vieille roche."
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace. 17th February 1851.
Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He had had a long
conversation with Sir James Graham, had stated to him that
from the tone of his speech (which Lord John explained to
us yesterday was of so very friendly a character and pointed
directly to supporting the Government)—its friendliness,
and the manner in which he advocated the union of those
who opposed a return to Protection, that he proposed to him
to join the Government; that Sir G. Grey had offered to
resign his office in order that Sir J. Graham might have it.
Before I go farther I ought to say that Lord John yesterday
explained the importance of obtaining support like Sir J.
Graham's in the Cabinet, and that he thought of proposing
the Board of Control to him, which Sir J. Hobhouse was
Minister will chiefly have to look to his instructions from
home, while at a place of observation, as Lord Palmerston
justly calls Frankfort, everything depends upon the
acuteness and impartiality of the observer, and upon the
confidence with which he may be able to inspire those from
whom alone accurate information can be obtained. Lord
Cowley possesses eminently these qualities, and Sir H.
Seymour has at all times shown himself equal to acting
under most difficult circumstances. The desire of the
Emperor to see Lord Cowley at Petersburg may possibly
resolve itself in the desire of Baron Brunnow to see him
removed from Germany.... The Queen had always
understood that Sir H. Seymour would be very acceptable to
the Emperor, and that Count Nesselrode called him a
diplomatist "de la bonne vieille roche."
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace. 17th February 1851.
Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He had had a long
conversation with Sir James Graham, had stated to him that
from the tone of his speech (which Lord John explained to
us yesterday was of so very friendly a character and pointed
directly to supporting the Government)—its friendliness,
and the manner in which he advocated the union of those
who opposed a return to Protection, that he proposed to him
to join the Government; that Sir G. Grey had offered to
resign his office in order that Sir J. Graham might have it.
Before I go farther I ought to say that Lord John yesterday
explained the importance of obtaining support like Sir J.
Graham's in the Cabinet, and that he thought of proposing
the Board of Control to him, which Sir J. Hobhouse was
Page 429
ready to give up—receiving a Peerage, and retaining a seat
in the Cabinet or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring was
equally ready to give up.
Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered he wished
to show Lord John a correspondence which had passed
between him and Lord Londonderry. In the course of
conversation in the country, Sir James had said to Lord
Londonderry that parties never could go on as they were,
and that they must ultimately lapse into two; this, Lord
Londonderry reported to Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord
Stanley; and Mr Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating
that if certain advantages and reliefs were given to the
landed interests, he should not cling to Protection; in short,
much what he said in his speech—and that he was quite
prepared to give up the lead in the House of Commons to Sir
J. Graham. Sir James answered that he never meant anything
by what he had said, and that he had no wish whatever to
join Lord Stanley; that if he had, he was so intimate with
Lord Stanley that he would have communicated direct with
him.
Sir James said that as soon as he heard from Lord John, he
thought what he wished to see him for, and that he had been
thinking over it, and had been talking to Lord Hardinge and
Mr Cardwell. That he did wish to support the Government,
but that he thought he could be of more use if he did not join
the Government, and was able to give them an independent
support; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert Peel's
followers; that many who had followed Sir Robert would not
follow him; that he thought the Government in great danger;
that the Protectionists, Radicals, and Irish Members would
try to take an opportunity to overset them (the Government);
that should the Government be turned out, he would find no
difficulty in joining them; or should they go on, that by-and-
by it might be easier to do so; but that at this moment he
should be injuring himself without doing the Government
any real service; besides which, there were so many
in the Cabinet or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring was
equally ready to give up.
Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered he wished
to show Lord John a correspondence which had passed
between him and Lord Londonderry. In the course of
conversation in the country, Sir James had said to Lord
Londonderry that parties never could go on as they were,
and that they must ultimately lapse into two; this, Lord
Londonderry reported to Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord
Stanley; and Mr Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating
that if certain advantages and reliefs were given to the
landed interests, he should not cling to Protection; in short,
much what he said in his speech—and that he was quite
prepared to give up the lead in the House of Commons to Sir
J. Graham. Sir James answered that he never meant anything
by what he had said, and that he had no wish whatever to
join Lord Stanley; that if he had, he was so intimate with
Lord Stanley that he would have communicated direct with
him.
Sir James said that as soon as he heard from Lord John, he
thought what he wished to see him for, and that he had been
thinking over it, and had been talking to Lord Hardinge and
Mr Cardwell. That he did wish to support the Government,
but that he thought he could be of more use if he did not join
the Government, and was able to give them an independent
support; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert Peel's
followers; that many who had followed Sir Robert would not
follow him; that he thought the Government in great danger;
that the Protectionists, Radicals, and Irish Members would
try to take an opportunity to overset them (the Government);
that should the Government be turned out, he would find no
difficulty in joining them; or should they go on, that by-and-
by it might be easier to do so; but that at this moment he
should be injuring himself without doing the Government
any real service; besides which, there were so many
Page 430
measures decided on which he was ignorant of, and should
have to support. Lord John told him that were he in the
Cabinet, he would have the means of stating and enforcing
his opinions, and that at whatever time he joined them, there
would always be the same difficulty about measures which
had already been decided on. He (Sir James) is not quite
satisfied with the Papal Aggression Bill, which he thinks
will exasperate the Irish; he also adverted to the report of our
having protested against Austria bringing her Italian
Provinces, etc., into the German Confederation. Lord John
told him that this had not been done, but that we meant to
ask for explanations.
In short, Lord John said it was evident that Sir James
thought the Government in great danger, and "did not wish
to embark in a boat which was going to sink." Still, he was
friendly, and repeated that it would be very easy when in
opposition to unite, and then to come in together.
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT
Chesham Place, 21st February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that on a motion of Mr Locke
King's5 yesterday the Government was defeated by a
hundred to fifty-two.
This is another circumstance which makes it probable the
Ministry cannot endure long. The Tories purposely stayed
away.
Footnote 5: For equalising the County and the Borough franchise.
have to support. Lord John told him that were he in the
Cabinet, he would have the means of stating and enforcing
his opinions, and that at whatever time he joined them, there
would always be the same difficulty about measures which
had already been decided on. He (Sir James) is not quite
satisfied with the Papal Aggression Bill, which he thinks
will exasperate the Irish; he also adverted to the report of our
having protested against Austria bringing her Italian
Provinces, etc., into the German Confederation. Lord John
told him that this had not been done, but that we meant to
ask for explanations.
In short, Lord John said it was evident that Sir James
thought the Government in great danger, and "did not wish
to embark in a boat which was going to sink." Still, he was
friendly, and repeated that it would be very easy when in
opposition to unite, and then to come in together.
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT
Chesham Place, 21st February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that on a motion of Mr Locke
King's5 yesterday the Government was defeated by a
hundred to fifty-two.
This is another circumstance which makes it probable the
Ministry cannot endure long. The Tories purposely stayed
away.
Footnote 5: For equalising the County and the Borough franchise.
Page 431
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I have only time just to write a few
hasty lines to you from Stockmar's room, where I came up to
speak to Albert and him, to tell you that we have got a
Ministerial crisis; the Ministers were in a great minority last
night, and though it was not a question vital to the
Government, Lord John feels the support he has received so
meagre, and the opposition of so many parties so great, that
he must resign! This is very bad, because there is no chance
of any other good Government, poor Peel being no longer
alive, and not one man of talent except Lord Stanley in the
Party;... but Lord John is right not to go on when he is so ill
supported, and it will raise him as a political man, and will
strengthen his position for the future.
Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send to-morrow
after the Government have resigned) will be able to form a
Government or not, I cannot tell. Altogether, it is very
vexatious, and will give us trouble. It is the more provoking,
as this country is so very prosperous.
On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more....
With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MINISTERIAL CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1851.
Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes with the
Queen, in order to prepare her for the possibility of the
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I have only time just to write a few
hasty lines to you from Stockmar's room, where I came up to
speak to Albert and him, to tell you that we have got a
Ministerial crisis; the Ministers were in a great minority last
night, and though it was not a question vital to the
Government, Lord John feels the support he has received so
meagre, and the opposition of so many parties so great, that
he must resign! This is very bad, because there is no chance
of any other good Government, poor Peel being no longer
alive, and not one man of talent except Lord Stanley in the
Party;... but Lord John is right not to go on when he is so ill
supported, and it will raise him as a political man, and will
strengthen his position for the future.
Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send to-morrow
after the Government have resigned) will be able to form a
Government or not, I cannot tell. Altogether, it is very
vexatious, and will give us trouble. It is the more provoking,
as this country is so very prosperous.
On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more....
With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MINISTERIAL CRISIS
Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1851.
Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes with the
Queen, in order to prepare her for the possibility of the
Page 432
Government's resignation (yesterday, at two o'clock), went
to Downing Street to meet the Cabinet, and promised to
return at four in order to communicate the decision the
Cabinet might have arrived at. On his return he explained
that after the vote at the beginning of the Session on the
Orders of the Day, which went directly against the
Government, after the small majority (only fourteen) which
they had on the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest,
and now the defeat on the Franchise, it was clear that the
Government did not possess the confidence of the House of
Commons. He complained of the Protectionists staying
away in a body on Mr King's motion, and he (Lord John)
himself being left without a supporter even amongst his
colleagues in the debate, but most of all of the conduct of the
Radicals; for when Mr King, hearing Lord John's promise to
bring in a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw his
Motion, as he ought to have done on such a declaration by
the head of the Government, Mr Hume insisted upon his
going on, "else Lord John would withdraw his promise again
in a fortnight"; and when the result of the vote was made
known the shouting and triumph of the hundred was
immense.
LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED
Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he could not go
on, that the Income Tax would have to be voted the next day,
and a defeat was probable; it were much better therefore not
to hesitate, and to resign at once. The Cabinet agreed,
although some Members thought with Lord Palmerston that
the occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged to be
allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, whom
he had sent for from the country, and to be able to tender
then his resignation; he would go down to the House to
adjourn it, promising explanations on Monday.
We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his station
personally, and as the Queen's Minister, not to put up with
ignominious treatment, praised his speech on the Suffrage,
to Downing Street to meet the Cabinet, and promised to
return at four in order to communicate the decision the
Cabinet might have arrived at. On his return he explained
that after the vote at the beginning of the Session on the
Orders of the Day, which went directly against the
Government, after the small majority (only fourteen) which
they had on the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest,
and now the defeat on the Franchise, it was clear that the
Government did not possess the confidence of the House of
Commons. He complained of the Protectionists staying
away in a body on Mr King's motion, and he (Lord John)
himself being left without a supporter even amongst his
colleagues in the debate, but most of all of the conduct of the
Radicals; for when Mr King, hearing Lord John's promise to
bring in a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw his
Motion, as he ought to have done on such a declaration by
the head of the Government, Mr Hume insisted upon his
going on, "else Lord John would withdraw his promise again
in a fortnight"; and when the result of the vote was made
known the shouting and triumph of the hundred was
immense.
LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED
Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he could not go
on, that the Income Tax would have to be voted the next day,
and a defeat was probable; it were much better therefore not
to hesitate, and to resign at once. The Cabinet agreed,
although some Members thought with Lord Palmerston that
the occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged to be
allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, whom
he had sent for from the country, and to be able to tender
then his resignation; he would go down to the House to
adjourn it, promising explanations on Monday.
We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his station
personally, and as the Queen's Minister, not to put up with
ignominious treatment, praised his speech on the Suffrage,
Page 433
which is admirable, and regretted that his colleagues had
prevented him from bringing in a measure this year. We
talked of the difficulty of forming any Government, but
agreed that Lord Stanley and the Protection Party ought to
be appealed to; they longed for office, and would not rest
quiet till they had had it if for ever so short a time only.
We further went over the ground of a possible demand for a
Dissolution, which might bring on a general commotion in
the country. Lord John agreed in this, but thought the
responsibility to be very great for the Crown to refuse an
appeal to the country to the new Government; he thought a
decision on that point ought to depend on the peculiar
circumstances of the case.
Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by the
express train, arrived at twelve o'clock, and came at once to
meet Lord John Russell here at the Palace.
In the audience which the Queen gave him he expressed his
entire concurrence with the decision the Cabinet had come
to, as the resignation could at any rate only have been
delayed. It was clear that the Cabinet had lost the confidence
of the House of Commons; what had happened the other
night was only the last drop which made the cup flow over,
and that it was much more dignified not to let the
Government die a lingering and ignominious death; he
[thought] that Lord Stanley would have great difficulties, but
would be able to form a Government; at least the
Protectionist Party gave out that they had a Cabinet
prepared.
We then saw Lord John Russell, who formally tendered his
resignation, and was very much moved on taking leave; he
said that, considering Lord Stanley's principles, it would not
be possible for him to hold out any hope of support to that
Government, except on the estimates for which he felt
responsible, but he would at all times be ready vigorously to
prevented him from bringing in a measure this year. We
talked of the difficulty of forming any Government, but
agreed that Lord Stanley and the Protection Party ought to
be appealed to; they longed for office, and would not rest
quiet till they had had it if for ever so short a time only.
We further went over the ground of a possible demand for a
Dissolution, which might bring on a general commotion in
the country. Lord John agreed in this, but thought the
responsibility to be very great for the Crown to refuse an
appeal to the country to the new Government; he thought a
decision on that point ought to depend on the peculiar
circumstances of the case.
Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by the
express train, arrived at twelve o'clock, and came at once to
meet Lord John Russell here at the Palace.
In the audience which the Queen gave him he expressed his
entire concurrence with the decision the Cabinet had come
to, as the resignation could at any rate only have been
delayed. It was clear that the Cabinet had lost the confidence
of the House of Commons; what had happened the other
night was only the last drop which made the cup flow over,
and that it was much more dignified not to let the
Government die a lingering and ignominious death; he
[thought] that Lord Stanley would have great difficulties, but
would be able to form a Government; at least the
Protectionist Party gave out that they had a Cabinet
prepared.
We then saw Lord John Russell, who formally tendered his
resignation, and was very much moved on taking leave; he
said that, considering Lord Stanley's principles, it would not
be possible for him to hold out any hope of support to that
Government, except on the estimates for which he felt
responsible, but he would at all times be ready vigorously to
Page 434
defend the Crown, which was in need of every support in
these days.
LORD STANLEY SUMMONED
At three o'clock came Lord Stanley, whom the Queen had
summoned.
The Queen informed him of the resignation of the
Government, in consequence of the late vote, which had
been the result of the Protectionists staying away, of the
small majority which the Government had had upon Mr
Disraeli's Motion, and of the many symptoms of want of
confidence exhibited towards the Government in the House
of Commons. The Queen had accepted their resignation, and
had sent for him as the head of that Party, which was now
the most numerous in Opposition, in order to ask him
whether he could undertake to form a Government.
Lord Stanley expressed great surprise. The impression had
been that the Government had not been in earnest in their
opposition to Mr L. King's Motion; in the minority had
voted only twenty-seven members of the Government side,
the rest had been of his Party. He asked if the whole Cabinet
had resigned, or whether there had been dissension in the
Cabinet upon it? The Queen replied that the resignation had
been unanimously agreed upon in the Cabinet, and that Lord
Lansdowne, who had only come up from Bowood this
morning, had given his entire approval to it. Lord Stanley
then asked whether anybody else had been consulted or
applied to, to which the Queen replied that she had written
to him a few minutes after Lord John's resignation, and had
communicated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said that
he hoped the Queen's acceptance had only been a
conditional one; that he felt very much honoured by the
Queen's confidence; that he hoped he might be able to tender
advice which might contribute to the Queen's comfort, and
might relieve the present embarrassment.
FISCAL POLICY OUTLINED
these days.
LORD STANLEY SUMMONED
At three o'clock came Lord Stanley, whom the Queen had
summoned.
The Queen informed him of the resignation of the
Government, in consequence of the late vote, which had
been the result of the Protectionists staying away, of the
small majority which the Government had had upon Mr
Disraeli's Motion, and of the many symptoms of want of
confidence exhibited towards the Government in the House
of Commons. The Queen had accepted their resignation, and
had sent for him as the head of that Party, which was now
the most numerous in Opposition, in order to ask him
whether he could undertake to form a Government.
Lord Stanley expressed great surprise. The impression had
been that the Government had not been in earnest in their
opposition to Mr L. King's Motion; in the minority had
voted only twenty-seven members of the Government side,
the rest had been of his Party. He asked if the whole Cabinet
had resigned, or whether there had been dissension in the
Cabinet upon it? The Queen replied that the resignation had
been unanimously agreed upon in the Cabinet, and that Lord
Lansdowne, who had only come up from Bowood this
morning, had given his entire approval to it. Lord Stanley
then asked whether anybody else had been consulted or
applied to, to which the Queen replied that she had written
to him a few minutes after Lord John's resignation, and had
communicated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said that
he hoped the Queen's acceptance had only been a
conditional one; that he felt very much honoured by the
Queen's confidence; that he hoped he might be able to tender
advice which might contribute to the Queen's comfort, and
might relieve the present embarrassment.
FISCAL POLICY OUTLINED
Page 435
In order to be able to do so he must enter most freely and
openly into his own position and that of his Party. It was
quite true that they formed the most numerous in Parliament
after the supporters of what he hoped he might still call the
present Government, but that there were no men contained
in it who combined great ability with experience in public
business. There was one certainly of great ability and talent
—Mr Disraeli—but who had never held office before, and
perhaps Mr Herries, who possessed great experience, but
who did not command great authority in the House of
Commons; that he should have great difficulties in
presenting to the Queen a Government fit to be accepted,
unless he could join with some of the late Sir R. Peel's
followers; that he considered, for instance, the appointment
of a good person for Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there
was scarcely any one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and
Lord Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen had told him that he had no
peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that he did not pretend
to understand the question, but that he had felt it his duty to
stand by Sir R. Peel; this might now be different, but it ought
first to be ascertained whether a combination of those who
agreed in principle, and had only been kept asunder hitherto
by personal considerations, could not be formed; that Sir
James Graham had in his last speech declared it as his
opinion that the ranks of those who agreed ought to be
closed; when such a combination had taken place, those of
Sir R. Peel's followers who could not agree to it might not be
unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his principles, he
would frankly state that he thought that the landed interest
was much depressed by the low state of prices; that an
import duty on corn would be absolutely necessary, which,
however, would be low, and only a revenue duty; such a
duty, he thought, the country would be prepared for; and if
they were allowed to state their honest opinion, he felt sure
the greatest part of the present Government would be
heartily glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar for
revenue, but he could not conceal that if the revenue after a
openly into his own position and that of his Party. It was
quite true that they formed the most numerous in Parliament
after the supporters of what he hoped he might still call the
present Government, but that there were no men contained
in it who combined great ability with experience in public
business. There was one certainly of great ability and talent
—Mr Disraeli—but who had never held office before, and
perhaps Mr Herries, who possessed great experience, but
who did not command great authority in the House of
Commons; that he should have great difficulties in
presenting to the Queen a Government fit to be accepted,
unless he could join with some of the late Sir R. Peel's
followers; that he considered, for instance, the appointment
of a good person for Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there
was scarcely any one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and
Lord Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen had told him that he had no
peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that he did not pretend
to understand the question, but that he had felt it his duty to
stand by Sir R. Peel; this might now be different, but it ought
first to be ascertained whether a combination of those who
agreed in principle, and had only been kept asunder hitherto
by personal considerations, could not be formed; that Sir
James Graham had in his last speech declared it as his
opinion that the ranks of those who agreed ought to be
closed; when such a combination had taken place, those of
Sir R. Peel's followers who could not agree to it might not be
unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his principles, he
would frankly state that he thought that the landed interest
was much depressed by the low state of prices; that an
import duty on corn would be absolutely necessary, which,
however, would be low, and only a revenue duty; such a
duty, he thought, the country would be prepared for; and if
they were allowed to state their honest opinion, he felt sure
the greatest part of the present Government would be
heartily glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar for
revenue, but he could not conceal that if the revenue after a
Page 436
diminution in the direct taxation, which he would propose,
should considerably fall off, he might be driven to raise the
Import duties on other articles. He thought the present
House of Commons could hardly be expected to reverse its
decision upon the financial and commercial policy of the
country, and that accordingly a Dissolution of Parliament
would become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however,
could not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of
public business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted nor the
Supplies, and it would require more than eight weeks before
the new Parliament could be assembled, and consequently
the Crown would be left without Army or money. A
Dissolution could accordingly not take place before Easter.
He felt, however, that if he were to take office now, he
would between this and Easter be exposed to such harassing
attacks that he should not be able to withstand them;
moreover, it would subject the members of his Government
to two elections in two months. He hoped therefore that the
Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition of
the Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the Queen
should send again for him, and it was clear no other
Government could be formed, he would feel it his duty as a
loyal subject to risk everything, except his principles and his
honour, to carry on the Government; and he hoped that in
such a case the Queen would look leniently on the
composition of the Cabinet which he could offer, and that
the country would, from the consideration of the
circumstances, give it a fair trial. He begged, however, that
he might not be called upon to take office except as a
dernier ressort, a necessity.
I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial measures,
and begged him further to explain, when it appeared that a
duty of about six shillings on corn was the least he could
impose to bring up the price to forty-five shillings, which Sir
R. Peel had stated to the House of Commons was in his
opinion the lowest price wheat would fall to after the
abolition of the Corn Laws.
should considerably fall off, he might be driven to raise the
Import duties on other articles. He thought the present
House of Commons could hardly be expected to reverse its
decision upon the financial and commercial policy of the
country, and that accordingly a Dissolution of Parliament
would become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however,
could not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of
public business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted nor the
Supplies, and it would require more than eight weeks before
the new Parliament could be assembled, and consequently
the Crown would be left without Army or money. A
Dissolution could accordingly not take place before Easter.
He felt, however, that if he were to take office now, he
would between this and Easter be exposed to such harassing
attacks that he should not be able to withstand them;
moreover, it would subject the members of his Government
to two elections in two months. He hoped therefore that the
Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition of
the Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the Queen
should send again for him, and it was clear no other
Government could be formed, he would feel it his duty as a
loyal subject to risk everything, except his principles and his
honour, to carry on the Government; and he hoped that in
such a case the Queen would look leniently on the
composition of the Cabinet which he could offer, and that
the country would, from the consideration of the
circumstances, give it a fair trial. He begged, however, that
he might not be called upon to take office except as a
dernier ressort, a necessity.
I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial measures,
and begged him further to explain, when it appeared that a
duty of about six shillings on corn was the least he could
impose to bring up the price to forty-five shillings, which Sir
R. Peel had stated to the House of Commons was in his
opinion the lowest price wheat would fall to after the
abolition of the Corn Laws.
Page 437
We expressed our doubts as to the country agreeing to such a
measure, and our apprehension of the violent spirit which
would be roused in the working classes by a Dissolution for
that purpose, which Lord Stanley, however, did not seem to
apprehend; on the contrary, he thought the distress of the
farmers would lead to the destruction of the landed interest,
which was the only support to the Throne.
PROTECTION
I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been
under a delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally
so, as to his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes it
was stated that Protection would be adhered to, sometimes
that it was given up, and that it was compensation to the
landed interest which the Protectionists looked to. His last
speeches and the Motion of Mr Disraeli led to that belief,
but that it was of the highest importance that the country
should know exactly what was intended; the Queen would
then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked
upon the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of
his opinions which Lord Stanley had now laid before the
Queen would be clearly enunciated by him in Parliament
when the Ministerial explanations should take place, which
would naturally follow this crisis.
Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no
explanations would take place before a Government was
formed. He said he should wish the word "Protection" to be
merged, to which I rejoined that though he might wish this, I
doubted whether the country would let him.
Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his
advice that the Coalition Ministry should be tried.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
measure, and our apprehension of the violent spirit which
would be roused in the working classes by a Dissolution for
that purpose, which Lord Stanley, however, did not seem to
apprehend; on the contrary, he thought the distress of the
farmers would lead to the destruction of the landed interest,
which was the only support to the Throne.
PROTECTION
I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been
under a delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally
so, as to his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes it
was stated that Protection would be adhered to, sometimes
that it was given up, and that it was compensation to the
landed interest which the Protectionists looked to. His last
speeches and the Motion of Mr Disraeli led to that belief,
but that it was of the highest importance that the country
should know exactly what was intended; the Queen would
then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked
upon the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of
his opinions which Lord Stanley had now laid before the
Queen would be clearly enunciated by him in Parliament
when the Ministerial explanations should take place, which
would naturally follow this crisis.
Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no
explanations would take place before a Government was
formed. He said he should wish the word "Protection" to be
merged, to which I rejoined that though he might wish this, I
doubted whether the country would let him.
Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his
advice that the Coalition Ministry should be tried.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
Page 438
22nd February 1851.
In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord
Stanley's opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in
doing, she would be very thankful if he would write down
for her what he just stated to her—as his advice in the
present difficulty. Of course she would not let such a paper
go out of her hands.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1851.
Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six
o'clock, having received my letter on his return. Lord John
Russell had been here before that time.
After having stated to him (Lord John) what had passed with
Lord Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here;
Lord John seemed much surprised at Lord Stanley's refusal
to form an Administration, declared himself ready to do
what he could towards the formation of a new Government
on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham and
Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.
I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was
waiting. He was entirely taken by surprise by the
announcement of the resignation of the Government, and
begged to be able to state to me how he was situated before
he saw the Queen and Lord John.
I then communicated to him what had passed with Lord
Stanley, upon which we had a conversation of more than an
hour, of which the chief features were:
In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord
Stanley's opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in
doing, she would be very thankful if he would write down
for her what he just stated to her—as his advice in the
present difficulty. Of course she would not let such a paper
go out of her hands.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1851.
Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six
o'clock, having received my letter on his return. Lord John
Russell had been here before that time.
After having stated to him (Lord John) what had passed with
Lord Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here;
Lord John seemed much surprised at Lord Stanley's refusal
to form an Administration, declared himself ready to do
what he could towards the formation of a new Government
on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham and
Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.
I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was
waiting. He was entirely taken by surprise by the
announcement of the resignation of the Government, and
begged to be able to state to me how he was situated before
he saw the Queen and Lord John.
I then communicated to him what had passed with Lord
Stanley, upon which we had a conversation of more than an
hour, of which the chief features were:
Page 439
1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham lest the
attempt on the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective
duties should produce universal commotion in the country,
which would be increased by the Dissolution, without which
Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.
2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in
any Government abandoning Sir R. Peel's principles, as he
had been consulted before and after Sir James's late speech
in which he expressed his entire concurrence.
3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man
in England, who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and
had for the last fifteen years not exercised an independent
judgment, but rested entirely on his friend.
4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues—the
Duke of Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert
—in religious opinions.
5. His disagreement with Lord John's Government upon
some most important points.
FOREIGN POLICY
He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign
Secretary, whose policy and mode of conducting business he
disapproved, who was now protesting against the admission
of Austria into the German Confederation; he disapproved
the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it militating against the
line which he had taken as Secretary of State with regard to
the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly the
Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John's letter the
Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the
minds of the English public.
He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-
Lieutenancy, and the making a fourth Secretary of State had
been considered by Sir Robert Peel and himself as
introducing into England all the Irish malpractices, while
Ireland was still kept wholly separate from England.
attempt on the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective
duties should produce universal commotion in the country,
which would be increased by the Dissolution, without which
Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.
2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in
any Government abandoning Sir R. Peel's principles, as he
had been consulted before and after Sir James's late speech
in which he expressed his entire concurrence.
3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man
in England, who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and
had for the last fifteen years not exercised an independent
judgment, but rested entirely on his friend.
4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues—the
Duke of Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert
—in religious opinions.
5. His disagreement with Lord John's Government upon
some most important points.
FOREIGN POLICY
He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign
Secretary, whose policy and mode of conducting business he
disapproved, who was now protesting against the admission
of Austria into the German Confederation; he disapproved
the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it militating against the
line which he had taken as Secretary of State with regard to
the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly the
Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John's letter the
Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the
minds of the English public.
He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-
Lieutenancy, and the making a fourth Secretary of State had
been considered by Sir Robert Peel and himself as
introducing into England all the Irish malpractices, while
Ireland was still kept wholly separate from England.
Page 440
Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration
upon Reform. He had been thunderstruck when he read the
announcement on the part of the chief author of the Reform
Bill, who had stood with him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto upon
finality, condemning his own work, and promising at a year's
distance important alterations, in which interval great
agitation would be got up, great expectations raised, and the
measure when brought forward would cause disappointment.
Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most
dangerous to touch these questions, but if opened with the
consent of the Crown, a measure should at once be brought
forward and passed.
After my having replied to these different objections, that
the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's
removal, and would make it herself a condition with Lord
John that he should not be again Foreign Secretary; that the
protest to Austria had not gone, and that upon studying the
question Sir James would find that the entrance of the whole
Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war
and infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the
strength and unity of Germany, which held to be the true
English interest, but quite the reverse; that I did not think the
Papal Aggression Bill touched the Bequest Act or militated
against toleration; that the Lieutenancy would perhaps be
given up, and a measure on the Franchise be considered by
the new Government and brought forward at once. I thought
it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John
Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.
The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the
same ground, Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston
ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal Aggression Bill
would be further modified, that the Lieutenancy Bill might
be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's objection to the
declaration about reform, but that he had intended to bring
forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues
to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at
upon Reform. He had been thunderstruck when he read the
announcement on the part of the chief author of the Reform
Bill, who had stood with him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto upon
finality, condemning his own work, and promising at a year's
distance important alterations, in which interval great
agitation would be got up, great expectations raised, and the
measure when brought forward would cause disappointment.
Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most
dangerous to touch these questions, but if opened with the
consent of the Crown, a measure should at once be brought
forward and passed.
After my having replied to these different objections, that
the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's
removal, and would make it herself a condition with Lord
John that he should not be again Foreign Secretary; that the
protest to Austria had not gone, and that upon studying the
question Sir James would find that the entrance of the whole
Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war
and infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the
strength and unity of Germany, which held to be the true
English interest, but quite the reverse; that I did not think the
Papal Aggression Bill touched the Bequest Act or militated
against toleration; that the Lieutenancy would perhaps be
given up, and a measure on the Franchise be considered by
the new Government and brought forward at once. I thought
it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John
Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.
The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the
same ground, Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston
ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal Aggression Bill
would be further modified, that the Lieutenancy Bill might
be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's objection to the
declaration about reform, but that he had intended to bring
forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues
to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at
Page 441
once. This Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of
gaining at a General Election, which he foresaw could not be
long delayed, whoever formed a Government.
In order to obtain some result from this long debate I
summed up what might be considered as agreed upon, viz.
That there was tabula rasa, and for the new Coalition a free
choice of men and measures, to which they assented, Lord
John merely stating that he could not take office without part
of his friends, and could not sacrifice his personal
declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord
Aberdeen having written that he would be with us after nine
o'clock, we adjourned the further discussion till then, when
they would return.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke
of Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I
informed him of the nature of our crisis. He expressed his
regret and his dread of a Protectionist Government with a
Dissolution, which might lead to civil commotion. He could
not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for their having
stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion, and
thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for
Lord John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he
felt that the Crown and the country were only safe in these
days by having the Liberals in office, else they would be
driven to join the Radical agitation against the institutions of
the country.
After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room,
at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon
joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. We went over
the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's letter was read
and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to join
in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand
gaining at a General Election, which he foresaw could not be
long delayed, whoever formed a Government.
In order to obtain some result from this long debate I
summed up what might be considered as agreed upon, viz.
That there was tabula rasa, and for the new Coalition a free
choice of men and measures, to which they assented, Lord
John merely stating that he could not take office without part
of his friends, and could not sacrifice his personal
declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord
Aberdeen having written that he would be with us after nine
o'clock, we adjourned the further discussion till then, when
they would return.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke
of Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I
informed him of the nature of our crisis. He expressed his
regret and his dread of a Protectionist Government with a
Dissolution, which might lead to civil commotion. He could
not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for their having
stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion, and
thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for
Lord John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he
felt that the Crown and the country were only safe in these
days by having the Liberals in office, else they would be
driven to join the Radical agitation against the institutions of
the country.
After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room,
at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon
joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. We went over
the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's letter was read
and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to join
in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand
Page 442
the question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with
him not to abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a
matter of piety. He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a
question of food by the Crown, for the purpose of imposing
a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger for the safety of the
country. He disapproved the Papal Bill, the abolition of the
Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the Franchise, for
though he was called a despot, he felt a good deal of the
Radical in him sometimes.
Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether he would not
undertake to form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen
gave no distinct reply.
As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though
professing the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was
getting on towards midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's
injunction that one of the three gentlemen must form a
Government, to which Lord Aberdeen laughingly replied: "I
see your Majesty has come into6 the Président de la
République." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne to-day
at three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at
five o'clock. On one point we were agreed, viz. that the
Government to be formed must not be for the moment, but
with a view to strength and stability.
Albert.
Footnote 6: Sic.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
COMPLICATIONS
23d February 1851.
him not to abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a
matter of piety. He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a
question of food by the Crown, for the purpose of imposing
a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger for the safety of the
country. He disapproved the Papal Bill, the abolition of the
Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the Franchise, for
though he was called a despot, he felt a good deal of the
Radical in him sometimes.
Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether he would not
undertake to form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen
gave no distinct reply.
As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though
professing the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was
getting on towards midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's
injunction that one of the three gentlemen must form a
Government, to which Lord Aberdeen laughingly replied: "I
see your Majesty has come into6 the Président de la
République." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne to-day
at three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at
five o'clock. On one point we were agreed, viz. that the
Government to be formed must not be for the moment, but
with a view to strength and stability.
Albert.
Footnote 6: Sic.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
COMPLICATIONS
23d February 1851.
Page 443
The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but
is sorry to say that her doing so was premature, as they had
no opportunity of seeing each other after they left Lord John
Russell, and therefore had not considered the Memorandum7
which Lord John had handed to them. Lord Aberdeen has in
the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that he
must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever joining a
Protection Government. What further resulted from the
conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John
verbally to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the
forenoon to-morrow, or before he goes to the House; he will
be so good as to let her know.
Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord John drew
up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii.
chap, xxii., with the following points:
A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.
The present commercial policy to be maintained.
The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as the Preamble
and the first clause, but the remaining clauses to be abandoned.
A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.
A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in cities
and boroughs.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and
depressed. On the Queen's asking whether he could report
any progress, he said he thought he could; he had met Lord
Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, together with Sir George
Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he had informed
them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a
is sorry to say that her doing so was premature, as they had
no opportunity of seeing each other after they left Lord John
Russell, and therefore had not considered the Memorandum7
which Lord John had handed to them. Lord Aberdeen has in
the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that he
must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever joining a
Protection Government. What further resulted from the
conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John
verbally to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the
forenoon to-morrow, or before he goes to the House; he will
be so good as to let her know.
Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord John drew
up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii.
chap, xxii., with the following points:
A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.
The present commercial policy to be maintained.
The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as the Preamble
and the first clause, but the remaining clauses to be abandoned.
A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.
A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in cities
and boroughs.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and
depressed. On the Queen's asking whether he could report
any progress, he said he thought he could; he had met Lord
Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, together with Sir George
Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he had informed
them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a
Page 444
Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which
follows here and which they had promised to take into
consideration.
We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government.
He said he had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that
he could not undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in
the House of Commons and Government (which the Queen
had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston might be leader in
the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen at the
Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were
equally acceptable to him.
I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir
James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but
thought it better he should not be present himself, and that
the Queen might tell Sir James that he might have any
Office he liked; perhaps he would take the Foreign Affairs.
Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are
distressed at his resuming office; the Radicals were very
much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham being in
office.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
24th February 1851.
(Monday evening.)
Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement
to the House of Commons. We communicated to him what
had passed with Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen
yesterday evening. He thought his Memorandum had been
misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill was left open
follows here and which they had promised to take into
consideration.
We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government.
He said he had not thought of it yet; he added, however, that
he could not undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in
the House of Commons and Government (which the Queen
had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston might be leader in
the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen at the
Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were
equally acceptable to him.
I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir
James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but
thought it better he should not be present himself, and that
the Queen might tell Sir James that he might have any
Office he liked; perhaps he would take the Foreign Affairs.
Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are
distressed at his resuming office; the Radicals were very
much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham being in
office.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
24th February 1851.
(Monday evening.)
Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement
to the House of Commons. We communicated to him what
had passed with Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen
yesterday evening. He thought his Memorandum had been
misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill was left open
Page 445
to discussion, and what he had said about filling the Offices
only meant that the Offices should not be divided according
to number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been
done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord
Palmerston, who was not willing to give up the Foreign
Office—spoke of retiring from business at his age, of his
success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its being a
self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John
told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it
best to leave it there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given
up the idea of leading the House of Commons. We
ascertained from him in conversation that he could not agree
to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he could
serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any
one of these were to form a Government.
At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of
Commons, and reported that two very important events had
taken place: the one that upon his making his statement to
the House that the Government had resigned, that Lord
Stanley had been sent for, had declared his inability then to
form a Government (words agreed upon between Lord
Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he
was now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr.
Disraeli got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had declined
forming a Government, which was received with cheers
from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely answered that
when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he
had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not
upon what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord
Stanley's own letter. The second event was a letter from
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,8 which put an end to
all thoughts of a Coalition. It stated that they could agree to
no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions, and ended
with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther
in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.
only meant that the Offices should not be divided according
to number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been
done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord
Palmerston, who was not willing to give up the Foreign
Office—spoke of retiring from business at his age, of his
success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its being a
self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John
told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it
best to leave it there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given
up the idea of leading the House of Commons. We
ascertained from him in conversation that he could not agree
to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he could
serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any
one of these were to form a Government.
At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of
Commons, and reported that two very important events had
taken place: the one that upon his making his statement to
the House that the Government had resigned, that Lord
Stanley had been sent for, had declared his inability then to
form a Government (words agreed upon between Lord
Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he
was now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr.
Disraeli got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had declined
forming a Government, which was received with cheers
from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely answered that
when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he
had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not
upon what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord
Stanley's own letter. The second event was a letter from
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,8 which put an end to
all thoughts of a Coalition. It stated that they could agree to
no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions, and ended
with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther
in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.
Page 446
Lord John had at once answered that although he did not
understand the latter objection, the difference on the Papal
Bill must put an end to their negotiation. We much lamented
the result, and after some discussion agreed that the only
thing to be done now was to send for Lord Aberdeen. Lord
Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before every other
means of forming a Government had been exhausted.
Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap.
xxii.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1851.
(Half-past ten p.m.)
The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell
wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James
Graham, who, though ready to do anything which could be
of any use to the Queen and the country, have stated it as
their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked to
form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen
intends to send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did
ask Lord Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a
Government, but he said that he thought it would not be
successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an
insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.
The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John
and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling,
which it is so essential for the Crown and the country that
there should be.
understand the latter objection, the difference on the Papal
Bill must put an end to their negotiation. We much lamented
the result, and after some discussion agreed that the only
thing to be done now was to send for Lord Aberdeen. Lord
Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before every other
means of forming a Government had been exhausted.
Footnote 8: Published in Walpole's Lord John Russell, vol. ii. chap.
xxii.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1851.
(Half-past ten p.m.)
The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell
wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James
Graham, who, though ready to do anything which could be
of any use to the Queen and the country, have stated it as
their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked to
form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen
intends to send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did
ask Lord Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a
Government, but he said that he thought it would not be
successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an
insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.
The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John
and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling,
which it is so essential for the Crown and the country that
there should be.
Page 447
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace, 25 February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Through Van der Weyer, you will have
heard what was the state of the long and anxious crisis
yesterday evening.
Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government
has failed—for the present. I say for the present, as they are
all so entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another
time they hope there will be no difficulty, when they have
fought together. The Papal Aggression has in fact been the
only insurmountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen
last night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most
kind to us), and asked if he could not try to form a
Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he
said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal
Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot join Lord
Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have seen Lord Stanley,
and he means to try if he can form any fit sort of
Government, but he has no men of talent, and his difficulties
are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow definitely if he can
form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having
such support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an
anxious time, and the uncertainty and suspense very trying.
More details you will have later on. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED
ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace, 25 February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Through Van der Weyer, you will have
heard what was the state of the long and anxious crisis
yesterday evening.
Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government
has failed—for the present. I say for the present, as they are
all so entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another
time they hope there will be no difficulty, when they have
fought together. The Papal Aggression has in fact been the
only insurmountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen
last night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most
kind to us), and asked if he could not try to form a
Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he
said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal
Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot join Lord
Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have seen Lord Stanley,
and he means to try if he can form any fit sort of
Government, but he has no men of talent, and his difficulties
are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrow definitely if he can
form an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having
such support and advice as my dearest Albert's; but it is an
anxious time, and the uncertainty and suspense very trying.
More details you will have later on. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED
Page 448
Buckingham Palace, 26th February 1851.
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday
evening at nine o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether
they could form a Government, to which they replied that
they had turned it in their heads a hundred times, that there
was nothing they would not do to show their readiness to
serve the Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of
forming an Administration which could stand a day. They
were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular
men in England, having declared that nothing should be
done in Parliament against the Papal Aggression, which the
whole country clamoured for; the Whigs would be very
angry with them for their having broken up the new
combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but
that was a support upon which no reliance could be placed.
There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought to
have a chance of bringing forward his measures; that it was
perilous, but that it was an evil which must be gone through;
that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord
Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it
was shared by the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert,
and others of Sir James's friends whom he had had time to
consult.
Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to
the consequence of such a step on the country, they said
there would no doubt spring up a most violent opposition,
that there would be attempts to stop the supplies and
dissolve the Army, but that Lord John Russell and Sir James
Graham together would do their utmost to preach
moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the
Queen's example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional
course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade
were well known (as far as subjects could allow themselves
to pretend to know their Sovereign's private opinions) from
the hearty support she had given to Sir Robert Peel's and
Lord John's Governments. That upon the first proposition of
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday
evening at nine o'clock; the Queen put it to them whether
they could form a Government, to which they replied that
they had turned it in their heads a hundred times, that there
was nothing they would not do to show their readiness to
serve the Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of
forming an Administration which could stand a day. They
were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular
men in England, having declared that nothing should be
done in Parliament against the Papal Aggression, which the
whole country clamoured for; the Whigs would be very
angry with them for their having broken up the new
combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but
that was a support upon which no reliance could be placed.
There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought to
have a chance of bringing forward his measures; that it was
perilous, but that it was an evil which must be gone through;
that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord
Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it
was shared by the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert,
and others of Sir James's friends whom he had had time to
consult.
Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to
the consequence of such a step on the country, they said
there would no doubt spring up a most violent opposition,
that there would be attempts to stop the supplies and
dissolve the Army, but that Lord John Russell and Sir James
Graham together would do their utmost to preach
moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the
Queen's example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional
course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade
were well known (as far as subjects could allow themselves
to pretend to know their Sovereign's private opinions) from
the hearty support she had given to Sir Robert Peel's and
Lord John's Governments. That upon the first proposition of
Page 449
a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would be
completed, and there would be only one strong opposition.
After having fought together, there would be no longer any
difficulty about forming a strong Government out of their
joint ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that
every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved,
that then they stood on a footing of perfect equality. Sir
James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his second
resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was
embarrassed and boutonné before, he was open and
unreserved now, and they could speak on terms of private
friendship. Lord Aberdeen would save his influence in the
House of Lords, which he would probably have lost if he
had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be
different.
Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and
interrupted us. From these papers, and what Sir James and
Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear that all parties are relieved by
the failure of their attempt to form a Coalition Government,
but determined to form a positive junction, which will be
most salutary to the country. The Queen will therefore send
for Lord Stanley.
We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to
form an Administration, for which the material was certainly
sad. Disraeli's last scene in the House of Commons would
render the publication of Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr
Gladstone might possibly join him; at least no pains would
be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so
much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be
tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office,
particularly if personally offended.
Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was
debated; the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for
the Sovereign to undertake, but a subject upon which the
decision should only be taken at the time, and on a due
consideration of the circumstances.
completed, and there would be only one strong opposition.
After having fought together, there would be no longer any
difficulty about forming a strong Government out of their
joint ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that
every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved,
that then they stood on a footing of perfect equality. Sir
James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his second
resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was
embarrassed and boutonné before, he was open and
unreserved now, and they could speak on terms of private
friendship. Lord Aberdeen would save his influence in the
House of Lords, which he would probably have lost if he
had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be
different.
Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and
interrupted us. From these papers, and what Sir James and
Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear that all parties are relieved by
the failure of their attempt to form a Coalition Government,
but determined to form a positive junction, which will be
most salutary to the country. The Queen will therefore send
for Lord Stanley.
We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to
form an Administration, for which the material was certainly
sad. Disraeli's last scene in the House of Commons would
render the publication of Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr
Gladstone might possibly join him; at least no pains would
be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so
much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be
tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office,
particularly if personally offended.
Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was
debated; the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for
the Sovereign to undertake, but a subject upon which the
decision should only be taken at the time, and on a due
consideration of the circumstances.
Page 450
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 25th February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that having seen the letter which
Lord Stanley addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself
precluded from entering into any details, he announced to
the House of Commons that Lord Stanley had in reply to
your Majesty's offer declared "he was not then prepared to
form a Government."
Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.
Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord
John Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to
ask your Majesty for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does
not propose to read the letter to the House of Commons, but
to refer to it in the statement he is compelled to make.
Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation
may be shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to
the honour of a public man.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY ARRIVES
25th February 1851.
(Tuesday.)
Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven
o'clock, and seemed very much concerned when she
informed him that Lord John Russell had given up his task,
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 25th February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to state that having seen the letter which
Lord Stanley addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself
precluded from entering into any details, he announced to
the House of Commons that Lord Stanley had in reply to
your Majesty's offer declared "he was not then prepared to
form a Government."
Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.
Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord
John Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to
ask your Majesty for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does
not propose to read the letter to the House of Commons, but
to refer to it in the statement he is compelled to make.
Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation
may be shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to
the honour of a public man.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY ARRIVES
25th February 1851.
(Tuesday.)
Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven
o'clock, and seemed very much concerned when she
informed him that Lord John Russell had given up his task,
Page 451
as differences of opinion, particularly on the Papal Bill, had
prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir
James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been
equally unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their
difficulty in dealing with the Papal Question; that
consequently the contingency had arisen under which Lord
Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a
Government.
Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he
could not venture to approach them unless he was sure of
every support on the part of the Crown; that he would have
arrayed against him a formidable opposition of all the talent
in the country.
The Queen assured him that he should have every
Constitutional support on her part, of which Lord Stanley
repeated he had felt sure, although the total change must be
very trying to the Queen.
On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord
Aberdeen joining him and taking the Foreign Office, we had
to tell him that he must quite discard that idea. He replied,
with a sigh, that he would still try and see him; he had
thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the Foreign Office
ad interim, but felt that he could hardly propose that,
considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an
attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission,
and that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning,
now at Constantinople, which the Queen approved.
He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in
the House of Commons, without which assistance he must
not conceal that it was almost impossible for him to go on.
Mr Gladstone was on his way home from Paris, and he had
written to him to see him as soon as he arrived; till then he
could not promise that he would succeed to form an
Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his
country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.
prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir
James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been
equally unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their
difficulty in dealing with the Papal Question; that
consequently the contingency had arisen under which Lord
Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a
Government.
Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he
could not venture to approach them unless he was sure of
every support on the part of the Crown; that he would have
arrayed against him a formidable opposition of all the talent
in the country.
The Queen assured him that he should have every
Constitutional support on her part, of which Lord Stanley
repeated he had felt sure, although the total change must be
very trying to the Queen.
On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord
Aberdeen joining him and taking the Foreign Office, we had
to tell him that he must quite discard that idea. He replied,
with a sigh, that he would still try and see him; he had
thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the Foreign Office
ad interim, but felt that he could hardly propose that,
considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an
attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission,
and that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning,
now at Constantinople, which the Queen approved.
He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in
the House of Commons, without which assistance he must
not conceal that it was almost impossible for him to go on.
Mr Gladstone was on his way home from Paris, and he had
written to him to see him as soon as he arrived; till then he
could not promise that he would succeed to form an
Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his
country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.
Page 452
To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best by his country
need never be afraid for his reputation.
MR DISRAELI
The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letter
respecting Mr Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's
statement in the House of Commons yesterday.
Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate
misunderstanding, that he had been sorry Lord John and
Lord Lansdowne should have felt it necessary to say that "he
had not then been prepared to form a Government," as the
knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a chance of his
being called back, could not but act injuriously to him and
dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this
on Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to
sending Lord John a copy of his letter.
We now came to Measures. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate
the Papal Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the
appointment in both Houses of a Committee to enquire into
the position of the Roman Catholic Church in this country;
he would diminish the Income Tax by a million, and exempt
temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for the
Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he
called a Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good
political economy, on the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last
edition of "Ricardo." (I had some discussion with him,
however, on that point.)
Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he
should have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries
of State. The Queen interrupted him by saying that she had
not a very good opinion of Mr Disraeli on account of his
conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what had just happened did
not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she felt so much
Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate
them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must,
however, make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct,
need never be afraid for his reputation.
MR DISRAELI
The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letter
respecting Mr Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's
statement in the House of Commons yesterday.
Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate
misunderstanding, that he had been sorry Lord John and
Lord Lansdowne should have felt it necessary to say that "he
had not then been prepared to form a Government," as the
knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a chance of his
being called back, could not but act injuriously to him and
dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this
on Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to
sending Lord John a copy of his letter.
We now came to Measures. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate
the Papal Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the
appointment in both Houses of a Committee to enquire into
the position of the Roman Catholic Church in this country;
he would diminish the Income Tax by a million, and exempt
temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for the
Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he
called a Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good
political economy, on the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last
edition of "Ricardo." (I had some discussion with him,
however, on that point.)
Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he
should have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries
of State. The Queen interrupted him by saying that she had
not a very good opinion of Mr Disraeli on account of his
conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what had just happened did
not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she felt so much
Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate
them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must,
however, make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct,
Page 453
and should she have cause to be displeased with him when
in office, she would remind Lord Stanley of what now
passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible, and
excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to
establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody
had gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had
of late quite changed his tone.
Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible
Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the
Secretary for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke
of Cambridge might be offered that post, which she took ad
referendum. The Duke of Northumberland, though not of his
Party, he should like to offer the Admiralty to.
DISSOLUTION
At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important
question of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution would
anyhow become necessary; that, if it was thought that the
Queen would withhold from him the privilege of dissolving,
he would not have the slightest chance in the House of
Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then his
adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it
could not be said that the Queen had refused him the power
of dissolving, but he required some assurance.
On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive
promise, but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the
question when the emergency arose, he contented himself
with the permission to deny, if necessary, that she would not
consent to it, putting entire confidence in the Queen's
intention to deal fairly by him.
I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without
effect, of the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley
himself, that they should not be hampered by a positive
engagement on that point, which might become very
in office, she would remind Lord Stanley of what now
passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible, and
excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to
establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody
had gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had
of late quite changed his tone.
Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible
Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the
Secretary for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke
of Cambridge might be offered that post, which she took ad
referendum. The Duke of Northumberland, though not of his
Party, he should like to offer the Admiralty to.
DISSOLUTION
At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important
question of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution would
anyhow become necessary; that, if it was thought that the
Queen would withhold from him the privilege of dissolving,
he would not have the slightest chance in the House of
Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then his
adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it
could not be said that the Queen had refused him the power
of dissolving, but he required some assurance.
On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive
promise, but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the
question when the emergency arose, he contented himself
with the permission to deny, if necessary, that she would not
consent to it, putting entire confidence in the Queen's
intention to deal fairly by him.
I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without
effect, of the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley
himself, that they should not be hampered by a positive
engagement on that point, which might become very
Page 454
inconvenient if circumstances arose which made a
Dissolution dangerous to the country.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 25th February 1851.
The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John
Russell have a copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be
known or considered that he has formally undertaken to
form a Government till to-morrow, on account of the House
of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty of his
position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete
a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive
answer.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
Buckingham Palace, 25th February 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had
forgotten the Levée, and was just going to write to him to
inform him that she wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-
morrow.
The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think
Lord John Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for
Lord Stanley will himself recollect that he stated his
objections to her much more strongly in his first interview
than he did in writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly
advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement could first
be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have
been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne
and Lord John Russell.
Dissolution dangerous to the country.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 25th February 1851.
The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John
Russell have a copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be
known or considered that he has formally undertaken to
form a Government till to-morrow, on account of the House
of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty of his
position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete
a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive
answer.
Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley.
Buckingham Palace, 25th February 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had
forgotten the Levée, and was just going to write to him to
inform him that she wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-
morrow.
The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think
Lord John Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for
Lord Stanley will himself recollect that he stated his
objections to her much more strongly in his first interview
than he did in writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly
advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement could first
be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have
been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne
and Lord John Russell.
Page 455
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
26th February 1851.
(Wednesday.)
Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the
audience, which was not long, was occupied by Lord
Stanley's trying to explain away Mr Disraeli's contradiction
of Lord John Russell, though he termed it "very
unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had not
mentioned that he (Lord Stanley) "was not then prepared" to
form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had not
absolutely refused, but had only advised me to try and make
other arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a
very nice one," which he admitted. What passed between us
on the subject the correspondence between Albert and Lord
John will best explain.
Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of
Northumberland, who wished for time to consider; that he
was to see Lord Canning again to-day, but had no hopes of
his accepting; and that he found so many people out of Town
that he must ask for forty-eight hours more before he could
give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added he
"must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine"
of success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was
expected to arrive to-day; but that it might now be said (in
answer to a question of Albert's "whether in these days of
nice distinctions one might say that he had undertaken to
form a Government"), that he had attempted to undertake to
form a Government.
Victoria R.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
LORD STANLEY RESIGNS
26th February 1851.
(Wednesday.)
Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the
audience, which was not long, was occupied by Lord
Stanley's trying to explain away Mr Disraeli's contradiction
of Lord John Russell, though he termed it "very
unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John had not
mentioned that he (Lord Stanley) "was not then prepared" to
form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he had not
absolutely refused, but had only advised me to try and make
other arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a
very nice one," which he admitted. What passed between us
on the subject the correspondence between Albert and Lord
John will best explain.
Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of
Northumberland, who wished for time to consider; that he
was to see Lord Canning again to-day, but had no hopes of
his accepting; and that he found so many people out of Town
that he must ask for forty-eight hours more before he could
give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added he
"must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine"
of success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was
expected to arrive to-day; but that it might now be said (in
answer to a question of Albert's "whether in these days of
nice distinctions one might say that he had undertaken to
form a Government"), that he had attempted to undertake to
form a Government.
Victoria R.
Lord Stanley to Queen Victoria.
LORD STANLEY RESIGNS
Page 456
St James's Square, 27th February 1851.
(Four o'clock p.m.)
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's
commands at what hour he may be honoured with an
audience, to explain the grounds on which, with the deepest
regret, he feels himself under the necessity of resigning the
important trust with which your Majesty has honoured him.
Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham.
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1851.
The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any
statement to the House of Commons which he thinks
necessary, to explain the part which he and Lord Aberdeen
took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and indeed hopes
that these explanations will be as full as possible on all parts,
in order that the country may fully appreciate the difficulties
of the crisis.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY'S REASONS
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1851.
Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were
struck by the change of his countenance, which had lost all
the expression of care and anxiety which had marked it at
the previous interviews.
He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly
since he had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say
without any success.
(Four o'clock p.m.)
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's
commands at what hour he may be honoured with an
audience, to explain the grounds on which, with the deepest
regret, he feels himself under the necessity of resigning the
important trust with which your Majesty has honoured him.
Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham.
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1851.
The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any
statement to the House of Commons which he thinks
necessary, to explain the part which he and Lord Aberdeen
took in the late Ministerial negotiations, and indeed hopes
that these explanations will be as full as possible on all parts,
in order that the country may fully appreciate the difficulties
of the crisis.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD STANLEY'S REASONS
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1851.
Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were
struck by the change of his countenance, which had lost all
the expression of care and anxiety which had marked it at
the previous interviews.
He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly
since he had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say
without any success.
Page 457
THE PAPAL BILL
He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his
Government on account of his previous pledges in
Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel,
but evidently also on account of his peculiar views with
respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not seem
disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.
Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but
finally declined in order not to risk his credit for political
consistency.
Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no
means decided, and who had only filled a very subordinate
situation in Sir R. Peel's Government, he had offered high
office, but was refused, Mr Corry expressing his fears that
the Government had no chance of standing against the
opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.
The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not
properly belonging to the Protection Party who had accepted
office (First Lord of the Admiralty). At one time Lord
Ellenborough had accepted, but having been sent on a
mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he could
convert him, he came home himself converted, and
withdrew his acceptance again.
In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and
after some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was
not possible for them to form such an Administration as
ought to be offered to the Queen. Lord Stanley then
qualified this expression again, and said that though he
could have offered a very respectable Government if he had
had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of
strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could
not form such a one which could have withstood an adverse
majority and such a formidable array of talent in the
Opposition. He therefore returned the trust which had been
committed to him into the Queen's hands, expressing at the
same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness with
He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his
Government on account of his previous pledges in
Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel,
but evidently also on account of his peculiar views with
respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not seem
disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.
Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but
finally declined in order not to risk his credit for political
consistency.
Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no
means decided, and who had only filled a very subordinate
situation in Sir R. Peel's Government, he had offered high
office, but was refused, Mr Corry expressing his fears that
the Government had no chance of standing against the
opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.
The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not
properly belonging to the Protection Party who had accepted
office (First Lord of the Admiralty). At one time Lord
Ellenborough had accepted, but having been sent on a
mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he could
convert him, he came home himself converted, and
withdrew his acceptance again.
In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and
after some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was
not possible for them to form such an Administration as
ought to be offered to the Queen. Lord Stanley then
qualified this expression again, and said that though he
could have offered a very respectable Government if he had
had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of
strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could
not form such a one which could have withstood an adverse
majority and such a formidable array of talent in the
Opposition. He therefore returned the trust which had been
committed to him into the Queen's hands, expressing at the
same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness with
Page 458
which she had treated him, the support and confidence she
had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result.
He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had
not inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's
present Government were constitutionally enabled to carry
on all necessary business.
The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt
had also failed, that she had tried every possible
combination, and still was without a Government. Lord
Stanley answered as if he considered it natural that Lord
John Russell's Government should now quietly proceed; but
on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary that
all Parties should join in the support of some measures at
least, and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was
prepared to support, and would have been prepared to
propose had he taken office, viz. a fuller recital in the
preamble of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it.
(The present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if
framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a
correction of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very
complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. He
would have proposed therefore that Committees of both
Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the state of
the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their
will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property
to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the
Roman Catholic laity felt severely the oppression which the
Priests exercised over them, and would be willing to give
evidence.
Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to
state all this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen
strongly affirmed. I added that I hoped he would explain
what he was prepared to do on all the subjects in dispute—
the Commercial and Financial Policy as well. He promised
to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax,
which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for
had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result.
He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had
not inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty's
present Government were constitutionally enabled to carry
on all necessary business.
The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt
had also failed, that she had tried every possible
combination, and still was without a Government. Lord
Stanley answered as if he considered it natural that Lord
John Russell's Government should now quietly proceed; but
on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary that
all Parties should join in the support of some measures at
least, and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was
prepared to support, and would have been prepared to
propose had he taken office, viz. a fuller recital in the
preamble of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it.
(The present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if
framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a
correction of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very
complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. He
would have proposed therefore that Committees of both
Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the state of
the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their
will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property
to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the
Roman Catholic laity felt severely the oppression which the
Priests exercised over them, and would be willing to give
evidence.
Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to
state all this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen
strongly affirmed. I added that I hoped he would explain
what he was prepared to do on all the subjects in dispute—
the Commercial and Financial Policy as well. He promised
to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax,
which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for
Page 459
temporary purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off
again when practicable in order to keep faith with the public;
but if, as often as there was a surplus, this was immediately
absorbed by remission of other burdens, this object could
never be fulfilled. He would propose that by degrees, as
surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be decreased, and so
on to its final repeal.
I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an
Income Tax, but without coming to any result.
On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen
might wish him to state—perhaps the rumour that he had
been refused the power of dissolving—we agreed that he
should say the question had never been seriously
entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him
the same support and advantages which any other
Government might have enjoyed.9
Albert.
Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request,
communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting to him the
various successive failures to form a Government, wrote that the
Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the commission of
forming an Administration to anybody, till she has been able to see the
result of to-morrow evening's Debate." He added, "Do you see any
Constitutional objection to this course?"
The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Buckingham Palace, 28th February 1851.
My dear Duke,—Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his
task, not being able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends,
again when practicable in order to keep faith with the public;
but if, as often as there was a surplus, this was immediately
absorbed by remission of other burdens, this object could
never be fulfilled. He would propose that by degrees, as
surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be decreased, and so
on to its final repeal.
I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an
Income Tax, but without coming to any result.
On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen
might wish him to state—perhaps the rumour that he had
been refused the power of dissolving—we agreed that he
should say the question had never been seriously
entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him
the same support and advantages which any other
Government might have enjoyed.9
Albert.
Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request,
communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting to him the
various successive failures to form a Government, wrote that the
Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the commission of
forming an Administration to anybody, till she has been able to see the
result of to-morrow evening's Debate." He added, "Do you see any
Constitutional objection to this course?"
The Prince Albert to the Duke of Wellington.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Buckingham Palace, 28th February 1851.
My dear Duke,—Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his
task, not being able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends,
Page 460
and being incapable of forming a Government out of his
Party alone.
So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on
the Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability
to form one until every other combination should have
failed. We have tried all possible combinations between
Whigs and Peelites, and have not succeeded, and now Lord
Stanley throws up the game a second time! The Queen
would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this
dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position
of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best
to be done under the circumstances. Ever yours, etc.
Albert.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 28th February 1851.
Sir,—The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne
House.
It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see
Lord Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord
Grenville in 1806; he has been distinguished and respected
in political life ever since; he is now desirous of retiring, and
has therefore no personal object to gain. If the Queen
approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon
after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's very dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne.
Party alone.
So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on
the Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability
to form one until every other combination should have
failed. We have tried all possible combinations between
Whigs and Peelites, and have not succeeded, and now Lord
Stanley throws up the game a second time! The Queen
would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this
dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position
of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best
to be done under the circumstances. Ever yours, etc.
Albert.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 28th February 1851.
Sir,—The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne
House.
It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see
Lord Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord
Grenville in 1806; he has been distinguished and respected
in political life ever since; he is now desirous of retiring, and
has therefore no personal object to gain. If the Queen
approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon
after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's very dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Lord Lansdowne.
Page 461
LORD LANSDOWNE
Buckingham Palace, 28th February 1851.
It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord
Lansdowne's advice in the present critical state of affairs,
and she would be glad if he could come to her at twelve this
morning. The Queen has sent to the Duke of Wellington in
order to hear his opinion also; but he cannot be here before
to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Friday, 28th February 1851.
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked
by the Queen what advice he could offer her in the present
complication. His answer was: "I wish indeed I had any
good advice to offer to your Majesty." He expressed his
delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington.
We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in a
remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely
guided in her choice of the person to construct a
Government, by the consideration which Party would now
appear to be the strongest in the House of Commons. On my
asking, however, whether he knew if, on the failure of Lord
Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers would
now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in
future to support the Peelite section of the Conservative
Party, Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the
subject, nor could he give us more information on the
chance of the Radicals and Irish members now being more
willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He liked Lord
Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of which
the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of
Sir J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook
Buckingham Palace, 28th February 1851.
It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord
Lansdowne's advice in the present critical state of affairs,
and she would be glad if he could come to her at twelve this
morning. The Queen has sent to the Duke of Wellington in
order to hear his opinion also; but he cannot be here before
to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Friday, 28th February 1851.
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked
by the Queen what advice he could offer her in the present
complication. His answer was: "I wish indeed I had any
good advice to offer to your Majesty." He expressed his
delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington.
We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in a
remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely
guided in her choice of the person to construct a
Government, by the consideration which Party would now
appear to be the strongest in the House of Commons. On my
asking, however, whether he knew if, on the failure of Lord
Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers would
now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in
future to support the Peelite section of the Conservative
Party, Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the
subject, nor could he give us more information on the
chance of the Radicals and Irish members now being more
willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He liked Lord
Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of which
the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of
Sir J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook
Page 462
his head at Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of
Durham10 which had been instrumental in bringing on the
present crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those
in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward of a
measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to do
whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort—
stay out of office, or come into office—as might be thought
the most useful.
Albert.
Footnote 10: See ante, p. 273 note 45.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FURTHER DIFFICULTIES
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I did not write to you yesterday,
thinking I could perhaps give you some more positive news
to-day, but I cannot. I am still without a Government, and I
am still trying to hear and pause before I actually call to
Lord John to undertake to form, or rather more to continue,
the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting week,
and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many
conflicting circumstances which render coalition between
those who agree in almost everything, and in particular on
Free Trade, impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real
and almost insuperable difficulty.
Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and
with many thanks for your two kind letters, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Durham10 which had been instrumental in bringing on the
present crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those
in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward of a
measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to do
whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort—
stay out of office, or come into office—as might be thought
the most useful.
Albert.
Footnote 10: See ante, p. 273 note 45.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FURTHER DIFFICULTIES
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I did not write to you yesterday,
thinking I could perhaps give you some more positive news
to-day, but I cannot. I am still without a Government, and I
am still trying to hear and pause before I actually call to
Lord John to undertake to form, or rather more to continue,
the Government. We have passed an anxious, exciting week,
and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many
conflicting circumstances which render coalition between
those who agree in almost everything, and in particular on
Free Trade, impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real
and almost insuperable difficulty.
Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and
with many thanks for your two kind letters, ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 463
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL
Buckingham Palace, 2nd March 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord
John Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum
which we left with him yesterday. He had since drawn up a
Memorandum himself which embodied his views, and
which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was very
apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open
question would produce the greatest prejudice against it in
the public; he was still inclined therefore to recommend the
continuance of the present Government avowedly for the
purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which the Coalition
might take place, which, however, should be agreed upon
and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not
yet sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne
was anxious to hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned
him to appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o'clock,
and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.
Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and
had not seen Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it
over, and expressed great misgivings about the execution of
the proposal. He said he saw in fact, like Sir J. Graham,
nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained that his Party by
no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been much
relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had
failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their
resuming office and giving it up again every possible
surmise would be current who were the Ministers to be
displaced, and every possible intrigue would spring up for
and against particular members of the Cabinet. He would
prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now,
but merely to engage to resign again after having carried the
LORD JOHN RUSSELL
Buckingham Palace, 2nd March 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord
John Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum
which we left with him yesterday. He had since drawn up a
Memorandum himself which embodied his views, and
which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was very
apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open
question would produce the greatest prejudice against it in
the public; he was still inclined therefore to recommend the
continuance of the present Government avowedly for the
purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which the Coalition
might take place, which, however, should be agreed upon
and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not
yet sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne
was anxious to hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned
him to appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o'clock,
and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.
Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and
had not seen Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it
over, and expressed great misgivings about the execution of
the proposal. He said he saw in fact, like Sir J. Graham,
nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained that his Party by
no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been much
relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had
failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their
resuming office and giving it up again every possible
surmise would be current who were the Ministers to be
displaced, and every possible intrigue would spring up for
and against particular members of the Cabinet. He would
prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now,
but merely to engage to resign again after having carried the
Page 464
Papal Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that
failing, could entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with
the carrying on of the Government, whose chief difficulty
would then be removed. I objected to this—that his Party
might feel justly aggrieved if after their having carried him
through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he were to
throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his
Cabinet would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay
in.
He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord
Lansdowne's hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.
We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if,
instead of his only accepting the task of continuing the
Government till the Papal Measure had been passed, the
Queen were to make it a condition in giving him the
Commission, that it should terminate then. He replied,
"Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to
have given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open
Question" proposed in our Memorandum was not preferable,
although he saw great objections to that also, particularly as
Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal
objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. He
promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring
to-morrow at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of
his colleagues, and begged that it might not be considered
that he had accepted the Government till then.
One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the
position of the financial measures which required almost
immediate attention, and still ought to be left open for the
consideration of the future Government.
We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the
chief point, and that it ought to be altered to meet the
objections (as far as they are reasonable) of its opponents,
strengthening the declaratory part, however, to please Lord
Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon Lord Stanley
failing, could entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with
the carrying on of the Government, whose chief difficulty
would then be removed. I objected to this—that his Party
might feel justly aggrieved if after their having carried him
through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he were to
throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his
Cabinet would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay
in.
He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord
Lansdowne's hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.
We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if,
instead of his only accepting the task of continuing the
Government till the Papal Measure had been passed, the
Queen were to make it a condition in giving him the
Commission, that it should terminate then. He replied,
"Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to
have given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open
Question" proposed in our Memorandum was not preferable,
although he saw great objections to that also, particularly as
Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal
objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. He
promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring
to-morrow at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of
his colleagues, and begged that it might not be considered
that he had accepted the Government till then.
One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the
position of the financial measures which required almost
immediate attention, and still ought to be left open for the
consideration of the future Government.
We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the
chief point, and that it ought to be altered to meet the
objections (as far as they are reasonable) of its opponents,
strengthening the declaratory part, however, to please Lord
Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon Lord Stanley
Page 465
to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and his
Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all
that had happened.
The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and
received the renewed promise that her wishes should be
attended to.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE
Buckingham Palace, 3rd March 1851.
Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve
o'clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of
a Coalition must be given up. He had found that his Party
was very much averse to it. On proposing to his former
colleagues the plan of keeping Office now, and vacating it
after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them, amongst
which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis
Baring, declared they would not be warming-pans (an
expression used at the time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition),
and would resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose
opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the return
of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore
only advise that course, although he was conscious that it
would be a very weak Government, and one not likely to last
any length of time.
He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and
which follows here.11
The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a
modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John
replied, None, except perhaps an exchange of Office
Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all
that had happened.
The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and
received the renewed promise that her wishes should be
attended to.
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE
Buckingham Palace, 3rd March 1851.
Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve
o'clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of
a Coalition must be given up. He had found that his Party
was very much averse to it. On proposing to his former
colleagues the plan of keeping Office now, and vacating it
after the Aggression Bill had passed, many of them, amongst
which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis
Baring, declared they would not be warming-pans (an
expression used at the time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition),
and would resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose
opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the return
of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore
only advise that course, although he was conscious that it
would be a very weak Government, and one not likely to last
any length of time.
He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and
which follows here.11
The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a
modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John
replied, None, except perhaps an exchange of Office
Page 466
between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir Charles were
to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he had
already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax,
whilst Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The
Queen then reminded Lord John of her objections to Lord
Palmerston, and his promise that Lord Palmerston should
not again be thrust upon her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John
admitted to the promise, but said he could not think for a
moment of resuming office and either expel Lord
Palmerston or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact
the weakness and Lord Palmerston the strength of the
Government from his popularity with the Radicals.... He
said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne
should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston
from the Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now
could only go to the country as a personal objection on her
part, and the country would be left without a Government in
consequence. On the Queen's reiterating that she wanted to
keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and that it
was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having
actually to wish the fall of her own Government, Lord John
promised to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or
to resign then himself if he should meet with difficulties; in
the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of this
intention, which he could explain to him as a wish to make a
general modification of his Government. He would offer
him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead in
the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready
to resign. He might at that period perhaps get some of the
Radicals into office or some Peelites. The Queen finally
entrusted Lord John with the Government on these
conditions.
Albert.
Footnote 11: See next page.
to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he had
already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax,
whilst Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The
Queen then reminded Lord John of her objections to Lord
Palmerston, and his promise that Lord Palmerston should
not again be thrust upon her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John
admitted to the promise, but said he could not think for a
moment of resuming office and either expel Lord
Palmerston or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact
the weakness and Lord Palmerston the strength of the
Government from his popularity with the Radicals.... He
said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne
should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston
from the Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now
could only go to the country as a personal objection on her
part, and the country would be left without a Government in
consequence. On the Queen's reiterating that she wanted to
keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and that it
was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having
actually to wish the fall of her own Government, Lord John
promised to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or
to resign then himself if he should meet with difficulties; in
the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of this
intention, which he could explain to him as a wish to make a
general modification of his Government. He would offer
him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead in
the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready
to resign. He might at that period perhaps get some of the
Radicals into office or some Peelites. The Queen finally
entrusted Lord John with the Government on these
conditions.
Albert.
Footnote 11: See next page.
Page 467
Memorandum by Lord John Russell.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE
3rd March 1851.
Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a
Government—first, by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John
Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; third, by
Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a second time—had
recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of
Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for
office of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet
advises the Queen to restore her former Ministers to office.
But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further
question naturally arises: the late Government having fallen
from want of Parliamentary support, can they upon their
return be in any way strengthened, and be enabled to carry
on the public business with more power and efficiency?
This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition
sooner or later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to
office some of their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by
seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.
The first of these courses appears the most natural. The
present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert
Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy which has regulated
our finances of late years. The difference between them is of
a temporary nature. But it may be doubted whether any
strength would be gained by an immediate junction with that
Party.
ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL
If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in
must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
—an unseemly spectacle, a source of weakness, and
probably the beginning of strife, which would not end with
the Bill in question.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE
3rd March 1851.
Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a
Government—first, by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John
Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; third, by
Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a second time—had
recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of
Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for
office of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet
advises the Queen to restore her former Ministers to office.
But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further
question naturally arises: the late Government having fallen
from want of Parliamentary support, can they upon their
return be in any way strengthened, and be enabled to carry
on the public business with more power and efficiency?
This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition
sooner or later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to
office some of their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by
seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.
The first of these courses appears the most natural. The
present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert
Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy which has regulated
our finances of late years. The difference between them is of
a temporary nature. But it may be doubted whether any
strength would be gained by an immediate junction with that
Party.
ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL
If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in
must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
—an unseemly spectacle, a source of weakness, and
probably the beginning of strife, which would not end with
the Bill in question.
Page 468
If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry
would be divided into two portions, one of which would
have only a temporary tenure of office. Rumours, cabals,
and intrigues would have ample room to spread their
mischief in such a state of things.
But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would
not be cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and
discontent would soon break up the Ministry.
Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical
supporters. This course must lead to concessions on
measures as well as men, and those concessions would
provoke hostility in other quarters. The great question of the
defence of the country is besides one of too great importance
to be made a matter of compromise.
Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed
Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means of official
connection; but something might be effected by adopting
measures calculated to convince the Landed Interest that
their sufferings were not disregarded.
Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your
Majesty to resume office, the easiest course would be to
proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That
question disposed of, it would be seen whether the Ministry
had sufficient strength to go on; if they had, they might, as
occasion arose, seek assistance from other quarters, looking
to those with whom there is the greatest agreement of
opinion.
Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive
Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry on
the Government, the Queen would be in a position to form a
new Government free from the obstacles which have lately
been fatal.
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry
would be divided into two portions, one of which would
have only a temporary tenure of office. Rumours, cabals,
and intrigues would have ample room to spread their
mischief in such a state of things.
But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would
not be cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and
discontent would soon break up the Ministry.
Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical
supporters. This course must lead to concessions on
measures as well as men, and those concessions would
provoke hostility in other quarters. The great question of the
defence of the country is besides one of too great importance
to be made a matter of compromise.
Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed
Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means of official
connection; but something might be effected by adopting
measures calculated to convince the Landed Interest that
their sufferings were not disregarded.
Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your
Majesty to resume office, the easiest course would be to
proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That
question disposed of, it would be seen whether the Ministry
had sufficient strength to go on; if they had, they might, as
occasion arose, seek assistance from other quarters, looking
to those with whom there is the greatest agreement of
opinion.
Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive
Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry on
the Government, the Queen would be in a position to form a
new Government free from the obstacles which have lately
been fatal.
Page 469
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 4th March 1851.
... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John
Russell this morning relative to what passed in the House of
Commons last night. She wishes likewise to hear what takes
place at the meeting of Lord John's supporters to-day. The
Queen must ask Lord John to keep her constantly informed
of what is going on, and of the temper of parties in and out
of Parliament; for no one can deny that the present state of
affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it is
absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state
of uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing.
She can else not form a just opinion of the position of
affairs.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 4th March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Pray receive my warmest thanks for
two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly
incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. The dénouement of ten
days of the greatest anxiety and excitement I cannot call
satisfactory, for it holds out only the prospect of another
crisis in a very short time, and the so much wished-for union
of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been speaking
very strongly about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he
has promised that if the Government should still be in at
Easter, then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never
succeed until he gives up Protection, which he would do, if
the country decides against him;12 he has failed solely from
the impossibility of finding one single man capable to take
the important Offices. He said last night to Lord John
Buckingham Palace, 4th March 1851.
... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John
Russell this morning relative to what passed in the House of
Commons last night. She wishes likewise to hear what takes
place at the meeting of Lord John's supporters to-day. The
Queen must ask Lord John to keep her constantly informed
of what is going on, and of the temper of parties in and out
of Parliament; for no one can deny that the present state of
affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it is
absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state
of uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing.
She can else not form a just opinion of the position of
affairs.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 4th March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Pray receive my warmest thanks for
two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly
incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. The dénouement of ten
days of the greatest anxiety and excitement I cannot call
satisfactory, for it holds out only the prospect of another
crisis in a very short time, and the so much wished-for union
of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been speaking
very strongly about Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he
has promised that if the Government should still be in at
Easter, then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never
succeed until he gives up Protection, which he would do, if
the country decides against him;12 he has failed solely from
the impossibility of finding one single man capable to take
the important Offices. He said last night to Lord John
Page 470
Russell, "I am l'homme impossible; they cannot come to me
again." Still it would be very desirable that there should be a
strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of
Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot
abandon it with honour till after the next Election. This is the
state of Parties, which is greatly erschwert by the Papal
Question, which divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In
short, there never was such a complicated and difficult state
of affairs. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials,
and I hope you will tell him so.
Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the
events of 1852. See post, p. 404 note 50.
Memorandum by the Queen.
THE NATIONAL GALLERY
Buckingham Palace, 5th March 1851.
The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a
good site for a new National Gallery, and would therefore
not object to its being built on to Kensington Palace or
anywhere in Kensington Gardens; but does not see why it
should exactly be placed upon the site of the present Palace,
if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the last
available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in
the disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an
equivalent for these apartments from time to time when
emergencies arise. The surrender of Kensington Palace will
most likely not be thanked for at the moment, and any new
demand in consequence of such surrender would be met
with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will
again." Still it would be very desirable that there should be a
strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of
Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot
abandon it with honour till after the next Election. This is the
state of Parties, which is greatly erschwert by the Papal
Question, which divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In
short, there never was such a complicated and difficult state
of affairs. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials,
and I hope you will tell him so.
Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the
events of 1852. See post, p. 404 note 50.
Memorandum by the Queen.
THE NATIONAL GALLERY
Buckingham Palace, 5th March 1851.
The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a
good site for a new National Gallery, and would therefore
not object to its being built on to Kensington Palace or
anywhere in Kensington Gardens; but does not see why it
should exactly be placed upon the site of the present Palace,
if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the last
available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in
the disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an
equivalent for these apartments from time to time when
emergencies arise. The surrender of Kensington Palace will
most likely not be thanked for at the moment, and any new
demand in consequence of such surrender would be met
with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will
Page 471
most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly
free and unencumbered.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 14th March 1851.
Sir,—I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign
Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and any break into
sections, following one man or the other, would be fatal to
us. I need not say that the Queen would suffer if it were
attributed to her desire, and that as I have no difference of
opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be the case.
Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing.
A Dissolution I fear would not improve it.
I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's
disposal.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey.
Buckingham Palace, 30th March 1851.
The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop
of Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and
the address, the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems
strange to propose as a remedy for the present evils in the
Church, and for its evident great disunion, 600 more
churches to be built! There ought clearly to be some security
given to those who are to encourage such a scheme against
the extension of those evils.
free and unencumbered.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
Chesham Place, 14th March 1851.
Sir,—I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign
Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and any break into
sections, following one man or the other, would be fatal to
us. I need not say that the Queen would suffer if it were
attributed to her desire, and that as I have no difference of
opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be the case.
Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing.
A Dissolution I fear would not improve it.
I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's
disposal.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey.
Buckingham Palace, 30th March 1851.
The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop
of Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and
the address, the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems
strange to propose as a remedy for the present evils in the
Church, and for its evident great disunion, 600 more
churches to be built! There ought clearly to be some security
given to those who are to encourage such a scheme against
the extension of those evils.
Page 472
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Pembroke Lodge, 19th April 1851.
Sir,—Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me
upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on
the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the order changed, and
the season-ticket bearers admitted at eleven o'clock.
I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But
the account he gave me of the route which the Queen will
follow in going to the Exhibition takes away the main
objection which I felt to the admission of visitors before one
o'clock. It appears there cannot well be any interruption to
Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the
1st of May.
I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach,
but in the same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the
theatres....
I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient
pressure of the crowd in the part of the building in which
Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie
might easily be in attendance to request the visitors not to
crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am ready to
abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be
enforced.
I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord
Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's most dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Pembroke Lodge, 19th April 1851.
Sir,—Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me
upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on
the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the order changed, and
the season-ticket bearers admitted at eleven o'clock.
I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But
the account he gave me of the route which the Queen will
follow in going to the Exhibition takes away the main
objection which I felt to the admission of visitors before one
o'clock. It appears there cannot well be any interruption to
Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the
1st of May.
I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach,
but in the same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the
theatres....
I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient
pressure of the crowd in the part of the building in which
Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie
might easily be in attendance to request the visitors not to
crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am ready to
abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be
enforced.
I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord
Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal
Highness's most dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
The Duchess of Gloucester to Queen Victoria.
Page 473
THE OPENING CEREMONY
Gloucester House, 2nd May 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—It is impossible to tell you how
warmly I do participate in all you must have felt yesterday,
as well as dear Albert, at everything having gone off so
beautifully. After so much anxiety and the trouble he has
had, the joy must be the greater.13
The sight from my window was the gayest and the most
gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as I
do, made it the more delightful. The good humour of all
around, the fineness of the day, the manner you were
received in both going and coming from the Exhibition, was
quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the inside
of the building!
Mary and George came away in perfect enchantment, and
every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest sight that
ever was seen and the best-conducted fête! Why, G. Bathurst
told me it far surpassed the Coronation as to magnificence,
and we all agreed in rejoicing that the Foreigners should
have witnessed the affection of the People to you and your
Family, and how the English people do love and respect the
Crown. As to Mary, she was in perfect enchantment, and full
of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how
nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for
all her kindness to her. I should have written to you last
night, but I thought I would not plague you with a letter until
to-day, as I think you must have been tired last night with
the excitement of the day. I shall ever lament the having
missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling sure I
could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked
round. Therefore I was better out of the way. We drank your
health at dinner and congratulation on the complete success
of Albert's plans and arrangements, and also dear little
Arthur's health. Many thanks for kind note received last
night. Love to Albert. Yours,
Gloucester House, 2nd May 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—It is impossible to tell you how
warmly I do participate in all you must have felt yesterday,
as well as dear Albert, at everything having gone off so
beautifully. After so much anxiety and the trouble he has
had, the joy must be the greater.13
The sight from my window was the gayest and the most
gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so dearly as I
do, made it the more delightful. The good humour of all
around, the fineness of the day, the manner you were
received in both going and coming from the Exhibition, was
quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the inside
of the building!
Mary and George came away in perfect enchantment, and
every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest sight that
ever was seen and the best-conducted fête! Why, G. Bathurst
told me it far surpassed the Coronation as to magnificence,
and we all agreed in rejoicing that the Foreigners should
have witnessed the affection of the People to you and your
Family, and how the English people do love and respect the
Crown. As to Mary, she was in perfect enchantment, and full
of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how
nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for
all her kindness to her. I should have written to you last
night, but I thought I would not plague you with a letter until
to-day, as I think you must have been tired last night with
the excitement of the day. I shall ever lament the having
missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling sure I
could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked
round. Therefore I was better out of the way. We drank your
health at dinner and congratulation on the complete success
of Albert's plans and arrangements, and also dear little
Arthur's health. Many thanks for kind note received last
night. Love to Albert. Yours,
Page 474
Mary.
Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened with
brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Buckingham Palace, 3rd May 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—... I wish you could have witnessed the
1st May 1851, the greatest day in our history, the most
beautiful and imposing and touching spectacle ever seen,
and the triumph of my beloved Albert. Truly it was
astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried, and all felt touched
and impressed with devotional feelings. It was the happiest,
proudest day in my life, and I can think of nothing else.
Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this great
conception, his own, and my own dear country showed she
was worthy of it. The triumph is immense, for up to the last
hour the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured
attempts to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of
fashionables and Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's
temper, patience, firmness, and energy surmounted all, and
the feeling is universal. You will be astounded at this great
work when you see it!—the beauty of the building and the
vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough. I feel so
happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and
impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a
noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much
attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! how I
thought of her on that great day, how kindly she would have
rejoiced in our success! Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever
your devoted Niece,
Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened with
brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Buckingham Palace, 3rd May 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—... I wish you could have witnessed the
1st May 1851, the greatest day in our history, the most
beautiful and imposing and touching spectacle ever seen,
and the triumph of my beloved Albert. Truly it was
astonishing, a fairy scene. Many cried, and all felt touched
and impressed with devotional feelings. It was the happiest,
proudest day in my life, and I can think of nothing else.
Albert's dearest name is immortalised with this great
conception, his own, and my own dear country showed she
was worthy of it. The triumph is immense, for up to the last
hour the difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured
attempts to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of
fashionables and Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's
temper, patience, firmness, and energy surmounted all, and
the feeling is universal. You will be astounded at this great
work when you see it!—the beauty of the building and the
vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough. I feel so
happy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and
impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a
noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much
attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh! how I
thought of her on that great day, how kindly she would have
rejoiced in our success! Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever
your devoted Niece,
Page 475
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria.14
Palais de Buckingham, 5 Mai 1851.
Sire et mon bon Frère,—C'est avec un vif empressement
que je viens remercier votre Majesté Impériale des superbes
objets de l'industrie et des arts de votre Empire, que vous
avez eu l'extrême bonté de m'envoyer et qui me seront bien
précieux à plus d'un titre d'abord comme venant de votre
Majesté, et puis à cause de leur grande beauté et comme un
souvenir à une époque où il a plu au Tout-Puissant de
permettre une réunion pacifique de tous les peuples du
monde et de leurs produits.
La cérémonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une
profonde impression sur mon cœur et je regrette d'avoir été
le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scène à la fois
imposante et parlant au cœur. Nous avons déjà fait plusieurs
visites au département Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons
eu occasion d'admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont
venus de vos États. Puisse leur exposition contribuer à la
prospérité du commerce de l'Empire Autrichien.
Agréez l'expression de ma sincère amitié, qui j'espère pourra
un jour être cimentée par la connaissance personnelle de
votre Majesté, et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majesté
Impériale, la bonne Sœur,
Victoria R.
Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December 1848.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Austria.14
Palais de Buckingham, 5 Mai 1851.
Sire et mon bon Frère,—C'est avec un vif empressement
que je viens remercier votre Majesté Impériale des superbes
objets de l'industrie et des arts de votre Empire, que vous
avez eu l'extrême bonté de m'envoyer et qui me seront bien
précieux à plus d'un titre d'abord comme venant de votre
Majesté, et puis à cause de leur grande beauté et comme un
souvenir à une époque où il a plu au Tout-Puissant de
permettre une réunion pacifique de tous les peuples du
monde et de leurs produits.
La cérémonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une
profonde impression sur mon cœur et je regrette d'avoir été
le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scène à la fois
imposante et parlant au cœur. Nous avons déjà fait plusieurs
visites au département Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons
eu occasion d'admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont
venus de vos États. Puisse leur exposition contribuer à la
prospérité du commerce de l'Empire Autrichien.
Agréez l'expression de ma sincère amitié, qui j'espère pourra
un jour être cimentée par la connaissance personnelle de
votre Majesté, et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majesté
Impériale, la bonne Sœur,
Victoria R.
Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December 1848.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 476
DEATH OF MR SHEIL
Buckingham Palace, 2nd June 1851.
The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.
The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.
Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to
his family....
We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope
that Lord John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.
The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of
Prussia from Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her
great happiness here, and her great sorrow at having left it.
The Princes have expressed the same, so this dangerous
journey has gone off without one single unpleasant
circumstance, which is very gratifying.
The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the
statue of Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1851.
The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much
pleased at what Lord John Russell says about the Prince's
speech yesterday.15 It was on so ticklish a subject that one
could not feel sure beforehand how it might be taken; at the
same time the Queen felt sure that the Prince would say the
right thing, from her entire confidence in his great tact and
judgment.
The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest
(and yet, why should a wife ever be modest about her
husband's merits?), must say that she thinks Lord John
Buckingham Palace, 2nd June 1851.
The Queen will see the Judge Advocate on Saturday at three.
The place of the late Mr Mill is already filled up.
Mr Sheil's death is very sudden, and must be a great shock to
his family....
We go to Windsor this afternoon to stay till Friday. We hope
that Lord John Russell's little girl is going on quite well.
The Queen has had good accounts from the dear Princess of
Prussia from Coblentz. Her letter is full of England, her
great happiness here, and her great sorrow at having left it.
The Princes have expressed the same, so this dangerous
journey has gone off without one single unpleasant
circumstance, which is very gratifying.
The Prince and Prince Frederic are gone to Berlin, where the
statue of Frederic the Great was to be inaugurated yesterday.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 18th June 1851.
The Queen returns the papers signed. We are both much
pleased at what Lord John Russell says about the Prince's
speech yesterday.15 It was on so ticklish a subject that one
could not feel sure beforehand how it might be taken; at the
same time the Queen felt sure that the Prince would say the
right thing, from her entire confidence in his great tact and
judgment.
The Queen, at the risk of not appearing sufficiently modest
(and yet, why should a wife ever be modest about her
husband's merits?), must say that she thinks Lord John
Page 477
Russell will admit now that the Prince is possessed of very
extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels so proud
at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying
a tribute to his noble character.
Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative of
the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly praised by the
Premier.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 10th July 1851.
The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably
everything went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we
were received by an almost fearful mass of people in the
streets;16 the greatest order prevailed, and the greatest and
most gratifying enthusiasm.
Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any
business, the Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a
proper letter be written without delay to the Lord Mayor,
expressing not only the Queen's and Prince's thanks for the
splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but also our high
gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic reception
we met with during our progress through the City, both
going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident
should have occurred from the great pressure of the dense
crowds.
The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction
should be conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord
Mayor.
extraordinary powers of mind and heart. She feels so proud
at being his wife that she cannot refrain from herself paying
a tribute to his noble character.
Footnote 15: The Prince presided at the meeting commemorative of
the one hundred and fifty years' existence of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel. His speech was warmly praised by the
Premier.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 10th July 1851.
The Queen hastens to tell Lord John Russell how amiably
everything went off last [night], and how enthusiastically we
were received by an almost fearful mass of people in the
streets;16 the greatest order prevailed, and the greatest and
most gratifying enthusiasm.
Not being aware whether Sir George Grey is equal to any
business, the Queen writes to Lord John to direct that a
proper letter be written without delay to the Lord Mayor,
expressing not only the Queen's and Prince's thanks for the
splendid entertainment at the Guildhall, but also our high
gratification at the hearty, kind, and enthusiastic reception
we met with during our progress through the City, both
going and returning. Our only anxiety is lest any accident
should have occurred from the great pressure of the dense
crowds.
The Queen would likewise wish to know what distinction
should be conferred in honour of the occasion on the Lord
Mayor.
Page 478
Footnote 16: A ball in commemoration of the Exhibition took place at
the Guildhall on the 9th of July.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 15th July 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has
no objection on this particular occasion to knight the two
Sheriffs, this year being so memorable a one.
But the Queen would wish it clearly to be understood that
they have no right or claim to be knighted whenever the
Queen goes into the City.
On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the
Sheriffs were not knighted....
We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DANISH SUCCESSION
Osborne, 25th August 1851.
The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to
the enclosed draft, which she does not think can go in its
present shape. We argued in innumerable despatches that the
choice of the successor to the Danish Crown was entirely an
internal question for Denmark, in which foreign Powers
could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down that the
German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein
(a German State) as an internal question, as it ought to be
decided on—not according to the German law of succession,
but according to the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as
the Guildhall on the 9th of July.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Buckingham Palace, 15th July 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter. She has
no objection on this particular occasion to knight the two
Sheriffs, this year being so memorable a one.
But the Queen would wish it clearly to be understood that
they have no right or claim to be knighted whenever the
Queen goes into the City.
On the occasion of the opening of the Royal Exchange the
Sheriffs were not knighted....
We regret to hear of Lord John's continued indisposition.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DANISH SUCCESSION
Osborne, 25th August 1851.
The Queen wishes to draw Lord John Russell's attention to
the enclosed draft, which she does not think can go in its
present shape. We argued in innumerable despatches that the
choice of the successor to the Danish Crown was entirely an
internal question for Denmark, in which foreign Powers
could not interfere. Here, however, it is laid down that the
German Diet has no right to treat the succession in Holstein
(a German State) as an internal question, as it ought to be
decided on—not according to the German law of succession,
but according to the interests of Europe. Nor is it true, as
Page 479
stated in the despatch, that the Duke of Augustenburg has no
claim to the Danish Crown. His mother was the daughter of
Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND
Balmoral Castle, 16th September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
and dear letter of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin
to follow in your footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I
think that anything like fonctions and représentation is
agreeable and not difficult to Leo. It is the common contact
with his fellow-creatures, the being put on a par with him,
the being brought to feel that he is as much one of them as
any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of such great
importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him
to Bonn.
My letter is terribly décousu, for it has been twice
interrupted. I was out the whole day with Albert, in the
forest in a perfectly tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-
Giuthasach, our little bothy near Loch Muich on the 12th,
the heat of the sun has been daily increasing, and has
reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to be out in
it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two
evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few
days—at least the last four—without the slightest particle of
cloud, and the sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The
mountains look quite crimson and lilac, and everything
glows with the setting sun. The evenings are quite a relief.
Really one cannot undertake expeditions, the heat is so
great. We thought of you, and wished you could be here; you
would fancy yourself in Italy.
claim to the Danish Crown. His mother was the daughter of
Christian VII. and of Queen Matilda.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN IN SCOTLAND
Balmoral Castle, 16th September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
and dear letter of the 8th. It is a good thing for Leo to begin
to follow in your footsteps, but (if I may speak out plainly), I
think that anything like fonctions and représentation is
agreeable and not difficult to Leo. It is the common contact
with his fellow-creatures, the being put on a par with him,
the being brought to feel that he is as much one of them as
any other, in spite of his birth, which I think of such great
importance for him, and I therefore hope you will send him
to Bonn.
My letter is terribly décousu, for it has been twice
interrupted. I was out the whole day with Albert, in the
forest in a perfectly tropical heat. Since we went to Allt-na-
Giuthasach, our little bothy near Loch Muich on the 12th,
the heat of the sun has been daily increasing, and has
reached a pitch which makes it almost sickening to be out in
it, though it is beautiful to behold. The sky these last two
evenings has been like an Italian one, and for the last few
days—at least the last four—without the slightest particle of
cloud, and the sun blazing. With this, not a breath of air. The
mountains look quite crimson and lilac, and everything
glows with the setting sun. The evenings are quite a relief.
Really one cannot undertake expeditions, the heat is so
great. We thought of you, and wished you could be here; you
would fancy yourself in Italy.
Page 480
Albert got a splendid stag to-day. I must hastily conclude,
hoping to hear from you that you will come. Our moonlights
have been magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Balmoral Castle, 22nd September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to you on purpose on this large
paper in order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did
it also on purpose, and I think it is even finer than the other.
It is so truly the character of the noble animal.
That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is
abominable, and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but
won't interfere. Don't you think Joinville should not have left
it open for him to accept it, for it is impossible for him to be
President of the French Republic? Still, I feel convinced that
he and they all do what they think best for France.
I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS
Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach, 30th September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to you from our little bothy in
the hills, which is quite a wilderness—where we arrived
yesterday evening after a long hill expedition to the Lake of
Loch Nagar, which is one of the wildest spots imaginable. It
was very cold. To-day it pours so that I hardly know if we
hoping to hear from you that you will come. Our moonlights
have been magnificent also. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Balmoral Castle, 22nd September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to you on purpose on this large
paper in order that you may see and admire it. Landseer did
it also on purpose, and I think it is even finer than the other.
It is so truly the character of the noble animal.
That abuse of the poor Orleans family in our papers is
abominable, and Lord John is equally shocked at it, but
won't interfere. Don't you think Joinville should not have left
it open for him to accept it, for it is impossible for him to be
President of the French Republic? Still, I feel convinced that
he and they all do what they think best for France.
I must conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHS
Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach, 30th September 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I write to you from our little bothy in
the hills, which is quite a wilderness—where we arrived
yesterday evening after a long hill expedition to the Lake of
Loch Nagar, which is one of the wildest spots imaginable. It
was very cold. To-day it pours so that I hardly know if we
Page 481
shall be able to get out, or home even. We are not snowed,
but rained up. Our little Shiel is very snug and comfortable,
and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with us.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm,
fine weather left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and
snow in the mountains ever since then.
The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times,
but it would be much less so if they would behave
honourably and straightforwardly, giving the people
gradually those privileges which would satisfy all the
reasonable and well-intentioned, and would weaken the
power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, reaction and
a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the
principle—and all papers and books are being seized and
prohibited, as in the days of Metternich!...
Vicky was kicked off her pony—a quiet beast—but not the
least hurt; this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom
you will recollect I told you was so terribly heedless and
entirely indifferent to all punishment, etc.) tumbled
downstairs last week. He was not seriously hurt at all, and
quite well the next morning, only with a terribly black,
green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might
have been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction,
and one hardly knows what to do, for he don't mind being
hurt or scolded or punished; and the very next morning he
tried to go down the stairs leaning over the banisters just as
he had done when he fell.
Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear
Highlands. We start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and
Manchester on our way back, and expect to be at Windsor
on the 11th.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
but rained up. Our little Shiel is very snug and comfortable,
and we have got a little piano in it. Lady Douro is with us.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 22nd. Our warm,
fine weather left us on the 25th, and we have had storm and
snow in the mountains ever since then.
The position of Princes is no doubt difficult in these times,
but it would be much less so if they would behave
honourably and straightforwardly, giving the people
gradually those privileges which would satisfy all the
reasonable and well-intentioned, and would weaken the
power of the Red Republicans; instead of that, reaction and
a return to all the tyranny and oppression is the cry and the
principle—and all papers and books are being seized and
prohibited, as in the days of Metternich!...
Vicky was kicked off her pony—a quiet beast—but not the
least hurt; this is more than three weeks ago. Alfred (whom
you will recollect I told you was so terribly heedless and
entirely indifferent to all punishment, etc.) tumbled
downstairs last week. He was not seriously hurt at all, and
quite well the next morning, only with a terribly black,
green, and yellow face and very much swelled. He might
have been killed; he is always bent upon self-destruction,
and one hardly knows what to do, for he don't mind being
hurt or scolded or punished; and the very next morning he
tried to go down the stairs leaning over the banisters just as
he had done when he fell.
Alas! this will be my last letter but one from the dear
Highlands. We start on the 7th, visiting Liverpool and
Manchester on our way back, and expect to be at Windsor
on the 11th.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 482
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE HIGHLANDS
Balmoral Castle, 6th October 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Only two words can I write to you, as
we are to start to-morrow morning. My heart is bien gros at
going from here.
I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the
dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel
their Einsamkeit sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a
young Highlander who generally went out with me, said, in
answer to my observation that they must be very dull here
when we left: "It's just like death come all at once." In
addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place, I am in
great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent
friend, whom you will sincerely lament—our good Lord
Liverpool. He was well and in the highest spirits with us
only six weeks ago, and in three days he was carried away. I
cannot tell you how it has upset me; I have known him so
long, and he was such an intimate friend of ours. We
received the news yesterday.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all
went off so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss
dearest Louise. This time reminds me so much of all our
sorrow last year on her dear account.
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.
Windsor Castle, 13th October 1851.
The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the
best answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the
THE HIGHLANDS
Balmoral Castle, 6th October 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Only two words can I write to you, as
we are to start to-morrow morning. My heart is bien gros at
going from here.
I love my peaceful, wild Highlands, the glorious scenery, the
dear good people who are much attached to us, and who feel
their Einsamkeit sadly, very much. One of our Gillies, a
young Highlander who generally went out with me, said, in
answer to my observation that they must be very dull here
when we left: "It's just like death come all at once." In
addition to my sorrow at leaving this dear place, I am in
great sorrow at the loss of a dear and faithful, excellent
friend, whom you will sincerely lament—our good Lord
Liverpool. He was well and in the highest spirits with us
only six weeks ago, and in three days he was carried away. I
cannot tell you how it has upset me; I have known him so
long, and he was such an intimate friend of ours. We
received the news yesterday.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th. I am glad all
went off so well, but it must have been dreadful to miss
dearest Louise. This time reminds me so much of all our
sorrow last year on her dear account.
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Palmerston.
Windsor Castle, 13th October 1851.
The Queen returns Lord Howden's letter, and thinks that the
best answer to the Queen of Spain's request will be that the
Page 483
Statutes do not allow the Garter to be bestowed upon a lady;
that the Queen herself possesses no order of knighthood
from any country.17
With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the
Prince having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that
the offer of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined
for fear of establishing a ground for the necessity of giving
the Garter in return, and was at its second offer accepted by
the Prince, together with the first orders of almost every
country, on the understanding that no return would be
expected. It would have been impossible to give the Garter
to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a selection.
The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that
among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and
Brazil, and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria,
Holland, Sardinia, Naples, Greece, etc., etc., have not got the
Garter, although many of them have expressed a wish for it,
and that amongst the Kings Consort, the King of Portugal,
the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet, although the
Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.
Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave
the claim open to be repeated from time to time.
Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire through Lord
Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE
Downing Street, 14th October 1851.
Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are
appointed a Committee to consider of the extension of the
that the Queen herself possesses no order of knighthood
from any country.17
With reference to the claim for the King arising out of the
Prince having received the Fleece, it may be well to say that
the offer of the Fleece had in the first instance been declined
for fear of establishing a ground for the necessity of giving
the Garter in return, and was at its second offer accepted by
the Prince, together with the first orders of almost every
country, on the understanding that no return would be
expected. It would have been impossible to give the Garter
to every Sovereign, and very difficult to make a selection.
The Queen of Spain ought to be made aware of the fact that
among the reigning Sovereigns, the Emperors of Austria and
Brazil, and the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, Bavaria,
Holland, Sardinia, Naples, Greece, etc., etc., have not got the
Garter, although many of them have expressed a wish for it,
and that amongst the Kings Consort, the King of Portugal,
the Queen's first cousin, has not received it yet, although the
Queen has long been anxious to give it to him.
Anything short of these explanations might offend, or leave
the claim open to be repeated from time to time.
Footnote 17: The Queen of Spain had expressed a desire through Lord
Howden to receive the Order of the Garter.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE
Downing Street, 14th October 1851.
Lord Carlisle, Lord Minto, and Sir Charles Wood are
appointed a Committee to consider of the extension of the
Page 484
Suffrage. They meet to-morrow. Lord John Russell expects
to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is proposed that Parliament
should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th October 1851.
The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to
consider the extension of the Franchise a very strong one.
Will Lord Carlisle be up to the peculiar business?
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.18
KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND
Windsor Castle, 29th October 1851.
The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the
accounts of Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.
She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord
Palmerston from receiving him. The effect it will have
abroad will do us immense harm. At all events, Lord John
should take care to have it understood that the Government
have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of Lord
Palmerston's.
The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and
affronts, which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell, written down
from recollection.
to see Mr Peel to-morrow. It is proposed that Parliament
should meet on the 3rd or 5th of February....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 14th October 1851.
The Queen does not consider the Committee appointed to
consider the extension of the Franchise a very strong one.
Will Lord Carlisle be up to the peculiar business?
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.18
KOSSUTH IN ENGLAND
Windsor Castle, 29th October 1851.
The Queen concludes Lord John Russell has read the
accounts of Kossuth's arrival in to-day's papers.
She wishes Lord John could still try to prevent Lord
Palmerston from receiving him. The effect it will have
abroad will do us immense harm. At all events, Lord John
should take care to have it understood that the Government
have not sanctioned it, and that it is a private act of Lord
Palmerston's.
The Queen will else have again to submit to insults and
affronts, which are the result of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
Footnote 18: Substance of the note to Lord John Russell, written down
from recollection.
Page 485
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 24th October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to
Lord Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.
With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he
will write to Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that
nothing is said which goes beyond the strict expression of
thanks for the efforts made by the British Government to
procure first the safety, and next the liberty, of Kossuth.
As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is
considered the representative of English institutions against
despotism.
If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 31st October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has the honour to submit to your Majesty a
correspondence19 which has taken place between Lord
Palmerston and himself.
After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have
but little hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth.
Lord John Russell cannot separate the private from the
public man in this instance; the reception of Kossuth, if it
takes place, will be a reception by your Majesty's Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that reception is to take
place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does not appear
to him material.
Windsor Castle, 24th October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is sorry to say he can interfere no further with respect to
Lord Palmerston's reception of Kossuth.
With respect to the manner of the reception, however, he
will write to Lord Palmerston to desire him to take care that
nothing is said which goes beyond the strict expression of
thanks for the efforts made by the British Government to
procure first the safety, and next the liberty, of Kossuth.
As for the reception, it is to be considered that Kossuth is
considered the representative of English institutions against
despotism.
If this were so the public feeling would be laudable.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 31st October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has the honour to submit to your Majesty a
correspondence19 which has taken place between Lord
Palmerston and himself.
After Lord Palmerston's answer, Lord John Russell can have
but little hope that Lord Palmerston will not see M. Kossuth.
Lord John Russell cannot separate the private from the
public man in this instance; the reception of Kossuth, if it
takes place, will be a reception by your Majesty's Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs. Whether that reception is to take
place in Downing Street or Carlton Terrace does not appear
to him material.
Page 486
Lord John Russell would, as a last resource, humbly advise
your Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive
M. Kossuth.
It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of
respect to your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at
peace with this country.
Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord
Palmerston.
Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the
Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which will be
found in Russell's Life, the Premier "positively requested" Lord
Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The rejoinder, written while
the messenger waited, was: "There are limits to all things. I do not
choose to be dictated to as to who I may or may not receive in my own
house.... I shall use my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours
as to the composition of your Government."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and
returns the enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to
Lord Palmerston, which she begs him to send on, merely
changing the label. She must tell Lord John, however, that
although he may go on with a colleague, even after having
received an answer like the one Lord Palmerston has
returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the
Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose
herself to having her positive commands disobeyed by one
of her public servants, and that should Lord Palmerston
persist in his intention he cannot continue as her Minister.
She refrains from any expression upon Lord Palmerston's
your Majesty to command Lord Palmerston not to receive
M. Kossuth.
It appears to him that your Majesty owes this mark of
respect to your Majesty's ally, and generally to all States at
peace with this country.
Lord John Russell has no other copy of this letter to Lord
Palmerston.
Footnote 19: Lord Palmerston wished to receive Kossuth at the
Foreign Office. In the correspondence here referred to, which will be
found in Russell's Life, the Premier "positively requested" Lord
Palmerston to decline to receive Kossuth. The rejoinder, written while
the messenger waited, was: "There are limits to all things. I do not
choose to be dictated to as to who I may or may not receive in my own
house.... I shall use my own discretion.... You will, of course, use yours
as to the composition of your Government."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
KOSSUTH AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and
returns the enclosures. She likewise sends him her letter to
Lord Palmerston, which she begs him to send on, merely
changing the label. She must tell Lord John, however, that
although he may go on with a colleague, even after having
received an answer like the one Lord Palmerston has
returned to the many entreaties not to compromise the
Government by his personal act, the Queen cannot expose
herself to having her positive commands disobeyed by one
of her public servants, and that should Lord Palmerston
persist in his intention he cannot continue as her Minister.
She refrains from any expression upon Lord Palmerston's
Page 487
conduct in this matter, as Lord John is well aware of her
feelings.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.20
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last
here at Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be
advisable that he should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival
in England, as being wholly unnecessary, and likely to be
misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's arrival in this
country, and his violent denunciations of two Sovereigns
with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes
it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all
States at peace with this country, not to allow that a person
endeavouring to excite a political agitation in this country
against her Allies should be received by her Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs. Whether such a reception should
take place at his official or private residence can make no
difference as to the public nature of the act. The Queen must
therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by Lord
Palmerston should not take place.
Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 31st October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Since writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred
feelings.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.20
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen mentioned to Lord Palmerston when he was last
here at Windsor Castle that she thought it would not be
advisable that he should receive M. Kossuth upon his arrival
in England, as being wholly unnecessary, and likely to be
misconstrued abroad. Since M. Kossuth's arrival in this
country, and his violent denunciations of two Sovereigns
with whom we are at peace, the Queen thinks that she owes
it as a mark of respect to her Allies, and generally to all
States at peace with this country, not to allow that a person
endeavouring to excite a political agitation in this country
against her Allies should be received by her Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs. Whether such a reception should
take place at his official or private residence can make no
difference as to the public nature of the act. The Queen must
therefore demand that the reception of M. Kossuth by Lord
Palmerston should not take place.
Footnote 20: Draft sent to Lord John Russell.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 31st October 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Since writing to your Majesty this morning it has occurred
Page 488
to him that it will be best that your Majesty should not give
any commands to Lord Palmerston on his sole advice.
With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday,
and he humbly proposes that your Majesty should await
their advice.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She
thinks it natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter
which may cause a rupture in the Government before the
Cabinet, but thinks his having summoned the Cabinet only
for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at liberty in the
intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and then
rest on his fait accompli. Unless, therefore, Lord John
Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief
which is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he
will have, moreover, the triumph of having carried his point,
and having set the Prime Minister at defiance....
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 1st November 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he is deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and
indulgence. He feels that he is at times overwhelmed by the
importance and variety of the questions of which the
principal weight lies upon him.
any commands to Lord Palmerston on his sole advice.
With this view he has summoned the Cabinet for Monday,
and he humbly proposes that your Majesty should await
their advice.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
PALMERSTON AND THE QUEEN
Windsor Castle, 31st October 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She
thinks it natural that Lord John should wish to bring a matter
which may cause a rupture in the Government before the
Cabinet, but thinks his having summoned the Cabinet only
for Monday will leave Lord Palmerston at liberty in the
intermediate time to have his reception of Kossuth, and then
rest on his fait accompli. Unless, therefore, Lord John
Russell can bind him over to good conduct, all the mischief
which is apprehended from this step of his will result; and he
will have, moreover, the triumph of having carried his point,
and having set the Prime Minister at defiance....
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 1st November 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he is deeply sensible of your Majesty's kindness and
indulgence. He feels that he is at times overwhelmed by the
importance and variety of the questions of which the
principal weight lies upon him.
Page 489
He now lays before your Majesty a copy of the letter he has
written to Lord Palmerston.21 With a grateful sense of your
Majesty's confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet
should decide, and that no part of the burden should be
placed upon your Majesty.
He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.
He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many
members of it are at a distance. He does not think Lord
Palmerston will come to town before Monday.
Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's Life. The
Premier stated that the question, being one of grave public importance,
must be decided by argument, not passion, and would be considered
by the Cabinet on the following Monday. See Walpole's Russell, chap.
xxii.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 1st November 1851.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
this day, and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She
feels that she has the right and the duty to demand that one
of her Ministers should not by his private acts, compromise
her and the country, and therefore omitted in her letter to
Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John Russell's
opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should be
protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston
by the attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his
proceedings without her personal intervention.22
Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the statement of
the Premier, which is printed in his Life, unanimously supported him.
Lord Palmerston accordingly gave way for the time being. Lord John
informed the Queen of the result.
written to Lord Palmerston.21 With a grateful sense of your
Majesty's confidence, he is now of opinion that the Cabinet
should decide, and that no part of the burden should be
placed upon your Majesty.
He therefore returns the letter to Lord Palmerston.
He summoned the Cabinet for Monday, as so many
members of it are at a distance. He does not think Lord
Palmerston will come to town before Monday.
Footnote 21: The letter is printed in Lord Palmerston's Life. The
Premier stated that the question, being one of grave public importance,
must be decided by argument, not passion, and would be considered
by the Cabinet on the following Monday. See Walpole's Russell, chap.
xxii.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 1st November 1851.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
this day, and returns the copy of his to Lord Palmerston. She
feels that she has the right and the duty to demand that one
of her Ministers should not by his private acts, compromise
her and the country, and therefore omitted in her letter to
Lord Palmerston all reference to Lord John Russell's
opinion; but she of course much prefers that she should be
protected from the wilful indiscretions of Lord Palmerston
by the attention of the Cabinet being drawn to his
proceedings without her personal intervention.22
Footnote 22: The Cabinet met, and having listened to the statement of
the Premier, which is printed in his Life, unanimously supported him.
Lord Palmerston accordingly gave way for the time being. Lord John
informed the Queen of the result.
Page 490
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 3rd November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She
is very glad to hear that this matter has been amicably
arranged, and she trusts that Lord Palmerston will act
according to his promises.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 11th November 1851.
The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she
thinks the tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not
altogether becoming for a public despatch from the English
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to be given to the Minister of
another State. The substance is quite right, and a dignified
explanation of the absurdity of the conduct of the Parma
officials would very likely produce its effect, but some
expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and
therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand,
which is to be produced.23
Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had
resumed his high-handed methods.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 3rd November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She
is very glad to hear that this matter has been amicably
arranged, and she trusts that Lord Palmerston will act
according to his promises.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 11th November 1851.
The Queen sends this draft to Lord John Russell, as she
thinks the tone in which it is written so very ironical, and not
altogether becoming for a public despatch from the English
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to be given to the Minister of
another State. The substance is quite right, and a dignified
explanation of the absurdity of the conduct of the Parma
officials would very likely produce its effect, but some
expressions in this draft could only tend to irritate, and
therefore prevent that readiness to comply with our demand,
which is to be produced.23
Footnote 23: Before ten days had elapsed, Lord Palmerston had
resumed his high-handed methods.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 491
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 20th November 1851.
The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a
subject which causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have
again been deeply wounded by the official conduct of her
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs since the arrival of M.
Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the best interests of
her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her public
and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with
whom she professes to be on terms of peace and amity, most
unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very
often had to call upon Lord John to check his colleague in
the dangerous and unbecoming course which at various
times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But Lord
John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions
with the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her
remonstrances with the plea that to push his interference
with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done would lead
to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily to a breaking up
of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering a change of her
Government under present political circumstances
dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to
choose between two evils, without possessing sufficient
confidence in her own judgment to decide which in its
political consequences would turn out the least. But if in
such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not to insist
upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the
same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their
account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to
her with that sound policy and conduct which the
maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country require.
These remarks seem to be especially called for after the
report of the official interview between Lord Palmerston and
the deputation from Finsbury,24 and the Queen requests Lord
John Russell to bring them under the notice of the Cabinet.
Windsor Castle, 20th November 1851.
The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a
subject which causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have
again been deeply wounded by the official conduct of her
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs since the arrival of M.
Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the best interests of
her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her public
and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with
whom she professes to be on terms of peace and amity, most
unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very
often had to call upon Lord John to check his colleague in
the dangerous and unbecoming course which at various
times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But Lord
John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions
with the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her
remonstrances with the plea that to push his interference
with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done would lead
to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily to a breaking up
of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering a change of her
Government under present political circumstances
dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to
choose between two evils, without possessing sufficient
confidence in her own judgment to decide which in its
political consequences would turn out the least. But if in
such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not to insist
upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the
same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their
account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to
her with that sound policy and conduct which the
maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country require.
These remarks seem to be especially called for after the
report of the official interview between Lord Palmerston and
the deputation from Finsbury,24 and the Queen requests Lord
John Russell to bring them under the notice of the Cabinet.
Page 492
Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks to Lord
Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth, were voted by
ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and Islington, and he allowed a
deputation to present the addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the
Emperors of Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious
and detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and highly
gratified" by the references to himself, did not in terms reprehend the
language used of the two Sovereigns, and added, in a phrase
immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that "a good deal of judicious bottle-
holding was obliged to be brought into play."
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Pembroke Lodge, 21st November 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He had the honour of receiving last night your Majesty's
communication respecting Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this
communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before
the Cabinet.
But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some
circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in
the consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the
remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as they have
been by your Majesty.
He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.
He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair
of Count Haynau.
He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after
assuring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth
whenever he chose to call upon him, he consented to
Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth, were voted by
ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and Islington, and he allowed a
deputation to present the addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the
Emperors of Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious
and detestable assassins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and highly
gratified" by the references to himself, did not in terms reprehend the
language used of the two Sovereigns, and added, in a phrase
immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that "a good deal of judicious bottle-
holding was obliged to be brought into play."
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Pembroke Lodge, 21st November 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He had the honour of receiving last night your Majesty's
communication respecting Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this
communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before
the Cabinet.
But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some
circumstances which appear to him to weigh materially in
the consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the
remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as they have
been by your Majesty.
He did so on the question of furnishing guns to the Sicilians.
He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair
of Count Haynau.
He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after
assuring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth
whenever he chose to call upon him, he consented to
Page 493
intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he requested him not
to call.
This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord
Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a manner not
very dignified by giving importance to the inflated addresses
from some meetings in the suburbs of London.
But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must
have a certain latitude allowed him which he may use,
perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with
no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice.
Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's
attention to an article in the Morning Post, which denies the
accuracy of the report of Lord Palmerston's answer to what
is there called "the froth and folly of an address to Downing
Street."
Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once
represented to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord
Palmerston would break up the Government, begs to explain
that he has always done so upon one of two grounds:
First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your
Majesty to resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of
which his colleagues had approved, and for which they
were, with him, responsible.
Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the
transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid
of an inconvenient colleague.
It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was
recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as Foreign
Secretary, and remained in that Office from 1830 to 1834;
that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office by Lord
Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.
He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig
Party fifteen years, and has been approved not only by them
but by a large portion of the country. In the advice which
to call.
This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord
Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a manner not
very dignified by giving importance to the inflated addresses
from some meetings in the suburbs of London.
But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must
have a certain latitude allowed him which he may use,
perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with
no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice.
Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's
attention to an article in the Morning Post, which denies the
accuracy of the report of Lord Palmerston's answer to what
is there called "the froth and folly of an address to Downing
Street."
Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once
represented to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord
Palmerston would break up the Government, begs to explain
that he has always done so upon one of two grounds:
First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your
Majesty to resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of
which his colleagues had approved, and for which they
were, with him, responsible.
Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the
transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid
of an inconvenient colleague.
It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was
recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as Foreign
Secretary, and remained in that Office from 1830 to 1834;
that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office by Lord
Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.
He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig
Party fifteen years, and has been approved not only by them
but by a large portion of the country. In the advice which
Page 494
Lord John Russell has humbly tendered to your Majesty, he
has always had in view the importance of maintaining the
popular confidence which your Majesty's name everywhere
inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of
Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the
good will and affection of the people of England are
retained, a great security in these times.
Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the
Cabinet for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it
returned.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and
returns the note on his former communication to the
Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November that
"above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious and not
to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, and that we
cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too
scrupulously"—the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John
considers the official reception by the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are
called Despots and Assassins, as within that "latitude" which
he claims for every minister, "which he may use perhaps
with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no
consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice."
The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will
lay her letter, or only the substance of it, before the
Cabinet;25 but she hopes that they will make that careful
enquiry into the justice of her complaint which she was
sorry to miss altogether in Lord John Russell's answer. It is
no question with the Queen whether she pleases the Emperor
has always had in view the importance of maintaining the
popular confidence which your Majesty's name everywhere
inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of
Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the
good will and affection of the people of England are
retained, a great security in these times.
Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the
Cabinet for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it
returned.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and
returns the note on his former communication to the
Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November that
"above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious and not
to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, and that we
cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too
scrupulously"—the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John
considers the official reception by the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are
called Despots and Assassins, as within that "latitude" which
he claims for every minister, "which he may use perhaps
with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no
consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice."
The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will
lay her letter, or only the substance of it, before the
Cabinet;25 but she hopes that they will make that careful
enquiry into the justice of her complaint which she was
sorry to miss altogether in Lord John Russell's answer. It is
no question with the Queen whether she pleases the Emperor
Page 495
of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground of
complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe
that this will add to her popularity with her own people.
Lord John's letter must accordingly have disappointed her as
containing a mere attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston.
Lord John sees one cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston's
natural desire to console himself for the mortification of
having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has
every reason to believe that he has seen him after all.
Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before the
Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was expressed
at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining in advance the tenor
of the addresses, and in admitting unreliable reporters.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with
the Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the
late King of Hanover,26 and she has to say in reply that she
thinks the mourning ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign
but for a Prince of the Blood Royal, which was the nearest
relation in which he stood to the Throne.
Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged eighty,
and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who reigned till 1866,
and died in 1878.
Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover.
complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe
that this will add to her popularity with her own people.
Lord John's letter must accordingly have disappointed her as
containing a mere attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston.
Lord John sees one cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston's
natural desire to console himself for the mortification of
having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has
every reason to believe that he has seen him after all.
Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before the
Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was expressed
at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining in advance the tenor
of the addresses, and in admitting unreliable reporters.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with
the Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the
late King of Hanover,26 and she has to say in reply that she
thinks the mourning ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign
but for a Prince of the Blood Royal, which was the nearest
relation in which he stood to the Throne.
Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged eighty,
and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who reigned till 1866,
and died in 1878.
Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover.
Page 496
Windsor Castle, 21st November 1851.
My dear George,—Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing
to me the melancholy news of the death of your Father, was
given to me yesterday by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to
express to you in both our names our sincere and heartfelt
condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to our dear
Cousin Mary.27
It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was
peaceful and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I
enter into your feelings as to the responsible position into
which you are now placed, and my best wishes for your
welfare and happiness as well as that of Hanover will ever
accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset that
you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.
Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as
well as to our cousins, and with every possible good wish
for your health and prosperity, believe me always, my dear
George, your very affectionate Cousin,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907), wife of
King George V. of Hanover.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 22nd November 1851.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty and has taken the proper steps according to your
Majesty's commands, about the mourning for the late King
of Hanover; and he would wish to know whether it is your
Majesty's desire that he should have letters prepared for your
Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign Sovereigns the
decease of the late King.
My dear George,—Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing
to me the melancholy news of the death of your Father, was
given to me yesterday by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to
express to you in both our names our sincere and heartfelt
condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to our dear
Cousin Mary.27
It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was
peaceful and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I
enter into your feelings as to the responsible position into
which you are now placed, and my best wishes for your
welfare and happiness as well as that of Hanover will ever
accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset that
you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.
Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as
well as to our cousins, and with every possible good wish
for your health and prosperity, believe me always, my dear
George, your very affectionate Cousin,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907), wife of
King George V. of Hanover.
Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria.
Carlton Gardens, 22nd November 1851.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your
Majesty and has taken the proper steps according to your
Majesty's commands, about the mourning for the late King
of Hanover; and he would wish to know whether it is your
Majesty's desire that he should have letters prepared for your
Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign Sovereigns the
decease of the late King.
Page 497
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Osborne, 22nd November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter.
The Queen does not think it necessary for her to announce
the King of Hanover's death to other Sovereigns, as there is
a head of that branch of her Family who would have to do
so. She declared the present King's marriage in Council, but
she does not think that she announced it. This Lord
Palmerston would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE REFORM QUESTION
Osborne, 3rd December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the
30th ult., and has carefully considered his Memorandum on
the report of the Committee of the Cabinet; she now returns
Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum.
Considering the question of Reform under its two bearings
—on the Franchise and on the Suffrage—the Queen thinks
the proposal of merely adding neighbouring towns to the
small boroughs an improvement on the original plan, which
contemplated the taking away of members from some
boroughs, and giving them to others. Thus the animosity
may be hoped to be avoided which an attack upon vested
interests could not have failed to have produced. Much will
depend, however, upon the completeness, fairness, and
impartiality with which the selection of the towns will be
made which are to be admitted into the electoral district of
others. Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum being only a
Osborne, 22nd November 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter.
The Queen does not think it necessary for her to announce
the King of Hanover's death to other Sovereigns, as there is
a head of that branch of her Family who would have to do
so. She declared the present King's marriage in Council, but
she does not think that she announced it. This Lord
Palmerston would perhaps be able to ascertain at the Office.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE REFORM QUESTION
Osborne, 3rd December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the
30th ult., and has carefully considered his Memorandum on
the report of the Committee of the Cabinet; she now returns
Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum.
Considering the question of Reform under its two bearings
—on the Franchise and on the Suffrage—the Queen thinks
the proposal of merely adding neighbouring towns to the
small boroughs an improvement on the original plan, which
contemplated the taking away of members from some
boroughs, and giving them to others. Thus the animosity
may be hoped to be avoided which an attack upon vested
interests could not have failed to have produced. Much will
depend, however, upon the completeness, fairness, and
impartiality with which the selection of the towns will be
made which are to be admitted into the electoral district of
others. Sir Charles Wood's Memorandum being only a
Page 498
sketch, the Queen hopes to see a more complete list, stating
the principle also upon which the selection is made.
With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the Committee
appear to the Queen to be framed with a due regard to the
importance of not giving an undue proportion of weight to
the Democracy. In the Queen's opinion, the chief question to
consider will be whether the strengthening of the
Democratic principle will upset the balance of Constitution,
and further weaken the Executive, which is by no means too
strong at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty
of forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral effect
which such extensive changes may produce, but thinks that
they cannot even be guessed at before the numerical results
are accurately ascertained; she hopes therefore that the
statistics will be soon in a state to be laid before her.
The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the Guilds had to
be abandoned, but can quite understand the difficulty which
would have been added to the measure by its being clogged
with such an additional innovation.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 2nd December 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
letter of the 28th. I am truly grieved to hear that you have
got so bad a cold; nothing is more trying and annoying than
those heavy colds, which render all occupation irksome and
trying in the highest degree. I hope that it will soon be past.
It is a great pity that you do not venture to come to us, as I
am sure you might do it easily. I do not think that there will
be any outburst yet awhile in France....
I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, who, I
hear, has arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. I hope,
the principle also upon which the selection is made.
With regard to the Suffrage, the proposals of the Committee
appear to the Queen to be framed with a due regard to the
importance of not giving an undue proportion of weight to
the Democracy. In the Queen's opinion, the chief question to
consider will be whether the strengthening of the
Democratic principle will upset the balance of Constitution,
and further weaken the Executive, which is by no means too
strong at present. The Queen is well aware of the difficulty
of forming a correct estimate beforehand of the moral effect
which such extensive changes may produce, but thinks that
they cannot even be guessed at before the numerical results
are accurately ascertained; she hopes therefore that the
statistics will be soon in a state to be laid before her.
The Queen regrets that the idea of reviving the Guilds had to
be abandoned, but can quite understand the difficulty which
would have been added to the measure by its being clogged
with such an additional innovation.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 2nd December 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Accept my best thanks for your kind
letter of the 28th. I am truly grieved to hear that you have
got so bad a cold; nothing is more trying and annoying than
those heavy colds, which render all occupation irksome and
trying in the highest degree. I hope that it will soon be past.
It is a great pity that you do not venture to come to us, as I
am sure you might do it easily. I do not think that there will
be any outburst yet awhile in France....
I am rather unhappy about dear Uncle Mensdorff, who, I
hear, has arrived at Vienna with gout in his head. I hope,
Page 499
however, soon to hear of his being much better....
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE COUP D'ÉTAT
Osborne, 4th December 1851.
Dearest Uncle,—I must write a line to ask what you say to
the wonderful proceedings at Paris, which really seem like a
story in a book or a play! What is to be the result of it all?28
I feel ashamed to have written so positively a few hours
before that nothing would happen.
We are anxiously waiting for to-day's news—though I
should hope that the Troops were to be depended upon, and
order for the present would prevail. I hope that none of the
Orleans Family will move a limb or say a word, but remain
perfectly passive.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 28: On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized the
Government of France, arrested his chief opponents, put an end to the
National Assembly and Council of State, and declared Paris in a state
of siege.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 4th December 1851.
The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the events
which have taken place at Paris.29 She thinks it is of great
importance that Lord Normanby should be instructed to
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE COUP D'ÉTAT
Osborne, 4th December 1851.
Dearest Uncle,—I must write a line to ask what you say to
the wonderful proceedings at Paris, which really seem like a
story in a book or a play! What is to be the result of it all?28
I feel ashamed to have written so positively a few hours
before that nothing would happen.
We are anxiously waiting for to-day's news—though I
should hope that the Troops were to be depended upon, and
order for the present would prevail. I hope that none of the
Orleans Family will move a limb or say a word, but remain
perfectly passive.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 28: On the 2nd of December, Louis Napoleon seized the
Government of France, arrested his chief opponents, put an end to the
National Assembly and Council of State, and declared Paris in a state
of siege.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 4th December 1851.
The Queen has learnt with surprise and concern the events
which have taken place at Paris.29 She thinks it is of great
importance that Lord Normanby should be instructed to
Page 500
remain entirely passive, and to take no part whatever in what
is passing. Any word from him might be misconstrued at
such a moment.
Footnote 29: On the 3rd the tidings of the coup d'état reached London.
Count Walewski announced it to Lord Palmerston, who expressed his
approval of it, and wrote to Lord Normanby the letter printed in his
Life, disavowing surprise that the President had struck the blow when
he did, "for it is now well known here that the Duchess of Orleans was
preparing to be called to Paris this week with her younger son to
commence a new period of Orleans dynasty."
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 4th December 1851.
(6 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Your Majesty's directions respecting the state of affairs in
Paris shall be followed. Lord Normanby30 has asked
whether he should suspend his diplomatic functions; but the
Cabinet were unanimously of opinion that he should not do
so.
The result is very uncertain; at present the power is likely to
rest in the Army, to whose memory of victories and defeats
the President has so strongly appealed.
Footnote 30: Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions as to his
future conduct, was desired to make no change in his relations with the
French Government, and to abstain from even the appearance of
interference in her internal affairs. Having made a communication to
this effect to M. Turgot, the latter replied that M. Walewski had
notified to him that Lord Palmerston had already expressed to him his
"entire approbation of the act of the President," and his "conviction
that he could not have acted otherwise."
is passing. Any word from him might be misconstrued at
such a moment.
Footnote 29: On the 3rd the tidings of the coup d'état reached London.
Count Walewski announced it to Lord Palmerston, who expressed his
approval of it, and wrote to Lord Normanby the letter printed in his
Life, disavowing surprise that the President had struck the blow when
he did, "for it is now well known here that the Duchess of Orleans was
preparing to be called to Paris this week with her younger son to
commence a new period of Orleans dynasty."
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 4th December 1851.
(6 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Your Majesty's directions respecting the state of affairs in
Paris shall be followed. Lord Normanby30 has asked
whether he should suspend his diplomatic functions; but the
Cabinet were unanimously of opinion that he should not do
so.
The result is very uncertain; at present the power is likely to
rest in the Army, to whose memory of victories and defeats
the President has so strongly appealed.
Footnote 30: Lord Normanby, having applied for instructions as to his
future conduct, was desired to make no change in his relations with the
French Government, and to abstain from even the appearance of
interference in her internal affairs. Having made a communication to
this effect to M. Turgot, the latter replied that M. Walewski had
notified to him that Lord Palmerston had already expressed to him his
"entire approbation of the act of the President," and his "conviction
that he could not have acted otherwise."
Page 501
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Laeken, 5th December 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
dear gracious letter of the 2nd, the date of the battle of
Austerlitz, and the coup d'état at Paris. What do you say to
it?
As yet one cannot form an opinion, but I am inclined to
think that Louis Bonaparte will succeed. The country is tired
and wish quiet, and if they get it by this coup d'état they will
have no objection, and let le Gouvernement Parlementaire et
Constitutionnel go to sleep for a while.
I suspect that the great Continental powers will see a
military Government at Paris with pleasure; they go rather
far in their hatred of everything Parliamentary. The President
takes a little of Napoleon already. I understand that he
expressed himself displeased, as if I had too much supported
the Orleans Family. I render perfect justice to the President,
that hitherto he has not plagued us; but we have also
abstained from all interference. I think that Hélène has been
imprudent; besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to
avoid to speak on these subjects or to express themselves
with mildness.
If something like an Empire establishes itself, perhaps we
shall for a time have much to suffer, as the gloire française
invariably looks to the old frontiers. My hope is that they
will necessarily have much to do at home, for a time, as
parties will run high.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Laeken, 5th December 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
dear gracious letter of the 2nd, the date of the battle of
Austerlitz, and the coup d'état at Paris. What do you say to
it?
As yet one cannot form an opinion, but I am inclined to
think that Louis Bonaparte will succeed. The country is tired
and wish quiet, and if they get it by this coup d'état they will
have no objection, and let le Gouvernement Parlementaire et
Constitutionnel go to sleep for a while.
I suspect that the great Continental powers will see a
military Government at Paris with pleasure; they go rather
far in their hatred of everything Parliamentary. The President
takes a little of Napoleon already. I understand that he
expressed himself displeased, as if I had too much supported
the Orleans Family. I render perfect justice to the President,
that hitherto he has not plagued us; but we have also
abstained from all interference. I think that Hélène has been
imprudent; besides, it is difficult for the poor Family to
avoid to speak on these subjects or to express themselves
with mildness.
If something like an Empire establishes itself, perhaps we
shall for a time have much to suffer, as the gloire française
invariably looks to the old frontiers. My hope is that they
will necessarily have much to do at home, for a time, as
parties will run high.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 502
Osborne, 6th December 1851.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday. She is glad to hear that the Cabinet occupy
themselves assiduously with the Reform Question, but hopes
that they will not come to a final decision without having
first ascertained how the proposed plan will operate when
practically applied to the present state of the Franchise and
Suffrage. The Queen is very anxious to arrive at a definite
opinion on this subject herself.
The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that the
Ballot is to be made the stalking-horse of the Radicals.
The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.
LORD PALMERSTON'S LETTERS
Paris, 7th December 1851.
My dear Charles,—I have an opportunity of writing to you
not through the Foreign Office, which I shall take advantage
of, as at present the Post is not to be trusted, and I am afraid
I do not think the Office is either.
Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most
extraordinary manner to Normanby.31 I think he wants to fix
a quarrel with him, which you may be sure Normanby will
avoid at present, as it would have the worst possible effect;
but I do not understand it at all, and I wish you could in any
way explain what it means. Palmerston seems very angry
because Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this
step here, and the results; the whole thing is so completely a
coup d'état, and all the proceedings are so contrary to and
devoid of law and justice and security, that even the most
violent Tory would be staggered by them. (For instance, to-
day all the English papers, even Normanby's, are stopped
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday. She is glad to hear that the Cabinet occupy
themselves assiduously with the Reform Question, but hopes
that they will not come to a final decision without having
first ascertained how the proposed plan will operate when
practically applied to the present state of the Franchise and
Suffrage. The Queen is very anxious to arrive at a definite
opinion on this subject herself.
The Queen sees from the Manchester Speeches that the
Ballot is to be made the stalking-horse of the Radicals.
The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.
LORD PALMERSTON'S LETTERS
Paris, 7th December 1851.
My dear Charles,—I have an opportunity of writing to you
not through the Foreign Office, which I shall take advantage
of, as at present the Post is not to be trusted, and I am afraid
I do not think the Office is either.
Palmerston has taken lately to writing in the most
extraordinary manner to Normanby.31 I think he wants to fix
a quarrel with him, which you may be sure Normanby will
avoid at present, as it would have the worst possible effect;
but I do not understand it at all, and I wish you could in any
way explain what it means. Palmerston seems very angry
because Normanby does not unqualifyingly approve of this
step here, and the results; the whole thing is so completely a
coup d'état, and all the proceedings are so contrary to and
devoid of law and justice and security, that even the most
violent Tory would be staggered by them. (For instance, to-
day all the English papers, even Normanby's, are stopped
Page 503
and prohibited; they will of course allow Normanby's to
come, but it is to be under an envelope), and yet Palmerston,
who quarrels with all Europe about a political adventurer
like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties and
constitution of his country, now tries to quarrel with
Normanby, and really writes in the most impertinent manner,
because Normanby's despatches are not sufficiently in praise
of Louis Napoleon and his coup d'état. There must be some
dessous des cartes that we are not aware of. Normanby has
always said, having been undertaken, the only thing now is
to hope and pray it may be successful; but that is another
thing to approving the way it was begun, or the way it has
been carried out. The bloodshed has been dreadful and
indiscriminate, no quarter was shown, and when an
insurgent took refuge in a house, the soldiers killed every
one in the house, whether engaged in the émeute or not.... It
is very doubtful whether Normanby will be able to go on
with [Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he talks
of "I hear this" and "I am told that," with reference to
Normanby's conduct here, which no man in his position can
stand, as, if Palmerston takes the on-dits of others, and not
Normanby's own accounts, there is an end of confidence; but
I must say his last letter appears to me a sort of exuberance
of anger, which spends itself on many subjects rather than
the one which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has
received some rap on the knuckles at home, which he resents
here, or on the first person who is not of the same opinion as
himself; but it is a curious anomaly that he should quarrel
with Normanby in support of arbitrary and absolute
Government. All is quiet here now, and will, I hope,
continue so till the Elections, when I suppose we may have
some more émeutes....
They have been told at the Clubs that they may meet, but
they are not to talk politics. In short, I do not suppose that
despotism ever reached such a pitch.... You may suppose
what the French feel; it serves them all quite right, but that
does not prevent one's feeling indignant at it. And this is
come, but it is to be under an envelope), and yet Palmerston,
who quarrels with all Europe about a political adventurer
like Kossuth, because he was defending the liberties and
constitution of his country, now tries to quarrel with
Normanby, and really writes in the most impertinent manner,
because Normanby's despatches are not sufficiently in praise
of Louis Napoleon and his coup d'état. There must be some
dessous des cartes that we are not aware of. Normanby has
always said, having been undertaken, the only thing now is
to hope and pray it may be successful; but that is another
thing to approving the way it was begun, or the way it has
been carried out. The bloodshed has been dreadful and
indiscriminate, no quarter was shown, and when an
insurgent took refuge in a house, the soldiers killed every
one in the house, whether engaged in the émeute or not.... It
is very doubtful whether Normanby will be able to go on
with [Palmerston] if this sort of thing continues, for he talks
of "I hear this" and "I am told that," with reference to
Normanby's conduct here, which no man in his position can
stand, as, if Palmerston takes the on-dits of others, and not
Normanby's own accounts, there is an end of confidence; but
I must say his last letter appears to me a sort of exuberance
of anger, which spends itself on many subjects rather than
the one which first caused it, and therefore I suspect he has
received some rap on the knuckles at home, which he resents
here, or on the first person who is not of the same opinion as
himself; but it is a curious anomaly that he should quarrel
with Normanby in support of arbitrary and absolute
Government. All is quiet here now, and will, I hope,
continue so till the Elections, when I suppose we may have
some more émeutes....
They have been told at the Clubs that they may meet, but
they are not to talk politics. In short, I do not suppose that
despotism ever reached such a pitch.... You may suppose
what the French feel; it serves them all quite right, but that
does not prevent one's feeling indignant at it. And this is
Page 504
what Palmerston is now supporting without restriction. We
are entirely without any other news from England from any
one. Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through
Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether this is a
general feeling in England; it could not be, if they know all
that had happened here. Mind, I can quite understand the
policy of keeping well with Louis Napoleon, and Normanby
is so, and has never expressed to any one a hostile opinion
except in his despatches and private letters to Palmerston.... I
shall send this by a private hand, not to run the risk of its
being read. Ever yours affectionately,
M. Normanby.
Footnote 31: On the 6th, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Normanby the
strange letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in the Life, censuring Lord
Normanby's supposed hostility to the French President; Lord
Normanby in reply defended his attitude, and asked for an explicit
statement as to the Foreign Secretary's approval or otherwise of the
conduct and policy of the President.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Osborne, 9th December 1851.
Dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 5th reached me on
Sunday morning. Much blood has been shed since you
wrote....
What you say about arbitrary and military Government in
France is very true, and I daresay will do for a time; but I do
not know how Louis Napoleon is to proceed, or how he will
get over the anger and enmity of those he imprisoned. Still, I
see that the Legitimists have all given in their adhesion.
Every one in France and elsewhere must wish order, and
many therefore rally round the President.
are entirely without any other news from England from any
one. Would you not send me or Normanby a letter through
Rothschild? I am rather anxious to know whether this is a
general feeling in England; it could not be, if they know all
that had happened here. Mind, I can quite understand the
policy of keeping well with Louis Napoleon, and Normanby
is so, and has never expressed to any one a hostile opinion
except in his despatches and private letters to Palmerston.... I
shall send this by a private hand, not to run the risk of its
being read. Ever yours affectionately,
M. Normanby.
Footnote 31: On the 6th, Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Normanby the
strange letter printed by Mr Evelyn Ashley in the Life, censuring Lord
Normanby's supposed hostility to the French President; Lord
Normanby in reply defended his attitude, and asked for an explicit
statement as to the Foreign Secretary's approval or otherwise of the
conduct and policy of the President.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Osborne, 9th December 1851.
Dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 5th reached me on
Sunday morning. Much blood has been shed since you
wrote....
What you say about arbitrary and military Government in
France is very true, and I daresay will do for a time; but I do
not know how Louis Napoleon is to proceed, or how he will
get over the anger and enmity of those he imprisoned. Still, I
see that the Legitimists have all given in their adhesion.
Every one in France and elsewhere must wish order, and
many therefore rally round the President.
Page 505
A most extraordinary report was mentioned to me yesterday,
which, however, I never could believe, and which is besides
physically impossible, from the illness of the one and the
absence of the other, viz. that Joinville and Aumale had gone
or were going to Lille to put themselves at the head of the
troops,32 which would be a terrible and a very unwise thing.
It would be very awkward for you too.
I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from you. You
should urge the poor Orleans family to be very prudent in
what they say about passing events, as I believe Louis
Napoleon is very sore on the subject, and matters might get
still worse. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: Mr Borthwick, of the Morning Post, had so stated to Lord
Palmerston on the authority of General de Rumigny; seven years later
Palmerston wrote the Memorandum on the subject printed in his Life.
The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.33
PALMERSTON AND NORMANBY
Paris, 9th December 1851.
My dearest Charles,—I had written a long letter to the
Queen, and upon second thoughts I have burnt it, because
events have now become so serious between Normanby and
Palmerston that I do not think that I should be the person to
inform Her Majesty of it, in case anything was to be said
upon the subject in Parliament. And yet as the affront has
been given in Palmerston's private letters, I feel sure she
does not know it. You have all probably seen Normanby's
public despatches, in which, though as an Englishman he
deprecates and deplores the means employed and the
pledges broken—in short, the unconstitutional illegality of
which, however, I never could believe, and which is besides
physically impossible, from the illness of the one and the
absence of the other, viz. that Joinville and Aumale had gone
or were going to Lille to put themselves at the head of the
troops,32 which would be a terrible and a very unwise thing.
It would be very awkward for you too.
I must now conclude, hoping soon to hear from you. You
should urge the poor Orleans family to be very prudent in
what they say about passing events, as I believe Louis
Napoleon is very sore on the subject, and matters might get
still worse. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: Mr Borthwick, of the Morning Post, had so stated to Lord
Palmerston on the authority of General de Rumigny; seven years later
Palmerston wrote the Memorandum on the subject printed in his Life.
The Marchioness of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.33
PALMERSTON AND NORMANBY
Paris, 9th December 1851.
My dearest Charles,—I had written a long letter to the
Queen, and upon second thoughts I have burnt it, because
events have now become so serious between Normanby and
Palmerston that I do not think that I should be the person to
inform Her Majesty of it, in case anything was to be said
upon the subject in Parliament. And yet as the affront has
been given in Palmerston's private letters, I feel sure she
does not know it. You have all probably seen Normanby's
public despatches, in which, though as an Englishman he
deprecates and deplores the means employed and the
pledges broken—in short, the unconstitutional illegality of
Page 506
the whole coup d'état—yet he always says, seeing now no
other refuge from Rouge ascendency, he hopes it may
succeed. One would have supposed, from the whole tenor of
his policy, from his Radical tendencies, and all that he has
been doing lately, that Palmerston would have been the last
person to approve of this coup d'état. Not a bit! He turns
upon Normanby in the most flippant manner; almost accuses
him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist plot—never
whispered here, nor I believe, even imagined by the
Government of Paris, who would have been too glad to seize
upon it as an excuse; says he compromises the relations of
the country by his evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon—
in short, it is a letter that Morny might have written, and that
it is quite impossible for Normanby to bear. The curious
thing is that it is a letter or rather letters that would
completely ruin Palmerston with his Party. He treats all the
acts of the wholesale cruelties of the troops as a joke—in
short, it is the letter of a man half mad, I think, for to quarrel
with Normanby on this subject is cutting his own throat....
He has written also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows
perfectly well that Normanby cannot approve the means he
has taken; he talks to him confidentially, and treats him as an
honest, upright man, and he never showed him more
attention, or friendship even than last night when we were at
the Elysée, though Normanby said not one word in
approval....
LORD PALMERSTON'S INSTRUCTIONS
There is another question upon which Normanby has a right
to complain, which is, that two days before Palmerston sent
his instructions here, he expressed to Walewski his complete
approval of the step taken by Louis Napoleon, which was
transmitted by Walewski in a despatch to Turgot, and read
by him to many members of the Corps Diplomatique a day
before Normanby heard a word from Palmerston. You will
perhaps think that there is not enough in all this to authorise
the grave step Normanby has taken, but the whole tone of
his letters shows such a want of confidence, is so
other refuge from Rouge ascendency, he hopes it may
succeed. One would have supposed, from the whole tenor of
his policy, from his Radical tendencies, and all that he has
been doing lately, that Palmerston would have been the last
person to approve of this coup d'état. Not a bit! He turns
upon Normanby in the most flippant manner; almost accuses
him of a concealed knowledge of an Orleanist plot—never
whispered here, nor I believe, even imagined by the
Government of Paris, who would have been too glad to seize
upon it as an excuse; says he compromises the relations of
the country by his evident disapproval of Louis Napoleon—
in short, it is a letter that Morny might have written, and that
it is quite impossible for Normanby to bear. The curious
thing is that it is a letter or rather letters that would
completely ruin Palmerston with his Party. He treats all the
acts of the wholesale cruelties of the troops as a joke—in
short, it is the letter of a man half mad, I think, for to quarrel
with Normanby on this subject is cutting his own throat....
He has written also to Lord John. Louis Napoleon knows
perfectly well that Normanby cannot approve the means he
has taken; he talks to him confidentially, and treats him as an
honest, upright man, and he never showed him more
attention, or friendship even than last night when we were at
the Elysée, though Normanby said not one word in
approval....
LORD PALMERSTON'S INSTRUCTIONS
There is another question upon which Normanby has a right
to complain, which is, that two days before Palmerston sent
his instructions here, he expressed to Walewski his complete
approval of the step taken by Louis Napoleon, which was
transmitted by Walewski in a despatch to Turgot, and read
by him to many members of the Corps Diplomatique a day
before Normanby heard a word from Palmerston. You will
perhaps think that there is not enough in all this to authorise
the grave step Normanby has taken, but the whole tone of
his letters shows such a want of confidence, is so
Page 507
impertinent—talk of "we hear this," and "we are told
that,"—bringing a sort of anonymous gossip against a man
of Normanby's character and standing, that respect for
himself obliges Normanby to take it up seriously.... In the
meantime our Press in England is, as usual, too violent
against Louis Napoleon. We have no friends or true allies
left, thanks to the policy of Lord Palmerston; as soon as the
peace of the country is restored the Army must be employed;
it is the course of a Military Government; as much as an
absolute Government is destroyed by the people, and the
democracy again, when fallen into anarchy, is followed by
Military Government. Louis Napoleon must maintain his
position by acts: they will find out that Belgium should
belong to France, or Alsace, or Antwerp, or something or
other that England will not be able to allow, and then how
are we prepared for the consequences?...
LORD PALMERSTON'S APPROVAL
The more I think of Palmerston's letters, the less I can
understand them; every sentence is in direct contradiction to
his acts and words. He ridicules the idea of the Constitution;
turns to scorn the idea of anything being due to the Members
of the Assembly; laughs and jokes at the Club being fired
into, though the English people in it were within an ace of
being murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby is
pathetic over a broken looking-glass,34 forgetting that the
same bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, "a Roman
citizen!" who was between the window and the glass—in
short, as I said before, he is quite incomprehensible, except,
as I cannot help thinking, he read the private letter
Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the Kossuth
business, wishing to take his advice a little upon a grave
question, but which did not actually interfere with his
position here. This would account for his extreme
irritation....
All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist risings in
many parts of the country, but all these will do the President
that,"—bringing a sort of anonymous gossip against a man
of Normanby's character and standing, that respect for
himself obliges Normanby to take it up seriously.... In the
meantime our Press in England is, as usual, too violent
against Louis Napoleon. We have no friends or true allies
left, thanks to the policy of Lord Palmerston; as soon as the
peace of the country is restored the Army must be employed;
it is the course of a Military Government; as much as an
absolute Government is destroyed by the people, and the
democracy again, when fallen into anarchy, is followed by
Military Government. Louis Napoleon must maintain his
position by acts: they will find out that Belgium should
belong to France, or Alsace, or Antwerp, or something or
other that England will not be able to allow, and then how
are we prepared for the consequences?...
LORD PALMERSTON'S APPROVAL
The more I think of Palmerston's letters, the less I can
understand them; every sentence is in direct contradiction to
his acts and words. He ridicules the idea of the Constitution;
turns to scorn the idea of anything being due to the Members
of the Assembly; laughs and jokes at the Club being fired
into, though the English people in it were within an ace of
being murdered by the soldiers; says that Normanby is
pathetic over a broken looking-glass,34 forgetting that the
same bullet grazed the hand of an Englishman, "a Roman
citizen!" who was between the window and the glass—in
short, as I said before, he is quite incomprehensible, except,
as I cannot help thinking, he read the private letter
Normanby wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the Kossuth
business, wishing to take his advice a little upon a grave
question, but which did not actually interfere with his
position here. This would account for his extreme
irritation....
All at present is quiet in Paris. There are Socialist risings in
many parts of the country, but all these will do the President
Page 508
good, and strengthen his hands, for even the people who
have been treated with indignity will pardon him if their
châteaux are saved from an infuriated and brutal peasantry.
The President told Normanby last night that the accounts of
the cruelties and attacks in parts of the country were very
serious, but he hoped they would soon be put down....
M. Normanby.35
Footnote 33: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
Footnote 34: The tone of Lord Palmerston's private letters to Lord
Normanby at this time is best illustrated by the following extract:—
"Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all hostile to
Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to events. One of them
consisted of a dissertation about Kossuth, which would have made a
good article in the Times a fortnight ago: and another dwells chiefly on
a looking-glass broken in a Club-house; and you are pathetic about a
piece of broken plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots
during the street fights. Now we know that the Diplomatic Agents of
Austria and Russia called on the President immediately after his
measure on Tuesday morning, and have been profuse in their
expressions of approval of his conduct."
Footnote 35: Lady Normanby wrote later:—
"I told you yesterday the President had no faith in him (Palmerston).
The Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek business, and the
reception of Kossuth had long destroyed his confidence in Palmerston,
and I believe he hates him and sees through his present adulations...."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 13th December 1851.
The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord
Normanby to Lord John Russell, from which it appears that
the French Government pretend to have received the entire
approval of the late coup d'état by the British Government,
as conveyed by Lord Palmerston to Count Walewski. The
Queen cannot believe in the truth of the assertion, as such an
have been treated with indignity will pardon him if their
châteaux are saved from an infuriated and brutal peasantry.
The President told Normanby last night that the accounts of
the cruelties and attacks in parts of the country were very
serious, but he hoped they would soon be put down....
M. Normanby.35
Footnote 33: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
Footnote 34: The tone of Lord Palmerston's private letters to Lord
Normanby at this time is best illustrated by the following extract:—
"Your despatches since the event of Tuesday have been all hostile to
Louis Napoleon, with very little information as to events. One of them
consisted of a dissertation about Kossuth, which would have made a
good article in the Times a fortnight ago: and another dwells chiefly on
a looking-glass broken in a Club-house; and you are pathetic about a
piece of broken plaster brought down from a ceiling by musket-shots
during the street fights. Now we know that the Diplomatic Agents of
Austria and Russia called on the President immediately after his
measure on Tuesday morning, and have been profuse in their
expressions of approval of his conduct."
Footnote 35: Lady Normanby wrote later:—
"I told you yesterday the President had no faith in him (Palmerston).
The Treaty signed with Buenos Ayres, the Greek business, and the
reception of Kossuth had long destroyed his confidence in Palmerston,
and I believe he hates him and sees through his present adulations...."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Osborne, 13th December 1851.
The Queen sends the enclosed despatch from Lord
Normanby to Lord John Russell, from which it appears that
the French Government pretend to have received the entire
approval of the late coup d'état by the British Government,
as conveyed by Lord Palmerston to Count Walewski. The
Queen cannot believe in the truth of the assertion, as such an
Page 509
approval given by Lord Palmerston would have been in
complete contradiction to the line of strict neutrality and
passiveness which the Queen had expressed her desire to see
followed with regard to the late convulsion at Paris, and
which was approved by the Cabinet, as stated in Lord John
Russell's letter of the 6th inst. Does Lord John know
anything about the alleged approval, which, if true, would
again expose the honesty and dignity of the Queen's
Government in the eyes of the world?36
Footnote 36: On the 15th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord Palmerston
that he must now assume M. Walewski's report to be correct, and
observed that if the Foreign Secretary held one language in Downing
Street and prescribed another course to the British Ambassador, the
latter must be awkwardly circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter
not shown to the Queen or the Cabinet) replied that he had said
nothing inconsistent with his instructions to Lord Normanby, that the
President's action was for the French nation to judge of, but that in his
view that action made for the maintenance of social order in France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 13th December 1851.
My beloved Uncle,—These lines are to express my very
warmest wishes for many, many happy returns of your dear
birthday, and for every earthly blessing you can desire. How
I wish you could spend it here, or we with you! I venture to
send you some trifles which will recall the Exhibition in
which you took so much interest. The continuation of the
work I send you, I shall forward as it comes out.
As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, I will not
touch on politics—with one exception—that I think it of
high importance that the Orleans should clear themselves of
all suspicion of a plot, which some people, I am sure, wish
to make it appear they are involved in; and that public
complete contradiction to the line of strict neutrality and
passiveness which the Queen had expressed her desire to see
followed with regard to the late convulsion at Paris, and
which was approved by the Cabinet, as stated in Lord John
Russell's letter of the 6th inst. Does Lord John know
anything about the alleged approval, which, if true, would
again expose the honesty and dignity of the Queen's
Government in the eyes of the world?36
Footnote 36: On the 15th, Lord Normanby wrote to Lord Palmerston
that he must now assume M. Walewski's report to be correct, and
observed that if the Foreign Secretary held one language in Downing
Street and prescribed another course to the British Ambassador, the
latter must be awkwardly circumstanced. Lord Palmerston (in a letter
not shown to the Queen or the Cabinet) replied that he had said
nothing inconsistent with his instructions to Lord Normanby, that the
President's action was for the French nation to judge of, but that in his
view that action made for the maintenance of social order in France.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 13th December 1851.
My beloved Uncle,—These lines are to express my very
warmest wishes for many, many happy returns of your dear
birthday, and for every earthly blessing you can desire. How
I wish you could spend it here, or we with you! I venture to
send you some trifles which will recall the Exhibition in
which you took so much interest. The continuation of the
work I send you, I shall forward as it comes out.
As I wrote so lately, and shall do so on Tuesday, I will not
touch on politics—with one exception—that I think it of
high importance that the Orleans should clear themselves of
all suspicion of a plot, which some people, I am sure, wish
to make it appear they are involved in; and that public
Page 510
contradiction should be given to the foolish report, much
credited here, that Joinville has gone to Lille, or to some part
of France, to head the Troops. Ever your devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
How you will again miss your departed Angel!
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION
Woburn Abbey, 18th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He received from Lord Palmerston yesterday an explanation
of his declaration of opinion to Mr Walewski, which Lord
John Russell regrets to state was quite unsatisfactory.
He thought himself compelled to write to Lord Palmerston
in the most decisive terms.
Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might be returned
to be copied.
The whole correspondence shall be submitted to your
Majesty.
Your Majesty will find in the box a despatch of Lord
Normanby of the 15th, and an answer of Lord Palmerston of
the 16th,37 which has been sent without your Majesty's
sanction, or the knowledge of Lord John Russell.
Footnote 37: The letters are given in full in Ashley's Life of Lord
Palmerston, vol. i. chap. vii., were Lord Palmerston's explanation of
the 16th, in answer to the Premier's letter of the 14th, will also be
found.
credited here, that Joinville has gone to Lille, or to some part
of France, to head the Troops. Ever your devoted Niece and
Child,
Victoria R.
How you will again miss your departed Angel!
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION
Woburn Abbey, 18th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He received from Lord Palmerston yesterday an explanation
of his declaration of opinion to Mr Walewski, which Lord
John Russell regrets to state was quite unsatisfactory.
He thought himself compelled to write to Lord Palmerston
in the most decisive terms.
Lord Palmerston requested that his letter might be returned
to be copied.
The whole correspondence shall be submitted to your
Majesty.
Your Majesty will find in the box a despatch of Lord
Normanby of the 15th, and an answer of Lord Palmerston of
the 16th,37 which has been sent without your Majesty's
sanction, or the knowledge of Lord John Russell.
Footnote 37: The letters are given in full in Ashley's Life of Lord
Palmerston, vol. i. chap. vii., were Lord Palmerston's explanation of
the 16th, in answer to the Premier's letter of the 14th, will also be
found.
Page 511
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 19th December 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my warmest and best
thanks for your truly kind and gracious recollection of my
old birthday, and your amiable presents.
Our angelic Louise had quite un culte for that day, and two
have already passed since the best and noblest of hearts
beats no longer amongst us. When one sees the haste and
ardour of earthly pursuits, and how all this is often disposed
of, and when one sees that even the greatest success always
ends with the grave, one is tempted to wonder that the
human race should follow so restlessly bubbles often
disappearing just when reached, and always being a source
of never-ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty years, the
proof of the truth of what I say, always believing itself at the
highest point of perfection and changing it a few weeks
afterwards.
A military Government in France, if it really gets
established, must become dangerous for Europe. I hope that
at least at its beginning it will have enough to do in France,
and that we may get time to prepare. England will do well
not to fall asleep, but to keep up its old energy and
courage....
Your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON
Osborne, 19th December 1851.
Laeken, 19th December 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my warmest and best
thanks for your truly kind and gracious recollection of my
old birthday, and your amiable presents.
Our angelic Louise had quite un culte for that day, and two
have already passed since the best and noblest of hearts
beats no longer amongst us. When one sees the haste and
ardour of earthly pursuits, and how all this is often disposed
of, and when one sees that even the greatest success always
ends with the grave, one is tempted to wonder that the
human race should follow so restlessly bubbles often
disappearing just when reached, and always being a source
of never-ending anxiety. France gives, these sixty years, the
proof of the truth of what I say, always believing itself at the
highest point of perfection and changing it a few weeks
afterwards.
A military Government in France, if it really gets
established, must become dangerous for Europe. I hope that
at least at its beginning it will have enough to do in France,
and that we may get time to prepare. England will do well
not to fall asleep, but to keep up its old energy and
courage....
Your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON
Osborne, 19th December 1851.
Page 512
The Queen has received several communications from Lord
John Russell, but has not answered them, as she expected
daily to hear of Lord Palmerston's answer. As Lord John
Russell in his letter of yesterday's date promises to send her
his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, she refrains from
expressing a decided opinion until she has had an
opportunity of perusing it; but Lord John will readily
conceive what must be her feelings in seeing matters go
from bad to worse with respect to Lord Palmerston's
conduct!
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LORD GRANVILLE
Woburn Abbey, 19th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to submit to your Majesty a
correspondence with Viscount Palmerston, which terminates
with a letter of this day's date.
Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty that Lord
Palmerston should be informed that your Majesty is ready to
accept the Seals of Office, and to place them in other hands.
Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for Monday.
They may be of opinion that they cannot continue a
Government.
But that is not Lord John Russell's opinion; and should they
agree with him, he will proceed without delay to recommend
a successor to your Majesty.
The Earl Granville appears to him the person best calculated
for that post, but the Cabinet may be of opinion that more
experience is required.
John Russell, but has not answered them, as she expected
daily to hear of Lord Palmerston's answer. As Lord John
Russell in his letter of yesterday's date promises to send her
his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, she refrains from
expressing a decided opinion until she has had an
opportunity of perusing it; but Lord John will readily
conceive what must be her feelings in seeing matters go
from bad to worse with respect to Lord Palmerston's
conduct!
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
LORD GRANVILLE
Woburn Abbey, 19th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to submit to your Majesty a
correspondence with Viscount Palmerston, which terminates
with a letter of this day's date.
Lord John Russell has now to advise your Majesty that Lord
Palmerston should be informed that your Majesty is ready to
accept the Seals of Office, and to place them in other hands.
Lord John Russell has summoned a Cabinet for Monday.
They may be of opinion that they cannot continue a
Government.
But that is not Lord John Russell's opinion; and should they
agree with him, he will proceed without delay to recommend
a successor to your Majesty.
The Earl Granville appears to him the person best calculated
for that post, but the Cabinet may be of opinion that more
experience is required.
Page 513
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1851.
The Queen found on her arrival here Lord John Russell's
letter, enclosing his correspondence with Lord Palmerston,
which she has perused with that care and attention which the
importance and gravity of the subject of it demanded. The
Queen has now to express to Lord John Russell her
readiness to follow his advice, and her acceptance of the
resignation of Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see
Lord John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1851.
With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, the Queen
must state, that after the sad experience which she has just
had of the difficulties, annoyances, and dangers to which the
Sovereign may be exposed by the personal character and
qualities of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, she must
reserve to herself the unfettered right to approve or
disapprove the choice of a Minister for this Office.
Lord Granville, whom Lord John Russell designates as the
person best calculated for that post, would meet with her
entire approval. The possible opinion of the Cabinet that
more experience was required does not weigh much with the
Queen. From her knowledge of Lord Granville's character,
she is inclined to see no such disadvantage in the
circumstance that he has not yet had practice in managing
Foreign Affairs, as he will be the more ready to lean upon
the advice and judgment of the Prime Minister where he
may have diffidence in his own, and thereby will add
strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity in thought and
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1851.
The Queen found on her arrival here Lord John Russell's
letter, enclosing his correspondence with Lord Palmerston,
which she has perused with that care and attention which the
importance and gravity of the subject of it demanded. The
Queen has now to express to Lord John Russell her
readiness to follow his advice, and her acceptance of the
resignation of Lord Palmerston. She will be prepared to see
Lord John after the Cabinet on Monday, as he proposes.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 20th December 1851.
With respect to a successor to Lord Palmerston, the Queen
must state, that after the sad experience which she has just
had of the difficulties, annoyances, and dangers to which the
Sovereign may be exposed by the personal character and
qualities of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, she must
reserve to herself the unfettered right to approve or
disapprove the choice of a Minister for this Office.
Lord Granville, whom Lord John Russell designates as the
person best calculated for that post, would meet with her
entire approval. The possible opinion of the Cabinet that
more experience was required does not weigh much with the
Queen. From her knowledge of Lord Granville's character,
she is inclined to see no such disadvantage in the
circumstance that he has not yet had practice in managing
Foreign Affairs, as he will be the more ready to lean upon
the advice and judgment of the Prime Minister where he
may have diffidence in his own, and thereby will add
strength to the Cabinet by maintaining unity in thought and
Page 514
action. The Queen hopes Lord John Russell will not omit to
let her have copies of his correspondence with Lord
Palmerston, as he has promised her.38
Footnote 38: On the same day the Prince wrote to the Premier that the
Queen was much relieved. She had contemplated dismissing Lord
Palmerston herself, but naturally shrank from using the power of the
Crown, as her action would have been criticised without the possibility
of making a public defence; in his view the Cabinet was rather
strengthened than otherwise by Palmerston's departure, and public
sympathy would not be with him. The rest of the letter is published in
The Life of the Prince Consort.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 21st December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day.
She is not the least afraid of Lord Granville's not possessing
sufficient public confidence for him to undertake the Foreign
Affairs. He is very popular with the House of Lords, with
the Free Traders, and the Peace party, and all that the
Continent knows of him is in his favour; he had great
success at Paris last summer, and his never having had an
opportunity of damaging his character by having been mixed
up in diplomatic intrigues is an immense advantage to him
in obtaining the confidence of those with whom he is to
negotiate.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
let her have copies of his correspondence with Lord
Palmerston, as he has promised her.38
Footnote 38: On the same day the Prince wrote to the Premier that the
Queen was much relieved. She had contemplated dismissing Lord
Palmerston herself, but naturally shrank from using the power of the
Crown, as her action would have been criticised without the possibility
of making a public defence; in his view the Cabinet was rather
strengthened than otherwise by Palmerston's departure, and public
sympathy would not be with him. The rest of the letter is published in
The Life of the Prince Consort.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 21st December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day.
She is not the least afraid of Lord Granville's not possessing
sufficient public confidence for him to undertake the Foreign
Affairs. He is very popular with the House of Lords, with
the Free Traders, and the Peace party, and all that the
Continent knows of him is in his favour; he had great
success at Paris last summer, and his never having had an
opportunity of damaging his character by having been mixed
up in diplomatic intrigues is an immense advantage to him
in obtaining the confidence of those with whom he is to
negotiate.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
Page 515
My dearest Uncle,—I have the greatest pleasure in
announcing to you a piece of news which I know will give
you as much satisfaction and relief as it does to us, and will
do to the whole of the world. Lord Palmerston is no longer
Foreign Secretary—and Lord Granville is already named his
successor!! He had become of late really quite reckless, and
in spite of the serious admonition and caution he received
only on the 29th of November, and again at the beginning of
December, he tells Walewski that he entirely approves Louis
Napoleon's coup d'état, when he had written to Lord
Normanby by my and the Cabinet's desire that he (Lord
Normanby) was to continue his diplomatic intercourse with
the French Government, but to remain perfectly passive and
give no opinion. Walewski wrote Palmerston's opinion
(entirely contrary to what the Government had ordered) to
M. Turgot, and when Normanby came with his instructions,
Turgot told him what Palmerston had said. Upon this Lord
John asked Palmerston to give an explanation—which, after
the delay of a week, he answered in such an unsatisfactory
way that Lord John wrote to him that he could no longer
remain Foreign Secretary, for that perpetual
misunderstanding and breaches of decorum were taking
place which endangered the country. Lord Palmerston
answered instantly that he would give up the Seals the
moment his successor was named! Certain as we all felt that
he could not have continued long in his place, we were quite
taken by surprise when we learnt of the dénouement.... Lord
Granville will, I think, do extremely well, and his extreme
honesty and trustworthiness will make him invaluable to us,
and to the Government and to Europe.
I send some prints, etc., for the children for Christmas. Ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
announcing to you a piece of news which I know will give
you as much satisfaction and relief as it does to us, and will
do to the whole of the world. Lord Palmerston is no longer
Foreign Secretary—and Lord Granville is already named his
successor!! He had become of late really quite reckless, and
in spite of the serious admonition and caution he received
only on the 29th of November, and again at the beginning of
December, he tells Walewski that he entirely approves Louis
Napoleon's coup d'état, when he had written to Lord
Normanby by my and the Cabinet's desire that he (Lord
Normanby) was to continue his diplomatic intercourse with
the French Government, but to remain perfectly passive and
give no opinion. Walewski wrote Palmerston's opinion
(entirely contrary to what the Government had ordered) to
M. Turgot, and when Normanby came with his instructions,
Turgot told him what Palmerston had said. Upon this Lord
John asked Palmerston to give an explanation—which, after
the delay of a week, he answered in such an unsatisfactory
way that Lord John wrote to him that he could no longer
remain Foreign Secretary, for that perpetual
misunderstanding and breaches of decorum were taking
place which endangered the country. Lord Palmerston
answered instantly that he would give up the Seals the
moment his successor was named! Certain as we all felt that
he could not have continued long in his place, we were quite
taken by surprise when we learnt of the dénouement.... Lord
Granville will, I think, do extremely well, and his extreme
honesty and trustworthiness will make him invaluable to us,
and to the Government and to Europe.
I send some prints, etc., for the children for Christmas. Ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Page 516
MEETING OF THE CABINET
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
Lord John Russell arrived here at six o'clock yesterday
evening immediately from the Cabinet, and reported that the
Cabinet had, without a dissenting voice, condemned Lord
Palmerston's conduct, and approved of the steps taken by
Lord John Russell, which was a great relief to him. Lord
Lansdowne, to whom he had first written on the subject, had
frightened him by answering that it was not possible to
avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that he thought
the Government would after this not be able to go on. When,
however, this question was discussed in Cabinet, and Lord
John had stated that he thought the Office could be well
filled, they all agreed in the propriety of going on. The
Members of the Cabinet were so unable to understand Lord
Palmerston's motives for his conduct during these last
months, that Mr. Fox Maule started an idea which once
occurred to Lord John himself (as he said), viz. that he must
have had the design to bring on a rupture! Lord Minto, who
was absent from the Cabinet, expressed himself in a letter to
Lord John very strongly about Lord Palmerston's reckless
conduct, which would yet undo the country.
LORD CLARENDON
Lord John, after having received the concurrence of the
Cabinet on the question of Lord Palmerston's dismissal,
stated that Lord Granville was the person whom he would
like best to see fill his office, and he knew this to be the
feeling of the Queen also. The Cabinet quite agreed in Lord
Granville's fitness, but Sir George Grey stated it as his
opinion that it ought first to be offered to Lord Clarendon,
who has always been pointed out by the public as the proper
person to succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were
passed over, the whole matter would have the appearance of
a Cabinet intrigue in favour of one colleague against
another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with this opinion,
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
Lord John Russell arrived here at six o'clock yesterday
evening immediately from the Cabinet, and reported that the
Cabinet had, without a dissenting voice, condemned Lord
Palmerston's conduct, and approved of the steps taken by
Lord John Russell, which was a great relief to him. Lord
Lansdowne, to whom he had first written on the subject, had
frightened him by answering that it was not possible to
avoid the rupture with Lord Palmerston, but that he thought
the Government would after this not be able to go on. When,
however, this question was discussed in Cabinet, and Lord
John had stated that he thought the Office could be well
filled, they all agreed in the propriety of going on. The
Members of the Cabinet were so unable to understand Lord
Palmerston's motives for his conduct during these last
months, that Mr. Fox Maule started an idea which once
occurred to Lord John himself (as he said), viz. that he must
have had the design to bring on a rupture! Lord Minto, who
was absent from the Cabinet, expressed himself in a letter to
Lord John very strongly about Lord Palmerston's reckless
conduct, which would yet undo the country.
LORD CLARENDON
Lord John, after having received the concurrence of the
Cabinet on the question of Lord Palmerston's dismissal,
stated that Lord Granville was the person whom he would
like best to see fill his office, and he knew this to be the
feeling of the Queen also. The Cabinet quite agreed in Lord
Granville's fitness, but Sir George Grey stated it as his
opinion that it ought first to be offered to Lord Clarendon,
who has always been pointed out by the public as the proper
person to succeed Lord Palmerston, and that, if he were
passed over, the whole matter would have the appearance of
a Cabinet intrigue in favour of one colleague against
another. The whole of the Cabinet sided with this opinion,
Page 517
and Lord John Russell now proposed to the Queen that an
offer should in the first instance be made to Lord Clarendon.
The Queen protested against the Cabinet's taking upon itself
the appointment of its own Members, which rested entirely
with the Prime Minister and the Sovereign, under whose
approval the former constructed his Government.... Lord
John replied that he thought Lord Clarendon would not
accept the offer, and therefore there would be little danger in
satisfying the desires of the Cabinet. He had written to Lord
Clarendon a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of
some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and
speaking of his former wish to exchange the Lord-
Lieutenancy for some other Office. Lord Clarendon at once
perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote to the Duke of
Bedford what he said he did not wish to write to his brother
John, that, if it was that Palmerston was going, and he were
thought of as a successor, nothing would be so disagreeable
to him, as the whole change would be put down as an
intrigue of his, whom Lord Palmerston had always accused
of wishing to supplant him; that if, however, the service of
the country required it, he had the courage to face all
personal obloquy....
Lord John owned that Sir George Grey's chief desire was to
see Lord Clarendon removed from Ireland, having been
there so long; the Cabinet would wish to see the Duke of
Newcastle join the Government as Lord-Lieutenant, which
he might be induced to do. The Queen having mentioned
Lord Clarendon as most fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one
day as President of the Council and leader in the House of
Lords, Lord John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly
begged not to have the position offered him, for which he
did not feel fit. Lord John would like him as Ambassador at
Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would like this himself;
but it was difficult to know what to do with Lord Normanby.
In the course of the conversation, Lord John congratulated
the Queen upon the change having been accomplished
offer should in the first instance be made to Lord Clarendon.
The Queen protested against the Cabinet's taking upon itself
the appointment of its own Members, which rested entirely
with the Prime Minister and the Sovereign, under whose
approval the former constructed his Government.... Lord
John replied that he thought Lord Clarendon would not
accept the offer, and therefore there would be little danger in
satisfying the desires of the Cabinet. He had written to Lord
Clarendon a cautioning letter from Woburn, apprising him of
some serious crisis, of which he would soon hear, and
speaking of his former wish to exchange the Lord-
Lieutenancy for some other Office. Lord Clarendon at once
perceived the drift of the hint, and wrote to the Duke of
Bedford what he said he did not wish to write to his brother
John, that, if it was that Palmerston was going, and he were
thought of as a successor, nothing would be so disagreeable
to him, as the whole change would be put down as an
intrigue of his, whom Lord Palmerston had always accused
of wishing to supplant him; that if, however, the service of
the country required it, he had the courage to face all
personal obloquy....
Lord John owned that Sir George Grey's chief desire was to
see Lord Clarendon removed from Ireland, having been
there so long; the Cabinet would wish to see the Duke of
Newcastle join the Government as Lord-Lieutenant, which
he might be induced to do. The Queen having mentioned
Lord Clarendon as most fit to succeed Lord Lansdowne one
day as President of the Council and leader in the House of
Lords, Lord John said that Lord Clarendon had particularly
begged not to have the position offered him, for which he
did not feel fit. Lord John would like him as Ambassador at
Paris, and thought Lord Clarendon would like this himself;
but it was difficult to know what to do with Lord Normanby.
In the course of the conversation, Lord John congratulated
the Queen upon the change having been accomplished
Page 518
without her personal intervention, which might have
exposed her to the animosity of Lord Palmerston's admirers,
whilst she would have been precluded from making any
public defence. I reminded Lord John that, as such was the
disadvantage of the regal position, it behoved the Queen
doubly to watch, lest she be put into the same dilemma with
a new Minister, whose conduct she could not approve of.
Lord Clarendon's appointment would be doubly galling to
Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not wish to irritate
further, a consideration which Lord John said he had also
pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon a remark from Lord John as
to Lord Granville's youth, the Queen replied: "Lord
Canning, whom Lord Stanley had intended to make his
Foreign Secretary, was not older...."
The conference ended by Lord John's promise to write to
Lord Clarendon as the Queen had desired ... but that he did
not wish to make the offer to Lord Granville till he had Lord
Clarendon's answer. Lord Granville had been told not to
attend the last Cabinet; Lord Palmerston had naturally
stayed away.
I went up to Town at half-past seven to the Westminster
Play, and took Lord John in my train to Richmond. We had
some further conversation in the carriage, in which I asked
Lord John whether it was true that Lord Palmerston had got
us likewise into a quarrel with America by our ships firing at
Panama upon an American merchantman; he said neither he
nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir
Francis had been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston's
quitting, as he could not be sure a moment that his Fleets
were not brought into some scrape!
On my expressing my conviction that Lord Palmerston
could not be very formidable to the Government, Lord John
said: "I hope it will not come true what Lord Derby (then
Lord Stanley) said after the last Ministerial crisis, when
Lord John quizzed him at not having been able to get a
exposed her to the animosity of Lord Palmerston's admirers,
whilst she would have been precluded from making any
public defence. I reminded Lord John that, as such was the
disadvantage of the regal position, it behoved the Queen
doubly to watch, lest she be put into the same dilemma with
a new Minister, whose conduct she could not approve of.
Lord Clarendon's appointment would be doubly galling to
Lord Palmerston, whom Lord John might not wish to irritate
further, a consideration which Lord John said he had also
pressed upon the Cabinet. Upon a remark from Lord John as
to Lord Granville's youth, the Queen replied: "Lord
Canning, whom Lord Stanley had intended to make his
Foreign Secretary, was not older...."
The conference ended by Lord John's promise to write to
Lord Clarendon as the Queen had desired ... but that he did
not wish to make the offer to Lord Granville till he had Lord
Clarendon's answer. Lord Granville had been told not to
attend the last Cabinet; Lord Palmerston had naturally
stayed away.
I went up to Town at half-past seven to the Westminster
Play, and took Lord John in my train to Richmond. We had
some further conversation in the carriage, in which I asked
Lord John whether it was true that Lord Palmerston had got
us likewise into a quarrel with America by our ships firing at
Panama upon an American merchantman; he said neither he
nor Sir Francis Baring had received any news, but Sir
Francis had been quite relieved by Lord Palmerston's
quitting, as he could not be sure a moment that his Fleets
were not brought into some scrape!
On my expressing my conviction that Lord Palmerston
could not be very formidable to the Government, Lord John
said: "I hope it will not come true what Lord Derby (then
Lord Stanley) said after the last Ministerial crisis, when
Lord John quizzed him at not having been able to get a
Page 519
Foreign Secretary—'Next time I shall have Lord
Palmerston.'!"
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
COUNT WALEWSKI
Downing Street, 23rd December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has just seen Count Walewski; he told him that he had an
important piece of intelligence to give him; that your
Majesty had been pleased to make a change in the Foreign
Office, and to direct Lord Palmerston to give up the Seals.
He wished to give this intelligence that he might accompany
it with an intimation that the policy towards France would
continue to be of the most friendly character, and that there
was nothing the Government more desired than to see a
stable and settled Government in France; that they had every
wish for the stability of the present French Government.
Count Walewski said he had received various assurances of
opinion from Lord Palmerston, which he supposed were
adopted by Lord John Russell, and subsisted in force.
Lord John Russell said: "Not exactly; it is a principle of the
English Government not to interfere in any way with the
internal affairs of other countries; whether France chooses to
be a Republic or a Monarchy, provided it be not a Social
Republic, we wish to express no opinion; we are what we
call in England a sheet of white paper in this respect; all we
desire is the happiness and welfare of France." Count
Walewski said it was of importance to the stability of the
President that he should have a large majority; he would
then give a Constitution.
Palmerston.'!"
Albert.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
COUNT WALEWSKI
Downing Street, 23rd December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has just seen Count Walewski; he told him that he had an
important piece of intelligence to give him; that your
Majesty had been pleased to make a change in the Foreign
Office, and to direct Lord Palmerston to give up the Seals.
He wished to give this intelligence that he might accompany
it with an intimation that the policy towards France would
continue to be of the most friendly character, and that there
was nothing the Government more desired than to see a
stable and settled Government in France; that they had every
wish for the stability of the present French Government.
Count Walewski said he had received various assurances of
opinion from Lord Palmerston, which he supposed were
adopted by Lord John Russell, and subsisted in force.
Lord John Russell said: "Not exactly; it is a principle of the
English Government not to interfere in any way with the
internal affairs of other countries; whether France chooses to
be a Republic or a Monarchy, provided it be not a Social
Republic, we wish to express no opinion; we are what we
call in England a sheet of white paper in this respect; all we
desire is the happiness and welfare of France." Count
Walewski said it was of importance to the stability of the
President that he should have a large majority; he would
then give a Constitution.
Page 520
Lord John Russell said each nation must suit itself in this
respect; we have perhaps been in error in thinking our
Constitution could be generally adopted; some nations it
may suit, others may find it unfitted for them.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD GRANVILLE APPOINTED
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letters, and
is much rejoiced that this important affair has been finally so
satisfactorily settled.
The Queen returns Lord Clarendon's letter, which she thinks
a very good one.39 The Queen hopes Count Walewski will
have been satisfied, which she thinks he ought to be. The
Queen will receive Lord Palmerston to deliver up the Seals,
and Lord Granville to receive them, on Friday at half-past
two.
Footnote 39: Lord Clarendon, in answer to Lord John Russell,
expressed great reluctance to undertake the charge of the Foreign
Office, on the ground that Palmerston, always suspicions of him,
would insist that he had deliberately undermined his position: while
Lord Granville would be popular with the Court and country.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 24th December 1851.
Lord John Russell submits a private note of Lord
Palmerston,40 which only shows how unconscious he was of
all that the rest of the world perceived.
respect; we have perhaps been in error in thinking our
Constitution could be generally adopted; some nations it
may suit, others may find it unfitted for them.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD GRANVILLE APPOINTED
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letters, and
is much rejoiced that this important affair has been finally so
satisfactorily settled.
The Queen returns Lord Clarendon's letter, which she thinks
a very good one.39 The Queen hopes Count Walewski will
have been satisfied, which she thinks he ought to be. The
Queen will receive Lord Palmerston to deliver up the Seals,
and Lord Granville to receive them, on Friday at half-past
two.
Footnote 39: Lord Clarendon, in answer to Lord John Russell,
expressed great reluctance to undertake the charge of the Foreign
Office, on the ground that Palmerston, always suspicions of him,
would insist that he had deliberately undermined his position: while
Lord Granville would be popular with the Court and country.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Downing Street, 24th December 1851.
Lord John Russell submits a private note of Lord
Palmerston,40 which only shows how unconscious he was of
all that the rest of the world perceived.
Page 521
Footnote 40: In this letter, Lord Palmerston denied the "charge of
violations of prudence and decorum," adding, "I have to observe that
that charge is refuted by the offer which you made of the Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland, because I apprehend that to be an office for the
due performance of the duties of which prudence and decorum cannot
well be dispensed with."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1861.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters, and she
returns the enclosures.
The articles in the Times are very good; the other papers
seem quite puzzled, and unable to comprehend what has
caused Lord Palmerston's removal from office. Lord
Palmerston's letter is very characteristic; he certainly has the
best of the argument, and great care ought to be taken in
bestowing any praise on him, as he always takes advantage
of it to turn against those who meant it merely to soothe him.
The Queen thought that there must be a Council for the
swearing in of the new Secretary of State.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD GRANVILLE
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1851.
Yesterday the Council was held, at which the change of
Seals was to take place. We waited for one hour and a half,
but Lord Palmerston did not appear; his Seals had been sent
from the Foreign Office to Lord John Russell!
Lord John told us he had written to Lord Palmerston,
announcing him the appointment of Lord Granville, and
violations of prudence and decorum," adding, "I have to observe that
that charge is refuted by the offer which you made of the Lord-
Lieutenancy of Ireland, because I apprehend that to be an office for the
due performance of the duties of which prudence and decorum cannot
well be dispensed with."
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1861.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters, and she
returns the enclosures.
The articles in the Times are very good; the other papers
seem quite puzzled, and unable to comprehend what has
caused Lord Palmerston's removal from office. Lord
Palmerston's letter is very characteristic; he certainly has the
best of the argument, and great care ought to be taken in
bestowing any praise on him, as he always takes advantage
of it to turn against those who meant it merely to soothe him.
The Queen thought that there must be a Council for the
swearing in of the new Secretary of State.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD GRANVILLE
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1851.
Yesterday the Council was held, at which the change of
Seals was to take place. We waited for one hour and a half,
but Lord Palmerston did not appear; his Seals had been sent
from the Foreign Office to Lord John Russell!
Lord John told us he had written to Lord Palmerston,
announcing him the appointment of Lord Granville, and
Page 522
added that in his long political life he had not passed a week
which had been so painful to him. Lord Palmerston's answer
was couched in these terms: "Of course you will believe that
I feel that just indignation at the whole proceeding which it
must produce."
Lord Lansdowne seemed anxious particularly on account of
the clear symptoms appearing from the papers that both
Radicals and Protectionists are bidding for Lord Palmerston.
Lord Granville was very much overcome when he had his
audience to thank for his appointment, but seemed full of
courage and good-will. He said it would be as easy to him to
avoid Lord Palmerston's faults as difficult to imitate his
good qualities, promised to endeavour to establish a more
decent usage between the Governments in their mutual
communications, by setting the good example himself, and
insisting upon the same on the part of the others; promised
not to have anything to do with the newspapers; to give
evening parties, just as Lord Palmerston had done, to which
a good deal of his influence was to be attributed. He said a
Member of Parliament just returned from the Continent had
told him that an Englishman could hardly show himself
without becoming aware of the hatred they were held in; the
only chance one had to avoid being insulted was to say Civis
Romanus non sum.
Lord Granville had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs
under Lord Palmerston for three years from 1837-40, but, as
he expressed himself, rather the sandwich between his
principal and the clerks. Lord Palmerston had in these three
years hardly once spoken to him upon any of the subjects he
had to treat.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
which had been so painful to him. Lord Palmerston's answer
was couched in these terms: "Of course you will believe that
I feel that just indignation at the whole proceeding which it
must produce."
Lord Lansdowne seemed anxious particularly on account of
the clear symptoms appearing from the papers that both
Radicals and Protectionists are bidding for Lord Palmerston.
Lord Granville was very much overcome when he had his
audience to thank for his appointment, but seemed full of
courage and good-will. He said it would be as easy to him to
avoid Lord Palmerston's faults as difficult to imitate his
good qualities, promised to endeavour to establish a more
decent usage between the Governments in their mutual
communications, by setting the good example himself, and
insisting upon the same on the part of the others; promised
not to have anything to do with the newspapers; to give
evening parties, just as Lord Palmerston had done, to which
a good deal of his influence was to be attributed. He said a
Member of Parliament just returned from the Continent had
told him that an Englishman could hardly show himself
without becoming aware of the hatred they were held in; the
only chance one had to avoid being insulted was to say Civis
Romanus non sum.
Lord Granville had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs
under Lord Palmerston for three years from 1837-40, but, as
he expressed himself, rather the sandwich between his
principal and the clerks. Lord Palmerston had in these three
years hardly once spoken to him upon any of the subjects he
had to treat.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 523
PALMERSTON'S ABSENCE EXPLAINED
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1851.
The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell yesterday of
his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which he
promised to let her have.
The Queen concludes from what Lord John said yesterday
that he intended sounding the Duke of Newcastle relative to
the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.
Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord Palmerston's
absence yesterday? If it was not accidental, she must say she
thinks it most disrespectful conduct towards his Sovereign.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 27th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which explains his
not going to Windsor. It appears to have arisen from a
mistake in the message sent through Lord Stanley, and not
from any want of respect to your Majesty.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 27th December 1851.
My dear John Russell,—I am distressed beyond measure
by the note from you which I have this moment received on
my arrival here from Hampshire. I understood from Stanley
that you had desired him to tell me that if it was
inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, I might send the
Seals to you at Windsor, and that my presence would be
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1851.
The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell yesterday of
his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which he
promised to let her have.
The Queen concludes from what Lord John said yesterday
that he intended sounding the Duke of Newcastle relative to
the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.
Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord Palmerston's
absence yesterday? If it was not accidental, she must say she
thinks it most disrespectful conduct towards his Sovereign.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 27th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which explains his
not going to Windsor. It appears to have arisen from a
mistake in the message sent through Lord Stanley, and not
from any want of respect to your Majesty.
Viscount Palmerston to Lord John Russell.
Carlton Gardens, 27th December 1851.
My dear John Russell,—I am distressed beyond measure
by the note from you which I have this moment received on
my arrival here from Hampshire. I understood from Stanley
that you had desired him to tell me that if it was
inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, I might send the
Seals to you at Windsor, and that my presence would be
Page 524
dispensed with.41 Thereupon I sent the Seals up by an early
train yesterday morning to Stanley, that he might send them
down to you as suggested by you, and I desired that they
might be taken by a messenger by the special train.
I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have the
goodness to explain this matter to the Queen, and I beg you
to assure Her Majesty how deeply grieved I am that what
appears to have been a mistake on my part should have led
me to be apparently wanting in due respect to Her Majesty,
than which nothing could possibly be further from my
intention or thoughts. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 41: There is a fuller account given of Lord Palmerston's
version of the whole affair in a letter to his brother, printed in Ashley's
Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 315.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN ON FOREIGN POLICY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1851.
The Queen thinks the moment of the change in the person of
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to afford a fit
opportunity to have the principles upon which our Foreign
Affairs have been conducted since the beginning of 1848
reconsidered by Lord John Russell and his Cabinet.
The Queen was fully aware that the storm raging at the time
on the Continent rendered it impossible for any statesman to
foresee with clearness and precision what development and
direction its elements would take, and she consequently
quite agreed that the line of policy to be followed, as the
train yesterday morning to Stanley, that he might send them
down to you as suggested by you, and I desired that they
might be taken by a messenger by the special train.
I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have the
goodness to explain this matter to the Queen, and I beg you
to assure Her Majesty how deeply grieved I am that what
appears to have been a mistake on my part should have led
me to be apparently wanting in due respect to Her Majesty,
than which nothing could possibly be further from my
intention or thoughts. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 41: There is a fuller account given of Lord Palmerston's
version of the whole affair in a letter to his brother, printed in Ashley's
Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 315.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE QUEEN ON FOREIGN POLICY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1851.
The Queen thinks the moment of the change in the person of
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to afford a fit
opportunity to have the principles upon which our Foreign
Affairs have been conducted since the beginning of 1848
reconsidered by Lord John Russell and his Cabinet.
The Queen was fully aware that the storm raging at the time
on the Continent rendered it impossible for any statesman to
foresee with clearness and precision what development and
direction its elements would take, and she consequently
quite agreed that the line of policy to be followed, as the
Page 525
most conducive to the interests of England, could then only
be generally conceived and vaguely expressed.
But although the Queen is still convinced that the general
principles laid down by Lord John at that time for the
conduct of our Foreign Policy were in themselves right, she
has in the progress of the last three years become painfully
convinced that the manner in which they have been
practically applied has worked out very different results
from those which the correctness of the principles
themselves had led her to expect. For when the
revolutionary movements on the Continent had laid prostrate
almost all its Governments, and England alone displayed
that order, vigour, and prosperity which it owes to a stable,
free, and good Government, the Queen, instead of earning
the natural good results of such a glorious position, viz.
consideration, goodwill, confidence, and influence abroad,
obtained the very reverse, and had the grief to see her
Government and herself treated on many occasions with
neglect, aversion, distrust, and even contumely.
Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called in question,
it has been said by Lord John and his colleagues that the
principles on which it was conducted were the right ones,
and having been approved of by them, received their
support, and that it was only the personal manner of Lord
Palmerston in conducting the affairs which could be blamed
in tracing the causes which led to the disastrous results the
Queen complains of.
The Queen is certainly not disposed to defend the personal
manner in which Lord Palmerston has conducted Foreign
Affairs, but she cannot admit that the errors he committed
were merely faults in form and method, that they were no
more than acts of "inconsideration, indiscretion, or bad
taste." The Queen considers that she has also to complain of
what appeared to her deviations from the principles laid
down by the Cabinet for his conduct, nay, she sees distinctly
in their practical application a personal and arbitrary
be generally conceived and vaguely expressed.
But although the Queen is still convinced that the general
principles laid down by Lord John at that time for the
conduct of our Foreign Policy were in themselves right, she
has in the progress of the last three years become painfully
convinced that the manner in which they have been
practically applied has worked out very different results
from those which the correctness of the principles
themselves had led her to expect. For when the
revolutionary movements on the Continent had laid prostrate
almost all its Governments, and England alone displayed
that order, vigour, and prosperity which it owes to a stable,
free, and good Government, the Queen, instead of earning
the natural good results of such a glorious position, viz.
consideration, goodwill, confidence, and influence abroad,
obtained the very reverse, and had the grief to see her
Government and herself treated on many occasions with
neglect, aversion, distrust, and even contumely.
Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called in question,
it has been said by Lord John and his colleagues that the
principles on which it was conducted were the right ones,
and having been approved of by them, received their
support, and that it was only the personal manner of Lord
Palmerston in conducting the affairs which could be blamed
in tracing the causes which led to the disastrous results the
Queen complains of.
The Queen is certainly not disposed to defend the personal
manner in which Lord Palmerston has conducted Foreign
Affairs, but she cannot admit that the errors he committed
were merely faults in form and method, that they were no
more than acts of "inconsideration, indiscretion, or bad
taste." The Queen considers that she has also to complain of
what appeared to her deviations from the principles laid
down by the Cabinet for his conduct, nay, she sees distinctly
in their practical application a personal and arbitrary
Page 526
perversion of the very nature and essence of those
principles. She has only to refer here to Italy, Spain, Greece,
Holstein, France, etc., etc., which afford ample illustrations
of this charge.
It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have attempted such
substantial deviations; it will be another for the Cabinet to
consider whether they had not the power to check him in
these attempts.
The Queen, however, considering times to have now
changed, thinks that there is no reason why we should any
longer confine ourselves to the mere assertion of abstract
principles, such as "non-intervention in the internal affairs of
other countries," "moral support to liberal institutions,"
"protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving powers
which were put in operation by the French Revolution of
1848, and the events consequent on it, are no longer so
obscure; they have assumed distinct and tangible forms in
almost all the countries affected by them (in France, in Italy,
Germany, etc.), and upon the state of things now existing,
and the experience gained, the Queen would hope that our
Foreign Policy may be more specifically defined, and that it
may be considered how the general principles are to be
practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each
Continental State.
The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme
embracing these different relations should be submitted to
her, and would suggest whether it would not be the best
mode if Lord John were to ask Lord Granville to prepare
such a paper and to lay it before her after having revised it.
This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville,
and enable the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the
Policy, as in future to be conducted, will be in conformity
with the principles laid down and approved.
principles. She has only to refer here to Italy, Spain, Greece,
Holstein, France, etc., etc., which afford ample illustrations
of this charge.
It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have attempted such
substantial deviations; it will be another for the Cabinet to
consider whether they had not the power to check him in
these attempts.
The Queen, however, considering times to have now
changed, thinks that there is no reason why we should any
longer confine ourselves to the mere assertion of abstract
principles, such as "non-intervention in the internal affairs of
other countries," "moral support to liberal institutions,"
"protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving powers
which were put in operation by the French Revolution of
1848, and the events consequent on it, are no longer so
obscure; they have assumed distinct and tangible forms in
almost all the countries affected by them (in France, in Italy,
Germany, etc.), and upon the state of things now existing,
and the experience gained, the Queen would hope that our
Foreign Policy may be more specifically defined, and that it
may be considered how the general principles are to be
practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each
Continental State.
The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme
embracing these different relations should be submitted to
her, and would suggest whether it would not be the best
mode if Lord John were to ask Lord Granville to prepare
such a paper and to lay it before her after having revised it.
This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville,
and enable the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the
Policy, as in future to be conducted, will be in conformity
with the principles laid down and approved.
Page 527
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Pembroke Lodge, 29th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has received your Majesty's communication of yesterday,
and will transmit it to Lord Granville.
It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of
this country is not to bind the Crown and country by
engagements, unless upon special cause shown, arising out
of the circumstances of the day.
For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between
England, France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the
general principle of non-intervention; so was the
interference in Portugal in 1847, but were both justified by
circumstances.
Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from
which deviations may not frequently be made.
The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they
should do unto us is more applicable than any system of
political science. The honour of England does not consist in
defending every English officer or English subject, right or
wrong, but in taking care that she does not infringe the rules
of justice, and that they are not infringed against her.42
Footnote 42: A summary of Lord Granville's Memorandum in reply
(which was couched in very general terms) will be found in Lord
Fitzmaurice's Life of Earl Granville, vol. ii. p. 49.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Pembroke Lodge, 29th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has received your Majesty's communication of yesterday,
and will transmit it to Lord Granville.
It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of
this country is not to bind the Crown and country by
engagements, unless upon special cause shown, arising out
of the circumstances of the day.
For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between
England, France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the
general principle of non-intervention; so was the
interference in Portugal in 1847, but were both justified by
circumstances.
Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from
which deviations may not frequently be made.
The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they
should do unto us is more applicable than any system of
political science. The honour of England does not consist in
defending every English officer or English subject, right or
wrong, but in taking care that she does not infringe the rules
of justice, and that they are not infringed against her.42
Footnote 42: A summary of Lord Granville's Memorandum in reply
(which was couched in very general terms) will be found in Lord
Fitzmaurice's Life of Earl Granville, vol. ii. p. 49.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Page 528
Windsor Castle, 30th December 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Most warmly do I thank you for your
kind and affectionate and interesting letter of the 26th, which
I received on Sunday. All that you say about Lord
Palmerston is but too true.... He brouilléd us and the country
with every one; and his very first act precipitated the
unfortunate Spanish marriages which was le commencement
de la fin. It is too grievous to think how much misery and
mischief might have been avoided. However, now he has
done with the Foreign Office for ever, and "the veteran
statesman," as the newspapers, to our great amusement and I
am sure to his infinite annoyance, call him, must rest upon
his laurels.... I fear much lest they should be imprudent at
Claremont; the poor Queen hinted to Mamma that she hoped
you would not become a friend to the President; no doubt
you can have no sympathies for him, but just because you
are related to the poor Orleanses, you feel that you must be
doubly cautious to do nothing which could provoke the
enmity of Louis Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinville had
some mad idea of going to France, which, fortunately, his
illness prevented. It would have been the height of folly.
Their only safe policy is to remain entirely passive et de se
faire oublier, which was Nemours' expression to me two
years ago; nothing could be wiser or more prudent than he
was then—but I don't think they were wise since. La
Candidature of Joinville was in every way unwise, and led
Louis Napoleon to take so desperate a course. Nemours told
me also last year that they were not at all against a fusion,
but that they could not disposer de la France, unless called
upon to do so by the nation. I wish you would caution them
to be very circumspect and silent—for all the mistakes made
by others is in their favour; in fact, no good for them could
come till Paris is old enough to be his own master—unless
indeed they all returned under Henri V., but a Regency for
Paris would be an impossibility....
My dearest Uncle,—Most warmly do I thank you for your
kind and affectionate and interesting letter of the 26th, which
I received on Sunday. All that you say about Lord
Palmerston is but too true.... He brouilléd us and the country
with every one; and his very first act precipitated the
unfortunate Spanish marriages which was le commencement
de la fin. It is too grievous to think how much misery and
mischief might have been avoided. However, now he has
done with the Foreign Office for ever, and "the veteran
statesman," as the newspapers, to our great amusement and I
am sure to his infinite annoyance, call him, must rest upon
his laurels.... I fear much lest they should be imprudent at
Claremont; the poor Queen hinted to Mamma that she hoped
you would not become a friend to the President; no doubt
you can have no sympathies for him, but just because you
are related to the poor Orleanses, you feel that you must be
doubly cautious to do nothing which could provoke the
enmity of Louis Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinville had
some mad idea of going to France, which, fortunately, his
illness prevented. It would have been the height of folly.
Their only safe policy is to remain entirely passive et de se
faire oublier, which was Nemours' expression to me two
years ago; nothing could be wiser or more prudent than he
was then—but I don't think they were wise since. La
Candidature of Joinville was in every way unwise, and led
Louis Napoleon to take so desperate a course. Nemours told
me also last year that they were not at all against a fusion,
but that they could not disposer de la France, unless called
upon to do so by the nation. I wish you would caution them
to be very circumspect and silent—for all the mistakes made
by others is in their favour; in fact, no good for them could
come till Paris is old enough to be his own master—unless
indeed they all returned under Henri V., but a Regency for
Paris would be an impossibility....
Page 529
We spent a very happy Christmas, and now wish you a very
happy New Year—for many succeeding years. Also to the
children, who I hope were pleased with the prints, etc.
We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, a pretty,
clever boy of nineteen, with a good deal of knowledge, and a
great wish to learn and hear, which is a rare thing for the
young Princes, of our day in particular. I must stop now, as I
fear I have already let my pen run on for too long, and must
beg to be excused for this voluminous letter.
With Albert's love ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE
Windsor Castle, 30th December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters of
yesterday. She quite agrees with him and his colleagues in
thinking it of importance to strengthen the Government, and
she is pleased with his proposal to communicate with the
Duke of Newcastle as to what assistance he and his friends
can give to the Government.
The Queen expects better results from such a negotiation,
with an ostensible head of a Party, than from attempts to
detach single individuals from it, which from a sense of
honour they always felt scruples in agreeing to.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE TE DEUM IN PARIS
happy New Year—for many succeeding years. Also to the
children, who I hope were pleased with the prints, etc.
We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, a pretty,
clever boy of nineteen, with a good deal of knowledge, and a
great wish to learn and hear, which is a rare thing for the
young Princes, of our day in particular. I must stop now, as I
fear I have already let my pen run on for too long, and must
beg to be excused for this voluminous letter.
With Albert's love ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE
Windsor Castle, 30th December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters of
yesterday. She quite agrees with him and his colleagues in
thinking it of importance to strengthen the Government, and
she is pleased with his proposal to communicate with the
Duke of Newcastle as to what assistance he and his friends
can give to the Government.
The Queen expects better results from such a negotiation,
with an ostensible head of a Party, than from attempts to
detach single individuals from it, which from a sense of
honour they always felt scruples in agreeing to.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE TE DEUM IN PARIS
Page 530
Windsor Castle, 31st December 1851.
The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be a Te Deum at
Paris on the 2nd for the success of the coup d'état, and that
the Corps Diplomatique is to be present. She hopes that Lord
Normanby will be told not to attend. Besides the impropriety
of his taking part in such a ceremony, his doing so would
entirely destroy the position of Lord John Russell opposite
Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that he merely
expressed his personal approval of the coup d'état before,
but since, the Queen's Ambassador had been ordered
publicly to thank God for its success.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXI
Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit by the
removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coalition with the
Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham; the overtures failed, and
soon, after the meeting of Parliament, the ex-Foreign Secretary, whose
version of the cause of his dismissal failed to satisfy the House of
Commons, succeeded in defeating the Government on their Militia Bill,
affairs in France having caused anxiety as to the national defences. The
Government Bill was for the creation of a local Militia, Lord Palmerston
preferring the consolidation of the regular Militia. A Ministry was formed
by Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley) from the Protectionist Party, but no
definite statement could be elicited as to their intention, or the reverse, to
re-impose a duty on foreign corn. Mr Disraeli, who became Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and was the mainspring of the Government policy, showed
great dexterity in his management of the House of Commons without a
majority, and carried a Militia Bill in the teeth of Lord John Russell; but a
The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be a Te Deum at
Paris on the 2nd for the success of the coup d'état, and that
the Corps Diplomatique is to be present. She hopes that Lord
Normanby will be told not to attend. Besides the impropriety
of his taking part in such a ceremony, his doing so would
entirely destroy the position of Lord John Russell opposite
Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that he merely
expressed his personal approval of the coup d'état before,
but since, the Queen's Ambassador had been ordered
publicly to thank God for its success.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXI
Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit by the
removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coalition with the
Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham; the overtures failed, and
soon, after the meeting of Parliament, the ex-Foreign Secretary, whose
version of the cause of his dismissal failed to satisfy the House of
Commons, succeeded in defeating the Government on their Militia Bill,
affairs in France having caused anxiety as to the national defences. The
Government Bill was for the creation of a local Militia, Lord Palmerston
preferring the consolidation of the regular Militia. A Ministry was formed
by Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley) from the Protectionist Party, but no
definite statement could be elicited as to their intention, or the reverse, to
re-impose a duty on foreign corn. Mr Disraeli, who became Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and was the mainspring of the Government policy, showed
great dexterity in his management of the House of Commons without a
majority, and carried a Militia Bill in the teeth of Lord John Russell; but a
Page 531
plan of partial redistribution failed. The elections held in the summer did
not materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting of
Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely faced.
After much wrangling, Protection was finally abandoned, and the
Government saved for the moment, but on their House-tax proposals they
were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by a coalition of Whigs,
Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen
(and finally the latter alone) were called upon to construct a strong
representative Government. The Duke of Wellington had died in September,
and his funeral was the signal for an outburst of national feeling. During the
year the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir Charles Barry, though not
absolutely completed, were formally opened by the Queen; the new House
of Lords had already been in use.
In France, the first result of the coup d'état was Louis Bonaparte's election
as President for ten years by an immense majority; late in the year he
assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon III., and the Empire was formally
recognised by the majority of the Powers; the Emperor designed to add to
his prestige by contracting a matrimonial alliance with Princess Adelaide of
Hohenlohe. In the East of Europe a dispute had commenced between
France and Russia about the Holy Places in Palestine. Simultaneously with
the death of the Duke of Wellington, the era of European peace was
destined to come to an end, and Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to
power of Aberdeen (whom he had met in 1844, and with whom he had
frankly discussed European politics), was hoping for the consummation of
his scheme for the partition of Turkey.
To Great Britain the year was a memorable one, in consequence of the
granting of a Constitution to New Zealand.
not materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting of
Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely faced.
After much wrangling, Protection was finally abandoned, and the
Government saved for the moment, but on their House-tax proposals they
were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by a coalition of Whigs,
Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen
(and finally the latter alone) were called upon to construct a strong
representative Government. The Duke of Wellington had died in September,
and his funeral was the signal for an outburst of national feeling. During the
year the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir Charles Barry, though not
absolutely completed, were formally opened by the Queen; the new House
of Lords had already been in use.
In France, the first result of the coup d'état was Louis Bonaparte's election
as President for ten years by an immense majority; late in the year he
assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon III., and the Empire was formally
recognised by the majority of the Powers; the Emperor designed to add to
his prestige by contracting a matrimonial alliance with Princess Adelaide of
Hohenlohe. In the East of Europe a dispute had commenced between
France and Russia about the Holy Places in Palestine. Simultaneously with
the death of the Duke of Wellington, the era of European peace was
destined to come to an end, and Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to
power of Aberdeen (whom he had met in 1844, and with whom he had
frankly discussed European politics), was hoping for the consummation of
his scheme for the partition of Turkey.
To Great Britain the year was a memorable one, in consequence of the
granting of a Constitution to New Zealand.
Page 532
CHAPTER XXI
1852
Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.
ENGLAND AND DENMARK
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—I received the letter which your Majesty
addressed to me on the 24th of August last, and in which,
after referring to the necessity for establishing some definite
arrangement with regard to the eventual succession to the
Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me
that, in your opinion, such an arrangement might
advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin,
His Highness the Prince Christian of Glücksburg,1 and the
issue of his marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in
favour of whom the nearer claimants have renounced their
rights and titles.
I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere
friendship which I entertain for you, and of the deep interest
which I feel in the welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in
accordance with those sentiments that I accepted the office
of mediator between your Majesty and the States of the
German Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest
1852
Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.
ENGLAND AND DENMARK
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—I received the letter which your Majesty
addressed to me on the 24th of August last, and in which,
after referring to the necessity for establishing some definite
arrangement with regard to the eventual succession to the
Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me
that, in your opinion, such an arrangement might
advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin,
His Highness the Prince Christian of Glücksburg,1 and the
issue of his marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in
favour of whom the nearer claimants have renounced their
rights and titles.
I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere
friendship which I entertain for you, and of the deep interest
which I feel in the welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in
accordance with those sentiments that I accepted the office
of mediator between your Majesty and the States of the
German Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest
Page 533
pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing
the relations of peace between your Majesty and those
States.
With regard to the question of the eventual succession to
both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your
Majesty that although I declined to take any part in the
settlement of that combination, it will be a source of great
satisfaction to me to learn that an arrangement has been
definitely determined upon equally satisfactory to your
Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever
it shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement
has been arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with
what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850,
to consider, in concert with my Allies, the expediency of
giving the sanction of an European acknowledgment to the
arrangement which may thus have been made.
I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to
renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable
attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my
Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-
Glücksburg was named successor to Frederick VII., King of Denmark
by a Treaty signed in London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the
Danish law of succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the
throne under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November,
1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the present
King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra of England;
King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having predeceased him in
1898.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 15th January 1852.
the relations of peace between your Majesty and those
States.
With regard to the question of the eventual succession to
both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your
Majesty that although I declined to take any part in the
settlement of that combination, it will be a source of great
satisfaction to me to learn that an arrangement has been
definitely determined upon equally satisfactory to your
Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever
it shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement
has been arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with
what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850,
to consider, in concert with my Allies, the expediency of
giving the sanction of an European acknowledgment to the
arrangement which may thus have been made.
I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to
renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable
attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my
Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-
Glücksburg was named successor to Frederick VII., King of Denmark
by a Treaty signed in London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the
Danish law of succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the
throne under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November,
1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the present
King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra of England;
King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having predeceased him in
1898.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 15th January 1852.
Page 534
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night,
and wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through
the Prince, Sir Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.2
The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what
their object is before the proposed negotiation with Sir
James Graham be opened.
Is it to strengthen their case in Parliament by proving that no
means have been left untried to strengthen the Government?
or really to effect a junction with the Peelites?
If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of
the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as
Sir James Graham is, he will immediately see that the
negotiation has been begun without a desire that it should
succeed, and this will soon become generally known.
If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds
of junctions—one, a fusion of Parties; the other, the
absorption of one Party by the other. For a fusion, the Queen
thinks the Peelites to be quite ready; then, however, they
must be treated as a political Party, and no exclusion should
be pronounced against particular members of it, nor should
it be insisted upon that the new Government and Party is still
emphatically the Whig party.
An absorption of the most liberal talents amongst the
Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen considers
unlikely to succeed, and she can fully understand that
reasons of honour and public and private engagement must
make it difficult to members of a political Party to go over to
another in order to receive office.
Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full
permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham.
Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to secure the
co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced the wish of the
Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.
and wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through
the Prince, Sir Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.2
The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what
their object is before the proposed negotiation with Sir
James Graham be opened.
Is it to strengthen their case in Parliament by proving that no
means have been left untried to strengthen the Government?
or really to effect a junction with the Peelites?
If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of
the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as
Sir James Graham is, he will immediately see that the
negotiation has been begun without a desire that it should
succeed, and this will soon become generally known.
If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds
of junctions—one, a fusion of Parties; the other, the
absorption of one Party by the other. For a fusion, the Queen
thinks the Peelites to be quite ready; then, however, they
must be treated as a political Party, and no exclusion should
be pronounced against particular members of it, nor should
it be insisted upon that the new Government and Party is still
emphatically the Whig party.
An absorption of the most liberal talents amongst the
Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen considers
unlikely to succeed, and she can fully understand that
reasons of honour and public and private engagement must
make it difficult to members of a political Party to go over to
another in order to receive office.
Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full
permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham.
Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to secure the
co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced the wish of the
Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.
Page 535
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 20th January 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 16th I received
on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best
thanks. The papers which Stockmar communicated to us are
most interesting, and do the writer the greatest credit.
Watchful we certainly shall and must be. We shall try and
keep on the best of terms with the President, who is
extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must
say, I have never had any personal hostility; on the contrary,
I thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good
deal, as he certainly raised the French Government de la
boue. But I grieve over the tyranny and oppression practised
since the coup d'état, and it makes everything very
uncertain, for though I believe it in every way his wish and
his policy not to go to war, still, il peut y être entraîné.
Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again
repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly,
I would never show it.
The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday
evening with their dear nice boys, and I think it always does
them good. They feel again as if they were in their own
position, and they are diverted from the melancholy reality
and the great sameness of their existence at Claremont. I
found him very quiet and really not bitter, and disposed to be
very prudent,—but seriously alarmed at the possibility of
losing their property, which would be too dreadful and
monstrous. I fear that the candidature and poor Hélène's
imprudence in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution.
The poor Orleans have really (and you should write them
that) no truer and more faithful friends than we are—and it
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 20th January 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 16th I received
on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best
thanks. The papers which Stockmar communicated to us are
most interesting, and do the writer the greatest credit.
Watchful we certainly shall and must be. We shall try and
keep on the best of terms with the President, who is
extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must
say, I have never had any personal hostility; on the contrary,
I thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good
deal, as he certainly raised the French Government de la
boue. But I grieve over the tyranny and oppression practised
since the coup d'état, and it makes everything very
uncertain, for though I believe it in every way his wish and
his policy not to go to war, still, il peut y être entraîné.
Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again
repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly,
I would never show it.
The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday
evening with their dear nice boys, and I think it always does
them good. They feel again as if they were in their own
position, and they are diverted from the melancholy reality
and the great sameness of their existence at Claremont. I
found him very quiet and really not bitter, and disposed to be
very prudent,—but seriously alarmed at the possibility of
losing their property, which would be too dreadful and
monstrous. I fear that the candidature and poor Hélène's
imprudence in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution.
The poor Orleans have really (and you should write them
that) no truer and more faithful friends than we are—and it
Page 536
is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to be entirely
passive; for their day will come, I feel convinced!
Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 27th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday with the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day
enclosing a Memorandum on the probable effects of the
proposed Measure.3 She has perused these papers with great
attention, but feels that any opinion upon the future results
of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that
confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and
judgment in these matters, and so strong a conviction that he
will have spared no pains in forming as correct an opinion as
may be formed on so problematical a matter, that she is
prepared to come to the decision of approving the Measure
on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes that
the future may bear it out, and that the character of the
House of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove
the case, the extension of the privilege of voting for
Members will strengthen our Institutions. The Queen is glad
that the clause abolishing the necessity for every Member of
the Government to vacate his seat upon his appointment4
should have been maintained. She hopes that the schedules
showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs
will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and
will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if
the plan once proposed of giving to the Queen's University
in Ireland the vacant seat for Sudbury were still carried out,
as she feels sure that not only would it be a great thing for
passive; for their day will come, I feel convinced!
Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 27th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday with the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day
enclosing a Memorandum on the probable effects of the
proposed Measure.3 She has perused these papers with great
attention, but feels that any opinion upon the future results
of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that
confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and
judgment in these matters, and so strong a conviction that he
will have spared no pains in forming as correct an opinion as
may be formed on so problematical a matter, that she is
prepared to come to the decision of approving the Measure
on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes that
the future may bear it out, and that the character of the
House of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove
the case, the extension of the privilege of voting for
Members will strengthen our Institutions. The Queen is glad
that the clause abolishing the necessity for every Member of
the Government to vacate his seat upon his appointment4
should have been maintained. She hopes that the schedules
showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs
will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and
will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if
the plan once proposed of giving to the Queen's University
in Ireland the vacant seat for Sudbury were still carried out,
as she feels sure that not only would it be a great thing for
Page 537
the University and the Colleges, but a most useful and
influential Irish Member would be gained for the House.
The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by
her will be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will
not allow himself to be drawn on to further concessions to
Democracy in the course of the debate, and that the
introduction of the ballot will be vigorously opposed by the
Government.
Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.
Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the accession of
the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from the House of
Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and made them re-
eligible on appointment.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DRAFT OF THE SPEECH
Windsor Castle, 1st February 1852.
The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage
referring to the proposed Reform Measure varies so
materially from the one which was first submitted to her that
she feels that she ought not to sanction it without having
received some explanation of the grounds which have led
the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The Queen
will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant
which Lord John Russell proposes.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
WOMEN AND POLITICS
influential Irish Member would be gained for the House.
The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by
her will be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will
not allow himself to be drawn on to further concessions to
Democracy in the course of the debate, and that the
introduction of the ballot will be vigorously opposed by the
Government.
Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.
Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the accession of
the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from the House of
Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and made them re-
eligible on appointment.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DRAFT OF THE SPEECH
Windsor Castle, 1st February 1852.
The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage
referring to the proposed Reform Measure varies so
materially from the one which was first submitted to her that
she feels that she ought not to sanction it without having
received some explanation of the grounds which have led
the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The Queen
will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant
which Lord John Russell proposes.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
WOMEN AND POLITICS
Page 538
Buckingham Palace, 3rd February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—My warmest thanks for your kind little
letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de
Weyer has told us n'est pas rassurant. With such an
extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, one can never be for
one instant safe. It makes me very melancholy; I love peace
and quiet—in fact, I hate politics and turmoil, and I grieve to
think that a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I
think that may be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium would
be casus belli for us; that you may rely upon. Invasion I am
not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very great—
they are full of defending themselves—and the spirit of the
olden times is in no way quenched.
In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night
the explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston
will take place. I am very curious how they will go off. The
curiosity and anxiety to hear it is very great.
I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more
sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really like a father—
only too partial, I always think.
Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and
business, and is so wonderfully fit for both—such
perspicacity and such courage—and I grow daily to dislike
them both more and more. We women are not made for
governing—and if we are good women, we must dislike
these masculine occupations; but there are times which force
one to take interest in them mal gré bon gré, and I do, of
course, intensely.
I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of
Parliament.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
My dearest Uncle,—My warmest thanks for your kind little
letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de
Weyer has told us n'est pas rassurant. With such an
extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, one can never be for
one instant safe. It makes me very melancholy; I love peace
and quiet—in fact, I hate politics and turmoil, and I grieve to
think that a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I
think that may be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium would
be casus belli for us; that you may rely upon. Invasion I am
not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very great—
they are full of defending themselves—and the spirit of the
olden times is in no way quenched.
In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night
the explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston
will take place. I am very curious how they will go off. The
curiosity and anxiety to hear it is very great.
I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more
sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really like a father—
only too partial, I always think.
Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and
business, and is so wonderfully fit for both—such
perspicacity and such courage—and I grow daily to dislike
them both more and more. We women are not made for
governing—and if we are good women, we must dislike
these masculine occupations; but there are times which force
one to take interest in them mal gré bon gré, and I do, of
course, intensely.
I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of
Parliament.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Page 539
Chesham Place, 4th February 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that the Address was agreed to
last night without a division.
The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself
were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, and was not
supported by any considerable party in the House. His
approbation of the President's conduct seemed to confound
the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his delay
in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.5
The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli
made a long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr
Roebuck was bitter without much effect.
Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was
favourable. Sir James Graham says the next fortnight will
clear up matters very much.
The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.
Footnote 5: See ante, p. 341.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT
Windsor Castle, 4th February 1852.
We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went
off so well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John
Russell's speech is a most useful one, and he has given a
most lucid definition of the constitutional position of the
Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary opposite to the
Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one, and he
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that the Address was agreed to
last night without a division.
The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself
were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, and was not
supported by any considerable party in the House. His
approbation of the President's conduct seemed to confound
the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his delay
in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.5
The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli
made a long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr
Roebuck was bitter without much effect.
Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was
favourable. Sir James Graham says the next fortnight will
clear up matters very much.
The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.
Footnote 5: See ante, p. 341.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT
Windsor Castle, 4th February 1852.
We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went
off so well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John
Russell's speech is a most useful one, and he has given a
most lucid definition of the constitutional position of the
Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary opposite to the
Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one, and he
Page 540
in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be]
the general impression.
The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost
completed, and the Queen having entered the House of
Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is magnificent), the
Queen thinks this will be the right moment for bestowing on
Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's
approbation of his great work.
The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.6
PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE
St George's Hotel, 5th February 1852.
My dear Charles,—Yesterday morning I got a note from
John Russell, saying that all had gone off so well the night
before, and Palmerston had been so flat that he thought it
better I should not revive the subject in the other House, as
he had said nothing about me which in the least required that
I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal,
though there are several points in his speech on which I
could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never
shown any consideration for me in the whole of these
affairs; but I do not mean in any way to complain, and am
very grateful to him for the very successful way in which he
executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing can be more
universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of
Palmerston.7 I am convinced that what floored him at
starting was that letter of the Queen's,8 because every one
felt that such a letter would never have been written unless
every point in it could have been proved like a bill of
indictment; and then came the question, how could any man,
even feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want
of confidence?...9
the general impression.
The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost
completed, and the Queen having entered the House of
Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is magnificent), the
Queen thinks this will be the right moment for bestowing on
Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's
approbation of his great work.
The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.6
PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE
St George's Hotel, 5th February 1852.
My dear Charles,—Yesterday morning I got a note from
John Russell, saying that all had gone off so well the night
before, and Palmerston had been so flat that he thought it
better I should not revive the subject in the other House, as
he had said nothing about me which in the least required that
I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal,
though there are several points in his speech on which I
could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never
shown any consideration for me in the whole of these
affairs; but I do not mean in any way to complain, and am
very grateful to him for the very successful way in which he
executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing can be more
universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of
Palmerston.7 I am convinced that what floored him at
starting was that letter of the Queen's,8 because every one
felt that such a letter would never have been written unless
every point in it could have been proved like a bill of
indictment; and then came the question, how could any man,
even feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want
of confidence?...9
Page 541
Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that
Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant
at the arrogance of "that man," he really pitied him, so
complete was his overthrow. Disraeli said that he had
watched him during Johnny's speech, and doubted whether
the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but before
he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox.
Many said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his
manner was more remarkable than ever, from their being
evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always thought
Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker; his great
power arose from his not only knowing his subject better
than any one else, but being the only man who knew
anything about it, and using that exclusive knowledge
unscrupulously for the purposes of misrepresentation.
Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted
with the spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been
endeavouring for thirty years to support the cause of
Constitutional Monarchy, as the best Government in the
world, and there he saw it in perfection, not only in its
intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and adhesion
with which it was received. He said, though he did not
understand a word of English, he could have cried at the
Queen's voice in reading the Speech. He is very
"impressionable," and I am convinced at the time he was
quite sincere in his appreciation.
I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly
about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled many
misrepresentations; but it cannot be helped. I have
endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I may as well
keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.
Normanby.
I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched
for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not
done that, but owned that he had said more than he ought.
"The fact is, I did not know what to say next. I stopped as
Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant
at the arrogance of "that man," he really pitied him, so
complete was his overthrow. Disraeli said that he had
watched him during Johnny's speech, and doubted whether
the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but before
he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox.
Many said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his
manner was more remarkable than ever, from their being
evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always thought
Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker; his great
power arose from his not only knowing his subject better
than any one else, but being the only man who knew
anything about it, and using that exclusive knowledge
unscrupulously for the purposes of misrepresentation.
Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted
with the spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been
endeavouring for thirty years to support the cause of
Constitutional Monarchy, as the best Government in the
world, and there he saw it in perfection, not only in its
intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and adhesion
with which it was received. He said, though he did not
understand a word of English, he could have cried at the
Queen's voice in reading the Speech. He is very
"impressionable," and I am convinced at the time he was
quite sincere in his appreciation.
I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly
about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled many
misrepresentations; but it cannot be helped. I have
endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I may as well
keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.
Normanby.
I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched
for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not
done that, but owned that he had said more than he ought.
"The fact is, I did not know what to say next. I stopped as
Page 542
one sometimes does, so I said that; I had better have said
something else!" Candid and characteristic!
Footnote 6: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
Footnote 7: It appears from a Memorandum made about this time by
Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement became known,
the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to present him with an
Address of sympathy, and to invite him to stand at the next Election,
promising him to bring him in. Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the
Members) told them that they had better wait till the explanation in
Parliament had taken place, for at present they knew nothing about the
merits of the case. This the Committee which had been organised
consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir Benjamin
called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him whether they
would still carry out their intention. "No," said the Chairman; "we
have considered the matter: a man who does not answer the Queen's
letters can receive no Address from us."
Footnote 8: See ante, p. 264.
Footnote 9: Cf. Greville's account in his Journal, 5th February 1852.
See also p. 368.
Queen Victoria to Earl Granville.
Windsor Castle, 10th February 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object
to the proposed step10 should Lord Granville and Lord John
Russell have reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir
H. Bulwer; should he refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The
Queen finds it difficult to give a decided opinion on the
subject, as, first, she does not know how far the reception of
Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the objections raised to
his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has
never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a
mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation
here....
something else!" Candid and characteristic!
Footnote 6: Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
Footnote 7: It appears from a Memorandum made about this time by
Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement became known,
the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to present him with an
Address of sympathy, and to invite him to stand at the next Election,
promising him to bring him in. Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the
Members) told them that they had better wait till the explanation in
Parliament had taken place, for at present they knew nothing about the
merits of the case. This the Committee which had been organised
consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir Benjamin
called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him whether they
would still carry out their intention. "No," said the Chairman; "we
have considered the matter: a man who does not answer the Queen's
letters can receive no Address from us."
Footnote 8: See ante, p. 264.
Footnote 9: Cf. Greville's account in his Journal, 5th February 1852.
See also p. 368.
Queen Victoria to Earl Granville.
Windsor Castle, 10th February 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object
to the proposed step10 should Lord Granville and Lord John
Russell have reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir
H. Bulwer; should he refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The
Queen finds it difficult to give a decided opinion on the
subject, as, first, she does not know how far the reception of
Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the objections raised to
his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has
never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a
mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation
here....
Page 543
Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H.
Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY
Chesham Place, 16th February 1852.
Sir,—I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and
have given him the Depôt plan.
It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from
time to time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your
Royal Highness's authority may overcome the indisposition
to change which he naturally entertains; and on the other, his
vast experience may be of great use to your Royal Highness
in regard to the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your
Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
John Russell.
Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria.
THE SLAVE TRADE
Admiralty, 15th February 1852.
Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and begs to state to your Majesty that despatches have this
evening arrived from Commander Bruce in command of the
African Squadron. Commander Bruce gives an account of an
attack on Lagos11 which was completely successful. The
town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt. The
resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with
much skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their
Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY
Chesham Place, 16th February 1852.
Sir,—I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and
have given him the Depôt plan.
It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from
time to time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your
Royal Highness's authority may overcome the indisposition
to change which he naturally entertains; and on the other, his
vast experience may be of great use to your Royal Highness
in regard to the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your
Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
John Russell.
Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria.
THE SLAVE TRADE
Admiralty, 15th February 1852.
Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and begs to state to your Majesty that despatches have this
evening arrived from Commander Bruce in command of the
African Squadron. Commander Bruce gives an account of an
attack on Lagos11 which was completely successful. The
town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt. The
resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with
much skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their
Page 544
accustomed gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to
fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring
will forward to your Majesty copies of the despatches to-
morrow, with his humble duty.
F. Baring.
Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The native king
was deposed.
Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring.
Buckingham Palace, 16th February 1852.
The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of
the 15th. The news of the capture and destruction of the
town of Lagos has given us the greatest satisfaction, as it
will give a most serious blow to the iniquitous traffic in
slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen saw about
two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring
has also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the
African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of
its greatest supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must
express to Sir Francis Baring her sense of the services
rendered by Commodore Bruce and the Officers under him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 17th February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 13th reached
me on Saturday here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I
am glad that you are satisfied with Lord Granville's answer.
The question shall certainly be borne in mind, and you may
rely on our doing whatever can be effected to bring about
fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring
will forward to your Majesty copies of the despatches to-
morrow, with his humble duty.
F. Baring.
Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The native king
was deposed.
Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring.
Buckingham Palace, 16th February 1852.
The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of
the 15th. The news of the capture and destruction of the
town of Lagos has given us the greatest satisfaction, as it
will give a most serious blow to the iniquitous traffic in
slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen saw about
two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring
has also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the
African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of
its greatest supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must
express to Sir Francis Baring her sense of the services
rendered by Commodore Bruce and the Officers under him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 17th February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 13th reached
me on Saturday here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I
am glad that you are satisfied with Lord Granville's answer.
The question shall certainly be borne in mind, and you may
rely on our doing whatever can be effected to bring about
Page 545
the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will find his decrees
very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear that you
quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the
possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put
Louis Napoleon on his good behaviour....
The extension of the Suffrage12 was almost unavoidable, and
it was better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a
cry for it—to which one would have to yield. The deal there
is to do, and the importance of everything going on at home
and abroad, is unexampled in my recollection and very
trying; Albert becomes really a terrible man of business; I
think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his character,
and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve over all this, as I
cannot enjoy these things, much as I interest myself in
general European politics; but I am every day more
convinced that we women, if we are to be good women,
feminine and amiable and domestic, are not fitted to reign; at
least it is contre gré that they drive themselves to the work
which it entails.
However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of
every one to fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in
whatever situation they may be!
Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and
improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's
love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: See ante, pp. 294, 324.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE MILITIA BILL
very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear that you
quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the
possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put
Louis Napoleon on his good behaviour....
The extension of the Suffrage12 was almost unavoidable, and
it was better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a
cry for it—to which one would have to yield. The deal there
is to do, and the importance of everything going on at home
and abroad, is unexampled in my recollection and very
trying; Albert becomes really a terrible man of business; I
think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his character,
and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve over all this, as I
cannot enjoy these things, much as I interest myself in
general European politics; but I am every day more
convinced that we women, if we are to be good women,
feminine and amiable and domestic, are not fitted to reign; at
least it is contre gré that they drive themselves to the work
which it entails.
However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of
every one to fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in
whatever situation they may be!
Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and
improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's
love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: See ante, pp. 294, 324.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE MILITIA BILL
Page 546
Chesham Place, 20th February 1852.
(9.15 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just
carried his Motion for leaving out the word "Local" in the
title of the Bill for the Militia.13
Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take
charge of the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished
at the Government for giving up the Bill for so slight a
cause.
Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as
tantamount to a resolution of want of confidence, which
remark was loudly cheered on the other side.
Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not
resign, on which Lord John again explained that when
confidence was withdrawn, the consequence was obvious.
Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the national
defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for raising a local
Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington had been unfavourable,
and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of eleven, carried an Amendment
in favour of re-organising the "regular" instead of raising a "local"
Militia.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE MINISTRY DEFEATED
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to
explain that after the vote of yesterday14 it was impossible
for him to go on any longer with the Government. He
considered it a vote of censure, and an entirely
(9.15 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just
carried his Motion for leaving out the word "Local" in the
title of the Bill for the Militia.13
Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take
charge of the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished
at the Government for giving up the Bill for so slight a
cause.
Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as
tantamount to a resolution of want of confidence, which
remark was loudly cheered on the other side.
Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not
resign, on which Lord John again explained that when
confidence was withdrawn, the consequence was obvious.
Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the national
defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for raising a local
Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington had been unfavourable,
and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of eleven, carried an Amendment
in favour of re-organising the "regular" instead of raising a "local"
Militia.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE MINISTRY DEFEATED
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to
explain that after the vote of yesterday14 it was impossible
for him to go on any longer with the Government. He
considered it a vote of censure, and an entirely
Page 547
unprecedented case not to allow a Minister of the Crown
even to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he
had expected to the last that the respectable part of the
House would see all this, but there seemed to have been a
pre-arranged determination between Lord Palmerston and
the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that the Peelites
also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham and
Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S.
Herbert had voted against them, the latter even
misrepresenting what Lord John had said. No Government
could stand against incessant motions of censure upon every
imaginable department of the Executive Government. The
Prime Minister would either have to take the management of
all the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to
defend every item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the
moral and physical power, or he must succumb on those
different points which the Opposition with divided labour
could single out. Lord Palmerston's conduct was the more
reprehensible as he had asked him the day before about his
objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him that
the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for
in the Bill.
Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.
He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry)
dissolve Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party.
But he supposed Lord Derby was prepared to form a
Protection Government. This Government would pass the
estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would then have to
proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord
Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to
pursue, though afraid of the imputation that the Government
had run away from the Caffre debate. He had summoned the
Cabinet, and would report their resolution. Speaking of Lord
Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard that Lord
Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them
even to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he
had expected to the last that the respectable part of the
House would see all this, but there seemed to have been a
pre-arranged determination between Lord Palmerston and
the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that the Peelites
also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham and
Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S.
Herbert had voted against them, the latter even
misrepresenting what Lord John had said. No Government
could stand against incessant motions of censure upon every
imaginable department of the Executive Government. The
Prime Minister would either have to take the management of
all the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to
defend every item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the
moral and physical power, or he must succumb on those
different points which the Opposition with divided labour
could single out. Lord Palmerston's conduct was the more
reprehensible as he had asked him the day before about his
objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him that
the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for
in the Bill.
Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.
He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry)
dissolve Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party.
But he supposed Lord Derby was prepared to form a
Protection Government. This Government would pass the
estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would then have to
proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord
Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to
pursue, though afraid of the imputation that the Government
had run away from the Caffre debate. He had summoned the
Cabinet, and would report their resolution. Speaking of Lord
Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard that Lord
Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them
Page 548
which he could not forgive, and that was his reading the
Queen's Minute to the House of Commons.
RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY
At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the
Cabinet, and formally tendered the resignations of himself
and colleagues. The Cabinet had been unanimous that there
was no other course to pursue, and that it would not be
advisable to make use of the Queen's permission to advise a
Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained through Dr
Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared
with an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas
Baring's consent to act as Leader of the House of Commons.
Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be
intended for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though
the materials were there, they were very bad ones, and it was
a question whether they would stand long. He himself would
keep out of place.
We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under
discipline in Opposition, so that whilst there it did not
commit errors which would become new difficulties for the
future Government. He seemed disinclined for great
exertions after the fatigues he had undergone these last
years. He said he thought he would not go on with the
Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought
to be carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it,
he would very likely alter it a little, reverting to his original
plan of taking away one Member of the two returned by
small boroughs, and giving their seats to some large towns,
counties, and corporations like the Universities, etc.
Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new
Administration is formed.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Queen's Minute to the House of Commons.
RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY
At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the
Cabinet, and formally tendered the resignations of himself
and colleagues. The Cabinet had been unanimous that there
was no other course to pursue, and that it would not be
advisable to make use of the Queen's permission to advise a
Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained through Dr
Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared
with an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas
Baring's consent to act as Leader of the House of Commons.
Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be
intended for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though
the materials were there, they were very bad ones, and it was
a question whether they would stand long. He himself would
keep out of place.
We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under
discipline in Opposition, so that whilst there it did not
commit errors which would become new difficulties for the
future Government. He seemed disinclined for great
exertions after the fatigues he had undergone these last
years. He said he thought he would not go on with the
Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought
to be carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it,
he would very likely alter it a little, reverting to his original
plan of taking away one Member of the two returned by
small boroughs, and giving their seats to some large towns,
counties, and corporations like the Universities, etc.
Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new
Administration is formed.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Page 549
LORD DERBY SUMMONED
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two
to-morrow should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at
twelve o'clock.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1852.
... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in
the House of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the
House of Commons, and thought that in the critical
circumstances in which the country was placed both at home
and abroad, he ought not to ask for a Dissolution. He must
then try to strengthen himself particularly in the House of
Commons by any means he could. There was one person
whom he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office
on account of what had lately passed, and what he might be
allowed to call the "well-known personal feelings of the
Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was one of the ablest debaters,
and might well be offered the post of Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw
additional difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him,
however, of the dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].
Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them
pernicious for the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the
Exchequer they would have less play; he himself would
undertake to control him. His greatest indiscretion—that in
the Kossuth affair—must have been with a view to form a
Party; that if left excluded from office, he would become
more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two
to-morrow should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at
twelve o'clock.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1852.
... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in
the House of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the
House of Commons, and thought that in the critical
circumstances in which the country was placed both at home
and abroad, he ought not to ask for a Dissolution. He must
then try to strengthen himself particularly in the House of
Commons by any means he could. There was one person
whom he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office
on account of what had lately passed, and what he might be
allowed to call the "well-known personal feelings of the
Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was one of the ablest debaters,
and might well be offered the post of Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw
additional difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him,
however, of the dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].
Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them
pernicious for the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the
Exchequer they would have less play; he himself would
undertake to control him. His greatest indiscretion—that in
the Kossuth affair—must have been with a view to form a
Party; that if left excluded from office, he would become
more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the
Page 550
head of a Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if
he had ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might
be considered as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in
the least whether Lord Palmerston would accept, but in case
he did not, the offer would propitiate him, and render the
Government in the House of Commons more possible, as it
would have anyhow all the talent of the late Government,
Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.
To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would
remain Prime Minister any length of time, when once Lord
Palmerston had got the lead of the House of Commons, he
replied he was not afraid of him; he felt sure he could
control him, although he would not have been able to admit
him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong
strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different
times—even if the Queen had allowed it.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 22nd February 1852.
(Half-past eight.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon
him to submit to your Majesty without delay that having had
an interview this evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter
has, although in the most friendly terms, declined accepting
the Office, upon the ground of difference of opinion, not on
the principle, but on the expediency of the imposition of any
duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign corn. This was
a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left undecided
until the result of a General Election should be known.
Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's
difficulties, he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as
the proposal must have tended to diminish any feelings of
hostility which might have been productive of future
he had ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might
be considered as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in
the least whether Lord Palmerston would accept, but in case
he did not, the offer would propitiate him, and render the
Government in the House of Commons more possible, as it
would have anyhow all the talent of the late Government,
Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.
To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would
remain Prime Minister any length of time, when once Lord
Palmerston had got the lead of the House of Commons, he
replied he was not afraid of him; he felt sure he could
control him, although he would not have been able to admit
him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong
strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different
times—even if the Queen had allowed it.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 22nd February 1852.
(Half-past eight.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon
him to submit to your Majesty without delay that having had
an interview this evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter
has, although in the most friendly terms, declined accepting
the Office, upon the ground of difference of opinion, not on
the principle, but on the expediency of the imposition of any
duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign corn. This was
a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left undecided
until the result of a General Election should be known.
Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's
difficulties, he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as
the proposal must have tended to diminish any feelings of
hostility which might have been productive of future
Page 551
embarrassment to your Majesty's service, to whatever hands
it may be entrusted....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Servant and Subject,
Derby.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S CABINET
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and
submitted a list of the principal Officers of the Government
which follows, and which the Queen approved.
The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office
—has been Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered
upon his eightieth year) to be offered an Earldom—which he
very much desired for the position of his daughters, having
no son.
After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office,
Lord Derby had a further conversation with me on
Household appointments. I told him he must now, as Prime
Minister, consider himself to a certain degree in the position
of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord Chancellor was
Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be
considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The
Queen must then be able to confer with him on personal
matters, or I, on her behalf, with the most entire confidence,
and that she must be sure that nothing was divulged which
passed between them on these matters, and he might repose
the same confidence in us. As to the formation of the
Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the
persons to compose her Court should not be on the verge of
it may be entrusted....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most
dutiful Servant and Subject,
Derby.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S CABINET
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and
submitted a list of the principal Officers of the Government
which follows, and which the Queen approved.
The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office
—has been Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered
upon his eightieth year) to be offered an Earldom—which he
very much desired for the position of his daughters, having
no son.
After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office,
Lord Derby had a further conversation with me on
Household appointments. I told him he must now, as Prime
Minister, consider himself to a certain degree in the position
of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord Chancellor was
Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be
considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The
Queen must then be able to confer with him on personal
matters, or I, on her behalf, with the most entire confidence,
and that she must be sure that nothing was divulged which
passed between them on these matters, and he might repose
the same confidence in us. As to the formation of the
Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the
persons to compose her Court should not be on the verge of
Page 552
bankruptcy, and that their moral character should bear
investigation. On the Queen's accession Lord Melbourne had
been very careless in his appointments, and great harm had
resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage I had
insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord
Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would
undo us all," we had found great advantage in it and were
determined to adhere to it....
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
My dearest Duchess,—I cannot say how deeply grieved I
am to think that the event which has just occurred, and
which Lord Derby's acceptance of office has to-day
confirmed, will entail your leaving, for a time, my service. It
has been ever a real pleasure to me to have you with me; my
affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess, are great,
and we both know what a kind and true friend we have in
you.
I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future
occasion whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently
have the pleasure of seeing you, even when you are no
longer attached to my person.
I shall hope to see you soon. The Levée remains fixed for
Thursday, and the transfer of the Officers of the new
Government does not take place till Friday.
With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the
Duke and Constance. Believe me always, yours
affectionately,
Victoria R.
investigation. On the Queen's accession Lord Melbourne had
been very careless in his appointments, and great harm had
resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage I had
insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord
Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would
undo us all," we had found great advantage in it and were
determined to adhere to it....
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
My dearest Duchess,—I cannot say how deeply grieved I
am to think that the event which has just occurred, and
which Lord Derby's acceptance of office has to-day
confirmed, will entail your leaving, for a time, my service. It
has been ever a real pleasure to me to have you with me; my
affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess, are great,
and we both know what a kind and true friend we have in
you.
I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future
occasion whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently
have the pleasure of seeing you, even when you are no
longer attached to my person.
I shall hope to see you soon. The Levée remains fixed for
Thursday, and the transfer of the Officers of the new
Government does not take place till Friday.
With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the
Duke and Constance. Believe me always, yours
affectionately,
Victoria R.
Page 553
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
Dearest Uncle,—Great and not very pleasant events have
happened since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de
Weyer has informed you of everything, of the really (till the
last day) unexpected defeat, and of Lord Derby's assumption
of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I believe, however, that
it is quite necessary they should have a trial, and then have
done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and they
are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as
patiently as I can....
Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no
longer of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the
Foreign Office again,15 and I cannot say that his successor,16
who has never been in office (as indeed is the case with
almost all the new Ministers), inspires me with confidence. I
see that Louis Napoleon has again seized one of the
adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business, of the
poor Orleans....
There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people
having told the poor Queen that the King had arranged this
attack on her person, and that she was anxious to abdicate.17
If you should hear anything of this kind, be kind enough to
tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is well fagged with
business), ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in 1870-
1874, and again in 1880-1885.
Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.
Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning from
church.
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
Dearest Uncle,—Great and not very pleasant events have
happened since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de
Weyer has informed you of everything, of the really (till the
last day) unexpected defeat, and of Lord Derby's assumption
of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I believe, however, that
it is quite necessary they should have a trial, and then have
done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and they
are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as
patiently as I can....
Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no
longer of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the
Foreign Office again,15 and I cannot say that his successor,16
who has never been in office (as indeed is the case with
almost all the new Ministers), inspires me with confidence. I
see that Louis Napoleon has again seized one of the
adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business, of the
poor Orleans....
There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people
having told the poor Queen that the King had arranged this
attack on her person, and that she was anxious to abdicate.17
If you should hear anything of this kind, be kind enough to
tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is well fagged with
business), ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in 1870-
1874, and again in 1880-1885.
Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.
Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning from
church.
Page 554
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
LORD MALMESBURY
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance
that not only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should
receive the necessary information from Lord Granville, but
that Lord Derby should see him and hear from him the state
of all the critical questions now pending on Foreign Affairs.
Lord Granville has made himself master in a very short time
of all the very intricate subjects with which his Office has to
deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme
discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has
conducted the very responsible and difficult post of Foreign
Secretary.
The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert.
NEW APPOINTMENTS
St James's Square, 25th February 1852. (5 p.m.)
Sir,—I have delayed longer than I could have wished
acknowledging the letter which I had the honour to receive
from your Royal Highness last night, in hopes that by this
time I should have been enabled to solve the difficulties
connected with the Household Appointments; but I regret to
say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not
trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I
might be honoured with an audience at any hour after the
Levée to-morrow, I shall perhaps be able to make a more
satisfactory report, and at all events to explain the state of
affairs more fully.
LORD MALMESBURY
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance
that not only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should
receive the necessary information from Lord Granville, but
that Lord Derby should see him and hear from him the state
of all the critical questions now pending on Foreign Affairs.
Lord Granville has made himself master in a very short time
of all the very intricate subjects with which his Office has to
deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme
discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has
conducted the very responsible and difficult post of Foreign
Secretary.
The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert.
NEW APPOINTMENTS
St James's Square, 25th February 1852. (5 p.m.)
Sir,—I have delayed longer than I could have wished
acknowledging the letter which I had the honour to receive
from your Royal Highness last night, in hopes that by this
time I should have been enabled to solve the difficulties
connected with the Household Appointments; but I regret to
say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not
trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I
might be honoured with an audience at any hour after the
Levée to-morrow, I shall perhaps be able to make a more
satisfactory report, and at all events to explain the state of
affairs more fully.
Page 555
In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some trouble if I
request that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to
lay before Her Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments
which, subject to Her Majesty's approval, I have arranged in
the course of this day. The Admiralty List found its way
most improperly into some of the morning papers before I
was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had
finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had
selected.
As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with
the name of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing
a letter respecting him which I have received from Lord
Fitzroy Somerset, since I had intimated to him my intention
of submitting his name to Her Majesty, and which is highly
satisfactory.
I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my
most humble and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness
which Her Majesty has evinced in endeavouring to facilitate
the progress of the Household arrangements.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
Derby.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.18
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Thursday, 26th February 1852.
Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert
called me in at a little after four....
Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as
possible with the defences of the country, and that his plan
for the Militia entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he
request that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to
lay before Her Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments
which, subject to Her Majesty's approval, I have arranged in
the course of this day. The Admiralty List found its way
most improperly into some of the morning papers before I
was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had
finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had
selected.
As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with
the name of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing
a letter respecting him which I have received from Lord
Fitzroy Somerset, since I had intimated to him my intention
of submitting his name to Her Majesty, and which is highly
satisfactory.
I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my
most humble and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness
which Her Majesty has evinced in endeavouring to facilitate
the progress of the Household arrangements.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
Derby.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.18
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Thursday, 26th February 1852.
Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert
called me in at a little after four....
Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as
possible with the defences of the country, and that his plan
for the Militia entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he
Page 556
(Albert) wrote on the subject to the Duke of Wellington, who
did not like it),19 and meant to try and avoid all the
objections. On his observing that no one had entirely
understood the Government Bill, I said that the Government
had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most
unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his
professions of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's,
but that it was "symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to
own that it was rather hard and not quite fair on the late
Government.
I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts
from the Foreign Office going first to him before they came
to me, and wished this should be continued, which he
promised should be done, as well as that all important
Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched upon the
various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby
said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his
book Idées Napoléoniennes written in '39, for that he was
more a man of "Idées fixes" than any one; and in this book
he spoke of gaining territory by diplomacy and not by war.
Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis Napoleon to Lord
Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment,
professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and
hoping the Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.
Victoria R.
Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's Journal.
Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the Life of the
Prince Consort.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
FAREWELL AUDIENCES
did not like it),19 and meant to try and avoid all the
objections. On his observing that no one had entirely
understood the Government Bill, I said that the Government
had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most
unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his
professions of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's,
but that it was "symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to
own that it was rather hard and not quite fair on the late
Government.
I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts
from the Foreign Office going first to him before they came
to me, and wished this should be continued, which he
promised should be done, as well as that all important
Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched upon the
various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby
said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his
book Idées Napoléoniennes written in '39, for that he was
more a man of "Idées fixes" than any one; and in this book
he spoke of gaining territory by diplomacy and not by war.
Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis Napoleon to Lord
Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment,
professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and
hoping the Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.
Victoria R.
Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's Journal.
Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the Life of the
Prince Consort.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
FAREWELL AUDIENCES
Page 557
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1852.
To-day the formal change of Government took place. The
old Ministers who had Seals to give up assembled at half-
past eleven, and had their Audiences in the following order:
Sir George Grey was very much overcome; promised at our
request to do what he could to keep his friends moderate and
united. Spoke well of his successor, Mr Walpole, and
assured the Queen that he left the country in a most quiet
and contented state.
Lord Grey was sorry that the resignation had taken place
before the Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a
triumphant defence; he was sure it must have come to this
from the way in which Lord John had managed matters. He
had never had his measures thoroughly considered when he
brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to
remonstrate very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had
not even been laid, printed, before the Cabinet, and had not
been discussed at all; he himself had objected to the greater
part of it, and had always expected to have an opportunity of
making his opinion heard; instead of spending Christmas at
Woburn he ought to have digested his measures; this was not
fair to his colleagues, and he could never have the same
confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget
what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was
important the Party should be kept together and should unite
if possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to
get a strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little
chance of this. The next Government could never be as
moderate again as this had been; this he had always dreaded,
and was the reason why he lamented that Lord John had
failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter, upon
Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had
never wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had
not stated to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were
ready to give up their places.
To-day the formal change of Government took place. The
old Ministers who had Seals to give up assembled at half-
past eleven, and had their Audiences in the following order:
Sir George Grey was very much overcome; promised at our
request to do what he could to keep his friends moderate and
united. Spoke well of his successor, Mr Walpole, and
assured the Queen that he left the country in a most quiet
and contented state.
Lord Grey was sorry that the resignation had taken place
before the Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a
triumphant defence; he was sure it must have come to this
from the way in which Lord John had managed matters. He
had never had his measures thoroughly considered when he
brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to
remonstrate very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had
not even been laid, printed, before the Cabinet, and had not
been discussed at all; he himself had objected to the greater
part of it, and had always expected to have an opportunity of
making his opinion heard; instead of spending Christmas at
Woburn he ought to have digested his measures; this was not
fair to his colleagues, and he could never have the same
confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget
what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was
important the Party should be kept together and should unite
if possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to
get a strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little
chance of this. The next Government could never be as
moderate again as this had been; this he had always dreaded,
and was the reason why he lamented that Lord John had
failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter, upon
Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had
never wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had
not stated to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were
ready to give up their places.
Page 558
Lord Granville had seen Lord Malmesbury several times,
who appeared to him to take pains about informing himself
on the state of Foreign Affairs, but seemed inclined to be
ambitious of acquiring the merit of being exclusively
English in his policy; this was quite right, but might be
carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and
moderate.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Charles Wood) was
not surprised at the fate of the Government, although they
had not expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a
division had hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked
the day before with Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that
all his objections should be provided against in the Bill. He
thought it was better, however, that the Caffre Debate had
not been waited for, which must have been a personal and
very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been
very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir
J. Graham had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and
therefore had not wished to encourage Lord John's
negotiation with the Peelites. He promised that, for his part,
he would do all he could to keep his Party from doing
anything violent, but that he was afraid many others would
be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to
persuade Mr Cobden to remain quiet.
Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be
done at the Council. He regretted the Duchess of
Northumberland's declining to be Mistress of the Robes, on
account of ill-health, which had been communicated to the
Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed the
Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded
(though feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views
of her husband, she will not accept it), and sanctioned his
sounding also the Duchess of Athole, whom the Queen
wished to make the offer to, in case the Duchess of Argyll
declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was in with Sir
A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or in
who appeared to him to take pains about informing himself
on the state of Foreign Affairs, but seemed inclined to be
ambitious of acquiring the merit of being exclusively
English in his policy; this was quite right, but might be
carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and
moderate.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Charles Wood) was
not surprised at the fate of the Government, although they
had not expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a
division had hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked
the day before with Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that
all his objections should be provided against in the Bill. He
thought it was better, however, that the Caffre Debate had
not been waited for, which must have been a personal and
very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been
very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir
J. Graham had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and
therefore had not wished to encourage Lord John's
negotiation with the Peelites. He promised that, for his part,
he would do all he could to keep his Party from doing
anything violent, but that he was afraid many others would
be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to
persuade Mr Cobden to remain quiet.
Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be
done at the Council. He regretted the Duchess of
Northumberland's declining to be Mistress of the Robes, on
account of ill-health, which had been communicated to the
Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed the
Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded
(though feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views
of her husband, she will not accept it), and sanctioned his
sounding also the Duchess of Athole, whom the Queen
wished to make the offer to, in case the Duchess of Argyll
declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was in with Sir
A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or in
Page 559
society, although she had run away with him when he was
still at school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen
said it would not do to receive her now at Court, although
society might do in that respect what it pleased; it was a
principle at Court not to receive ladies whose characters are
under a stigma.
We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only
by three Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to
be sworn in as Privy Councillors first.20
Footnote 20: See Disraeli's Endymion (chap. c.) for a graphic
description of this remarkable scene.
After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen,
and explained that he accepted the Ordnance only on the
condition that he was not to be expected to give a vote
which would reverse the policy of Sir R. Peel, to which he
had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty, however,
not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks
of favour he had received from the Queen.
still at school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen
said it would not do to receive her now at Court, although
society might do in that respect what it pleased; it was a
principle at Court not to receive ladies whose characters are
under a stigma.
We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only
by three Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to
be sworn in as Privy Councillors first.20
Footnote 20: See Disraeli's Endymion (chap. c.) for a graphic
description of this remarkable scene.
After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen,
and explained that he accepted the Ordnance only on the
condition that he was not to be expected to give a vote
which would reverse the policy of Sir R. Peel, to which he
had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty, however,
not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks
of favour he had received from the Queen.
Page 560
LORD DERBY'S PROGRAMME
Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he
intended to state in Parliament this evening as the
programme of his Ministerial Policy. It was very fluent and
very able, but so completely the same as the Speech which
he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account in the
reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church,
the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not
to have Puseyites or Romanisers recommended for
appointments in the Church as bishops or clergymen. Lord
Derby declared himselfLORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH as
decidedly hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to
watch over the Protestant character of the Church. He said
he did not pretend to give a decided opinion on so difficult
and delicate a point, but it had struck him that although
nobody could think in earnest of reviving the old
Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could
be most readily settled by some Assembly representing the
laity as well as the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that
some such plan would succeed, provided the Church
Constitution was built up from the bottom, giving the
Vestries a legislative character in the parishes leading up to
Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.
On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to
support the views of the bishops against the so-called
"management clauses" of the Privy Council, viz. not to
allow grants to schools even if the parish should prefer the
bishops' inspection to the Privy Council inspection.
Albert.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 27th February 1852.
(Half-past seven p.m.)
Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he
intended to state in Parliament this evening as the
programme of his Ministerial Policy. It was very fluent and
very able, but so completely the same as the Speech which
he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account in the
reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church,
the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not
to have Puseyites or Romanisers recommended for
appointments in the Church as bishops or clergymen. Lord
Derby declared himselfLORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH as
decidedly hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to
watch over the Protestant character of the Church. He said
he did not pretend to give a decided opinion on so difficult
and delicate a point, but it had struck him that although
nobody could think in earnest of reviving the old
Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could
be most readily settled by some Assembly representing the
laity as well as the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that
some such plan would succeed, provided the Church
Constitution was built up from the bottom, giving the
Vestries a legislative character in the parishes leading up to
Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.
On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to
support the views of the bishops against the so-called
"management clauses" of the Privy Council, viz. not to
allow grants to schools even if the parish should prefer the
bishops' inspection to the Privy Council inspection.
Albert.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 27th February 1852.
(Half-past seven p.m.)
Page 561
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to acquaint your
Majesty, having just returned from the House of Lords, that
his statement, going over the topics the substance of which
he had the honour of submitting to your Majesty was, as far
as he could judge, favourably received. Earl Grey attempted
to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but the feeling of the
House was against the premature introduction of so
complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting
from any alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred
in Lord Derby's views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course
to be adopted in dealing with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby
did not omit to lay stress upon "the strict adherence, in letter
and in spirit, to the obligations of Treaties," which was well
received.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 5th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to offer my affectionate
thanks for a most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.
Within these days we have not had anything very important,
but, generally speaking, there has been, at least in
appearance, a quieter disposition in the ruling power at
Paris. We are here in the awkward position of persons in hot
climates, who find themselves in company, for instance in
their beds, with a snake; they must not move, because that
irritates the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are,
without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Majesty, having just returned from the House of Lords, that
his statement, going over the topics the substance of which
he had the honour of submitting to your Majesty was, as far
as he could judge, favourably received. Earl Grey attempted
to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but the feeling of the
House was against the premature introduction of so
complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting
from any alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred
in Lord Derby's views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course
to be adopted in dealing with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby
did not omit to lay stress upon "the strict adherence, in letter
and in spirit, to the obligations of Treaties," which was well
received.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 5th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to offer my affectionate
thanks for a most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.
Within these days we have not had anything very important,
but, generally speaking, there has been, at least in
appearance, a quieter disposition in the ruling power at
Paris. We are here in the awkward position of persons in hot
climates, who find themselves in company, for instance in
their beds, with a snake; they must not move, because that
irritates the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are,
without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 562
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Osborne, 9th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 5th reached me
just after we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.
It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed
with measures for the interior of France, and that the serious
question of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the
other hand, Austria behaves with a hostility, and I must say
folly, which prevents all attempts at reconciliation. All the
admirers of Austria consider Prince Schwartzenberg21 a
madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that he was "Lord
Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is at
the present moment!
We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime
Minister, but all his people have no experience—have never
been in any sort of office before!
On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt
not great violence will be displayed.
With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April following.
Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria.
Buckingham Palace, 10th March 1852.
Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.
He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels
quite certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre
Osborne, 9th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 5th reached me
just after we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.
It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed
with measures for the interior of France, and that the serious
question of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the
other hand, Austria behaves with a hostility, and I must say
folly, which prevents all attempts at reconciliation. All the
admirers of Austria consider Prince Schwartzenberg21 a
madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that he was "Lord
Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is at
the present moment!
We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime
Minister, but all his people have no experience—have never
been in any sort of office before!
On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt
not great violence will be displayed.
With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April following.
Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria.
Buckingham Palace, 10th March 1852.
Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.
He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels
quite certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre
Page 563
for your Majesty to visit, but that your Majesty would derive
no amusement from it.
The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the
matter of the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting
in a great part of worn-out old English songs, such as "The
death of Nelson"! Colonel Phipps considers "Punch" a much
more amusing performance. Lady Mount Edgecumbe, who
was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an
account of it....
The report in London is, that Lord John Russell is to
recommend moderation at the meeting at his house to-
morrow. He has, very foolishly, subjected himself to another
rebuff from Lord Palmerston by inviting him to attend that
meeting, which Lord Palmerston has peremptorily refused.
Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has called upon Lady
John with a view to a personal—not political—
reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears,
still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John
of having quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of
Commons without giving Lord Palmerston notice of his
intention.22
Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary (Life of the
Prince Consort, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
DEMOCRACY
Laeken, 12th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to thank you for a most kind
letter from peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so
to you now, after all the troubles of the recent Ministerial
no amusement from it.
The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the
matter of the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting
in a great part of worn-out old English songs, such as "The
death of Nelson"! Colonel Phipps considers "Punch" a much
more amusing performance. Lady Mount Edgecumbe, who
was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an
account of it....
The report in London is, that Lord John Russell is to
recommend moderation at the meeting at his house to-
morrow. He has, very foolishly, subjected himself to another
rebuff from Lord Palmerston by inviting him to attend that
meeting, which Lord Palmerston has peremptorily refused.
Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has called upon Lady
John with a view to a personal—not political—
reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears,
still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John
of having quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of
Commons without giving Lord Palmerston notice of his
intention.22
Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary (Life of the
Prince Consort, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
DEMOCRACY
Laeken, 12th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to thank you for a most kind
letter from peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so
to you now, after all the troubles of the recent Ministerial
Page 564
arrangements. I am glad that you are struck with the good
qualities of your new Premier. I am sure his great wish will
be to make the best possible Minister of the Crown. His task
will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the poor
oppressed by the aristocratie," etc.—a whole vocabulary of
exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame
the popular mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign
"People" is certainly one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our
neighbour in France shows this more than any other on the
whole globe; the Nation there is still the Sovereign, and this
renders the President absolute, because he is the
representative of the supreme will of the supreme Nation,
sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very
unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting
those means of defence a little in order, which ought by
rights always to be so, if it was not for the ultra-unwise
economy of Parliaments and Chambers. Without, at least,
comparative security by means of well-regulated measures
of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be
considered as possessing National Independence. I must say
that in Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much
intoxicated. I hope they will grow sober again soon. It was
very kind of you to have visited the poor Orleans Family.
Rarely one has seen a family so struck in their affections,
fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case. Those unfortunate
Spanish marriages have much contributed to it; even angelic
Louise had been caught by l'honneur de la maison de
Bourbon.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE NEW MILITIA BILL
Osborne, 12th March 1852.
qualities of your new Premier. I am sure his great wish will
be to make the best possible Minister of the Crown. His task
will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the poor
oppressed by the aristocratie," etc.—a whole vocabulary of
exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame
the popular mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign
"People" is certainly one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our
neighbour in France shows this more than any other on the
whole globe; the Nation there is still the Sovereign, and this
renders the President absolute, because he is the
representative of the supreme will of the supreme Nation,
sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very
unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting
those means of defence a little in order, which ought by
rights always to be so, if it was not for the ultra-unwise
economy of Parliaments and Chambers. Without, at least,
comparative security by means of well-regulated measures
of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be
considered as possessing National Independence. I must say
that in Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much
intoxicated. I hope they will grow sober again soon. It was
very kind of you to have visited the poor Orleans Family.
Rarely one has seen a family so struck in their affections,
fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case. Those unfortunate
Spanish marriages have much contributed to it; even angelic
Louise had been caught by l'honneur de la maison de
Bourbon.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE NEW MILITIA BILL
Osborne, 12th March 1852.
Page 565
The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the questions
which form the subjects of his three last communications.
With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit that her
suggestions are liable to the objections pointed out by Lord
Derby, although they would offer advantages in other
respects. The Queen will therefore sanction the measure as
proposed, and now further explained by Lord Derby.
The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office
referring to the Swiss question23 could not fail to give the
Queen as much satisfaction as they did to Lord Derby, as
they show indications of a more conciliatory intention, for
the present at least. As Switzerland has yielded, France and
Austria ought to be satisfied, and the Queen only hopes we
may not see them pushing their demands further after a short
interval!
The probability of a war with the Burmese is a sad prospect.
The Queen thinks, however, that the view taken by Lord
Dalhousie of the proceedings at Rangoon, and of the steps
now to be taken to preserve peace, is very judicious, and
fully concurs with the letter sent out by the Secret
Committee. She now returns it, together with the despatch.
The despatches from Prince Schwartzenberg to Count Buol
are satisfactory in one sense, as showing a readiness to
return to the English Alliance, but unfortunately only under
the supposition that we would make war upon liberty
together; they exhibit a profound ignorance of this country.24
The Queen is quite sure that Lord Derby will know how to
accept all that is favourable in the Austrian overtures without
letting it be supposed that we could for a moment think of
joining in the policy pursued at this moment by the great
Continental Powers. As Lord Derby's speech has been
referred to by Prince Schwartzenberg, it would furnish the
best text for the answer. The President seems really to have
been seriously ill.
which form the subjects of his three last communications.
With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit that her
suggestions are liable to the objections pointed out by Lord
Derby, although they would offer advantages in other
respects. The Queen will therefore sanction the measure as
proposed, and now further explained by Lord Derby.
The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office
referring to the Swiss question23 could not fail to give the
Queen as much satisfaction as they did to Lord Derby, as
they show indications of a more conciliatory intention, for
the present at least. As Switzerland has yielded, France and
Austria ought to be satisfied, and the Queen only hopes we
may not see them pushing their demands further after a short
interval!
The probability of a war with the Burmese is a sad prospect.
The Queen thinks, however, that the view taken by Lord
Dalhousie of the proceedings at Rangoon, and of the steps
now to be taken to preserve peace, is very judicious, and
fully concurs with the letter sent out by the Secret
Committee. She now returns it, together with the despatch.
The despatches from Prince Schwartzenberg to Count Buol
are satisfactory in one sense, as showing a readiness to
return to the English Alliance, but unfortunately only under
the supposition that we would make war upon liberty
together; they exhibit a profound ignorance of this country.24
The Queen is quite sure that Lord Derby will know how to
accept all that is favourable in the Austrian overtures without
letting it be supposed that we could for a moment think of
joining in the policy pursued at this moment by the great
Continental Powers. As Lord Derby's speech has been
referred to by Prince Schwartzenberg, it would furnish the
best text for the answer. The President seems really to have
been seriously ill.
Page 566
Footnote 23: The French had been pressing the Swiss Government to
expel refugees, and Austria supported the French President.
Footnote 24: Lord Derby had urged that a more conciliatory message
should accompany Lord Granville's last despatch, which, because of
its unfriendly tone, Count Buol had delayed sending on to Vienna. The
precise language (he said) must depend on what information Count
Buol could supply.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 14th March 1852.
The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby's letter
respecting the St Albans' Disfranchisement Bill, and is glad
to hear that Lord Derby means to take up this Bill as
dropped by the late Government. Whether the mode of
transferring these seats proposed by Lord Derby will meet
with as little opposition in Parliament as he anticipates, the
Queen is not able to form a correct judgment of. It may be
liable to the imputation of being intended to add to the
power of the landed interest. This might not be at all
objectionable in itself, but it may be doubtful how far the
House of Commons may be disposed to concur in it at the
present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to consider,
but the Queen will not withhold her sanction from the
measure.
She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give the vacant
seats to Birkenhead. Are not there two seats still vacant from
the Disfranchisement of Sudbury? and would it not be better
(if so) to dispose of all four at the same time? There is an
impression also gaining ground that, with a view to prevent
the Franchise being given exclusively to Numbers, to the
detriment of Interests, it might be desirable to give new seats
to certain corporate bodies, such as the Scotch Universities,
the Temple and Lincoln's Inn, the East India Company, etc.,
etc.25
expel refugees, and Austria supported the French President.
Footnote 24: Lord Derby had urged that a more conciliatory message
should accompany Lord Granville's last despatch, which, because of
its unfriendly tone, Count Buol had delayed sending on to Vienna. The
precise language (he said) must depend on what information Count
Buol could supply.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 14th March 1852.
The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby's letter
respecting the St Albans' Disfranchisement Bill, and is glad
to hear that Lord Derby means to take up this Bill as
dropped by the late Government. Whether the mode of
transferring these seats proposed by Lord Derby will meet
with as little opposition in Parliament as he anticipates, the
Queen is not able to form a correct judgment of. It may be
liable to the imputation of being intended to add to the
power of the landed interest. This might not be at all
objectionable in itself, but it may be doubtful how far the
House of Commons may be disposed to concur in it at the
present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to consider,
but the Queen will not withhold her sanction from the
measure.
She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give the vacant
seats to Birkenhead. Are not there two seats still vacant from
the Disfranchisement of Sudbury? and would it not be better
(if so) to dispose of all four at the same time? There is an
impression also gaining ground that, with a view to prevent
the Franchise being given exclusively to Numbers, to the
detriment of Interests, it might be desirable to give new seats
to certain corporate bodies, such as the Scotch Universities,
the Temple and Lincoln's Inn, the East India Company, etc.,
etc.25
Page 567
Footnote 25: The Government eventually proposed that the four seats
taken from St Albans and Sudbury should be assigned to South
Lancashire and the West Riding; but, on the ground that a Ministry on
sufferance should confine itself to necessary legislation, Mr Gladstone
induced the House by a great majority to shelve the proposal.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
MR DISRAELI
House of Commons, 15th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what occurred in the
House of Commons this evening.
Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and elaborate, but
not in his happiest style. He called upon the House to
contrast the state of the country at the beginning of the year
and at the present moment. But he could not induce the
House to believe that "all now was distrust and alarm."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined to bring
forward in the present Parliament any proposition to change
our commercial system, and would not pledge himself to
propose in a future Parliament any duty on corn. He said a
duty on corn was a measure, not a principle, and that if
preferable measures for the redress of agricultural
grievances than a five-shilling duty on corn (mentioned by
Mr Villiers) could be devised, he should adopt them—a
declaration received with universal favour on the
Government side.
Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the
Exchequer in consequence of some notice by the former of
the strange construction of a new Opposition to force a
Dissolution of Parliament by a Minister who, three weeks
taken from St Albans and Sudbury should be assigned to South
Lancashire and the West Riding; but, on the ground that a Ministry on
sufferance should confine itself to necessary legislation, Mr Gladstone
induced the House by a great majority to shelve the proposal.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
MR DISRAELI
House of Commons, 15th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what occurred in the
House of Commons this evening.
Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and elaborate, but
not in his happiest style. He called upon the House to
contrast the state of the country at the beginning of the year
and at the present moment. But he could not induce the
House to believe that "all now was distrust and alarm."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined to bring
forward in the present Parliament any proposition to change
our commercial system, and would not pledge himself to
propose in a future Parliament any duty on corn. He said a
duty on corn was a measure, not a principle, and that if
preferable measures for the redress of agricultural
grievances than a five-shilling duty on corn (mentioned by
Mr Villiers) could be devised, he should adopt them—a
declaration received with universal favour on the
Government side.
Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the
Exchequer in consequence of some notice by the former of
the strange construction of a new Opposition to force a
Dissolution of Parliament by a Minister who, three weeks
Page 568
ago, had declared such Dissolution inexpedient. It was not a
successful speech.
THE OPPOSITION
The great speech on the Opposition side was that of Sir
James Graham: elaborate, malignant, mischievous. His
position was this: that Lord Derby, as a man of honour, was
bound to propose taxes on food, and that if he did so,
revolution was inevitable.
Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in the same
vein, the necessity of immediate Dissolution after the
passing of the "necessary" measures; but the question soon
arose, What is "necessary"?
Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill "necessary," upon
which the League26 immediately rose and denied that
conclusion.
There seemed in the House a great reluctance to avoid a
violent course, but a very general wish, on the Opposition
side, for as speedy a Dissolution as public necessity would
permit.
The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to the
Government. All which is most humbly submitted to your
Majesty, by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 26: The members belonging to the Manchester School of
Politics.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION
Osborne, 17th March 1852.
successful speech.
THE OPPOSITION
The great speech on the Opposition side was that of Sir
James Graham: elaborate, malignant, mischievous. His
position was this: that Lord Derby, as a man of honour, was
bound to propose taxes on food, and that if he did so,
revolution was inevitable.
Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in the same
vein, the necessity of immediate Dissolution after the
passing of the "necessary" measures; but the question soon
arose, What is "necessary"?
Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill "necessary," upon
which the League26 immediately rose and denied that
conclusion.
There seemed in the House a great reluctance to avoid a
violent course, but a very general wish, on the Opposition
side, for as speedy a Dissolution as public necessity would
permit.
The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to the
Government. All which is most humbly submitted to your
Majesty, by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 26: The members belonging to the Manchester School of
Politics.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION
Osborne, 17th March 1852.
Page 569
My dearest Uncle,—I delayed writing till to-day as I
wished to see the papers first, and be able to give you an
account of the first Debate in the two Houses. They are not
satisfactory, because both Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli
refuse to give a straightforward answer as to their policy, the
uncertainty as to which will do serious harm.27 The
Opposition are very determined, and with right, to insist on
this being given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible.
The Government will be forced to do this, but it is very
unwise, after all this agitation for the last five years and a
half, not [to] come forward manfully and to state what they
intend to do. We tried to impress Lord Derby with the
necessity of this course, and I hoped we had succeeded, but
his speech has not been what it ought to have been in this
respect.
The President seems more occupied at home than abroad,
which I trust he may remain.
Stockmar is well.... One thing is pretty certain—that out of
the present state of confusion and discordance, a sound state
of Parties will be obtained, and two Parties, as of old, will
again exist, without which it is impossible to have a strong
Government. How these Parties will be formed it is
impossible to say at present. Now, with Albert's love, ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law League, which
had been dissolved in 1846, being revived.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th March 1852.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock.)
wished to see the papers first, and be able to give you an
account of the first Debate in the two Houses. They are not
satisfactory, because both Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli
refuse to give a straightforward answer as to their policy, the
uncertainty as to which will do serious harm.27 The
Opposition are very determined, and with right, to insist on
this being given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible.
The Government will be forced to do this, but it is very
unwise, after all this agitation for the last five years and a
half, not [to] come forward manfully and to state what they
intend to do. We tried to impress Lord Derby with the
necessity of this course, and I hoped we had succeeded, but
his speech has not been what it ought to have been in this
respect.
The President seems more occupied at home than abroad,
which I trust he may remain.
Stockmar is well.... One thing is pretty certain—that out of
the present state of confusion and discordance, a sound state
of Parties will be obtained, and two Parties, as of old, will
again exist, without which it is impossible to have a strong
Government. How these Parties will be formed it is
impossible to say at present. Now, with Albert's love, ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law League, which
had been dissolved in 1846, being revived.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th March 1852.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock.)
Page 570
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, lays before your Majesty what has taken place
in the House of Commons to-night.
At the commencement of public business, Lord John
Russell, in a very full House, after some hostile comments,
enquired of Her Majesty's Ministers whether they were
prepared to declare that Her Majesty will be advised to
dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one, with the
least possible delay consistent with a due regard to the
public interest, in reference to measures of urgent and
immediate necessity.
The question was recommended by Lord John Russell as
one similar to that put to him in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply observed that
there was a distinction between the position of the present
Ministry and that of Lord John Russell in 1841, as in that
and in the other precedents quoted in 1841 by Sir Robert
Peel, the Ministry had been condemned by a vote of the
House of Commons.
He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic for any
Ministers to pledge themselves to recommend their
Sovereign to dissolve Parliament at any stated and specific
time, as circumstances might occur which would render the
fulfilment of the pledge injurious or impracticable; that it
was the intention of the Ministers to recommend your
Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament the moment that
such measures were carried which were necessary for your
Majesty's service, and for the security and good government
of your Majesty's realm; and that it was their wish and
intention that the new Parliament should meet to decide
upon the question of confidence in the Administration, and
on the measures, which they could then bring forward in the
course of the present year.
This announcement was very favourably received.
your Majesty, lays before your Majesty what has taken place
in the House of Commons to-night.
At the commencement of public business, Lord John
Russell, in a very full House, after some hostile comments,
enquired of Her Majesty's Ministers whether they were
prepared to declare that Her Majesty will be advised to
dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one, with the
least possible delay consistent with a due regard to the
public interest, in reference to measures of urgent and
immediate necessity.
The question was recommended by Lord John Russell as
one similar to that put to him in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply observed that
there was a distinction between the position of the present
Ministry and that of Lord John Russell in 1841, as in that
and in the other precedents quoted in 1841 by Sir Robert
Peel, the Ministry had been condemned by a vote of the
House of Commons.
He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic for any
Ministers to pledge themselves to recommend their
Sovereign to dissolve Parliament at any stated and specific
time, as circumstances might occur which would render the
fulfilment of the pledge injurious or impracticable; that it
was the intention of the Ministers to recommend your
Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament the moment that
such measures were carried which were necessary for your
Majesty's service, and for the security and good government
of your Majesty's realm; and that it was their wish and
intention that the new Parliament should meet to decide
upon the question of confidence in the Administration, and
on the measures, which they could then bring forward in the
course of the present year.
This announcement was very favourably received.
Page 571
The discomfiture of the Opposition is complete, and no
further mention of stopping or limiting supplies will be
heard of.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by
your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY
Buckingham Palace, 22nd March 1852.
We came to Town from Osborne the day before yesterday,
and saw Lord Derby yesterday afternoon, who is in very
good spirits about the prospect of affairs. He told the Queen
that he thought he might state that the Government had
gained a good deal of ground during the last week, and that
there was now a general disposition to let the necessary
measures pass Parliament, and to have the dissolution the
end of June or beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did
not think he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a
Dissolution about that time; but it was impossible to avoid
saying as much as that a new Parliament would meet in the
autumn again, and have settled the commercial policy before
Christmas.
To the Queen's questions, whether there would not be great
excitement in the country produced by the General Election,
and whether Parliament ought not to meet immediately after
it, he replied that he was not the least afraid of much
excitement, and that there was great advantage in not
meeting Parliament immediately again, as the Government
would require a few months to prepare its measures, and to
take a sound view of the new position of affairs. He
anticipated that there would be returned a large proportion of
further mention of stopping or limiting supplies will be
heard of.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by
your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY
Buckingham Palace, 22nd March 1852.
We came to Town from Osborne the day before yesterday,
and saw Lord Derby yesterday afternoon, who is in very
good spirits about the prospect of affairs. He told the Queen
that he thought he might state that the Government had
gained a good deal of ground during the last week, and that
there was now a general disposition to let the necessary
measures pass Parliament, and to have the dissolution the
end of June or beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did
not think he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a
Dissolution about that time; but it was impossible to avoid
saying as much as that a new Parliament would meet in the
autumn again, and have settled the commercial policy before
Christmas.
To the Queen's questions, whether there would not be great
excitement in the country produced by the General Election,
and whether Parliament ought not to meet immediately after
it, he replied that he was not the least afraid of much
excitement, and that there was great advantage in not
meeting Parliament immediately again, as the Government
would require a few months to prepare its measures, and to
take a sound view of the new position of affairs. He
anticipated that there would be returned a large proportion of
Page 572
Conservatives, some Free Traders, some Protectionists; but
not a majority for the re-imposition of a duty on corn,
certainly not a majority large enough to justify him in
proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure he could not
with honour or credit abandon that Measure unless the
country had given its decision against it; but then he would
have most carefully to consider how to revise the general
state of taxation, so as to give that relief to the agricultural
interest which it had a right to demand.
PROTECTION
He had received the most encouraging and flattering letters
from the agriculturists of different parts of the country, all
reposing the most explicit confidence in him, and asking
him not to sacrifice the Government for the sake of an
immediate return to Protection. They felt what Lord Derby
must say he felt himself, that, after the fall of this
Government, there would necessarily come one of a more
democratic tendency than any the country had yet had to
submit to. He thought most politicians saw this, and would
rally round a Conservative standard; he knew that even
many of the leading Whigs were very much dissatisfied with
the company they find themselves thrown into and alarmed
at the progress of Democracy.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd March 1852.
... Here matters have improved rather for the Government,
and it seems now that they will be able to get through the
Session, to dissolve Parliament at the end of June or
beginning of July, and to meet again in November. And then
Protection will be done away with. If only they had not done
so much harm, and played with it for six long years! What
not a majority for the re-imposition of a duty on corn,
certainly not a majority large enough to justify him in
proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure he could not
with honour or credit abandon that Measure unless the
country had given its decision against it; but then he would
have most carefully to consider how to revise the general
state of taxation, so as to give that relief to the agricultural
interest which it had a right to demand.
PROTECTION
He had received the most encouraging and flattering letters
from the agriculturists of different parts of the country, all
reposing the most explicit confidence in him, and asking
him not to sacrifice the Government for the sake of an
immediate return to Protection. They felt what Lord Derby
must say he felt himself, that, after the fall of this
Government, there would necessarily come one of a more
democratic tendency than any the country had yet had to
submit to. He thought most politicians saw this, and would
rally round a Conservative standard; he knew that even
many of the leading Whigs were very much dissatisfied with
the company they find themselves thrown into and alarmed
at the progress of Democracy.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd March 1852.
... Here matters have improved rather for the Government,
and it seems now that they will be able to get through the
Session, to dissolve Parliament at the end of June or
beginning of July, and to meet again in November. And then
Protection will be done away with. If only they had not done
so much harm, and played with it for six long years! What
Page 573
you say of the advantage of having had Governments from
all parties we have often felt and do feel; it renders changes
much less disagreeable. In the present case our acquaintance
is confined almost entirely to Lord Derby, but then he is the
Government. They do nothing without him. He has all the
Departments to look after, and on being asked by somebody
if he was not much tired, he said: "I am quite well with my
babies!..."
Victoria R.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 29th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what has occurred in
the House of Commons to-night.
Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill in a
statement equally perspicuous and persuasive.
Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the Government
Measure was cordially supported by Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion favourable
to increased defence, intimated a preference for regular
troops.
Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of the
cosmopolitan school, and was supported with vigour by Mr
Bright. A division is threatened by the ultra-Movement
party, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer hopes to ward it
off, and is somewhat sanguine of ultimate success in
carrying the Measure.
all parties we have often felt and do feel; it renders changes
much less disagreeable. In the present case our acquaintance
is confined almost entirely to Lord Derby, but then he is the
Government. They do nothing without him. He has all the
Departments to look after, and on being asked by somebody
if he was not much tired, he said: "I am quite well with my
babies!..."
Victoria R.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 29th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what has occurred in
the House of Commons to-night.
Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill in a
statement equally perspicuous and persuasive.
Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the Government
Measure was cordially supported by Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion favourable
to increased defence, intimated a preference for regular
troops.
Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of the
cosmopolitan school, and was supported with vigour by Mr
Bright. A division is threatened by the ultra-Movement
party, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer hopes to ward it
off, and is somewhat sanguine of ultimate success in
carrying the Measure.
Page 574
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 30th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear letter of the
26th, which I received on Saturday. Here we shall have some
trouble with our Militia Bill, which all of a sudden seems to
have caused dissatisfaction and alarm. Lord Derby is quite
prepared to drop Protection, as he knows that the Elections
will bring a Free Trade, though a Conservative majority. Mr
Disraeli (alias Dizzy) writes very curious reports to me of
the House of Commons proceedings—much in the style of
his books....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
ENGLAND AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 10th April 1852.
The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord
Malmesbury will give their earnest attention to the change in
the politics of Italy, which is evidently on the point of taking
place, according to the enclosed despatch from Mr
Hudson.28 What Count Azeglio29 says in his Memorandum
with respect to Austria is perfectly just. But France, as the
champion of Italian liberty and independence, would
become most formidable to the rest of Europe, and Louis
Napoleon, in assuming for her this position, would be only
following the example of his uncle, which we know to be his
constant aim.30
Footnote 28: British Envoy at Turin.
Footnote 29: Premier of Sardinia.
Buckingham Palace, 30th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear letter of the
26th, which I received on Saturday. Here we shall have some
trouble with our Militia Bill, which all of a sudden seems to
have caused dissatisfaction and alarm. Lord Derby is quite
prepared to drop Protection, as he knows that the Elections
will bring a Free Trade, though a Conservative majority. Mr
Disraeli (alias Dizzy) writes very curious reports to me of
the House of Commons proceedings—much in the style of
his books....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
ENGLAND AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 10th April 1852.
The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord
Malmesbury will give their earnest attention to the change in
the politics of Italy, which is evidently on the point of taking
place, according to the enclosed despatch from Mr
Hudson.28 What Count Azeglio29 says in his Memorandum
with respect to Austria is perfectly just. But France, as the
champion of Italian liberty and independence, would
become most formidable to the rest of Europe, and Louis
Napoleon, in assuming for her this position, would be only
following the example of his uncle, which we know to be his
constant aim.30
Footnote 28: British Envoy at Turin.
Footnote 29: Premier of Sardinia.
Page 575
Footnote 30: Lord Derby in reply, after reviewing the whole matter,
counselled non-interference, the keeping of a vigilant watch on French
and Austrian actions, encouragement of Sardinia in her constitutional
action, and the making use of any opportunity to secure both the
independence of Piedmont and the reform of the Papal Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
FRANCE AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 13th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 11th inst.,
in which he states very clearly the difficulties which stand in
the way of an active interference of this country in the
affairs of Italy. The Queen did not mean to recommend in
her letter of the 10th on this subject any active interference,
as she is of opinion that our present want of due influence in
Italy is chiefly owing to our former ill-judged over-activity.
The Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby in
thinking that "all that can be done now is carefully to watch
the proceedings of France and Austria in this matter, so as to
profit by every good opportunity to protect the independence
of Piedmont, and, if possible, produce some improvement in
the internal Government of Rome," and she would
accordingly like to see her respective Foreign Ministers
instructed in this sense.
The Queen continues, however, to look with apprehension to
the possible turn which the affairs of Italy may take,
proceeding from the political views of the President. It is not
improbable that he may act now that he is omnipotent upon
the views contained in his celebrated letter to Edgar Ney in
1849, which were at the time disapproved by the
Assembly.31 He will feel the necessity of doing something to
compensate the French for what they have lost by him at
home, to turn their attention from home affairs to those
counselled non-interference, the keeping of a vigilant watch on French
and Austrian actions, encouragement of Sardinia in her constitutional
action, and the making use of any opportunity to secure both the
independence of Piedmont and the reform of the Papal Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
FRANCE AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 13th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 11th inst.,
in which he states very clearly the difficulties which stand in
the way of an active interference of this country in the
affairs of Italy. The Queen did not mean to recommend in
her letter of the 10th on this subject any active interference,
as she is of opinion that our present want of due influence in
Italy is chiefly owing to our former ill-judged over-activity.
The Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby in
thinking that "all that can be done now is carefully to watch
the proceedings of France and Austria in this matter, so as to
profit by every good opportunity to protect the independence
of Piedmont, and, if possible, produce some improvement in
the internal Government of Rome," and she would
accordingly like to see her respective Foreign Ministers
instructed in this sense.
The Queen continues, however, to look with apprehension to
the possible turn which the affairs of Italy may take,
proceeding from the political views of the President. It is not
improbable that he may act now that he is omnipotent upon
the views contained in his celebrated letter to Edgar Ney in
1849, which were at the time disapproved by the
Assembly.31 He will feel the necessity of doing something to
compensate the French for what they have lost by him at
home, to turn their attention from home affairs to those
Page 576
abroad, and to the acquisition of power and influence in
Europe; and certainly, were he to head Italian liberty and
independence, his power of doing mischief would be
immense. After all, such an attempt would not be more
inconsistent for him than it was for General Cavaignac, as
President of the République Démocratique, to get rid of the
Roman Republic, and to reinstate the Pope by force of arms.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to
Lord Malmesbury, from whom she has also just heard upon
this subject.
Footnote 31: In this letter the President of the Republic had expressed
his admiration at the conduct of the French troops in the Roman
expedition under General Oudinot, and his warm approval of the
policy that led to the campaign.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th April 1852.
(Monday night, half-past twelve.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that, after a dull
debate, significant only by two of the subordinate Members
of the late Administration declaring their hostility to the
Militia Bill, Lord John Russell rose at eleven o'clock and
announced his determination to oppose the second reading
of it.32 His speech was one of his ablest—statesmanlike,
argumentative, terse, and playful; and the effect he produced
was considerable.
Your Majesty's Government, about to attempt to reply to it,
gave way to Lord Palmerston, who changed the feeling of
the House, and indeed entirely carried it away in a speech of
extraordinary vigour and high-spirited tone.
Europe; and certainly, were he to head Italian liberty and
independence, his power of doing mischief would be
immense. After all, such an attempt would not be more
inconsistent for him than it was for General Cavaignac, as
President of the République Démocratique, to get rid of the
Roman Republic, and to reinstate the Pope by force of arms.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to
Lord Malmesbury, from whom she has also just heard upon
this subject.
Footnote 31: In this letter the President of the Republic had expressed
his admiration at the conduct of the French troops in the Roman
expedition under General Oudinot, and his warm approval of the
policy that led to the campaign.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th April 1852.
(Monday night, half-past twelve.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that, after a dull
debate, significant only by two of the subordinate Members
of the late Administration declaring their hostility to the
Militia Bill, Lord John Russell rose at eleven o'clock and
announced his determination to oppose the second reading
of it.32 His speech was one of his ablest—statesmanlike,
argumentative, terse, and playful; and the effect he produced
was considerable.
Your Majesty's Government, about to attempt to reply to it,
gave way to Lord Palmerston, who changed the feeling of
the House, and indeed entirely carried it away in a speech of
extraordinary vigour and high-spirited tone.
Page 577
The Ministers were willing to have taken the division on his
Lordship sitting down, but as the late Government wished to
reply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not oppose the
adjournment of the debate.
The elements of calculation as to the division are very
complicated, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is still
inclined to believe that the second reading of the Bill will be
carried.
Footnote 32: This tactical blunder, much condemned at the time,
estranged many of the Whigs from Lord John.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE BUDGET
Buckingham Palace, 25th April 1852.
The Queen wishes to remind Lord Derby that the time for
the presentation of the Budget to the House of Commons
being very close at hand, none of the Measures referring to
the finances of the country which the Government may have
to propose have as yet been laid before her.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Buckingham Palace, 26th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's explanation of his
views with regard to the Budget,33 and will be glad to see
him on Wednesday at three o'clock. She had been alarmed
by vague rumours that it was the intention of the
Government to propose great changes in the present
Lordship sitting down, but as the late Government wished to
reply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not oppose the
adjournment of the debate.
The elements of calculation as to the division are very
complicated, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is still
inclined to believe that the second reading of the Bill will be
carried.
Footnote 32: This tactical blunder, much condemned at the time,
estranged many of the Whigs from Lord John.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE BUDGET
Buckingham Palace, 25th April 1852.
The Queen wishes to remind Lord Derby that the time for
the presentation of the Budget to the House of Commons
being very close at hand, none of the Measures referring to
the finances of the country which the Government may have
to propose have as yet been laid before her.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Buckingham Palace, 26th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's explanation of his
views with regard to the Budget,33 and will be glad to see
him on Wednesday at three o'clock. She had been alarmed
by vague rumours that it was the intention of the
Government to propose great changes in the present
Page 578
financial system, which, with an adverse majority in the
House of Commons and at the eve of a Dissolution, must
have led to much confusion. She thinks the course suggested
by Lord Derby to consider the Budget merely as a
provisional one for the current year, by far the wisest, the
more so as it will leave us a surplus of £2,000,000, which is
of the utmost importance in case of unforeseen difficulties
with Foreign Powers.34
Footnote 33: Its chief feature was a renewal of the expiring Income
Tax.
Footnote 34: Accordingly, no financial changes were proposed until
after the General Election. See post, p. 406.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 26th April.
(Monday night, twelve o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the Militia Bill
has been carried (second reading) by an immense majority.
For 315
Against 165
The concluding portion of the debate was distinguished by
the speeches of Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Walpole, who
made their greatest efforts; the first singularly happy in his
treatment of a subject of which he was master, and the last
addressing the House with a spirit unusual with him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
House of Commons and at the eve of a Dissolution, must
have led to much confusion. She thinks the course suggested
by Lord Derby to consider the Budget merely as a
provisional one for the current year, by far the wisest, the
more so as it will leave us a surplus of £2,000,000, which is
of the utmost importance in case of unforeseen difficulties
with Foreign Powers.34
Footnote 33: Its chief feature was a renewal of the expiring Income
Tax.
Footnote 34: Accordingly, no financial changes were proposed until
after the General Election. See post, p. 406.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 26th April.
(Monday night, twelve o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the Militia Bill
has been carried (second reading) by an immense majority.
For 315
Against 165
The concluding portion of the debate was distinguished by
the speeches of Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Walpole, who
made their greatest efforts; the first singularly happy in his
treatment of a subject of which he was master, and the last
addressing the House with a spirit unusual with him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 579
FRANCE AND THE BOURBONS
Buckingham Palace, 27th April 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind and
affectionate letter of the 23rd. I have somehow or other
contrived to lose my day, for which reason I can only write a
very short letter. It seems to be generally believed that Louis
Napoleon's assumption of the title of Emperor is very near at
hand, but they still think war is not likely, as it would be
such bad policy.
What you say about the ill-fated Spanish marriages, and the
result of the poor King's wishing to have no one but a
Bourbon as Queen Isabel's husband being that the French
won't have any Bourbon, is indeed strange. It is a
melancholy result.
I shall certainly try and read Thiers' Révolution, Consulat, et
Empire, but I can hardly read any books, my whole lecture
almost being taken up by the immense quantity of
despatches we have to read, and then I have a good deal to
write, and must then have a little leisure time to rest, and de
me délasser and to get out. It is a great deprivation, as I
delight in reading. Still, I will not forget your
recommendation.
I am sorry to say nothing is definitely settled about our dear
Crystal Palace. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Buckingham Palace, 1st May 1852.
The Queen has read with great interest the clear and able
financial statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
Buckingham Palace, 27th April 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind and
affectionate letter of the 23rd. I have somehow or other
contrived to lose my day, for which reason I can only write a
very short letter. It seems to be generally believed that Louis
Napoleon's assumption of the title of Emperor is very near at
hand, but they still think war is not likely, as it would be
such bad policy.
What you say about the ill-fated Spanish marriages, and the
result of the poor King's wishing to have no one but a
Bourbon as Queen Isabel's husband being that the French
won't have any Bourbon, is indeed strange. It is a
melancholy result.
I shall certainly try and read Thiers' Révolution, Consulat, et
Empire, but I can hardly read any books, my whole lecture
almost being taken up by the immense quantity of
despatches we have to read, and then I have a good deal to
write, and must then have a little leisure time to rest, and de
me délasser and to get out. It is a great deprivation, as I
delight in reading. Still, I will not forget your
recommendation.
I am sorry to say nothing is definitely settled about our dear
Crystal Palace. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Buckingham Palace, 1st May 1852.
The Queen has read with great interest the clear and able
financial statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
Page 580
made in the House of Commons last night, and was glad to
hear from him that it was well received.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Buckingham Palace, 13th May 1852.
With respect to this despatch from Lord Howden,35 the
Queen wishes to observe that hitherto we have on all similar
occasions declined accepting any Foreign Order for the
Prince of Wales, on account of his being too young and not
even having any of the English Orders. Might this not
therefore be communicated to Lord Howden?
Footnote 35: British Minister at Madrid.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Osborne, 27th May 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed most interesting letters. It is
evident that the President is meeting with the first symptoms
of a reviving public feeling in France; whether this will
drive him to hurry on the Empire remains to be seen. All the
Foreign Powers have to be careful about is to receive an
assurance that the Empire does not mean a return to the
policy of the Empire, but that the existing Treaties will be
acknowledged and adhered to.
The session seems to advance very rapidly. The Queen hails
Lord Derby's declaration of his conviction that a majority for
a duty on corn will not be returned to the new Parliament, as
hear from him that it was well received.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Buckingham Palace, 13th May 1852.
With respect to this despatch from Lord Howden,35 the
Queen wishes to observe that hitherto we have on all similar
occasions declined accepting any Foreign Order for the
Prince of Wales, on account of his being too young and not
even having any of the English Orders. Might this not
therefore be communicated to Lord Howden?
Footnote 35: British Minister at Madrid.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Osborne, 27th May 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed most interesting letters. It is
evident that the President is meeting with the first symptoms
of a reviving public feeling in France; whether this will
drive him to hurry on the Empire remains to be seen. All the
Foreign Powers have to be careful about is to receive an
assurance that the Empire does not mean a return to the
policy of the Empire, but that the existing Treaties will be
acknowledged and adhered to.
The session seems to advance very rapidly. The Queen hails
Lord Derby's declaration of his conviction that a majority for
a duty on corn will not be returned to the new Parliament, as
Page 581
the first step towards the abandonment of hostility to the
Free Trade on which our commercial policy is now
established, and which has produced so flourishing a
condition of the finances of the country.
Mr Disraeli's speech about Spain was very good, though he
had certainly better not have alluded to Portugal.
We return to Town to-morrow.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 21st June 1852.
(Nine o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that Lord John Russell
introduced to the notice of the House of Commons to-night
the recent Minute of the Committee of Council on
Education.
Lord John Russell made a languid statement to a rather full
House. His speech was not very effective as it proceeded,
and there was silence when he sat down.
Then Mr Walpole rose and vindicated the Minute. He spoke
with animation, and was cheered when he concluded.
Sir Harry Verney followed, and the House very much
dispersed; indeed the discussion would probably have
terminated when Sir Harry finished, had not Mr Gladstone
then risen. Mr Gladstone gave only a very guarded approval
to the Minute, which he treated as insignificant.
It was not a happy effort, and the debate, for a while revived
by his interposition, continued to languish until this hour
(nine o'clock), with successive relays of mediocrity, until it
yielded its last gasp in the arms of Mr Slaney.
Free Trade on which our commercial policy is now
established, and which has produced so flourishing a
condition of the finances of the country.
Mr Disraeli's speech about Spain was very good, though he
had certainly better not have alluded to Portugal.
We return to Town to-morrow.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 21st June 1852.
(Nine o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that Lord John Russell
introduced to the notice of the House of Commons to-night
the recent Minute of the Committee of Council on
Education.
Lord John Russell made a languid statement to a rather full
House. His speech was not very effective as it proceeded,
and there was silence when he sat down.
Then Mr Walpole rose and vindicated the Minute. He spoke
with animation, and was cheered when he concluded.
Sir Harry Verney followed, and the House very much
dispersed; indeed the discussion would probably have
terminated when Sir Harry finished, had not Mr Gladstone
then risen. Mr Gladstone gave only a very guarded approval
to the Minute, which he treated as insignificant.
It was not a happy effort, and the debate, for a while revived
by his interposition, continued to languish until this hour
(nine o'clock), with successive relays of mediocrity, until it
yielded its last gasp in the arms of Mr Slaney.
Page 582
The feeling of the House of Commons, probably in this
representing faithfully that of the country, is against both the
violent parties in the Church, and in favour of a firm, though
temperate, course on the part of the Crown, which may
conciliate a vast majority, and tend to terminate dissension.
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
DISTURBANCES AT STOCKPORT
Buckingham Palace, 1st July 1852.
The Queen is much distressed at the account she has read in
the papers of the dreadful riot at Stockport,36 alas! caused by
that most baneful of all Party feelings, religious hatred,37
and she is very anxious to know what Mr Walpole has heard.
Footnote 36: The Church question was brought into the political arena
in the General Election, which was now in progress; much violence
was manifested during the contest.
Footnote 37: "It is additional proof, if more were wanting," wrote Mr
Walpole in reply, "that all Parties should forbear as much as possible
from the ostentatious parade of anything that can provoke either the
one or the other."
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 23rd July 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—... We are very much plagued by our
Treaty with France. Victor Hugo has written a book against
Louis Napoleon, which will exasperate him much, and
which he publishes here; we can hardly keep Victor Hugo
here after that.38 The great plague of all these affairs is their
representing faithfully that of the country, is against both the
violent parties in the Church, and in favour of a firm, though
temperate, course on the part of the Crown, which may
conciliate a vast majority, and tend to terminate dissension.
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
DISTURBANCES AT STOCKPORT
Buckingham Palace, 1st July 1852.
The Queen is much distressed at the account she has read in
the papers of the dreadful riot at Stockport,36 alas! caused by
that most baneful of all Party feelings, religious hatred,37
and she is very anxious to know what Mr Walpole has heard.
Footnote 36: The Church question was brought into the political arena
in the General Election, which was now in progress; much violence
was manifested during the contest.
Footnote 37: "It is additional proof, if more were wanting," wrote Mr
Walpole in reply, "that all Parties should forbear as much as possible
from the ostentatious parade of anything that can provoke either the
one or the other."
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 23rd July 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—... We are very much plagued by our
Treaty with France. Victor Hugo has written a book against
Louis Napoleon, which will exasperate him much, and
which he publishes here; we can hardly keep Victor Hugo
here after that.38 The great plague of all these affairs is their
Page 583
constant return without the least advantage to any one from
the difficulties they created.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 38: Victor Hugo (1802-1885) had founded the journal,
L'Evénement, in 1848: he was exiled in 1851, and published Napoléon
le Petit in Belgium. After the fall of the Empire he returned to France,
and in 1877 published his Histoire d'un Crime.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 26th August 1852.
The Queen has been considering the subject of the vacant
Garter, and the names which Lord Derby proposed to her.
She is of opinion that it would not be advisable on the whole
to give the Garter to Lord Londonderry; that the Duke of
Northumberland has by far the strongest claim to this
distinction. At the same time, the Queen would have no
objection to bestow it on Lord Lonsdale, if this is desirable,
in order to facilitate any Ministerial arrangements which
Lord Derby may have in contemplation.
the difficulties they created.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 38: Victor Hugo (1802-1885) had founded the journal,
L'Evénement, in 1848: he was exiled in 1851, and published Napoléon
le Petit in Belgium. After the fall of the Empire he returned to France,
and in 1877 published his Histoire d'un Crime.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 26th August 1852.
The Queen has been considering the subject of the vacant
Garter, and the names which Lord Derby proposed to her.
She is of opinion that it would not be advisable on the whole
to give the Garter to Lord Londonderry; that the Duke of
Northumberland has by far the strongest claim to this
distinction. At the same time, the Queen would have no
objection to bestow it on Lord Lonsdale, if this is desirable,
in order to facilitate any Ministerial arrangements which
Lord Derby may have in contemplation.
Page 584
F.M. The Duke of Wellington, K.G.
From a miniature at Apsley House
To face p. 392, Vol. II.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN INHERITS A FORTUNE
Laeken, 10th September 1852.
From a miniature at Apsley House
To face p. 392, Vol. II.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN INHERITS A FORTUNE
Laeken, 10th September 1852.
Page 585
My dearest Victoria,—... That Mr Neild39 should have left
that great fortune to you delighted me; it gives the
possibility of forming a private fortune for the Royal Family,
the necessity of which nobody can deny. Such things only
still happen in England, where there exists loyalty and
strong affection for Royalty, a feeling unfortunately much
diminished on the Continent of Europe, though it did exist
there also....
Footnote 39: John Camden Neild, an eccentric and miserly bachelor,
nominally a barrister, died on the 30th of August, bequeathing
substantially the whole of his fortune (amounting to half a million) to
the Queen. As there were no known relatives, the Queen felt able to
accept this legacy; but she first increased the legacies to the executors
from £100 to £1000 each, made provision for Mr Neild's servants and
others who had claims on him, restored the chancel of North Marston
Church, Bucks, where he was buried, and inserted a window there to
his memory.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
DEATH OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
The death of the Duke of Wellington40 has deprived the
Country of her greatest man, the Crown of its most valuable
servant and adviser, the Army of its main strength and
support. We received the sad news on an expedition from
Allt-na-Giuthasach to the Dhu Loch (one of the wildest and
loneliest spots of the Highlands) at four o'clock yesterday
afternoon. We hurried home to Allt-na-Giuthasach, and to-
day here, where it became important to settle with Lord
Derby the mode of providing for the command of the Army,
and the filling up of the many posts and places which the
Duke had held.
that great fortune to you delighted me; it gives the
possibility of forming a private fortune for the Royal Family,
the necessity of which nobody can deny. Such things only
still happen in England, where there exists loyalty and
strong affection for Royalty, a feeling unfortunately much
diminished on the Continent of Europe, though it did exist
there also....
Footnote 39: John Camden Neild, an eccentric and miserly bachelor,
nominally a barrister, died on the 30th of August, bequeathing
substantially the whole of his fortune (amounting to half a million) to
the Queen. As there were no known relatives, the Queen felt able to
accept this legacy; but she first increased the legacies to the executors
from £100 to £1000 each, made provision for Mr Neild's servants and
others who had claims on him, restored the chancel of North Marston
Church, Bucks, where he was buried, and inserted a window there to
his memory.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
DEATH OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
The death of the Duke of Wellington40 has deprived the
Country of her greatest man, the Crown of its most valuable
servant and adviser, the Army of its main strength and
support. We received the sad news on an expedition from
Allt-na-Giuthasach to the Dhu Loch (one of the wildest and
loneliest spots of the Highlands) at four o'clock yesterday
afternoon. We hurried home to Allt-na-Giuthasach, and to-
day here, where it became important to settle with Lord
Derby the mode of providing for the command of the Army,
and the filling up of the many posts and places which the
Duke had held.
Page 586
Footnote 40: The Duke passed away at Walmer on the 14th of
September, in his eighty-fourth year.
I had privately prepared a list of the mode in which this
should be done, and discussed it with Victoria, and found, to
both Lord Derby's and our astonishment, that it tallied in
every point with the recommendations which he had thought
of making.
I explained to Lord Derby the grounds upon which I thought
it better not to assume the Command myself, and told him of
the old Duke's proposal, two years ago, to prepare the way to
my assuming the Command by the appointment of a Chief
of the Staff, on Sir Willoughby Gordon's death, and the
reasons on which I then declined the offer. Lord Derby
entirely concurred in my views, and seemed relieved by my
explanation; we then agreed that for the loss of authority
which we had lost with the Duke, we could only make up by
increase in efficiency in the appointments to the different
offices. That Lord Hardinge was the only man fit to
command the Army.
He should then receive the Command-in-Chief. The
Ordnance which he would vacate should be given to Lord
Fitzroy Somerset, hitherto Military Secretary (with the offer
of a peerage).41 The Constableship of the Tower to Lord
Combermere; the Garter to Lord Londonderry; the
Grenadier Guards and the Rifle Brigade to me; the Fusiliers
vacated by me to the Duke of Cambridge (or the
Coldstream, Lord Strafford exchanging to the Fusiliers); the
60th Rifles vacated by me to Lord Beresford; the Rangership
of the Parks in London to George (Duke of Cambridge); the
Wardenship of the Cinque Ports to Lord Dalhousie; the
Lieutenancy of Hampshire to Lord Winchester. I reserved to
me the right of considering whether I should not assume the
command of the Brigade of Guards which the Duke of York
held in George IV.'s time, to which William IV. appointed
himself, and which has been vacant ever since Victoria's
September, in his eighty-fourth year.
I had privately prepared a list of the mode in which this
should be done, and discussed it with Victoria, and found, to
both Lord Derby's and our astonishment, that it tallied in
every point with the recommendations which he had thought
of making.
I explained to Lord Derby the grounds upon which I thought
it better not to assume the Command myself, and told him of
the old Duke's proposal, two years ago, to prepare the way to
my assuming the Command by the appointment of a Chief
of the Staff, on Sir Willoughby Gordon's death, and the
reasons on which I then declined the offer. Lord Derby
entirely concurred in my views, and seemed relieved by my
explanation; we then agreed that for the loss of authority
which we had lost with the Duke, we could only make up by
increase in efficiency in the appointments to the different
offices. That Lord Hardinge was the only man fit to
command the Army.
He should then receive the Command-in-Chief. The
Ordnance which he would vacate should be given to Lord
Fitzroy Somerset, hitherto Military Secretary (with the offer
of a peerage).41 The Constableship of the Tower to Lord
Combermere; the Garter to Lord Londonderry; the
Grenadier Guards and the Rifle Brigade to me; the Fusiliers
vacated by me to the Duke of Cambridge (or the
Coldstream, Lord Strafford exchanging to the Fusiliers); the
60th Rifles vacated by me to Lord Beresford; the Rangership
of the Parks in London to George (Duke of Cambridge); the
Wardenship of the Cinque Ports to Lord Dalhousie; the
Lieutenancy of Hampshire to Lord Winchester. I reserved to
me the right of considering whether I should not assume the
command of the Brigade of Guards which the Duke of York
held in George IV.'s time, to which William IV. appointed
himself, and which has been vacant ever since Victoria's
Page 587
accession, although inherent to the Constitution of the
Guards.
Footnote 41: He became Lord Raglan.
Lord Derby had thought of George for the Command-in-
Chief, as an alternative for Lord Hardinge, but perceived
that his rank as a Major-General and youth would hardly
entitle him to such an advancement. He would have carried
no weight with the public, and we must not conceal from
ourselves that many attacks on the Army which have been
sleeping on account of the Duke will now be forthcoming.
Victoria wishes the Army to mourn for the Duke as long as
for a member of the Royal Family.
Lord Derby proposes a public funeral, which cannot take
place, however, before the meeting of Parliament in
November. He is to find out how this is to be accomplished
on account of the long interval.
The correspondence here following42 shows what doubts
exist as to the person in whom the Command of the Army is
vested in case of a vacancy. I consider Lord Palmerston's
letter as a mere attempt to arrogate supreme power for his
Office,43 which rests on no foundation. The Secretary at War
has no authority whatever except over money, whilst the
Commander-in-Chief has no authority to spend a penny
without the Secretary at War.
Albert.
Footnote 42: These letters, which are of no special importance,
contained a statement from Lord Palmerston to the effect that the
appointment to the Commandership-in-Chief was vested in the
Secretary at War.
Footnote 43: Lord Palmerston had held the office of Secretary at War
from 1809 to 1828.
Guards.
Footnote 41: He became Lord Raglan.
Lord Derby had thought of George for the Command-in-
Chief, as an alternative for Lord Hardinge, but perceived
that his rank as a Major-General and youth would hardly
entitle him to such an advancement. He would have carried
no weight with the public, and we must not conceal from
ourselves that many attacks on the Army which have been
sleeping on account of the Duke will now be forthcoming.
Victoria wishes the Army to mourn for the Duke as long as
for a member of the Royal Family.
Lord Derby proposes a public funeral, which cannot take
place, however, before the meeting of Parliament in
November. He is to find out how this is to be accomplished
on account of the long interval.
The correspondence here following42 shows what doubts
exist as to the person in whom the Command of the Army is
vested in case of a vacancy. I consider Lord Palmerston's
letter as a mere attempt to arrogate supreme power for his
Office,43 which rests on no foundation. The Secretary at War
has no authority whatever except over money, whilst the
Commander-in-Chief has no authority to spend a penny
without the Secretary at War.
Albert.
Footnote 42: These letters, which are of no special importance,
contained a statement from Lord Palmerston to the effect that the
appointment to the Commandership-in-Chief was vested in the
Secretary at War.
Footnote 43: Lord Palmerston had held the office of Secretary at War
from 1809 to 1828.
Page 588
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I am sure you will mourn with us over
the loss we and this whole nation have experienced in the
death of the dear and great old Duke of Wellington. The sad
news will have reached you, I doubt not, on Wednesday or
yesterday. We had gone on Wednesday, as I had mentioned,
to our little Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach to spend two days
there, and were enjoying ourselves very much on a beautiful
expedition yesterday, and were sitting by the side of the Dhu
Loch, one of the severest, wildest spots imaginable, when
one of our Highlanders arrived bringing a letter from Lord
Derby (who is here), confirming the report which we had
already heard of—but entirely disbelieved—and sending me
a letter from Lord Charles Wellesley, saying that his dear
father had only been ill a few hours, and had hardly suffered
at all. It was a stroke, which was succeeded rapidly by
others, and carried him off without any return of
consciousness. For him it is a blessing that he should have
been taken away in the possession of his great and powerful
mind and without a lingering illness. But for this country,
and for us, his loss—though it could not have been long
delayed—is irreparable! He was the pride and the bon génie,
as it were, of this country! He was the GREATEST man this
country ever produced, and the most devoted and loyal
subject, and the staunchest supporter the Crown ever had.
He was to us a true, kind friend and most valuable adviser.
To think that all this is gone; that this great and immortal
man belongs now to History and no longer to the present, is
a truth which we cannot realise. We shall soon stand sadly
alone; Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that
kind we have left. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool—and now the
Duke—all gone!
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I am sure you will mourn with us over
the loss we and this whole nation have experienced in the
death of the dear and great old Duke of Wellington. The sad
news will have reached you, I doubt not, on Wednesday or
yesterday. We had gone on Wednesday, as I had mentioned,
to our little Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach to spend two days
there, and were enjoying ourselves very much on a beautiful
expedition yesterday, and were sitting by the side of the Dhu
Loch, one of the severest, wildest spots imaginable, when
one of our Highlanders arrived bringing a letter from Lord
Derby (who is here), confirming the report which we had
already heard of—but entirely disbelieved—and sending me
a letter from Lord Charles Wellesley, saying that his dear
father had only been ill a few hours, and had hardly suffered
at all. It was a stroke, which was succeeded rapidly by
others, and carried him off without any return of
consciousness. For him it is a blessing that he should have
been taken away in the possession of his great and powerful
mind and without a lingering illness. But for this country,
and for us, his loss—though it could not have been long
delayed—is irreparable! He was the pride and the bon génie,
as it were, of this country! He was the GREATEST man this
country ever produced, and the most devoted and loyal
subject, and the staunchest supporter the Crown ever had.
He was to us a true, kind friend and most valuable adviser.
To think that all this is gone; that this great and immortal
man belongs now to History and no longer to the present, is
a truth which we cannot realise. We shall soon stand sadly
alone; Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that
kind we have left. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool—and now the
Duke—all gone!
Page 589
You will kindly feel for and with us, dearest Uncle.
Lord Hardinge is to be Commander-in-Chief, and he is quite
the only man fit for it.
Albert is much grieved. The dear Duke showed him great
confidence and kindness. He was so fond of his little godson
Arthur—who will now be a remaining link of the dear old
Duke's, and a pleasant recollection of him. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—You will be much grieved at the loss
of the Duke. It must give you satisfaction to think that you
were always kind to him, and that he was very sincerely
devoted to you and appreciated Albert. Since 1814 I had
known much of the Duke; his kindness to me had been very
marked, and I early discovered that he was very favourable
to my marriage with Charlotte, then already in agitation.
Since, he was always kind and confidential, even in those
days of persecution against me, the result of the jealousy of
George IV.; he never was influenced by it, or had the
meanness of many who, in the days of misfortune, quickly
leave one. The only case in which we were at variance was
about the boundaries of Greece. He had some of the old
absolute notions, which in that case were not in conformity
with the real interests of England and of Europe. Even last
year he spoke so very kindly to me on the subject of our
Continental affairs. Rarely fickle Fortune permits a poor
mortal to reach the conclusion of a long career, however
glorious, with such complete success, so undisturbed by
physical or moral causes. The Duke is the noblest example
Lord Hardinge is to be Commander-in-Chief, and he is quite
the only man fit for it.
Albert is much grieved. The dear Duke showed him great
confidence and kindness. He was so fond of his little godson
Arthur—who will now be a remaining link of the dear old
Duke's, and a pleasant recollection of him. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—You will be much grieved at the loss
of the Duke. It must give you satisfaction to think that you
were always kind to him, and that he was very sincerely
devoted to you and appreciated Albert. Since 1814 I had
known much of the Duke; his kindness to me had been very
marked, and I early discovered that he was very favourable
to my marriage with Charlotte, then already in agitation.
Since, he was always kind and confidential, even in those
days of persecution against me, the result of the jealousy of
George IV.; he never was influenced by it, or had the
meanness of many who, in the days of misfortune, quickly
leave one. The only case in which we were at variance was
about the boundaries of Greece. He had some of the old
absolute notions, which in that case were not in conformity
with the real interests of England and of Europe. Even last
year he spoke so very kindly to me on the subject of our
Continental affairs. Rarely fickle Fortune permits a poor
mortal to reach the conclusion of a long career, however
glorious, with such complete success, so undisturbed by
physical or moral causes. The Duke is the noblest example
Page 590
of what an Englishman may be, and to what greatness he
may rise in following that honourable and straight line.
When one looks at the Manchester school, compared to the
greatness to which men like the Duke raised their country,
one cannot help to be alarmed for the future. You are
enjoying the Highlands, but the weather seems also not very
favourable; here it is uncertain, and at times very cold....
Your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Derby.
FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS
Balmoral, 22nd September 1852.
My dear Lord Derby,—The Queen wishes me to answer
your kind letter of yesterday.
Her letter to you and to Mr Walpole of this morning will
have apprised you that she sanctions the Guard of Honour
having been placed at Walmer, and the Duke's body having
been taken possession of formally on the part of the Crown.
It would be a great pity if Lord Fitzroy were to be obliged to
decline the Peerage on account of poverty; at the same time
it may be difficult to relieve him from the payment of fees
by a public grant. Under these circumstances, rather than
leave Lord Fitzroy unrewarded, and a chance of his feeling
mortified at a moment when his cheerful co-operation with
Lord Hardinge is so important to the public service—the
Queen would herself bear the expense of the fees. If this
were to hurt Lord Fitzroy's feelings, you could easily
manage it so that he need never know from what source the
£500 came. The Queen leaves this matter in your hands.
Ever yours truly,
may rise in following that honourable and straight line.
When one looks at the Manchester school, compared to the
greatness to which men like the Duke raised their country,
one cannot help to be alarmed for the future. You are
enjoying the Highlands, but the weather seems also not very
favourable; here it is uncertain, and at times very cold....
Your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Derby.
FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS
Balmoral, 22nd September 1852.
My dear Lord Derby,—The Queen wishes me to answer
your kind letter of yesterday.
Her letter to you and to Mr Walpole of this morning will
have apprised you that she sanctions the Guard of Honour
having been placed at Walmer, and the Duke's body having
been taken possession of formally on the part of the Crown.
It would be a great pity if Lord Fitzroy were to be obliged to
decline the Peerage on account of poverty; at the same time
it may be difficult to relieve him from the payment of fees
by a public grant. Under these circumstances, rather than
leave Lord Fitzroy unrewarded, and a chance of his feeling
mortified at a moment when his cheerful co-operation with
Lord Hardinge is so important to the public service—the
Queen would herself bear the expense of the fees. If this
were to hurt Lord Fitzroy's feelings, you could easily
manage it so that he need never know from what source the
£500 came. The Queen leaves this matter in your hands.
Ever yours truly,
Page 591
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
Balmoral Castle, 22nd September 1852.
The Queen has just received Mr Walpole's letter of the 20th,
informing her of the difficulty of having the Funeral Service,
according to the Liturgy, performed twice; she trusts,
however, that means may be found to enable the Queen's
intentions to be carried out, as communicated to Mr Walpole
in Lord Derby's official letter. Whether this is to be done by
leaving the body for two months without the Funeral Service
being read over it, or by reading the Funeral Service now in
the presence of the family, and treating the Public Funeral
more as a translation of the remains to their final place of
rest, the Queen must leave to be decided by those who have
the means of personally sounding the feelings of the Duke's
family, the dignitaries of the Church, and the public
generally.
An impressive religious ceremony might certainly be made
of it at St. Paul's, even if the actual Funeral Service should
not be read on the occasion....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Windsor Castle, 23rd October 1852.
Shortly after the formation of Lord Derby's Government, the
Queen communicated to him a Memorandum respecting the
necessity of attending to our national defences on a
systematic plan. The Queen would now wish to hear how far
we have advanced in this important object since that time.
Lord Derby would perhaps call on the General
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
Balmoral Castle, 22nd September 1852.
The Queen has just received Mr Walpole's letter of the 20th,
informing her of the difficulty of having the Funeral Service,
according to the Liturgy, performed twice; she trusts,
however, that means may be found to enable the Queen's
intentions to be carried out, as communicated to Mr Walpole
in Lord Derby's official letter. Whether this is to be done by
leaving the body for two months without the Funeral Service
being read over it, or by reading the Funeral Service now in
the presence of the family, and treating the Public Funeral
more as a translation of the remains to their final place of
rest, the Queen must leave to be decided by those who have
the means of personally sounding the feelings of the Duke's
family, the dignitaries of the Church, and the public
generally.
An impressive religious ceremony might certainly be made
of it at St. Paul's, even if the actual Funeral Service should
not be read on the occasion....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Windsor Castle, 23rd October 1852.
Shortly after the formation of Lord Derby's Government, the
Queen communicated to him a Memorandum respecting the
necessity of attending to our national defences on a
systematic plan. The Queen would now wish to hear how far
we have advanced in this important object since that time.
Lord Derby would perhaps call on the General
Page 592
Commanding-in-Chief, the Master-General of the Ordnance,
and the First Lord of the Admiralty, as well as the Home
Secretary, to make a report upon this. It will soon be
necessary to consider what will have to be done for the
future to complete the various plans. The Queen is no
alarmist, but thinks that the necessity of our attending to our
defences once having been proved and admitted by
Parliament and two successive Governments, we should not
relax in our efforts until the plans then devised are
thoroughly carried out.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 26th October 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—... I must tell you an anecdote relating
to Louis Napoleon's entry into Paris, which Lord Cowley
wrote over, as going the round of Paris. It is: that under one
of the Triumphal Arches a Crown was suspended to a string
(which is very often the case) over which was written, "Il l'a
bien mérité." Something damaged this crown, and they
removed it—leaving, however, the rope and superscription,
the effect of which must have been somewhat edifying!
It is not at all true that foreign Officers are not to attend at
the funeral of the dear old Duke; on the contrary, we expect
them from Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the Duke of
Terceira (whom we shall see to-night) is already come from
Portugal to attend the ceremony.
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
and the First Lord of the Admiralty, as well as the Home
Secretary, to make a report upon this. It will soon be
necessary to consider what will have to be done for the
future to complete the various plans. The Queen is no
alarmist, but thinks that the necessity of our attending to our
defences once having been proved and admitted by
Parliament and two successive Governments, we should not
relax in our efforts until the plans then devised are
thoroughly carried out.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 26th October 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—... I must tell you an anecdote relating
to Louis Napoleon's entry into Paris, which Lord Cowley
wrote over, as going the round of Paris. It is: that under one
of the Triumphal Arches a Crown was suspended to a string
(which is very often the case) over which was written, "Il l'a
bien mérité." Something damaged this crown, and they
removed it—leaving, however, the rope and superscription,
the effect of which must have been somewhat edifying!
It is not at all true that foreign Officers are not to attend at
the funeral of the dear old Duke; on the contrary, we expect
them from Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the Duke of
Terceira (whom we shall see to-night) is already come from
Portugal to attend the ceremony.
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
Page 593
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
As we seem to be so near the declaration of the Empire in
France, and as so many opinions are expressed on the
subject of the title to be assumed by Louis Napoleon, the
Queen is anxious to impress Lord Malmesbury with the
importance of our not committing ourselves on this point,
and not giving our allies to understand that we shall join
them in not acknowledging Napoleon III.44 Objectionable as
this appellation no doubt is, it may hardly be worth
offending France and her Ruler by refusing to recognise it,
when it is of such importance to prevent their considering
themselves the aggrieved party; any attempt to dictate to
France the style of her Ruler would strengthen Louis
Napoleon's position; our object should be to leave France
alone, as long as she is not aggressive.
All of this should be well weighed.
Footnote 44: Louis Napoleon himself claimed no hereditary right to
the Imperial dignity, but only that conferred by election: he
acknowledged as national all the acts which had taken place since
1815, such as the reigns of the later Bourbons and of Louis Philippe.
(See Memoirs of an ex-Minister.)
The Prince Albert to Viscount Hardinge.
NATIONAL DEFENCES
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
My dear Lord Hardinge,—In reference to our conversation
of yesterday, and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he
should call upon the different departments of the Admiralty,
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
As we seem to be so near the declaration of the Empire in
France, and as so many opinions are expressed on the
subject of the title to be assumed by Louis Napoleon, the
Queen is anxious to impress Lord Malmesbury with the
importance of our not committing ourselves on this point,
and not giving our allies to understand that we shall join
them in not acknowledging Napoleon III.44 Objectionable as
this appellation no doubt is, it may hardly be worth
offending France and her Ruler by refusing to recognise it,
when it is of such importance to prevent their considering
themselves the aggrieved party; any attempt to dictate to
France the style of her Ruler would strengthen Louis
Napoleon's position; our object should be to leave France
alone, as long as she is not aggressive.
All of this should be well weighed.
Footnote 44: Louis Napoleon himself claimed no hereditary right to
the Imperial dignity, but only that conferred by election: he
acknowledged as national all the acts which had taken place since
1815, such as the reigns of the later Bourbons and of Louis Philippe.
(See Memoirs of an ex-Minister.)
The Prince Albert to Viscount Hardinge.
NATIONAL DEFENCES
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
My dear Lord Hardinge,—In reference to our conversation
of yesterday, and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he
should call upon the different departments of the Admiralty,
Page 594
Army, Ordnance, and Home Office to furnish a report as to
how far the measures begun last spring to put our defences
in a state of efficiency have been carried out, and what
remains to be done in that direction—I beg now to address
you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to
receive an account which will show what means we have
really at our disposal for purposes of defence, ready for
action at the shortest possible notice, and what remains to be
done to put us into a state of security, what the supply of the
wants may cost (approximately), and what time it would
require.
As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the
Horse Guards and Ordnance should consult together and
combine their deliberations, I beg this letter to be understood
to apply as well to Lord Raglan as to yourself, and that you
would meet and give the answer to the Queen's questions
conjointly.
(A detailed list follows.)
These questions would all present themselves at the moment
when we received the intelligence of a threatened coup de
main on the part of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too
late to remedy any deficiency. The public would be quite
ready to give the necessary money for our armament, but
they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for large
sums and then always to hear, We are quite unprepared.
They don't understand and cannot understand details, but it
is upon matters of detail that our security will have to
depend, and we cannot be sure of efficiency unless a
comprehensive statement be made showing the whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a
tabular shape. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
how far the measures begun last spring to put our defences
in a state of efficiency have been carried out, and what
remains to be done in that direction—I beg now to address
you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to
receive an account which will show what means we have
really at our disposal for purposes of defence, ready for
action at the shortest possible notice, and what remains to be
done to put us into a state of security, what the supply of the
wants may cost (approximately), and what time it would
require.
As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the
Horse Guards and Ordnance should consult together and
combine their deliberations, I beg this letter to be understood
to apply as well to Lord Raglan as to yourself, and that you
would meet and give the answer to the Queen's questions
conjointly.
(A detailed list follows.)
These questions would all present themselves at the moment
when we received the intelligence of a threatened coup de
main on the part of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too
late to remedy any deficiency. The public would be quite
ready to give the necessary money for our armament, but
they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for large
sums and then always to hear, We are quite unprepared.
They don't understand and cannot understand details, but it
is upon matters of detail that our security will have to
depend, and we cannot be sure of efficiency unless a
comprehensive statement be made showing the whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a
tabular shape. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Page 595
Windsor Castle, 13th November 1852.
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr
Disraeli that Mr Villiers' Motion45 will create Parliamentary
difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most
strongly impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring
to our defenceless state, and the necessity of a large outlay,
to protect us from foreign attack, which would almost ensure
us against war. The country is fully alive to its danger, and
Parliament has perhaps never been in a more likely state to
grant what is necessary, provided a comprehensive and
efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought, in the
Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the
Government, although it may be laid before Parliament at a
later period.
Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration from the
House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the Corn Law Repeal as
"a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was naturally distasteful to the
Ministers. Their amour-propre was saved by Lord Palmerston's
Amendment omitting the "odious epithets" and affirming the principle
of unrestricted competition.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
FINANCIAL POLICY
London, 14th November 1852.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, begs permission to enclose an answer to the
Address for your Majesty's approbation, and which should
be delivered, if your Majesty pleases, to the House of
Commons to-morrow.
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr
Disraeli that Mr Villiers' Motion45 will create Parliamentary
difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most
strongly impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring
to our defenceless state, and the necessity of a large outlay,
to protect us from foreign attack, which would almost ensure
us against war. The country is fully alive to its danger, and
Parliament has perhaps never been in a more likely state to
grant what is necessary, provided a comprehensive and
efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought, in the
Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the
Government, although it may be laid before Parliament at a
later period.
Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration from the
House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the Corn Law Repeal as
"a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was naturally distasteful to the
Ministers. Their amour-propre was saved by Lord Palmerston's
Amendment omitting the "odious epithets" and affirming the principle
of unrestricted competition.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
FINANCIAL POLICY
London, 14th November 1852.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, begs permission to enclose an answer to the
Address for your Majesty's approbation, and which should
be delivered, if your Majesty pleases, to the House of
Commons to-morrow.
Page 596
Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him
yesterday by Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
also begs permission to state that, in making the financial
arrangements, he has left a very large margin for the
impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit the
fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the
increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from
your Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the
suggestion which afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal
Highness the Prince deigned to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the
intimation graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord
Derby as to the tone on this subject to be adopted in the
House of Commons, and he will endeavour in this, and in all
respects, to fulfil your Majesty's pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your
Majesty a somewhat crude note from the House of
Commons on Thursday night, but he humbly begs your
Majesty will deign to remember that these bulletins are often
written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity; and that he is
under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a
genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however
miniature, to a more artificial and prepared statement.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Windsor Castle, 14th November 1852.
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's
letter of this day's date, in which he informs her of his
readiness to provide efficiently for the defence of the
country, the call for which is very urgent. Lord Malmesbury,
with whom the Prince has talked very fully over this subject,
will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and Lord Derby
on his return to Town to-morrow.
yesterday by Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
also begs permission to state that, in making the financial
arrangements, he has left a very large margin for the
impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit the
fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the
increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from
your Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the
suggestion which afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal
Highness the Prince deigned to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the
intimation graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord
Derby as to the tone on this subject to be adopted in the
House of Commons, and he will endeavour in this, and in all
respects, to fulfil your Majesty's pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your
Majesty a somewhat crude note from the House of
Commons on Thursday night, but he humbly begs your
Majesty will deign to remember that these bulletins are often
written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity; and that he is
under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a
genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however
miniature, to a more artificial and prepared statement.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Windsor Castle, 14th November 1852.
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's
letter of this day's date, in which he informs her of his
readiness to provide efficiently for the defence of the
country, the call for which is very urgent. Lord Malmesbury,
with whom the Prince has talked very fully over this subject,
will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and Lord Derby
on his return to Town to-morrow.
Page 597
The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
LORD DALHOUSIE
Government House, 23rd November 1852.
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing
general peace restored in India before he quits it finally, as
your Majesty's Ministers and the Court of Directors have
some time since requested him not to retire from its
administration in January next, as he had intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him
homewards, even though the honour and the advantages of
retaining this Office were willingly recognised. But the
gracious approbation with which his services here have been
viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing them for some
time longer, if they were thought profitable to the State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon
him a still further distinction, which calls not merely for the
expression of his deep and humble gratitude to your
Majesty, but for a further devotion to your Majesty's service
of whatever power he may possess for promoting its
interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of
such traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour
to which the Governor-General would never at any time
have dreamt of aspiring. But by conferring it upon him thus
—during his absence—and above all, by conferring it upon
him in immediate succession to one whom he must all his
life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude—your
Majesty has surrounded this honour with so much of
honourable circumstance that the Governor-General is
wholly unable to give full expression to the feelings with
which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord
Warden, your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the
LORD DALHOUSIE
Government House, 23rd November 1852.
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing
general peace restored in India before he quits it finally, as
your Majesty's Ministers and the Court of Directors have
some time since requested him not to retire from its
administration in January next, as he had intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him
homewards, even though the honour and the advantages of
retaining this Office were willingly recognised. But the
gracious approbation with which his services here have been
viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing them for some
time longer, if they were thought profitable to the State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon
him a still further distinction, which calls not merely for the
expression of his deep and humble gratitude to your
Majesty, but for a further devotion to your Majesty's service
of whatever power he may possess for promoting its
interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of
such traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour
to which the Governor-General would never at any time
have dreamt of aspiring. But by conferring it upon him thus
—during his absence—and above all, by conferring it upon
him in immediate succession to one whom he must all his
life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude—your
Majesty has surrounded this honour with so much of
honourable circumstance that the Governor-General is
wholly unable to give full expression to the feelings with
which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord
Warden, your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the
Page 598
Duke of Wellington in every respect, save one. But in that
one respect—namely in deep devotion to your Majesty's
Crown, and to the true interests of your Empire—the
Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was
long so proud to follow.
INDIA AND THE DUKE
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to
the memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your
Majesty's Empire in the East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his
fame. In the mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was
rendered by the Maharajah as by ourselves, while in Mysore
the Rajah not only fired minute guns in his honour, but even
caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo festival, to be stopped
throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among
the still untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western
border, there is entire tranquillity in India. The season has
been good, and the revenue is improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately
the honour of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious
message it contained to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much
improved in health, will be compelled to return to England
in January, the Governor-General has the honour to
subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude, your
Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject
and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FUNERAL
one respect—namely in deep devotion to your Majesty's
Crown, and to the true interests of your Empire—the
Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was
long so proud to follow.
INDIA AND THE DUKE
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to
the memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your
Majesty's Empire in the East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his
fame. In the mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was
rendered by the Maharajah as by ourselves, while in Mysore
the Rajah not only fired minute guns in his honour, but even
caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo festival, to be stopped
throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among
the still untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western
border, there is entire tranquillity in India. The season has
been good, and the revenue is improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately
the honour of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious
message it contained to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much
improved in health, will be compelled to return to England
in January, the Governor-General has the honour to
subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude, your
Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject
and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FUNERAL
Page 599
Windsor Castle, 23rd November 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Joinville has
interested us very much, and we have confidentially
communicated it to Lord Derby, who is never alarmed
enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans family
have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has
heard things and expressions used which did a great deal of
harm, and Lord Derby begged me to warn them very
strongly and earnestly on this point; I cannot do much, but I
think you might, for in fact they might unintentionally
compromise us seriously. The Government are rather shaky;
Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done
himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of
Wellington, which was borrowed from an éloge by Thiers on
a French Marshal!!!46
You will have heard from your children and from Charles
how very touching the ceremony both in and out of doors
was on the 18th. The behaviour of the millions assembled
has been the topic of general admiration, and the foreigners
have all assured me that they never could have believed such
a number of people could have shown such feeling, such
respect, for not a sound was heard! I cannot say what a deep
and wehmtühige impression it made on me! It was a
beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching
still! The dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is
but one feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of
Austria 47 in taking this opportunity to slight England in
return for what happened to Haynau48 for his own character.
Ernest Hohenlohe was extremely anxious you should know
the reason why he may possibly appear one evening at the
Elysée (they are gone for three or four days to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing
us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government
thought it would not be wise or prudent for my brother-in-
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Joinville has
interested us very much, and we have confidentially
communicated it to Lord Derby, who is never alarmed
enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans family
have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has
heard things and expressions used which did a great deal of
harm, and Lord Derby begged me to warn them very
strongly and earnestly on this point; I cannot do much, but I
think you might, for in fact they might unintentionally
compromise us seriously. The Government are rather shaky;
Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done
himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of
Wellington, which was borrowed from an éloge by Thiers on
a French Marshal!!!46
You will have heard from your children and from Charles
how very touching the ceremony both in and out of doors
was on the 18th. The behaviour of the millions assembled
has been the topic of general admiration, and the foreigners
have all assured me that they never could have believed such
a number of people could have shown such feeling, such
respect, for not a sound was heard! I cannot say what a deep
and wehmtühige impression it made on me! It was a
beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching
still! The dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is
but one feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of
Austria 47 in taking this opportunity to slight England in
return for what happened to Haynau48 for his own character.
Ernest Hohenlohe was extremely anxious you should know
the reason why he may possibly appear one evening at the
Elysée (they are gone for three or four days to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing
us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government
thought it would not be wise or prudent for my brother-in-
Page 600
law, just coming from here, purposely to avoid him and go
out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately
say was my doing; and unnecessary offence we do not wish
to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at
Strasburg, and received the Légion d'honneur. I promised to
explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should
appear to be timeserving, and I said I was sure you would
understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or
Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is
much pleased at your children spending some time with him
every day. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.
Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of the Duke of
Wellington.
Footnote 48: See ante, p. 267.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
CONFUSION OF PARTIES
Downing Street, 25th November 1852.
(Thursday, four p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your
Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to
report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and
to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so
conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as
unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is
unintelligible to himself.
out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately
say was my doing; and unnecessary offence we do not wish
to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at
Strasburg, and received the Légion d'honneur. I promised to
explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should
appear to be timeserving, and I said I was sure you would
understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or
Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is
much pleased at your children spending some time with him
every day. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.
Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of the Duke of
Wellington.
Footnote 48: See ante, p. 267.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
CONFUSION OF PARTIES
Downing Street, 25th November 1852.
(Thursday, four p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your
Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to
report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and
to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so
conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as
unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is
unintelligible to himself.
Page 601
On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli,
and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire,
a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to
his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language
was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he
assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his
Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be
done, it was a matter of indifference to him which
Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring
that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of
Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in
concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not
see, on their part, any disposition to approach the
Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it
would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his
own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by
Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had
been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two
gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted
the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly
acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite
Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made,
and language held about the reunion of the Conservative
Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your
Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's
Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr
Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are
willing to join the Government, but that one of their
conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the
House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under
Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all
concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of
Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures
her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your
and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire,
a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to
his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language
was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he
assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his
Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be
done, it was a matter of indifference to him which
Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring
that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of
Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in
concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not
see, on their part, any disposition to approach the
Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it
would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his
own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by
Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had
been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two
gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted
the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly
acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite
Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made,
and language held about the reunion of the Conservative
Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your
Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's
Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr
Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are
willing to join the Government, but that one of their
conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the
House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under
Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all
concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of
Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures
her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your
Page 602
Majesty's present Government, and that in no case will he
enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a
declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued
since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken
any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with
which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him
this morning.49 He much regrets having to send your
Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to
have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may pass
in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep
your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any
hour may produce.
Half-past six.
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that
Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the
Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord
Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers
to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language;
there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord
Derby would think that the probable result will be the
adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will
lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the
Government; but a different course would run imminent risk
of defeat.
Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into negotiations
with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the distinct understanding
that the latter could not receive the lead of the House of Commons.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON
enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a
declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued
since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken
any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with
which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him
this morning.49 He much regrets having to send your
Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to
have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may pass
in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep
your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any
hour may produce.
Half-past six.
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that
Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the
Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord
Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers
to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language;
there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord
Derby would think that the probable result will be the
adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will
lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the
Government; but a different course would run imminent risk
of defeat.
Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into negotiations
with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the distinct understanding
that the latter could not receive the lead of the House of Commons.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON
Page 603
House of Commons, 26th November 1852.
(Half-past one o'clock a.m.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of
Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers'
resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have
been rejected by a majority of 80.50
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival
narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration,
who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into
secret and—in a Party sense—somewhat scandalous
revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of
the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having
been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was
unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (See ante, p. 399.) was
carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward abandoned by Mr
Disraeli and his followers.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE
Windsor Castle, 28th November 1852.
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who
seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though
a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert,
although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be
(Half-past one o'clock a.m.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to
your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of
Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers'
resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have
been rejected by a majority of 80.50
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival
narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration,
who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into
secret and—in a Party sense—somewhat scandalous
revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of
the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having
been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was
unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (See ante, p. 399.) was
carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward abandoned by Mr
Disraeli and his followers.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE
Windsor Castle, 28th November 1852.
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who
seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though
a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert,
although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be
Page 604
hostile to the Government, but felt that he owed the duty to
speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad
to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read
us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr
Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to
understand that they would not serve under the leadership of
Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve
under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out
of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to
such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On
my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied
that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he
had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness
which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with
confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on
the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then
he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli,
who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they
had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed
the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of
giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the
colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve
under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be
done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate
changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr
Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge
that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige
those who wished to join to think of a different combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not
think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or
the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would
make a very good Free Trade Minister.
speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad
to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read
us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr
Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to
understand that they would not serve under the leadership of
Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve
under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out
of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to
such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On
my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied
that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he
had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness
which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with
confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on
the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then
he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli,
who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they
had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed
the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of
giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the
colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve
under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be
done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate
changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr
Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge
that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige
those who wished to join to think of a different combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not
think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or
the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would
make a very good Free Trade Minister.
Page 605
The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought
Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this
conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have
made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive
violence.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE
Osborne, 2nd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and
returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these
circumstances the course recommended to be pursued by
Lord Malmesbury51 appears also to the Queen as the best. It
is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon
say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of
obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of
his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour
appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever
he may say, it is in our note of recognition that we must state
what we recognise and what we do not recognise.
Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition of the
interpretation and assurances as to the use of the numeral "III" in the
Imperial title, already verbally made by the President and the French
Ambassador, should be demanded. This was duly obtained. On the 2nd
of December, the anniversary of the coup d'état, the Imperial title was
assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this
conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have
made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive
violence.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE
Osborne, 2nd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and
returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these
circumstances the course recommended to be pursued by
Lord Malmesbury51 appears also to the Queen as the best. It
is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon
say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of
obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of
his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour
appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever
he may say, it is in our note of recognition that we must state
what we recognise and what we do not recognise.
Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition of the
interpretation and assurances as to the use of the numeral "III" in the
Imperial title, already verbally made by the President and the French
Ambassador, should be demanded. This was duly obtained. On the 2nd
of December, the anniversary of the coup d'état, the Imperial title was
assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
Page 606
St James's Square, 3rd December 1852.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that
your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he
is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's
announcement of the Budget52 this evening. Lord Derby was
not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech,
having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which,
however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having
then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till
ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of
Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced,
which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most
favourable, according to his own judgment after some
considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what
he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five
hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession,
and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with
which the House listened to the exposition of the views of
your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly
performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House
with the greatest ability, introducing the most important
statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at
the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to
learn the precise measures which the Government intended
to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with
with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of
the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult
to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has no
hesitation in saying that the general first impression was
very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to
meet with the approval of the House.
Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt and Tea
duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of farmers, were the
salient features of the Budget.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that
your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he
is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's
announcement of the Budget52 this evening. Lord Derby was
not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech,
having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which,
however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having
then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till
ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of
Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced,
which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most
favourable, according to his own judgment after some
considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what
he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five
hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession,
and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with
which the House listened to the exposition of the views of
your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly
performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House
with the greatest ability, introducing the most important
statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at
the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to
learn the precise measures which the Government intended
to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with
with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of
the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult
to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has no
hesitation in saying that the general first impression was
very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to
meet with the approval of the House.
Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt and Tea
duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of farmers, were the
salient features of the Budget.
Page 607
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French.
THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR
Osborne House, 4th December 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted
the union and good understanding which happily subsist
between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of
Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of
my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most
Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial
Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience
which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service
assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord
Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty,
and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of
my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will
give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall
communicate to you on my part, more especially when he
shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable
attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those
sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am,
Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
To my good Brother,53 the Emperor of the French.
Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as Mon cher Ami.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Osborne, 6th December 1852.
THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR
Osborne House, 4th December 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted
the union and good understanding which happily subsist
between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of
Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of
my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most
Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial
Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience
which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service
assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord
Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty,
and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of
my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will
give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall
communicate to you on my part, more especially when he
shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable
attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those
sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am,
Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
To my good Brother,53 the Emperor of the French.
Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as Mon cher Ami.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Osborne, 6th December 1852.
Page 608
The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's
letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience.
The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this
should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord
Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in
order that the Fairy may be at Southampton at the right hour,
and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or
Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing
at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad,
particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski
should come down here with Lord Malmesbury on Thursday
next, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish
then that they should all three dine and sleep here that day.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
A SECRET PROTOCOL
Osborne, 8th December 1852.
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning
in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further
explanation, a secret Protocol54 signed by the representatives
of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd
instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken
without even the intention of it having been previously
mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been
obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from
Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol
appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the
honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her
sanction.
letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience.
The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this
should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord
Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in
order that the Fairy may be at Southampton at the right hour,
and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or
Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing
at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad,
particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski
should come down here with Lord Malmesbury on Thursday
next, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish
then that they should all three dine and sleep here that day.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
A SECRET PROTOCOL
Osborne, 8th December 1852.
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning
in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further
explanation, a secret Protocol54 signed by the representatives
of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd
instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken
without even the intention of it having been previously
mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been
obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from
Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol
appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the
honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her
sanction.
Page 609
The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter
of such serious importance that it requires the greatest
consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it
be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by
Baron Brunnow, who is generally the rédacteur of such
documents.
Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be recognised as
Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 13th December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen.
He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as
possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had
held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness
the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,55 and he requested
Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the
Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day
called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the
Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a
marriage with the Princess of Wasa;56 but, on the contrary,
was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious,
on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "resserrerait
les liens d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France," and that
with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain
from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised
on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's
family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene
Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this
intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the
of such serious importance that it requires the greatest
consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it
be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by
Baron Brunnow, who is generally the rédacteur of such
documents.
Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be recognised as
Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 13th December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen.
He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as
possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had
held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness
the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,55 and he requested
Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the
Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day
called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the
Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a
marriage with the Princess of Wasa;56 but, on the contrary,
was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious,
on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "resserrerait
les liens d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France," and that
with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain
from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised
on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's
family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene
Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this
intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the
Page 610
French Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added
that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact
that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was
evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of
the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord
Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess Hohenlohe.
Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of Prince
Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of Sweden of the
earlier dynasty.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she
has received from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which
requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been
spared would have been in every respect more prudent and
safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the
answer she is forced to give may really have, or may
hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences
disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and
injurious to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the
answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,57 asking
that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest
consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft
as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or
alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.
that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact
that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was
evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of
the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord
Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess Hohenlohe.
Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of Prince
Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of Sweden of the
earlier dynasty.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she
has received from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which
requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been
spared would have been in every respect more prudent and
safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the
answer she is forced to give may really have, or may
hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences
disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and
injurious to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the
answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,57 asking
that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest
consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft
as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or
alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.
Page 611
The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord
Derby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single
step in this affair without it has been previously concerted
with Lord Derby.58
Footnote 57: Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
[Draft.]
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday,
reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked him
to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would be raised
on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's family to his (the
Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness of a
third person, and that person being a near and dear relation of hers, the
Queen feels herself conscientiously precluded from forming an
opinion of her own, and consequently from taking the slightest part in
it either directly or indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for
the consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the
parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.
Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not appear to
him that the matter was at present in so critical a position. Lord
Malmesbury would have little difficulty in showing Count Walewski,
without any interruption of a friendly entente, that the intended
overtures were not likely to be favourably received. He suggested that
Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as
emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count
Walewski; and that he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from
pressing the subject further; such course could have no injurious effect
upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not understand
how the affair, however it might turn out, could affect the Queen's
"personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted for the
last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates the desire expressed
by Count Walewski on the part of his Government, 'de resserrer les
liens de l'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France,' she feels bound to
leave the consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the
unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the Princess
herself, the only persons to whom such a question can properly be
referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that being fully persuaded of
the strong religious persuasion of the Princess, of the extreme
improbability of any change of opinion on her part, and of the evils
Derby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single
step in this affair without it has been previously concerted
with Lord Derby.58
Footnote 57: Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
[Draft.]
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday,
reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked him
to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would be raised
on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's family to his (the
Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness of a
third person, and that person being a near and dear relation of hers, the
Queen feels herself conscientiously precluded from forming an
opinion of her own, and consequently from taking the slightest part in
it either directly or indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for
the consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the
parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.
Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not appear to
him that the matter was at present in so critical a position. Lord
Malmesbury would have little difficulty in showing Count Walewski,
without any interruption of a friendly entente, that the intended
overtures were not likely to be favourably received. He suggested that
Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as
emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count
Walewski; and that he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from
pressing the subject further; such course could have no injurious effect
upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not understand
how the affair, however it might turn out, could affect the Queen's
"personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted for the
last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates the desire expressed
by Count Walewski on the part of his Government, 'de resserrer les
liens de l'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France,' she feels bound to
leave the consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the
unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the Princess
herself, the only persons to whom such a question can properly be
referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that being fully persuaded of
the strong religious persuasion of the Princess, of the extreme
improbability of any change of opinion on her part, and of the evils
Page 612
inseparable from a difference of opinion on such a subject between the
Emperor and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to
place this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before he
takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to have brought
unofficially under the consideration of Lord Malmesbury."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY
Osborne, 16th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst.
She did not intend to complain personally of Lord
Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to
do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still
thinks that a question of such importance should not have
been brought immediately before her for her decision; and
although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord
Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count
Walewski that he would bring "the Emperor's sentiments
before the Queen," the very suggestion Lord Derby now
makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to
treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor,
but unofficially from Count Walewski, and that he should
also unofficially dissuade him from pressing the matter
further"—shows that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether,
after what may have passed in conversation between Lord
Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains
open.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to
terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to
give any opinion at all.
Emperor and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to
place this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before he
takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to have brought
unofficially under the consideration of Lord Malmesbury."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY
Osborne, 16th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst.
She did not intend to complain personally of Lord
Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to
do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still
thinks that a question of such importance should not have
been brought immediately before her for her decision; and
although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord
Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count
Walewski that he would bring "the Emperor's sentiments
before the Queen," the very suggestion Lord Derby now
makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to
treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor,
but unofficially from Count Walewski, and that he should
also unofficially dissuade him from pressing the matter
further"—shows that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether,
after what may have passed in conversation between Lord
Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains
open.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to
terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to
give any opinion at all.
Page 613
Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less
importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the
alliance is sought by the Emperor, "pour resserrer les liens
d'amitié entre la France et l'Angleterre," the refusal of it on
the part of the Queen must also have the opposite effect. The
responsibility of having produced this effect would rest
personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having
brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of
animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for
the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc.
The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even
the consummation of the project without her direct
intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in
the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-
thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever
since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if
her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long
as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages,
it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the
Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously
(as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that
England suddenly had separated herself from them, and
bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the
Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character,"
which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her
last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained
unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord
Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it
best not to address separately. They will be now both in the
fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes
will be able to terminate this matter without the expression
of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.
importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the
alliance is sought by the Emperor, "pour resserrer les liens
d'amitié entre la France et l'Angleterre," the refusal of it on
the part of the Queen must also have the opposite effect. The
responsibility of having produced this effect would rest
personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having
brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of
animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for
the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc.
The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even
the consummation of the project without her direct
intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in
the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-
thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever
since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if
her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long
as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages,
it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the
Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously
(as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that
England suddenly had separated herself from them, and
bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the
Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character,"
which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her
last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained
unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord
Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it
best not to address separately. They will be now both in the
fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes
will be able to terminate this matter without the expression
of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.
Page 614
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY
St James's Square, 17th December 1852.
(4 a.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit
to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he
has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the
increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen
or twenty-one.59 This majority is so decisive, especially
having been taken on a question which was understood to
involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby
no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to
pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that
he should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has
desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve
o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will
unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask
leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust
which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord
Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do
himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this
evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the
means of crossing,60 in which case he trusts that your
Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow
(Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure
your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and
annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty,
nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should
be enabled with the least possible delay to form an
Administration possessing more of the public confidence.
He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful
sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all
occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY
St James's Square, 17th December 1852.
(4 a.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit
to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he
has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the
increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen
or twenty-one.59 This majority is so decisive, especially
having been taken on a question which was understood to
involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby
no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to
pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that
he should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has
desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve
o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will
unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask
leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust
which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord
Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do
himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this
evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the
means of crossing,60 in which case he trusts that your
Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow
(Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure
your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and
annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty,
nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should
be enabled with the least possible delay to form an
Administration possessing more of the public confidence.
He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful
sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all
occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he
Page 615
deeply regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer
and more efficient service.
Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational ending, with
the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, has been repeatedly
described. See, e.g., Morley's Gladstone and McCarthy's History of
our own Times. The Times leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out
and preserved by the Queen.
Footnote 60: To Osborne.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally
to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room
after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the
crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition,
which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was
ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration
which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of
democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the
Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late
vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these
were their regular supporters; the other half of the House
was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish
Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all
these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these
Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he
had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and
Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form
an Administration on Conservative principles, to the
exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen.
Although only 150 strong, they thought, that with all the
and more efficient service.
Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational ending, with
the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, has been repeatedly
described. See, e.g., Morley's Gladstone and McCarthy's History of
our own Times. The Times leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out
and preserved by the Queen.
Footnote 60: To Osborne.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally
to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room
after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the
crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition,
which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was
ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration
which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of
democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the
Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late
vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these
were their regular supporters; the other half of the House
was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish
Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all
these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these
Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he
had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and
Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form
an Administration on Conservative principles, to the
exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen.
Although only 150 strong, they thought, that with all the
Page 616
talent they had at their command, they would be able to
obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance
between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that
after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament
himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he
advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew
better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the
best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord
Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had
given this advice, many of his Party—who had already been
distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated
he would withdraw from public life—would think it
necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed
leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest
indignation at the treatment they had received from the
Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance
with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new
Government, so the great Conservative Party would be
broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep
together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally
speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become
responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly
throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new
Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for
Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord
Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly
speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility,
but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord
John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought
less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet,
so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the
Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the
Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone
obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance
between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that
after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament
himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he
advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew
better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the
best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord
Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had
given this advice, many of his Party—who had already been
distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated
he would withdraw from public life—would think it
necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed
leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest
indignation at the treatment they had received from the
Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance
with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new
Government, so the great Conservative Party would be
broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep
together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally
speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become
responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly
throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new
Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for
Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord
Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly
speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility,
but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord
John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought
less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet,
so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the
Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the
Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone
Page 617
for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde for the Post
Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from
which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from
the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have
consulted with him before taking a definite step for the
formation of a new Government consequent on the
resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very
unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any
risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has
now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come
down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first
summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing.
Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord
Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire
immediately on his return to Town.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
Osborne, 19th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that
he had seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect
understanding with him; he had also consulted with his
friends, and with Lord John Russell. It would now depend
upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge
Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from
which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from
the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have
consulted with him before taking a definite step for the
formation of a new Government consequent on the
resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very
unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any
risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has
now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come
down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first
summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing.
Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord
Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire
immediately on his return to Town.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
Osborne, 19th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that
he had seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect
understanding with him; he had also consulted with his
friends, and with Lord John Russell. It would now depend
upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge
Page 618
with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered
that she thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to
undertake such arduous duties, and that she commissioned
Lord Aberdeen. He replied he was fully aware of his own
unworthiness for the task, and had expressed his
disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne,
on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility
himself; but since the Queen had commissioned him, he
wished to say that it was of the greatest importance that only
one person should be charged with the task and be
responsible for it, and that the new Government should not
be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of
some Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative
Government in the sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he
thought this would meet with the confidence of the country,
even if excluding the Radicals. Lord Aberdeen said he meant
to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as Leader of the
House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, which he thinks he would accept. (The Queen
sanctioned this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his
appointments, but he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible,
taking care that Lord John should be satisfied. There was no
doubt that Lord John had full claims to be Prime Minister
again, but that he could give him no greater proof of
confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to
give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made
him virtually as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the
Foreign Office combined with it would satisfy Lord John as
following the precedent of Mr Fox. The Peelites would not
have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less under Lord
John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John.
This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still
Lord John remained the first man in the country, and might
be Prime Minister again. The Peelites would know and learn
to respect him when meeting him in office. Lord Aberdeen
hoped even many Conservatives now going with Lord
Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to
that she thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to
undertake such arduous duties, and that she commissioned
Lord Aberdeen. He replied he was fully aware of his own
unworthiness for the task, and had expressed his
disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne,
on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility
himself; but since the Queen had commissioned him, he
wished to say that it was of the greatest importance that only
one person should be charged with the task and be
responsible for it, and that the new Government should not
be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of
some Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative
Government in the sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he
thought this would meet with the confidence of the country,
even if excluding the Radicals. Lord Aberdeen said he meant
to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as Leader of the
House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, which he thinks he would accept. (The Queen
sanctioned this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his
appointments, but he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible,
taking care that Lord John should be satisfied. There was no
doubt that Lord John had full claims to be Prime Minister
again, but that he could give him no greater proof of
confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to
give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made
him virtually as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the
Foreign Office combined with it would satisfy Lord John as
following the precedent of Mr Fox. The Peelites would not
have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less under Lord
John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John.
This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still
Lord John remained the first man in the country, and might
be Prime Minister again. The Peelites would know and learn
to respect him when meeting him in office. Lord Aberdeen
hoped even many Conservatives now going with Lord
Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to
Page 619
it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least
must be Peelites.
We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it
would be imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with
Mr Disraeli. Lord Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him;
we felt sure he would not accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen
a list of the possible distribution of offices, which I had
drawn up, and which he took with him as containing
"valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow
him to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there
was nobody to cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of
Sir James Graham or Mr S. Herbert, if he should find this
necessary. Sir James might gain in moving from the House
of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with inconvenient
Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty in the
formation of his Government, for although everybody
promised to forget his personal wishes and interests, yet
when brought to the test such professions were often belied.
The difficulty of measures lies chiefly in the Budget, as the
Income Tax would have to be settled, and he was anxious to
keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that, considering
the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the
Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a
Measure as Prime Minister, the door could not be closed
against it; but it might be postponed for the present, and
there was no real wish for it in the country.
He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and
if the Budget had been such that it could have been accepted
he should much have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very
much offended with him personally for his speech in the
House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed hands, and started
again at four o'clock.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
must be Peelites.
We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it
would be imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with
Mr Disraeli. Lord Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him;
we felt sure he would not accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen
a list of the possible distribution of offices, which I had
drawn up, and which he took with him as containing
"valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow
him to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there
was nobody to cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of
Sir James Graham or Mr S. Herbert, if he should find this
necessary. Sir James might gain in moving from the House
of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with inconvenient
Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty in the
formation of his Government, for although everybody
promised to forget his personal wishes and interests, yet
when brought to the test such professions were often belied.
The difficulty of measures lies chiefly in the Budget, as the
Income Tax would have to be settled, and he was anxious to
keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that, considering
the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the
Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a
Measure as Prime Minister, the door could not be closed
against it; but it might be postponed for the present, and
there was no real wish for it in the country.
He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and
if the Budget had been such that it could have been accepted
he should much have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very
much offended with him personally for his speech in the
House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed hands, and started
again at four o'clock.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
Page 620
LORD ABERDEEN
(Undated.)61
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your
Majesty, that on his return from Osborne last night, he saw
Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell, and found them
inLORD JOHN RUSSELL the same disposition with respect to the
formation of the new Administration. This morning,
however, Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of
the fatigue of the Foreign Office, and partly from the effect
likely to be produced on his political friends by his
acceptance of office, has expressed his unwillingness to
form part of the Administration, although anxious to give it
his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter
very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to
decide finally until to-morrow morning, which he had
promised accordingly. In the meantime, Lord Aberdeen
humbly submits to your Majesty that his position is
materially affected by this irresolution on the part of Lord
John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's
co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your
Majesty with the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the
most earnest desire to devote himself to your Majesty's
service, it becomes doubtful whether he could honestly
venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's
commands should Lord John persevere in his present
intention. At all events, nothing further can be done until this
matter shall be decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the
honour of reporting the result to your Majesty.
Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December 1852.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
(Undated.)61
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your
Majesty, that on his return from Osborne last night, he saw
Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell, and found them
inLORD JOHN RUSSELL the same disposition with respect to the
formation of the new Administration. This morning,
however, Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of
the fatigue of the Foreign Office, and partly from the effect
likely to be produced on his political friends by his
acceptance of office, has expressed his unwillingness to
form part of the Administration, although anxious to give it
his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter
very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to
decide finally until to-morrow morning, which he had
promised accordingly. In the meantime, Lord Aberdeen
humbly submits to your Majesty that his position is
materially affected by this irresolution on the part of Lord
John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's
co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your
Majesty with the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the
most earnest desire to devote himself to your Majesty's
service, it becomes doubtful whether he could honestly
venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's
commands should Lord John persevere in his present
intention. At all events, nothing further can be done until this
matter shall be decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the
honour of reporting the result to your Majesty.
Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December 1852.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Page 621
Chesham Place, 20th December 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is grateful for your Majesty's condescension in
informing him that your Majesty has charged the Earl of
Aberdeen with the duty of constructing a Government.
Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable
Government, and he will consider with the utmost care how
far he can, consistently with his own honour and his health
and strength, contribute to this end.62
Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay, happening
to call, threw his influence into the scale in favour of his serving under
Aberdeen (Walpole's Russell, chap, xxiii.).
Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT
Downing Street, 20th December 1852.
Sir,—I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the
State paper63 which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I
have not presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is
familiar with its contents, and in case hereafter there may be
any opportunity formed to forward the views of your Royal
Highness in this respect, I may perhaps be permitted, if
necessary, again to refer to the document.
I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to
your Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the
condescending kindness which I have received from your
Royal Highness.
I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which
your Royal Highness had developed to me in confidential
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is grateful for your Majesty's condescension in
informing him that your Majesty has charged the Earl of
Aberdeen with the duty of constructing a Government.
Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable
Government, and he will consider with the utmost care how
far he can, consistently with his own honour and his health
and strength, contribute to this end.62
Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay, happening
to call, threw his influence into the scale in favour of his serving under
Aberdeen (Walpole's Russell, chap, xxiii.).
Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT
Downing Street, 20th December 1852.
Sir,—I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the
State paper63 which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I
have not presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is
familiar with its contents, and in case hereafter there may be
any opportunity formed to forward the views of your Royal
Highness in this respect, I may perhaps be permitted, if
necessary, again to refer to the document.
I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to
your Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the
condescending kindness which I have received from your
Royal Highness.
I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which
your Royal Highness had developed to me in confidential
Page 622
conversation have not fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall
ever remember with interest and admiration the princely
mind in the princely person, and shall at all times be
prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I
have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it was
probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 20th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your
Majesty that Lord John Russell has finally decided not to
undertake the Foreign Office, being influenced, Lord
Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic considerations, and
contrary to the advice of all the most important of his
political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to
shake the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in
the Cabinet, without office, but to lead the Government
business in the House of Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks
this arrangement objectionable, and a novelty, although the
Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords for
two years without office when Lord Hill was Commander-
in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in a
Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a
nominal office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with
great regret that Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to
your Majesty, as his own position is greatly weakened by
this change; but he does not think it a sufficient reason for
abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty, which he
ever remember with interest and admiration the princely
mind in the princely person, and shall at all times be
prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I
have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most
obedient Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it was
probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 20th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your
Majesty that Lord John Russell has finally decided not to
undertake the Foreign Office, being influenced, Lord
Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic considerations, and
contrary to the advice of all the most important of his
political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to
shake the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in
the Cabinet, without office, but to lead the Government
business in the House of Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks
this arrangement objectionable, and a novelty, although the
Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords for
two years without office when Lord Hill was Commander-
in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in a
Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a
nominal office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with
great regret that Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to
your Majesty, as his own position is greatly weakened by
this change; but he does not think it a sufficient reason for
abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty, which he
Page 623
feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered
in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's
letter. She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords
announcing his resignation most attentively, and must
express her doubts, whether that Speech was calculated to
render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon
the Queen by the resignation of her late Government.64
Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in his
absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious combination.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this
morning, the contents of which have filled her with no little
anxiety.
Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows
animates all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure
will ultimately prevail over all difficulties, and enable a
strong Government to be formed, which the country so
earnestly demands and requires. The Queen is not surprised
at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the Foreign
Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons,
in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's
letter. She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords
announcing his resignation most attentively, and must
express her doubts, whether that Speech was calculated to
render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon
the Queen by the resignation of her late Government.64
Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in his
absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious combination.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this
morning, the contents of which have filled her with no little
anxiety.
Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows
animates all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure
will ultimately prevail over all difficulties, and enable a
strong Government to be formed, which the country so
earnestly demands and requires. The Queen is not surprised
at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the Foreign
Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons,
Page 624
which Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence
had prompted him to offer to Lord John; but this difficulty,
she trusts might easily be obviated. We intend leaving this
place for Windsor to-morrow morning, and being there by
two o'clock.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the
course of the afternoon—either at three, four, or five—
whichever time is most convenient to him, and requests him
to let her find a line from him on her arrival, informing her
of the hour at which he will come. Any letter, however, sent
by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach the Queen
here to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter to
ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will
let her hear as soon as possible how matters stand.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear and kind
letter of the 17th, which was as ever full of love and
affection; but you know very well that your affectionate
child will never allow any mention of your "leaving the
premises." You know—too well—how sacred duties of any
kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these days;
and how impossible it is for us to shirk or abandon any of
those duties which God has imposed on us.
You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of
the Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must
now get a strong and durable Government, one combined of
the best Conservatives and Liberals, which is what the
country expects, demands, and requires. Lord Aberdeen has
undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as I wish I
could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your
devoted Niece,
had prompted him to offer to Lord John; but this difficulty,
she trusts might easily be obviated. We intend leaving this
place for Windsor to-morrow morning, and being there by
two o'clock.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the
course of the afternoon—either at three, four, or five—
whichever time is most convenient to him, and requests him
to let her find a line from him on her arrival, informing her
of the hour at which he will come. Any letter, however, sent
by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach the Queen
here to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter to
ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will
let her hear as soon as possible how matters stand.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear and kind
letter of the 17th, which was as ever full of love and
affection; but you know very well that your affectionate
child will never allow any mention of your "leaving the
premises." You know—too well—how sacred duties of any
kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these days;
and how impossible it is for us to shirk or abandon any of
those duties which God has imposed on us.
You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of
the Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must
now get a strong and durable Government, one combined of
the best Conservatives and Liberals, which is what the
country expects, demands, and requires. Lord Aberdeen has
undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as I wish I
could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Page 625
Victoria R.
You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for
Christmas Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas
beef to be forwarded to Leo, which I hope he will approve
of.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION
St James's Square, 22nd December 1852.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest
regret, by the note which he has just had the honour of
receiving, that the statement which he felt it his duty to
make in the House of Lords has appeared to your Majesty
not calculated to render easier the difficult task which has
been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation of
himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but
most sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could
have been farther from his intention than to let fall a single
word which could increase the difficulties of the present
position. He feels the full extent of those difficulties, and he
may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a strong opinion
that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have been
expected to have some weight with those Conservative
statesmen, whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale
turned the balance against your Majesty's servants, and
rendered their retirement from office inevitable. Lord Derby
does not affect to deny that he thinks he has some reason,
personally and politically, to find fault with the course which
they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration to
influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government
now in process of formation, would be entirely at variance
with his sense of public duty, and inconsistent with the deep
You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for
Christmas Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas
beef to be forwarded to Leo, which I hope he will approve
of.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION
St James's Square, 22nd December 1852.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest
regret, by the note which he has just had the honour of
receiving, that the statement which he felt it his duty to
make in the House of Lords has appeared to your Majesty
not calculated to render easier the difficult task which has
been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation of
himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but
most sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could
have been farther from his intention than to let fall a single
word which could increase the difficulties of the present
position. He feels the full extent of those difficulties, and he
may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a strong opinion
that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have been
expected to have some weight with those Conservative
statesmen, whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale
turned the balance against your Majesty's servants, and
rendered their retirement from office inevitable. Lord Derby
does not affect to deny that he thinks he has some reason,
personally and politically, to find fault with the course which
they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration to
influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government
now in process of formation, would be entirely at variance
with his sense of public duty, and inconsistent with the deep
Page 626
gratitude which he must ever feel for the confidence with
which your Majesty has honoured him. Lord Derby
confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner
Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and
serious discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State,
which would appear to exist among his presumed future
colleagues; but it will give him unfeigned satisfaction to see
these difficulties surmounted in such a sense as to enable
him to give to the Government his independent support; and
in the meantime it is his determination honestly to undertake
the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a
powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a
Government by which their own leaders have been
superseded, and of some members of which they think they
have reason to complain; and even to induce that Party to
give it their support, whenever they can do so consistently,
with their own conscientious convictions.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1852.
We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw
Lord Aberdeen at half-past five, who reported the progress
he had made in the formation of his Government.
The Chancellorship.—He had hoped to be able to offer to
Lord St Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted,
on the part of his Party (which he personally regretted to
have to do), that the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord
Aberdeen in consequence recommended Lord Cranworth.
The Presidency of the Council.—The Duke of Newcastle,
who might have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the
House of Lords would be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.
which your Majesty has honoured him. Lord Derby
confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner
Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and
serious discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State,
which would appear to exist among his presumed future
colleagues; but it will give him unfeigned satisfaction to see
these difficulties surmounted in such a sense as to enable
him to give to the Government his independent support; and
in the meantime it is his determination honestly to undertake
the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a
powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a
Government by which their own leaders have been
superseded, and of some members of which they think they
have reason to complain; and even to induce that Party to
give it their support, whenever they can do so consistently,
with their own conscientious convictions.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1852.
We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw
Lord Aberdeen at half-past five, who reported the progress
he had made in the formation of his Government.
The Chancellorship.—He had hoped to be able to offer to
Lord St Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted,
on the part of his Party (which he personally regretted to
have to do), that the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord
Aberdeen in consequence recommended Lord Cranworth.
The Presidency of the Council.—The Duke of Newcastle,
who might have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the
House of Lords would be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.
Page 627
The Privy Seal.—The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had,
however, not yet applied.
The Secretaries of State.—It appeared that Lord Palmerston
had repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord
Lansdowne, and told him that he gave him his proxy—
putting himself entirely into his hands, feeling sure that he
would take care of his honour. Lord Lansdowne, who had
been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring about the
junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him to
take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen
upon this symptom, which augured confidence in his
success. Lord Aberdeen said that when he saw Lord
Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing could have
exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even
reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of
sixty years' standing, having been at school together. We
could not help laughing heartily at the Harrow Boys and
their friendship. The Foreign Office Lord John had again
positively refused, contrary to the advice of all his friends,
and to please Lady John. This arrangement failing, Lord
Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was now
gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to
accept—at least temporarily—declaring his readiness to take
it off his hands at any time if he should find the work too
heavy. Lord Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord
Clarendon's success. Then there would come the grave
Constitutional Question of establishing the novelty of a
Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord
John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach
that he had slipped into office without having gone through
the popular ordeal of a re-election, and had proposed to
obviate this by accepting the Stewardship of the Chiltern
Hundreds, and then having himself re-elected for the City of
London. But this would not meet all the objections, for it
would still be considered unconstitutional that he should
lead the business of the Government in the House of
Commons without the responsibility of office. The Leader of
however, not yet applied.
The Secretaries of State.—It appeared that Lord Palmerston
had repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord
Lansdowne, and told him that he gave him his proxy—
putting himself entirely into his hands, feeling sure that he
would take care of his honour. Lord Lansdowne, who had
been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring about the
junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him to
take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen
upon this symptom, which augured confidence in his
success. Lord Aberdeen said that when he saw Lord
Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing could have
exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even
reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of
sixty years' standing, having been at school together. We
could not help laughing heartily at the Harrow Boys and
their friendship. The Foreign Office Lord John had again
positively refused, contrary to the advice of all his friends,
and to please Lady John. This arrangement failing, Lord
Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was now
gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to
accept—at least temporarily—declaring his readiness to take
it off his hands at any time if he should find the work too
heavy. Lord Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord
Clarendon's success. Then there would come the grave
Constitutional Question of establishing the novelty of a
Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord
John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach
that he had slipped into office without having gone through
the popular ordeal of a re-election, and had proposed to
obviate this by accepting the Stewardship of the Chiltern
Hundreds, and then having himself re-elected for the City of
London. But this would not meet all the objections, for it
would still be considered unconstitutional that he should
lead the business of the Government in the House of
Commons without the responsibility of office. The Leader of
Page 628
the House of Commons was an irresponsible person, and
Lord John's saying: "I shall represent you (Lord Aberdeen)
in the House of Commons," would be equally
unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed
upon to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster,
though he felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr
Christopher. Lord Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord
John's, containing his political views on the crisis and the
principles of the new Government, of which he is to send the
Queen a copy.
For the Colonial Office.—Lord Aberdeen wavered
between Sir J. Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be
this, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir
James as Chancellor of the Exchequer. We argued the greater
capabilities of Sir James for the Administration of the
Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.
Chancellor of the Exchequer—therefore, Mr Gladstone.
Admiralty—Mr Sidney Herbert.
Board of Control—Sir C. Wood.
Board of Trade—Lord Granville.
Board of Works—Sir F. Baring.
(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had
insisted on having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)
Postmaster—Lord Canning.
Secretary-at-War—Mr Cardwell.
These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision
had been come to, though Lord Granville was generally
pointed out as the best Lord-Lieutenant.
Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire
confidence existing between him and Lord John. The Budget
would be a formidable difficulty, as in fact the Government
would be an Income Tax Government.
Lord John's saying: "I shall represent you (Lord Aberdeen)
in the House of Commons," would be equally
unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed
upon to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster,
though he felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr
Christopher. Lord Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord
John's, containing his political views on the crisis and the
principles of the new Government, of which he is to send the
Queen a copy.
For the Colonial Office.—Lord Aberdeen wavered
between Sir J. Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be
this, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir
James as Chancellor of the Exchequer. We argued the greater
capabilities of Sir James for the Administration of the
Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.
Chancellor of the Exchequer—therefore, Mr Gladstone.
Admiralty—Mr Sidney Herbert.
Board of Control—Sir C. Wood.
Board of Trade—Lord Granville.
Board of Works—Sir F. Baring.
(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had
insisted on having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)
Postmaster—Lord Canning.
Secretary-at-War—Mr Cardwell.
These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision
had been come to, though Lord Granville was generally
pointed out as the best Lord-Lieutenant.
Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire
confidence existing between him and Lord John. The Budget
would be a formidable difficulty, as in fact the Government
would be an Income Tax Government.
Page 629
Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour
would do no good to the Government; many of his friends
were disgusted. Lord Clanwilliam had called his speech in
the House of Lords "a great outrage." The Radicals might be
conciliated in some of the lower Offices by the appointment
of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William Molesworth, and others.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH
Foreign Office, 23rd December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen,
and considers it right to inform your Majesty that Count
Walewski again asked him yesterday where the Prince of
Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that it was the
intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and
ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him
and the Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined
himself to replying that he did not know. Lord Malmesbury
might perhaps in his private capacity endeavour to
discourage these advances, but as long as he has the honour
of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him
that your Majesty will be personally the least committed by
his interfering as little as possible in the matter.
The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of
the three great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has
said to M. Hübner that, as they had plenty of time to agree
among themselves what course they should pursue when it
was proclaimed, he cannot understand how Austria and
Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by
waiting for the orders of Russia—"les ordres de la Russie."
would do no good to the Government; many of his friends
were disgusted. Lord Clanwilliam had called his speech in
the House of Lords "a great outrage." The Radicals might be
conciliated in some of the lower Offices by the appointment
of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William Molesworth, and others.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH
Foreign Office, 23rd December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen,
and considers it right to inform your Majesty that Count
Walewski again asked him yesterday where the Prince of
Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that it was the
intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and
ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him
and the Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined
himself to replying that he did not know. Lord Malmesbury
might perhaps in his private capacity endeavour to
discourage these advances, but as long as he has the honour
of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him
that your Majesty will be personally the least committed by
his interfering as little as possible in the matter.
The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of
the three great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has
said to M. Hübner that, as they had plenty of time to agree
among themselves what course they should pursue when it
was proclaimed, he cannot understand how Austria and
Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by
waiting for the orders of Russia—"les ordres de la Russie."
Page 630
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She
thinks he is acting very judiciously in giving Count
Walewski no advice whatever as long as he holds the Seals
of Office.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She
thinks he is acting very judiciously in giving Count
Walewski no advice whatever as long as he holds the Seals
of Office.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Page 631
NEW APPOINTMENTS
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of
this morning, and was pleased to hear that Lord John has
finally accepted the Foreign Office. She has also received
the second communication, with the List of the distribution
of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such importance that the
Cabinet should be now announced to the world as complete,
that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way. At
the same time, she must observe that in some instances the
changes are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham
will be very unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the
Admiralty in former times65 were all retrenchments, and
have since proved in many instances injurious to the
Service. The Secretary-at-War ought properly to be left out
of the Cabinet for the well working of the Army;66 the
President of the Board of Trade has always been in the
Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-
President. Lord Granville will have a difficulty as
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, being one of the chief
lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen believes, even engaged
in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no objection to Sir
William Molesworth67 at the Office of Works. She hopes
that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for
which Lord Clarendon would be best.
Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes
merely to express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne68 at
the Foreign Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's69 name
as Secretary to the Treasury; she would be very much
pleased to see his services secured. All the other proposals
she approves.
The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the
rapid completion of the Government of the first importance,
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of
this morning, and was pleased to hear that Lord John has
finally accepted the Foreign Office. She has also received
the second communication, with the List of the distribution
of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such importance that the
Cabinet should be now announced to the world as complete,
that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way. At
the same time, she must observe that in some instances the
changes are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham
will be very unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the
Admiralty in former times65 were all retrenchments, and
have since proved in many instances injurious to the
Service. The Secretary-at-War ought properly to be left out
of the Cabinet for the well working of the Army;66 the
President of the Board of Trade has always been in the
Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-
President. Lord Granville will have a difficulty as
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, being one of the chief
lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen believes, even engaged
in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no objection to Sir
William Molesworth67 at the Office of Works. She hopes
that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for
which Lord Clarendon would be best.
Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes
merely to express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne68 at
the Foreign Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's69 name
as Secretary to the Treasury; she would be very much
pleased to see his services secured. All the other proposals
she approves.
The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the
rapid completion of the Government of the first importance,
Page 632
even if none of the points the Queen has alluded to should
be amended.
Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.
Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of State.
Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a philosophical
writer, the first member of the Radical Party included in any Ministry.
Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the time,
became Secretary of the Admiralty.
Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for the
Colonies and Governor of Madras.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE NEW CABINET
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter,
reporting that new difficulties have arisen in the completion
of the Government by new proposals made by Lord John
Russell, since the Queen's sanction had been given to the
arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen, which had
then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins
to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis.
It must weaken the prestige of the new Government, and,
instead of smoothing difficulties, is, from the nature of
things, rather calculated to invite new ones. The Queen has,
in her letter of yesterday, stated some objections she felt, but
added that she would waive them all for the satisfaction of
the immediate want of the country (a strong Government),
and she must express her hope that political parties will not
fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus
herself set.
be amended.
Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.
Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of State.
Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a philosophical
writer, the first member of the Radical Party included in any Ministry.
Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the time,
became Secretary of the Admiralty.
Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for the
Colonies and Governor of Madras.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE NEW CABINET
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter,
reporting that new difficulties have arisen in the completion
of the Government by new proposals made by Lord John
Russell, since the Queen's sanction had been given to the
arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen, which had
then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins
to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis.
It must weaken the prestige of the new Government, and,
instead of smoothing difficulties, is, from the nature of
things, rather calculated to invite new ones. The Queen has,
in her letter of yesterday, stated some objections she felt, but
added that she would waive them all for the satisfaction of
the immediate want of the country (a strong Government),
and she must express her hope that political parties will not
fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus
herself set.
Page 633
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
[Draft—from recollection.]
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this
afternoon, and is very glad to hear that he has overcome the
difficulties which he mentioned this morning, and that he
has secured the services of Lord Lansdowne in the Cabinet.
She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will remain firm on
the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by
yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the
completion of his Cabinet.
From many of them answers have not yet been received.
The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had
sent in such a list of persons whom he required in the
Cabinet (Sir Francis Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.),
that, having been very yielding hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was
obliged to be peremptory in his refusal. Now that the
Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined to
let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to
the minor Offices, considering that he brought 250
followers, and he (Lord Aberdeen) only 50.
It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John
was finally due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own
promise to that of Lord Clarendon, that the latter would take
the Foreign Office whenever she thought Lord John ought to
be relieved from it.
[Draft—from recollection.]
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this
afternoon, and is very glad to hear that he has overcome the
difficulties which he mentioned this morning, and that he
has secured the services of Lord Lansdowne in the Cabinet.
She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will remain firm on
the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by
yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the
completion of his Cabinet.
From many of them answers have not yet been received.
The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had
sent in such a list of persons whom he required in the
Cabinet (Sir Francis Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.),
that, having been very yielding hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was
obliged to be peremptory in his refusal. Now that the
Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined to
let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to
the minor Offices, considering that he brought 250
followers, and he (Lord Aberdeen) only 50.
It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John
was finally due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own
promise to that of Lord Clarendon, that the latter would take
the Foreign Office whenever she thought Lord John ought to
be relieved from it.
Page 634
Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her
husband into office again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first
symptom of their joint wish in the earnestness with which
Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all places that, had he
been well enough, he would certainly have voted against the
Government.
Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's
disinterestedness were beyond all praise.
Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very
quiet, and many would be very friendly.
Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We
recommend a trial to get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of
the Horse.
Victoria R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Windsor Castle, 26th December 1852.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—I have heard rumours of some
appointments in the Household, for which the writs are to be
moved to-morrow. As you have not yet placed before the
Queen your recommendations, I merely write this to you,
fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places before you
have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure. Ever
yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE
husband into office again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first
symptom of their joint wish in the earnestness with which
Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all places that, had he
been well enough, he would certainly have voted against the
Government.
Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's
disinterestedness were beyond all praise.
Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very
quiet, and many would be very friendly.
Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We
recommend a trial to get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of
the Horse.
Victoria R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Windsor Castle, 26th December 1852.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—I have heard rumours of some
appointments in the Household, for which the writs are to be
moved to-morrow. As you have not yet placed before the
Queen your recommendations, I merely write this to you,
fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places before you
have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure. Ever
yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE
Page 635
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1852.
Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon.
He repeated his thanks to the Queen for the support and
countenance she had given him throughout the period he had
been allowed to serve her, adding his regrets that his services
could not have been more efficient or longer. One thing only
distressed him in taking leave, and that was the idea that the
Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised difficulties to
the formation of a new Government by his Speech in the
House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to
show to his Party that he had not quitted office on light
grounds, after the sacrifices of opinion they had brought in
order to support him; he had to prove that the vote in the
House of Commons was not an accidental vote, but the
preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition) against
him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was
not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of
which the Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on
the character of the new Government which the Queen had
not yet formed. It was of the greatest importance to keep that
in suspense, and the declaration that Lord Derby knew Lord
Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his own (Lord
Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals,
and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals
in the Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his
doubts as to how these differences could be reconciled; and
he did not see now how this was to be done. How could
Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree upon the
Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord
John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the
line of Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had
been forced upon him by Lord Palmerston, who had never
left a question for the decision of the Cabinet to which he
had not already given a decided bias.
Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out
everywhere that, had he been well enough, he should
Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon.
He repeated his thanks to the Queen for the support and
countenance she had given him throughout the period he had
been allowed to serve her, adding his regrets that his services
could not have been more efficient or longer. One thing only
distressed him in taking leave, and that was the idea that the
Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised difficulties to
the formation of a new Government by his Speech in the
House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to
show to his Party that he had not quitted office on light
grounds, after the sacrifices of opinion they had brought in
order to support him; he had to prove that the vote in the
House of Commons was not an accidental vote, but the
preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition) against
him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was
not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of
which the Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on
the character of the new Government which the Queen had
not yet formed. It was of the greatest importance to keep that
in suspense, and the declaration that Lord Derby knew Lord
Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his own (Lord
Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals,
and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals
in the Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his
doubts as to how these differences could be reconciled; and
he did not see now how this was to be done. How could
Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree upon the
Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord
John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the
line of Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had
been forced upon him by Lord Palmerston, who had never
left a question for the decision of the Cabinet to which he
had not already given a decided bias.
Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out
everywhere that, had he been well enough, he should
Page 636
certainly have voted against the Government? Lord Derby
could only say that he had allowed his son-in-law, Lord
Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction that Lord
Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord
John Russell!
Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.
Albert.
The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely.70
LADY DERBY'S LETTER
St James's Square, 27th December 1852.
My dearest Lady Ely,—Lord Derby told me that he saw
you yesterday, but only for a moment. I think he was
nervous about his audience of leave, but he returned deeply
touched by the kindness of manner of the Queen and the
Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the last
year, he has been more and more impressed with the
admirable qualities of the Queen, and her noble
straightforwardness on all occasions, and her unvarying
kindness have inspired him with the strongest attachment (if
I may venture so to express his feelings for Her Majesty).
During that week of terrible suspense he continually said to
me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear
of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time
and power to do more in her service. I am writing in haste,
having much to do this last day in Town, but I have very
often wished that the Queen knew how warmly and
sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also
very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the
highest admiration, often speaking of his wonderful
cleverness. I am delighted to hear that the Queen is so well;
he said she was looking remarkably well yesterday. He told
could only say that he had allowed his son-in-law, Lord
Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction that Lord
Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord
John Russell!
Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.
Albert.
The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely.70
LADY DERBY'S LETTER
St James's Square, 27th December 1852.
My dearest Lady Ely,—Lord Derby told me that he saw
you yesterday, but only for a moment. I think he was
nervous about his audience of leave, but he returned deeply
touched by the kindness of manner of the Queen and the
Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the last
year, he has been more and more impressed with the
admirable qualities of the Queen, and her noble
straightforwardness on all occasions, and her unvarying
kindness have inspired him with the strongest attachment (if
I may venture so to express his feelings for Her Majesty).
During that week of terrible suspense he continually said to
me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear
of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time
and power to do more in her service. I am writing in haste,
having much to do this last day in Town, but I have very
often wished that the Queen knew how warmly and
sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also
very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the
highest admiration, often speaking of his wonderful
cleverness. I am delighted to hear that the Queen is so well;
he said she was looking remarkably well yesterday. He told
Page 637
me that Her Majesty used some kind expression about
myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her
Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I
should be very much obliged to you. Ever yours very
affectionately,
Emma Derby.
Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers
into the Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the
new Ministers, took place to-day.
Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of
office.
We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the
names of all the persons he recommended for the
subordinate Offices, of whom he will send a list. We asked
him what might have passed between the last Session and
this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained that
up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that
he perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial
Policy, and that he never would join the Whigs. Lord
Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge of such messages,
though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to Lord
Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him
that there was such a total want of principle in him and his
Party, pledging themselves for Protection in one place and
Free Trade in another, and appearing consistent only on one
myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her
Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I
should be very much obliged to you. Ever yours very
affectionately,
Emma Derby.
Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers
into the Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the
new Ministers, took place to-day.
Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of
office.
We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the
names of all the persons he recommended for the
subordinate Offices, of whom he will send a list. We asked
him what might have passed between the last Session and
this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained that
up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that
he perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial
Policy, and that he never would join the Whigs. Lord
Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge of such messages,
though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to Lord
Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him
that there was such a total want of principle in him and his
Party, pledging themselves for Protection in one place and
Free Trade in another, and appearing consistent only on one
Page 638
point, viz. their hatred to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his
friends, that he became determined to have nothing to do
with them.
The formation of the Government appeared to give
satisfaction to the country, though of course the number of
the disappointed must be even larger than usual on such
occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much hurt at not
being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse the
Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step, and
encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde,
and particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at
being left out altogether, but there was no help for it; for
each man taken in from one side, two would be proposed
from the other, and the Cabinet was just large enough to
work.
We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed
well satisfied with the Government, a combination he had so
much and so long wished. Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the
only thing which personally grieved him. He said that from
the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he had felt
sure that the Government would fall immediately; the
country would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in
the Exchequer.
MR DISRAELI
Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in
very good health and spirits. He told us that the peaceful
parting scene in the House of Commons had been his doing;
he had told Mr Walpole that he thought Mr Disraeli ought to
make an apology to the House for the language he had used,
and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on
Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to
tell Mr Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a
message from him (Lord John). Mr Disraeli declared his
readiness, provided others would do the same, and declared
they had meant no offence.71 We owned that we had been
astonished to find them of a sudden all so well bred. We
friends, that he became determined to have nothing to do
with them.
The formation of the Government appeared to give
satisfaction to the country, though of course the number of
the disappointed must be even larger than usual on such
occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much hurt at not
being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse the
Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step, and
encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde,
and particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at
being left out altogether, but there was no help for it; for
each man taken in from one side, two would be proposed
from the other, and the Cabinet was just large enough to
work.
We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed
well satisfied with the Government, a combination he had so
much and so long wished. Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the
only thing which personally grieved him. He said that from
the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he had felt
sure that the Government would fall immediately; the
country would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in
the Exchequer.
MR DISRAELI
Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in
very good health and spirits. He told us that the peaceful
parting scene in the House of Commons had been his doing;
he had told Mr Walpole that he thought Mr Disraeli ought to
make an apology to the House for the language he had used,
and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on
Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to
tell Mr Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a
message from him (Lord John). Mr Disraeli declared his
readiness, provided others would do the same, and declared
they had meant no offence.71 We owned that we had been
astonished to find them of a sudden all so well bred. We
Page 639
asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the
crisis? Lord John told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had
certainly been disposed to join Lord Derby's Government,
but always said he could not do so alone; that if eight of
them were to join, then they would have the majority in the
Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston
would have voted for some parts of the Budget and against
others. Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord
Derby's will long keep together, that some would vote for
the Government, others might try to raise a Protestant cry.
Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk
with two sticks from the gout.
Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace asked
pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy forgiveness from
the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours before he had mocked
as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir James Graham), whom he
could not say he greatly respected, but whom he greatly regarded; and
the third member (Sir C. Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is
not sarcasm, and insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell
congratulated him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had
conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's Gladstone,
Book III. chap. viii.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 24th reached
me on Monday, and I thank you warmly for it. The success
of our excellent Aberdeen's arduous task and the formation
of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet would, I was sure, please
you. It is the realisation of the country's and our most ardent
wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I think, command
great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just on our
happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.
crisis? Lord John told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had
certainly been disposed to join Lord Derby's Government,
but always said he could not do so alone; that if eight of
them were to join, then they would have the majority in the
Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston
would have voted for some parts of the Budget and against
others. Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord
Derby's will long keep together, that some would vote for
the Government, others might try to raise a Protestant cry.
Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk
with two sticks from the gout.
Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace asked
pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy forgiveness from
the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours before he had mocked
as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir James Graham), whom he
could not say he greatly respected, but whom he greatly regarded; and
the third member (Sir C. Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is
not sarcasm, and insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell
congratulated him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had
conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's Gladstone,
Book III. chap. viii.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 24th reached
me on Monday, and I thank you warmly for it. The success
of our excellent Aberdeen's arduous task and the formation
of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet would, I was sure, please
you. It is the realisation of the country's and our most ardent
wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I think, command
great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just on our
happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.
Page 640
As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I
have a long Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers
this afternoon, you will excuse my taking leave here. Ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria.
THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE
Langenburg, 30th December 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—According to your wish and our
promise, we send this servant with the most unwelcome
news that yesterday morning M. de Jaux arrived here and
told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to Albert) that the
Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him to
confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour
before I received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I
sent in Ernest's letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his
opinion that we ought not to say "No" at once, before telling
Ada of it. This is very much against my wish and Ernest's,
for we both would like to make an end of the affair as soon
as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of what Uncle
Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for
Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day,
and I leave it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will
tell the poor child of the transaction. She will be in great
distress. I wish she may at once say "No," but am not sure of
it; and in our letters we have not said anything for the thing,
but nothing against also but what naturally is to be said
against it. She will not know what to do, and I am sure you
and Mamma will not put it to her in too favourable a light,
as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there
may be some things in its favour too. I wish you would
make Charles come to us—if you think it wise to do so—and
have a long Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers
this afternoon, you will excuse my taking leave here. Ever
your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria.
THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE
Langenburg, 30th December 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—According to your wish and our
promise, we send this servant with the most unwelcome
news that yesterday morning M. de Jaux arrived here and
told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to Albert) that the
Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him to
confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour
before I received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I
sent in Ernest's letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his
opinion that we ought not to say "No" at once, before telling
Ada of it. This is very much against my wish and Ernest's,
for we both would like to make an end of the affair as soon
as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of what Uncle
Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for
Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day,
and I leave it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will
tell the poor child of the transaction. She will be in great
distress. I wish she may at once say "No," but am not sure of
it; and in our letters we have not said anything for the thing,
but nothing against also but what naturally is to be said
against it. She will not know what to do, and I am sure you
and Mamma will not put it to her in too favourable a light,
as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there
may be some things in its favour too. I wish you would
make Charles come to us—if you think it wise to do so—and
Page 641
he not only will try to engage us to it. But there may be so
many reasons for or against which in a letter it is not
possible to explain all, and which we could not answer in
time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what
Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment,
if this would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well
may think, my dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say
"No" at once!...
Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the
22nd. In the papers I have been following with the greatest
interest what has been said on the formation of the new
Ministry; there is one name though which frightens me—
Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the New Year; may
it bring peace not only to the nations, but also to us. Every
blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your
children, and for me your love and affection, which is a
blessing to your devoted Sister,
Feodora.
Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the
wish to see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be
done?
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
NEW YEAR WISHES
Windsor Castle, 31st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—On this, the last day of the old year,
allow me to offer my most ardent wishes for many and
happy returns of the New Year to you and yours. May it be
one of peace and prosperity to us all, and may we have the
happiness of seeing you again. May we still hope to see you
this winter or not?
many reasons for or against which in a letter it is not
possible to explain all, and which we could not answer in
time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what
Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment,
if this would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well
may think, my dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say
"No" at once!...
Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the
22nd. In the papers I have been following with the greatest
interest what has been said on the formation of the new
Ministry; there is one name though which frightens me—
Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the New Year; may
it bring peace not only to the nations, but also to us. Every
blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your
children, and for me your love and affection, which is a
blessing to your devoted Sister,
Feodora.
Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the
wish to see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be
done?
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
NEW YEAR WISHES
Windsor Castle, 31st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—On this, the last day of the old year,
allow me to offer my most ardent wishes for many and
happy returns of the New Year to you and yours. May it be
one of peace and prosperity to us all, and may we have the
happiness of seeing you again. May we still hope to see you
this winter or not?
Page 642
Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my
faithful friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great
happiness and comfort for me personally. Lord Palmerston is
terribly altered, and all his friends think him breaking. He
walks with two sticks, and seemed in great suffering at the
Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXII
The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power; the
necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but bitter and
indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made by certain
members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them severely to
task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign Secretary,
resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord Clarendon, being unable
to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership of the House and the Foreign
Office. Though the arrangement was questioned, he continued during the
year to lead the House without office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an
India Bill, introducing competitive examination into the Civil Service, and
various measures of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more
important feature of the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing
comprehensively with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions
to real property.
The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For some
time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches as to the
guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of the Holy
faithful friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great
happiness and comfort for me personally. Lord Palmerston is
terribly altered, and all his friends think him breaking. He
walks with two sticks, and seemed in great suffering at the
Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted
Niece,
Victoria R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXII
The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power; the
necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but bitter and
indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made by certain
members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them severely to
task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign Secretary,
resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord Clarendon, being unable
to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership of the House and the Foreign
Office. Though the arrangement was questioned, he continued during the
year to lead the House without office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an
India Bill, introducing competitive examination into the Civil Service, and
various measures of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more
important feature of the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing
comprehensively with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions
to real property.
The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For some
time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches as to the
guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of the Holy
Page 643
Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the French and
Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an indecisive
judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so incensed
Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations, and sent Prince
Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory requisitions as to the
Holy Places.
In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to Sir Hamilton
Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg, representing the Sultan
as a very "sick man," and suggesting that, on the dissolution of his Empire,
a concerted disposal of the Turkish dominions should be made by England
and Russia; these conversations were reported at once to the British
Government. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent
British interests at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff,
and a settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily
effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept independent of
any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to the conference with
instructions to keep an ulterior object in view, namely, to advance a claim,
by means of a strained interpretation of the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a
Russian protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by
Lord Stratford, the Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar
occupied the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia,
characterising the step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of
Russia's just rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of
his subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and
similar preparations were also being made in England.
Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting war,
and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain and
France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to the
Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance, and, when
the Russian Government subsequently announced its own interpretation of
the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers had been mistaken as to
its purport.
An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was sent by
the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first encounter at
Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an indecisive
judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so incensed
Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations, and sent Prince
Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory requisitions as to the
Holy Places.
In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to Sir Hamilton
Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg, representing the Sultan
as a very "sick man," and suggesting that, on the dissolution of his Empire,
a concerted disposal of the Turkish dominions should be made by England
and Russia; these conversations were reported at once to the British
Government. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent
British interests at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff,
and a settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily
effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept independent of
any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to the conference with
instructions to keep an ulterior object in view, namely, to advance a claim,
by means of a strained interpretation of the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a
Russian protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by
Lord Stratford, the Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar
occupied the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia,
characterising the step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of
Russia's just rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of
his subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and
similar preparations were also being made in England.
Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting war,
and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain and
France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to the
Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance, and, when
the Russian Government subsequently announced its own interpretation of
the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers had been mistaken as to
its purport.
An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was sent by
the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first encounter at
Page 644
Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of Turkey. Meanwhile
both the British and French fleets had been sent to the East, and, on the
declaration of war, the British Admiral was instructed to take any action he
thought fit to prevent Russian aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th
of November the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the
Russian squadron, this occurrence provoking profound indignation in
England, though it had been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that
the despatch of the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was
more likely to appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.
Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry soon
disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence necessary to
form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen remained at his
post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet, especially between
Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian party, on the one hand, and
on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted the Turks, and Mr Gladstone,
who disavowed any obligation to uphold the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston resigned office, the ostensible
reason being his opposition to the contemplated Reform Bill of the
Government. The real cause was his opinion that apathy was being shown
by his colleagues in reference to the Eastern Question; however, after
arrangements had been made for replacing him, he was, at his own desire,
re-admitted to the Cabinet.
both the British and French fleets had been sent to the East, and, on the
declaration of war, the British Admiral was instructed to take any action he
thought fit to prevent Russian aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th
of November the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the
Russian squadron, this occurrence provoking profound indignation in
England, though it had been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that
the despatch of the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was
more likely to appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.
Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry soon
disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence necessary to
form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen remained at his
post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet, especially between
Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian party, on the one hand, and
on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted the Turks, and Mr Gladstone,
who disavowed any obligation to uphold the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston resigned office, the ostensible
reason being his opposition to the contemplated Reform Bill of the
Government. The real cause was his opinion that apathy was being shown
by his colleagues in reference to the Eastern Question; however, after
arrangements had been made for replacing him, he was, at his own desire,
re-admitted to the Cabinet.
Page 645
CHAPTER XXII
1853
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—... Our new Government will really, I
think, command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration,
which is a great object. Their only difficulty will be the
Budget.
The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in
recognising our new bon Frère annoys him very much, and
produces a bad effect in France. I don't think it is wise.
Unnecessary irritation may produce real mischief. To
squabble about how to call him, after having praised and
supported him after the Coup d'État, seems to me very
kleinlich and inconsistent, and I think our conduct
throughout has been much more dignified....
I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the
Chambers, and with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to
Leopold's visit to England. Let him and Philippe come here
often and regularly, and let them study this country and her
laws à fond—it will do them more good than all the studying
and reading in the world. They all three express most
1853
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—... Our new Government will really, I
think, command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration,
which is a great object. Their only difficulty will be the
Budget.
The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in
recognising our new bon Frère annoys him very much, and
produces a bad effect in France. I don't think it is wise.
Unnecessary irritation may produce real mischief. To
squabble about how to call him, after having praised and
supported him after the Coup d'État, seems to me very
kleinlich and inconsistent, and I think our conduct
throughout has been much more dignified....
I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the
Chambers, and with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to
Leopold's visit to England. Let him and Philippe come here
often and regularly, and let them study this country and her
laws à fond—it will do them more good than all the studying
and reading in the world. They all three express most
Page 646
warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us
have the hope of seeing you in February. It would be
delightful!... I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON
London, 9th January 1853.
... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that
he saw Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your
Majesty's gracious intentions1 towards him, took an
opportunity of expressing in very strong terms the great
importance of the choice of his successor as Headmaster of
Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for such a
situation, as well as the objections to which some
appointments might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly
understood by Dr Hawtrey, although no name was
mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being of the
utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the
nation at large.
Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship of Eton
upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O. Goodford
succeeded to the Headmastership.
Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent.
MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON
have the hope of seeing you in February. It would be
delightful!... I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your
devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON
London, 9th January 1853.
... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that
he saw Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your
Majesty's gracious intentions1 towards him, took an
opportunity of expressing in very strong terms the great
importance of the choice of his successor as Headmaster of
Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for such a
situation, as well as the objections to which some
appointments might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly
understood by Dr Hawtrey, although no name was
mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being of the
utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the
nation at large.
Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship of Eton
upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O. Goodford
succeeded to the Headmastership.
Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent.
MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON
Page 647
Rue de Varennes 65, 31st January 1853.
Dearest Madame,—I fear that I shall not be able to add
much to the newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,2
for it was one the impression of which is best conveyed by a
simple and accurate description of the scene, and of those
arrangements and details which combined to render its effect
gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however, from the historical
interest attached to it as one of the very curious acts of the
extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression
produced was one that would be called forth by a
magnificent theatrical representation, and little more. This
seemed to be the public feeling, for though multitudes
thronged the streets, the day being dry, they appeared to be
animated by curiosity chiefly, and that sober curiosity which
now characterises the people of Paris, wearied as they are of
novelty and excitement. As far as one can judge, it does not
seem that the lower orders take much interest in this
marriage; the ambition and vanity of his partisans have been
wounded by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to
calumniate and slander the unfortunate object of his choice
disgracefully.
It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards
her, but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought
by many, gain for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of
popularity than his friends who now blame the marriage
expect. That he is passionately in love with her no one
doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as well as
yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very
unusual. She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount
of nervousness at the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as
death yesterday—however, even with the high and
determined spirit she is supposed to have, this might be
expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an
invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.3
Nothing could be more splendid than the decorations of the
Cathedral—velvet and ermine—gold and silver—flags and
Dearest Madame,—I fear that I shall not be able to add
much to the newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,2
for it was one the impression of which is best conveyed by a
simple and accurate description of the scene, and of those
arrangements and details which combined to render its effect
gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however, from the historical
interest attached to it as one of the very curious acts of the
extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression
produced was one that would be called forth by a
magnificent theatrical representation, and little more. This
seemed to be the public feeling, for though multitudes
thronged the streets, the day being dry, they appeared to be
animated by curiosity chiefly, and that sober curiosity which
now characterises the people of Paris, wearied as they are of
novelty and excitement. As far as one can judge, it does not
seem that the lower orders take much interest in this
marriage; the ambition and vanity of his partisans have been
wounded by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to
calumniate and slander the unfortunate object of his choice
disgracefully.
It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards
her, but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought
by many, gain for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of
popularity than his friends who now blame the marriage
expect. That he is passionately in love with her no one
doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as well as
yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very
unusual. She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount
of nervousness at the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as
death yesterday—however, even with the high and
determined spirit she is supposed to have, this might be
expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an
invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.3
Nothing could be more splendid than the decorations of the
Cathedral—velvet and ermine—gold and silver—flags and
Page 648
hangings of all colours were combined and harmonised with
the splendid costumes of the Clergy, the uniforms, civil and
military, and the magnificent dresses of the ladies. The
greatest mistake was the conflict of lights—the windows not
having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax
candles were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object
of our neighbours seemed to be to scan and criticise the
dress of the Bride, and the wonderful penetration and
accuracy of their eagle glances was to us something
incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a
distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the
expression of her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough
to be able to say that a more lovely coup d'œil could not be
conceived. Her beautifully chiselled features and marble
complexion, her nobly set-on head, her exquisitely
proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most
striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe
she is equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at
which we saw her the effect was something more than that
of a lovely picture, it was aerial, ideal. On the classically
shaped head she wore a diamond crown or diadem, round
her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to correspond, and
the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown.
Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped
her, which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of
the hills in Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no
English word, "Duft." I hope your Royal Highness will not
think me very much carried by what pleases the eye. I felt all
the while that one could view the matter but as an outside
show; as such, in as far as she was concerned, it was
exquisitely beautiful—and I suppose that a sort of national
prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the
scene, for what there was of either came from her, to the
blood of Kirkpatrick!!!
The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means
fine, and those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled
to St Cloud, were driven by individuals in the famous
the splendid costumes of the Clergy, the uniforms, civil and
military, and the magnificent dresses of the ladies. The
greatest mistake was the conflict of lights—the windows not
having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax
candles were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object
of our neighbours seemed to be to scan and criticise the
dress of the Bride, and the wonderful penetration and
accuracy of their eagle glances was to us something
incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a
distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the
expression of her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough
to be able to say that a more lovely coup d'œil could not be
conceived. Her beautifully chiselled features and marble
complexion, her nobly set-on head, her exquisitely
proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most
striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe
she is equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at
which we saw her the effect was something more than that
of a lovely picture, it was aerial, ideal. On the classically
shaped head she wore a diamond crown or diadem, round
her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to correspond, and
the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown.
Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped
her, which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of
the hills in Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no
English word, "Duft." I hope your Royal Highness will not
think me very much carried by what pleases the eye. I felt all
the while that one could view the matter but as an outside
show; as such, in as far as she was concerned, it was
exquisitely beautiful—and I suppose that a sort of national
prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the
scene, for what there was of either came from her, to the
blood of Kirkpatrick!!!
The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means
fine, and those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled
to St Cloud, were driven by individuals in the famous
Page 649
theatrical costume of the well-known "Postillon de
Longjumeau!"4
Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to Mademoiselle
Eugénie de Montijo on the 29th of January. William Kirkpatrick, her
maternal grandfather, had been a merchant and American Consul at
Malaga, and had there married Françoise de Grivegnéc. Their third
daughter, Maria Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Téba, a
member of an illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his
brother as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an
influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter married
the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with Eugénie, her
younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.
Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by the
Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the Empress.
Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and performed
at Paris in 1836.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPRESS
Laeken, 4th February 1853.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
gracious letter of the 1st. Since I wrote to you le grand
événement a eu lieu! We truly live in times where at least
variety is not wanting; the only mischief is that like
drunkards people want more and more excitement, and it
therefore will probably end by what remains the most
exciting of all—War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must
be confessed, more than anything in the world, and that
makes me think that it must be the bouquet when people will
be blasé of everything else. I enclose a letter from our
Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron Beyens, who
married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa
Cruz, and is much au fait of all things that interest the public
Longjumeau!"4
Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to Mademoiselle
Eugénie de Montijo on the 29th of January. William Kirkpatrick, her
maternal grandfather, had been a merchant and American Consul at
Malaga, and had there married Françoise de Grivegnéc. Their third
daughter, Maria Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Téba, a
member of an illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his
brother as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an
influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter married
the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with Eugénie, her
younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.
Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by the
Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the Empress.
Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and performed
at Paris in 1836.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPRESS
Laeken, 4th February 1853.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
gracious letter of the 1st. Since I wrote to you le grand
événement a eu lieu! We truly live in times where at least
variety is not wanting; the only mischief is that like
drunkards people want more and more excitement, and it
therefore will probably end by what remains the most
exciting of all—War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must
be confessed, more than anything in the world, and that
makes me think that it must be the bouquet when people will
be blasé of everything else. I enclose a letter from our
Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron Beyens, who
married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa
Cruz, and is much au fait of all things that interest the public
Page 650
just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the
Empress communicated to a friend a communication of son
cher époux when she expressed her sense of her elevation to
such eminence; as it may interest you and Albert, I will
make an extract of it here: "Vous ne me parlez, ma chère
enfant, que des avantages de la position que je vous offre,
mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers; ils
sont grands, je serai sans doute à vos côtés l'objet de plus
d'une tentative d'assassinat; indépendamment de cela, je dois
vous confier que des complots sérieux se fomentent dans
l'armée. J'ai l'œil ouvert de ce côté et je compte bien d'une
manière ou d'autre prévenir toute explosion; le moyen sera
peut-être la guerre. Là encore il y a de grandes chances de
ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous ne devez pas
avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises
chances étant peut-être égales aux bonnes!"
I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, i.e., Beauvale's,
death. I knew him since 1814, and found him always very
kind. For poor Lady Melbourne, who devoted herself so
much, it is a sad blow. We are longing for a little cold, but it
does not come though we have some east wind. I am held
back in some of the most essential measures for the defence
of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that the
Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-
ness by a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the
American War the Quakers refused to fight; they did not
besides like the extremities the States had gone to against
the mother country; but not to defend its own country
against probable invasion is truly too much.
Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and
believe me, ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Empress communicated to a friend a communication of son
cher époux when she expressed her sense of her elevation to
such eminence; as it may interest you and Albert, I will
make an extract of it here: "Vous ne me parlez, ma chère
enfant, que des avantages de la position que je vous offre,
mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers; ils
sont grands, je serai sans doute à vos côtés l'objet de plus
d'une tentative d'assassinat; indépendamment de cela, je dois
vous confier que des complots sérieux se fomentent dans
l'armée. J'ai l'œil ouvert de ce côté et je compte bien d'une
manière ou d'autre prévenir toute explosion; le moyen sera
peut-être la guerre. Là encore il y a de grandes chances de
ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous ne devez pas
avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises
chances étant peut-être égales aux bonnes!"
I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, i.e., Beauvale's,
death. I knew him since 1814, and found him always very
kind. For poor Lady Melbourne, who devoted herself so
much, it is a sad blow. We are longing for a little cold, but it
does not come though we have some east wind. I am held
back in some of the most essential measures for the defence
of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that the
Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-
ness by a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the
American War the Quakers refused to fight; they did not
besides like the extremities the States had gone to against
the mother country; but not to defend its own country
against probable invasion is truly too much.
Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and
believe me, ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Page 651
Windsor Castle, 8th February 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for two most kind
letters of the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with
very interesting enclosures, which shall be duly returned.
The little report of what the Emperor said to the Empress is
very curious, and tallies with what I have also heard of his
thinking much more of the insecurity of his position than he
used to do. The description of the young Empress's character
is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had heard
from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do
much good—and I hope she may. Her character is made to
captivate a man, I should say—particularly one like the
Emperor.
I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament.
Ours begins its work on Thursday. The accounts of the
support which our Government will receive are most
satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most harmonious.... Ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR AND TURKEY
London, 8th February 1853.
... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received
from your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an
account of an interview with the Emperor, at which His
Majesty appeared to expect an early dissolution of the
Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case to act in perfect
concert with the British Government. Lord John also read
the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which,
with slight alterations, was fully approved.5
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for two most kind
letters of the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with
very interesting enclosures, which shall be duly returned.
The little report of what the Emperor said to the Empress is
very curious, and tallies with what I have also heard of his
thinking much more of the insecurity of his position than he
used to do. The description of the young Empress's character
is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had heard
from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do
much good—and I hope she may. Her character is made to
captivate a man, I should say—particularly one like the
Emperor.
I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament.
Ours begins its work on Thursday. The accounts of the
support which our Government will receive are most
satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most harmonious.... Ever
your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR AND TURKEY
London, 8th February 1853.
... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received
from your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an
account of an interview with the Emperor, at which His
Majesty appeared to expect an early dissolution of the
Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case to act in perfect
concert with the British Government. Lord John also read
the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which,
with slight alterations, was fully approved.5
Page 652
Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in
this demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same
language he has held for some years, although, perhaps, the
present difficulties of Turkey may have rendered him more
anxious on the subject....
Footnote 5: See Introductory Note, p. 431. The Emperor had, no doubt,
misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry in 1844 on this
subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full sympathy with himself.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE LEADERSHIP
Chesham Place, 12th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has waited till to-day in order to be able to give some
account of the appearance of the House of Commons.
Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed
was well received, but as it did not contain reform was a
disappointment to a part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke
privately to Lord John Russell as to his future position in
leading the Government in the House of Commons without
office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor
unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a
precedent.
The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no
constitutional objection, but that the leadership of the House
was so laborious that an office without other duties ought to
be assigned to it....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
this demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same
language he has held for some years, although, perhaps, the
present difficulties of Turkey may have rendered him more
anxious on the subject....
Footnote 5: See Introductory Note, p. 431. The Emperor had, no doubt,
misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry in 1844 on this
subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full sympathy with himself.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE LEADERSHIP
Chesham Place, 12th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty;
he has waited till to-day in order to be able to give some
account of the appearance of the House of Commons.
Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed
was well received, but as it did not contain reform was a
disappointment to a part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke
privately to Lord John Russell as to his future position in
leading the Government in the House of Commons without
office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor
unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a
precedent.
The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no
constitutional objection, but that the leadership of the House
was so laborious that an office without other duties ought to
be assigned to it....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Page 653
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE
Windsor Castle, 13th February 1853.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday, and was very glad to hear that he considers the
aspect of the House of Commons as favourable to the
Government.
Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question
on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion
to him personally, viz., how far the proposed new
arrangement of Lord John's holding the leadership of the
House of Commons without office was constitutional or not?
6
Her opinion perfectly agrees with that expressed by Mr
Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were
undoubtedly illegal it would clearly never have been
contemplated at all; but it may prove a dangerous precedent.
The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the
proposition of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House
of Commons was so laborious, that an Office without other
duties ought to be assigned to it," her fullest and fairest
consideration, upon its merits and its constitutional bearings,
which ought to have been distinctly set forth before her by
her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered
decision.
What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with
justice, is, that so important an innovation in the
construction of the executive Government should have been
practically decided upon by an arrangement intended to
meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing
alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own
prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or
stability of the new Government, both of paramount
importance to the welfare of the Country.
Windsor Castle, 13th February 1853.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of
yesterday, and was very glad to hear that he considers the
aspect of the House of Commons as favourable to the
Government.
Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question
on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion
to him personally, viz., how far the proposed new
arrangement of Lord John's holding the leadership of the
House of Commons without office was constitutional or not?
6
Her opinion perfectly agrees with that expressed by Mr
Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were
undoubtedly illegal it would clearly never have been
contemplated at all; but it may prove a dangerous precedent.
The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the
proposition of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House
of Commons was so laborious, that an Office without other
duties ought to be assigned to it," her fullest and fairest
consideration, upon its merits and its constitutional bearings,
which ought to have been distinctly set forth before her by
her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered
decision.
What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with
justice, is, that so important an innovation in the
construction of the executive Government should have been
practically decided upon by an arrangement intended to
meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing
alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own
prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or
stability of the new Government, both of paramount
importance to the welfare of the Country.
Page 654
Footnote 6: See ante, pp. 417, 421.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 13th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He cannot forbear from vindicating himself from the charge
of forming or being party to an arrangement "intended to
meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing
alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own
prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or
stability of the new Government—both of paramount
importance to the welfare of the Country."
Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to
the formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a
subordinate situation, from which nearly all his dearest
political friends are excluded, and which is held by some to
extinguish the party which for eighteen years he has led.
He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the
Country might not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry
liable to be overthrown at any moment, formed whether by
Lord Derby, or by himself at the head of one party only.
But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to
maintain his honour intact, and for this purpose he asked
before the Ministry was formed for the honour of an
Audience of your Majesty, that he might explain all the
circumstances of his position.
This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has
never been in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he
believes that his leading the House of Commons without
office is not liable to any constitutional objection.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 13th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He cannot forbear from vindicating himself from the charge
of forming or being party to an arrangement "intended to
meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental
circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing
alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own
prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or
stability of the new Government—both of paramount
importance to the welfare of the Country."
Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to
the formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a
subordinate situation, from which nearly all his dearest
political friends are excluded, and which is held by some to
extinguish the party which for eighteen years he has led.
He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the
Country might not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry
liable to be overthrown at any moment, formed whether by
Lord Derby, or by himself at the head of one party only.
But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to
maintain his honour intact, and for this purpose he asked
before the Ministry was formed for the honour of an
Audience of your Majesty, that he might explain all the
circumstances of his position.
This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has
never been in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he
believes that his leading the House of Commons without
office is not liable to any constitutional objection.
Page 655
The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no
constitutional objection to this arrangement exists, but
should your Majesty wish to see the arguments briefly stated
by which Lord John Russell has been convinced, he should
be happy to be allowed to lay them before your Majesty.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
THE REFUGEE QUESTION
25th February 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo7 called upon
him this afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had
another and more disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord
Clarendon. He commenced by reading a note from Count
Buol8 complaining bitterly of the refugees, and the manner
in which they abused the hospitality afforded them in this
country, and attributing in great measure to the
proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection
at Milan, and the attempt on the Emperor's life.9 This note
expressed a hope and belief that some measure would at
once be adopted by your Majesty's Government to remove
the just complaints of Allied Governments, and intimated
that should this hope not be spontaneously realised some
measures on the part of those Governments would become
necessary for their own protection as well as to mark their
sense of the wrong done to them by England.
Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were
as indignant as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful
abuse of the protection afforded to these refugees; but he
could hold out no hope of any legislation for the purpose of
sending them out of the country.
constitutional objection to this arrangement exists, but
should your Majesty wish to see the arguments briefly stated
by which Lord John Russell has been convinced, he should
be happy to be allowed to lay them before your Majesty.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
THE REFUGEE QUESTION
25th February 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo7 called upon
him this afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had
another and more disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord
Clarendon. He commenced by reading a note from Count
Buol8 complaining bitterly of the refugees, and the manner
in which they abused the hospitality afforded them in this
country, and attributing in great measure to the
proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection
at Milan, and the attempt on the Emperor's life.9 This note
expressed a hope and belief that some measure would at
once be adopted by your Majesty's Government to remove
the just complaints of Allied Governments, and intimated
that should this hope not be spontaneously realised some
measures on the part of those Governments would become
necessary for their own protection as well as to mark their
sense of the wrong done to them by England.
Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were
as indignant as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful
abuse of the protection afforded to these refugees; but he
could hold out no hope of any legislation for the purpose of
sending them out of the country.
Page 656
Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and
disappointment at this, and seemed to attribute it to want of
goodwill on the part of your Majesty's Government, which
he felt sure would have the support of public opinion in
proposing such a measure as his Government desired.
The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon
thought it right to remark that too much importance might be
given to these proclamations and too little to the causes
which at home might lead the subjects of Austria to manifest
their discontent by revolutionary outbreaks, nor could we
conceal from ourselves that the complaints about the
refugees were occasionally directed against the free
institutions which gave them protection, and that we were
not always viewed with favour as presenting the single but
prosperous exception to that system of government which
otherwise would now almost be uniform in Europe.10
Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.
Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting their
schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government attributed to them
the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt to assassinate the Emperor
Francis Joseph at Vienna.
Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of Lords
on the 4th of March.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 9th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the
reports on the Militia which she returns, having marked
several parts in them which show an absence of the most
important requisites. Already in October the Queen observed
disappointment at this, and seemed to attribute it to want of
goodwill on the part of your Majesty's Government, which
he felt sure would have the support of public opinion in
proposing such a measure as his Government desired.
The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon
thought it right to remark that too much importance might be
given to these proclamations and too little to the causes
which at home might lead the subjects of Austria to manifest
their discontent by revolutionary outbreaks, nor could we
conceal from ourselves that the complaints about the
refugees were occasionally directed against the free
institutions which gave them protection, and that we were
not always viewed with favour as presenting the single but
prosperous exception to that system of government which
otherwise would now almost be uniform in Europe.10
Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.
Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting their
schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government attributed to them
the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt to assassinate the Emperor
Francis Joseph at Vienna.
Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of Lords
on the 4th of March.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 9th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the
reports on the Militia which she returns, having marked
several parts in them which show an absence of the most
important requisites. Already in October the Queen observed
Page 657
upon the want of arms for the Militia, and was invariably
answered that they would be immediately provided. But by
these reports this seems still not to be the case.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF
Laeken, 18th March 1853.
My Dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
gracious letter of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather
we have now again will not displease you. I fear Albert's
heavy cold will not be the better by the east wind which
makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by a telegraph
despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that
Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore
given orders for the Russian fleet to come to
Constantinople.11 Heaven grant that these news may not be
true, though bad news generally turn out correct. I am so
sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so wise
and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In
Austria they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly
feel astonished considering circumstances; I trust that
reflection may induce them to modify their measures. The
Italian Nobles have shown themselves great fools by acting
as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to social
revolution. By some accident we have been within these few
days well informed of some of the movements of the good
people that enjoy an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the
great director and favourite, and Republics are everywhere
to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be again Dictator or
Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that shock
of 1848.
My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,
answered that they would be immediately provided. But by
these reports this seems still not to be the case.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF
Laeken, 18th March 1853.
My Dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your
gracious letter of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather
we have now again will not displease you. I fear Albert's
heavy cold will not be the better by the east wind which
makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by a telegraph
despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that
Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore
given orders for the Russian fleet to come to
Constantinople.11 Heaven grant that these news may not be
true, though bad news generally turn out correct. I am so
sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so wise
and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In
Austria they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly
feel astonished considering circumstances; I trust that
reflection may induce them to modify their measures. The
Italian Nobles have shown themselves great fools by acting
as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to social
revolution. By some accident we have been within these few
days well informed of some of the movements of the good
people that enjoy an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the
great director and favourite, and Republics are everywhere
to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be again Dictator or
Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that shock
of 1848.
My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,
Page 658
Leopold R.
Footnote 11: See Introductory Note, ante, pp. 431-2.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE "HOLY PLACES"
London, 22nd March 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He encloses a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a
considerable degree of irritation on the part of the French
Government, and of embarrassment in consequence of the
rash step they have taken in ordering the departure of their
fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.12 If no catastrophe
should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen hopes
and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they
may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their
difficulty with respect to the "Holy Places."
Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince
Menschikoff, which relate exclusively to the claims of the
Greek Church at Jerusalem; and although these conditions
may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity of France,
there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach of territorial
aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish Government,
relying upon the assistance of England and France, should
remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even
then, Lord Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be
taken by the Emperor, without previous communication to
England.
Much depends upon the personal character of Prince
Menschikoff. If he can command himself sufficiently to wait
for the arrival of Lord Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not
Footnote 11: See Introductory Note, ante, pp. 431-2.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE "HOLY PLACES"
London, 22nd March 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He encloses a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a
considerable degree of irritation on the part of the French
Government, and of embarrassment in consequence of the
rash step they have taken in ordering the departure of their
fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.12 If no catastrophe
should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen hopes
and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they
may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their
difficulty with respect to the "Holy Places."
Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince
Menschikoff, which relate exclusively to the claims of the
Greek Church at Jerusalem; and although these conditions
may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity of France,
there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach of territorial
aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish Government,
relying upon the assistance of England and France, should
remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even
then, Lord Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be
taken by the Emperor, without previous communication to
England.
Much depends upon the personal character of Prince
Menschikoff. If he can command himself sufficiently to wait
for the arrival of Lord Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not
Page 659
doubt that the matter will be settled, without coming to
extremities....
Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's
overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to
despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch events.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE CZAR CONCILIATORY
Windsor Castle, 23rd March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday,
and returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to
depend upon the real nature of the demands made by Russia,
and the Queen was therefore glad to hear from Lord
Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince Menschikoff's
instructions to justify the reproach of territorial aggression
or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at
Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a
"sick friend for whose life there exists much solicitude."
This ought clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the
Queen's opinion.
The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck
the Queen as very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
29th March 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and humbly begs to state that he had this afternoon a
satisfactory interview with the French Ambassador, who told
extremities....
Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's
overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to
despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch events.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE CZAR CONCILIATORY
Windsor Castle, 23rd March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday,
and returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to
depend upon the real nature of the demands made by Russia,
and the Queen was therefore glad to hear from Lord
Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince Menschikoff's
instructions to justify the reproach of territorial aggression
or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at
Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a
"sick friend for whose life there exists much solicitude."
This ought clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the
Queen's opinion.
The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck
the Queen as very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
29th March 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and humbly begs to state that he had this afternoon a
satisfactory interview with the French Ambassador, who told
Page 660
him that the Emperor had to a certain extent been deceived
upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given his
decision without fully considering the matter in all its
bearings. But that he had since viewed it in a different light,
and had so far recognised the propriety of the course
adopted by your Majesty's Government, that if the sailing
order had not been improperly published in the Moniteur the
French Fleet should not have quitted Toulon.
Count Walewski further stated that the Persons who had thus
advised the Emperor, finding that their views were not
supported by facts as they hoped, had endeavoured to throw
the blame upon England and to show that France had been
abandoned and Russia preferred by your Majesty's
Government, and that hence had arisen the want of
cordiality and good feeling with respect to which Lord
Clarendon some days ago spoke to Count Walewski. He,
however, assured Lord Clarendon that all this had now
passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as ever
for a good understanding with England, and particularly
upon all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon
expressed great satisfaction that this momentary difference
between the two Governments should be at an end.
Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to
impress upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the
Emperor, and not trusting to the Minister, when any question
of difficulty arose.
Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious
that your Majesty should know that the liberation of the
Madiai13 was owing to the interference which the French
Legation had been instructed by the Emperor to use in their
behalf.
Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in Florence,
who had embraced the English reformed religion. In 1852 they were
seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and subjected to great
hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went to Florence and
upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given his
decision without fully considering the matter in all its
bearings. But that he had since viewed it in a different light,
and had so far recognised the propriety of the course
adopted by your Majesty's Government, that if the sailing
order had not been improperly published in the Moniteur the
French Fleet should not have quitted Toulon.
Count Walewski further stated that the Persons who had thus
advised the Emperor, finding that their views were not
supported by facts as they hoped, had endeavoured to throw
the blame upon England and to show that France had been
abandoned and Russia preferred by your Majesty's
Government, and that hence had arisen the want of
cordiality and good feeling with respect to which Lord
Clarendon some days ago spoke to Count Walewski. He,
however, assured Lord Clarendon that all this had now
passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as ever
for a good understanding with England, and particularly
upon all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon
expressed great satisfaction that this momentary difference
between the two Governments should be at an end.
Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to
impress upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the
Emperor, and not trusting to the Minister, when any question
of difficulty arose.
Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious
that your Majesty should know that the liberation of the
Madiai13 was owing to the interference which the French
Legation had been instructed by the Emperor to use in their
behalf.
Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in Florence,
who had embraced the English reformed religion. In 1852 they were
seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and subjected to great
hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went to Florence and
Page 661
appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf, but were unsuccessful. In
March 1853, however, after the British Government had interposed,
the two were released, a pension being provided for them by public
subscription.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 29th March 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for
your kind letter of the 25th....
I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily
settled. From all the confidential reports we have received
from the Emperor of Russia, I think I may safely say that
though he has treated the Sultan rather overbearingly and
roughly, there is no alteration in his views—and no wish
whatever on his part to appropriate Constantinople or any of
those parts to himself—though he does not wish us, or
France or Austria or Greece, to have it either. But he thinks
the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which
I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we
have preached moderation) of being too French—and the
French of being too Russian!....
Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon.
Windsor Castle, 30th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great
satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and
straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord
Clarendon will likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest
March 1853, however, after the British Government had interposed,
the two were released, a pension being provided for them by public
subscription.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 29th March 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for
your kind letter of the 25th....
I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily
settled. From all the confidential reports we have received
from the Emperor of Russia, I think I may safely say that
though he has treated the Sultan rather overbearingly and
roughly, there is no alteration in his views—and no wish
whatever on his part to appropriate Constantinople or any of
those parts to himself—though he does not wish us, or
France or Austria or Greece, to have it either. But he thinks
the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which
I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we
have preached moderation) of being too French—and the
French of being too Russian!....
Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon.
Windsor Castle, 30th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great
satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and
straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord
Clarendon will likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest
Page 662
the mischief, sure to arise from a continuance of mutual
suspicion between this Country and any Power, by at once
entering upon full and unreserved explanations, on the first
symptoms of distrust.
As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the
liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon
to express to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.
The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert.
THE CZAR'S LETTER 8
St. Pétersbourg, le — Avril 1853.
20
Monseigneur,—J'allais Vous
adresser mes félicitations sincères pour l'heureuse délivrance
de Sa Majesté la Reine, quand Votre aimable lettre est venue
me prévenir.14 Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, être persuadé,
que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons
appris cet heureux événement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de
déposer aux pieds de Sa Majesté mes humbles hommages et
félicitations. Je me flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer
tous deux, Monseigneur, de toute la sincérité des sentiments
d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette fois j'ose y joindre mes
remercîments bien sentis à Sa Majesté la Reine, pour
l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigné prêter aux
communications dont j'avais chargé directement Sir
Hamilton Seymour, qui a le mérite seul d'avoir su
transmettre mes intentions avec une fidélité et une
exactitude parfaites.
Je crois que dans peu Sa Majesté la Reine sera dans le cas de
se persuader, que Son sincère et fidèle ami l'a prévenue à
temps de ce qu'il prévoyait devoir infailliblement arriver;
non certes dans l'intention d'être un prophète de mauvais
augure, mais dans la conviction intime, que ce n'est que la
confiance la plus intime, la plus complette et la plus parfaitte
suspicion between this Country and any Power, by at once
entering upon full and unreserved explanations, on the first
symptoms of distrust.
As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the
liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon
to express to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.
The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert.
THE CZAR'S LETTER 8
St. Pétersbourg, le — Avril 1853.
20
Monseigneur,—J'allais Vous
adresser mes félicitations sincères pour l'heureuse délivrance
de Sa Majesté la Reine, quand Votre aimable lettre est venue
me prévenir.14 Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, être persuadé,
que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons
appris cet heureux événement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de
déposer aux pieds de Sa Majesté mes humbles hommages et
félicitations. Je me flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer
tous deux, Monseigneur, de toute la sincérité des sentiments
d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette fois j'ose y joindre mes
remercîments bien sentis à Sa Majesté la Reine, pour
l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigné prêter aux
communications dont j'avais chargé directement Sir
Hamilton Seymour, qui a le mérite seul d'avoir su
transmettre mes intentions avec une fidélité et une
exactitude parfaites.
Je crois que dans peu Sa Majesté la Reine sera dans le cas de
se persuader, que Son sincère et fidèle ami l'a prévenue à
temps de ce qu'il prévoyait devoir infailliblement arriver;
non certes dans l'intention d'être un prophète de mauvais
augure, mais dans la conviction intime, que ce n'est que la
confiance la plus intime, la plus complette et la plus parfaitte
Page 663
identité de vues entre Sa Majesté et Son très humble
serviteur, c. à. d. entre l'Angleterre et la Russie, que peuvent
commander aux événements et conjurer de terribles
catastrophes!
Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets à Dieu
pour tout ce qui doit arriver.
C'est avec la plus haute considération et la plus sincère
amitié que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse
Royale le tout dévoué Cousin,
Nicolas.
Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince, afterwards Duke
of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at Buckingham Palace.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD
Buckingham Palace, 18th April 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—My first letter is this time, as last time,
addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to
whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was
with me—alas! now, she is no longer amongst us! I can
report very favourably of myself, for I have never been
better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.
Stockmar will have told you that Leopold is to be the name
of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and
affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name
which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which
recalls the almost only happy days of my sad childhood; to
hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those
days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and
serviteur, c. à. d. entre l'Angleterre et la Russie, que peuvent
commander aux événements et conjurer de terribles
catastrophes!
Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets à Dieu
pour tout ce qui doit arriver.
C'est avec la plus haute considération et la plus sincère
amitié que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse
Royale le tout dévoué Cousin,
Nicolas.
Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince, afterwards Duke
of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at Buckingham Palace.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD
Buckingham Palace, 18th April 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—My first letter is this time, as last time,
addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to
whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was
with me—alas! now, she is no longer amongst us! I can
report very favourably of myself, for I have never been
better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.
Stockmar will have told you that Leopold is to be the name
of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and
affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name
which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which
recalls the almost only happy days of my sad childhood; to
hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those
days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and
Page 664
the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the
Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.
George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a
compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece
and Child,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET
Chesham Place, 19th April 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night
was one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made
in the House of Commons.15
Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more
imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.
Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the
plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.
Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the first time
on the succession to real property; he retained the Income Tax for two
years longer, at its then rate of sevenpence in the pound on incomes
above £150, and extended it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to
incomes between £100 and £150. Ireland was made subject to the tax,
but received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect taxes
were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the Advertisement
Duty, was carried against the Government.
The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone.
Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.
George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a
compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece
and Child,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET
Chesham Place, 19th April 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night
was one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made
in the House of Commons.15
Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more
imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.
Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the
plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.
Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the first time
on the succession to real property; he retained the Income Tax for two
years longer, at its then rate of sevenpence in the pound on incomes
above £150, and extended it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to
incomes between £100 and £150. Ireland was made subject to the tax,
but received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect taxes
were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the Advertisement
Duty, was carried against the Government.
The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone.
Page 665
Buckingham Palace, 19th April 1853.
My dear Mr Gladstone,—I must write to you a line in
order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I
have just completed a close and careful perusal of your
speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all
sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting
that your Christian humility will not allow you to become
dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report
which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your
perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that
these are the best rewards which a public man can look for.
Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert.
Downing Street, 19th April 1853.
Sir,—I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to
Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms
in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to
describe the statement made by me last night in the House of
Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which
your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.
The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the
9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet,
was one of the first and best omens of their favourable
fortune.
As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment
which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her
Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of
the Government declared through me, are in accordance
with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.
My dear Mr Gladstone,—I must write to you a line in
order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I
have just completed a close and careful perusal of your
speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all
sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting
that your Christian humility will not allow you to become
dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report
which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your
perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that
these are the best rewards which a public man can look for.
Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert.
Downing Street, 19th April 1853.
Sir,—I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to
Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms
in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to
describe the statement made by me last night in the House of
Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which
your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.
The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the
9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet,
was one of the first and best omens of their favourable
fortune.
As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment
which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her
Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of
the Government declared through me, are in accordance
with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.
Page 666
For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I
have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest
cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose,
and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am
already much more than duly rewarded....
I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your
Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and
most obedient Servant,
W. E. Gladstone.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE INDIA BILL
Osborne, 27th May 1853.
The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with
great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from
Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir
Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last
night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the
measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and
that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would
be ready to assent to this course."16 She did not answer Lord
John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen
himself. From the explanation he has now given to the
Queen, she must say that it would have a very bad effect if
the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after
all that has been publicly and privately stated.17 Nothing
damages a Government more than the appearance of
vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government
ought to shun this more than the present. The fact of a
dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be
hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its
vigour and power....
have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest
cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose,
and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am
already much more than duly rewarded....
I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your
Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and
most obedient Servant,
W. E. Gladstone.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE INDIA BILL
Osborne, 27th May 1853.
The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with
great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from
Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir
Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last
night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the
measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and
that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would
be ready to assent to this course."16 She did not answer Lord
John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen
himself. From the explanation he has now given to the
Queen, she must say that it would have a very bad effect if
the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after
all that has been publicly and privately stated.17 Nothing
damages a Government more than the appearance of
vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government
ought to shun this more than the present. The fact of a
dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be
hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its
vigour and power....
Page 667
The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary
to change the course announced by the Government.
Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session, threw
open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose existence was
continued but with less absolute control) to competition. The Mutiny,
and the resulting legislation of 1858, tended subsequently to
overshadow Sir Charles Wood's measure.
Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet Committee,
reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed to and sanctioned by
the Queen and announced to Parliament.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH
Laeken, 3 June 1853.
My dearest, best Victoria,—... The young Emperor18 I
confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in his
warm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable
merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and
very graceful, but even in the mêlée of dancers and
Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be
distinguished as the Chef. This struck me more than
anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that general
mêlée which renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners
are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of
any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he
was to me, sehr herzlich und natürlich. He keeps every one
in great order without requiring for this an outré appearance
of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is
that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes
those who have the authority cannot succeed in getting
accepted or in practising. I think he may be severe si
l'occasion se présente; he has something very muthig. We
to change the course announced by the Government.
Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session, threw
open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose existence was
continued but with less absolute control) to competition. The Mutiny,
and the resulting legislation of 1858, tended subsequently to
overshadow Sir Charles Wood's measure.
Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet Committee,
reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed to and sanctioned by
the Queen and announced to Parliament.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH
Laeken, 3 June 1853.
My dearest, best Victoria,—... The young Emperor18 I
confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in his
warm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable
merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and
very graceful, but even in the mêlée of dancers and
Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be
distinguished as the Chef. This struck me more than
anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that general
mêlée which renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners
are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of
any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he
was to me, sehr herzlich und natürlich. He keeps every one
in great order without requiring for this an outré appearance
of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is
that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes
those who have the authority cannot succeed in getting
accepted or in practising. I think he may be severe si
l'occasion se présente; he has something very muthig. We
Page 668
were several times surrounded by people of all classes, and
he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his little
muthig expression changed either by being pleased or
alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the
only impression which in Austria has created a hostile
feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had
become a plan of England to destroy the Austrian Empire.
After the attentat on the Emperor the impression on those
who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in
England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis,
Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally
loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity
impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in
the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere
on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here
our industriels are convinced of it. About what is to be done
by way of graciousness on your part we will consider....
Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.
The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria.
7th June 1853.
The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your
Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the
welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the
extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a
new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.
he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his little
muthig expression changed either by being pleased or
alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the
only impression which in Austria has created a hostile
feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had
become a plan of England to destroy the Austrian Empire.
After the attentat on the Emperor the impression on those
who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in
England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis,
Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally
loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity
impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in
the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere
on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here
our industriels are convinced of it. About what is to be done
by way of graciousness on your part we will consider....
Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.
The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria.
7th June 1853.
The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your
Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the
welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the
extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a
new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.
Page 669
An endowment of £10,000 for the proposed See has lately
been provided by the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts.
The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes
that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new
See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that,
in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.
Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of
Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at
one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel
at Harrow.
The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character
of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of
Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to
your Majesty.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING OF HANOVER
Buckingham Palace, 22nd June 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday),
as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a
Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my
enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which
I was in at having my poor blind cousin19 on horseback next
to me—led. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a
constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing
anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting
with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well,
hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner.
He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good
been provided by the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts.
The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes
that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new
See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that,
in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.
Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of
Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at
one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel
at Harrow.
The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character
of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of
Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to
your Majesty.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING OF HANOVER
Buckingham Palace, 22nd June 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the
17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday),
as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a
Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my
enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which
I was in at having my poor blind cousin19 on horseback next
to me—led. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a
constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing
anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting
with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well,
hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner.
He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good
Page 670
looking if it were not for his poor eyes. He likes to go
everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks
of things as if he saw them....
The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of
Russia who must enable us to help him out of the difficulty.
I feel convinced that War will be avoided, but I don't see
how exactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish
your young people could see our Camp.20
With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.
Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that the disputed
points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places, and the Russian
demand for a Protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan,
should be kept distinct. After the former had been arranged and the
latter had been rejected by the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's
advice, Menschikoff abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian
troops, crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of
Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England,
meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at Chobham.
The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE
12th July 1853.
Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which
your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great
affliction.21
Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour
him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is
indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed
everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks
of things as if he saw them....
The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of
Russia who must enable us to help him out of the difficulty.
I feel convinced that War will be avoided, but I don't see
how exactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish
your young people could see our Camp.20
With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.
Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that the disputed
points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places, and the Russian
demand for a Protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan,
should be kept distinct. After the former had been arranged and the
latter had been rejected by the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's
advice, Menschikoff abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian
troops, crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of
Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England,
meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at Chobham.
The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE
12th July 1853.
Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty,
most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which
your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great
affliction.21
Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour
him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is
indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed
Page 671
them all. But his deep gratitude must ever be given to the
goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now
received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one
who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose
patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside
so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very
means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain
safety.
Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this
much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words
have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to
believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.
Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it
is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful
expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the
honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient,
most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her passage
home from India.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE
London, 11th September 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your
Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation
to which your Majesty has referred; but after full
consideration he believes that the safest and best course has
been adopted.22 Trusting to your Majesty's gracious
goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now
received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one
who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose
patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside
so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very
means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain
safety.
Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this
much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words
have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to
believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.
Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it
is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful
expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the
honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient,
most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her passage
home from India.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE
London, 11th September 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your
Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation
to which your Majesty has referred; but after full
consideration he believes that the safest and best course has
been adopted.22 Trusting to your Majesty's gracious
Page 672
condescension, and the confidence with which Lord
Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay
before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which
have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.
The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.23 Unless he
should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's
Government, he may very easily become the leader of
Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his
real views and intentions. He has been recently more than
once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy
upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen
that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This
cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking
different views of the public interest; but it is very essential
that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private
cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office
of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the
honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the
case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the
jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did
this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail
to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of
the most hostile and bitter attacks.
Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount
of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the
Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from
the Government.
Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has
humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any
good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the
injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's
conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any
generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate
favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him
personal satisfaction.
Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay
before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which
have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.
The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.23 Unless he
should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's
Government, he may very easily become the leader of
Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his
real views and intentions. He has been recently more than
once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy
upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen
that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This
cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking
different views of the public interest; but it is very essential
that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private
cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office
of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the
honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the
case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the
jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did
this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail
to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of
the most hostile and bitter attacks.
Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount
of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the
Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from
the Government.
Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has
humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any
good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the
injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's
conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any
generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate
favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him
personal satisfaction.
Page 673
Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be advisable
for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should be invited to Balmoral
as Minister in attendance, and he accordingly went there on the 15th of
September.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
Balmoral, 24th September 1853.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's
letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line
taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the
Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not
in that independent position which renders a National Policy
possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very
alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future.
She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government.
The presence of the Fleets at Constantinople in case of
general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia
what Lord Cowley calls his coup de Théâtre à la Sadlers
Wells, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan
and restorer of Order.24
Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the war party
in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the introduction of a
Reform Bill, while the former was opposed to the scheme. Lord
Aberdeen's pacific views were making him increasingly unpopular in
the country.
Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the Principalities,
which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode, had described as not an
act of war, but a material guarantee for the concession by Turkey of
the Russian demands, the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted.
The Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—agreed, in
conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by Russia and
the Porte, to the effect (inter alia) that the Government of the Sultan
would remain faithful "to the letter and to the spirit of the Treaties of
Kainardji and Adrianople relative to the protection of the Christian
religion." This was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the
clause had obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the
for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should be invited to Balmoral
as Minister in attendance, and he accordingly went there on the 15th of
September.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
Balmoral, 24th September 1853.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's
letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line
taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the
Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not
in that independent position which renders a National Policy
possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very
alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future.
She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government.
The presence of the Fleets at Constantinople in case of
general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia
what Lord Cowley calls his coup de Théâtre à la Sadlers
Wells, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan
and restorer of Order.24
Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the war party
in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the introduction of a
Reform Bill, while the former was opposed to the scheme. Lord
Aberdeen's pacific views were making him increasingly unpopular in
the country.
Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the Principalities,
which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode, had described as not an
act of war, but a material guarantee for the concession by Turkey of
the Russian demands, the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted.
The Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—agreed, in
conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by Russia and
the Porte, to the effect (inter alia) that the Government of the Sultan
would remain faithful "to the letter and to the spirit of the Treaties of
Kainardji and Adrianople relative to the protection of the Christian
religion." This was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the
clause had obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the
Page 674
Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford, however,
saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the language, and, under
his advice, the Porte proposed as an amendment the substitution of the
words "to the stipulations of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that
of Adrianople, relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the
Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept this
amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The British
Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to the East at
the beginning of June.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE VIENNA NOTE
Balmoral, 25th September 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd,
and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement
of the present very critical situation.
She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views,
drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also
communicate it to Lord Clarendon.25
The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be
on their way to Constantinople.
God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be
averted.
Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless further
to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Rédaction" of Notes to be
exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the choice of particular
words and expressions in public documents designed in order to avoid
naming the real objects in dispute.
"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto
attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim at
the acquisition of any new Right, but required only a
satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the
Rights she already possessed by Treaty; that she does intend
saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the language, and, under
his advice, the Porte proposed as an amendment the substitution of the
words "to the stipulations of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that
of Adrianople, relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the
Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept this
amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The British
Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to the East at
the beginning of June.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE VIENNA NOTE
Balmoral, 25th September 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd,
and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement
of the present very critical situation.
She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views,
drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also
communicate it to Lord Clarendon.25
The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be
on their way to Constantinople.
God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be
averted.
Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless further
to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Rédaction" of Notes to be
exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the choice of particular
words and expressions in public documents designed in order to avoid
naming the real objects in dispute.
"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto
attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim at
the acquisition of any new Right, but required only a
satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the
Rights she already possessed by Treaty; that she does intend
Page 675
and for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire new
Rights of interference which the Porte does not wish to
concede and cannot concede, and which the European
Powers have repeatedly declared she ought not to concede....
"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to
'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the extension
of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by Christian
communities, in their capacity as foreigners, to the Greeks
generally, with the Right granted to Russia to intercede for
them to this effect, would simply make foreigners of
10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or depose the Sultan
as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of Russia in his
place."
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 6th October 1853.
... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen
will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty
the result of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's
endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to
keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No
doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of
Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too
dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity
of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion,
misery, and blood.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET
Rights of interference which the Porte does not wish to
concede and cannot concede, and which the European
Powers have repeatedly declared she ought not to concede....
"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to
'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the extension
of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by Christian
communities, in their capacity as foreigners, to the Greeks
generally, with the Right granted to Russia to intercede for
them to this effect, would simply make foreigners of
10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or depose the Sultan
as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of Russia in his
place."
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 6th October 1853.
... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen
will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty
the result of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's
endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to
keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No
doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of
Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too
dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity
of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion,
misery, and blood.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET
Page 676
London, 7th October 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As
your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the
honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish
that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more
full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet.
The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of
opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length,
however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an
agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With
this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive
principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be
already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be
brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in
the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube,
or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the
coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets
would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish
territory.
Considering the position we have already assumed in this
unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than
this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking
any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may
reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place.
At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will
regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea
as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war
by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any
serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being
fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has
not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause
for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the
prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his
influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike
measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As
your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the
honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish
that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more
full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet.
The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of
opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length,
however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an
agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With
this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive
principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be
already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be
brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in
the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube,
or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the
coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets
would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish
territory.
Considering the position we have already assumed in this
unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than
this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking
any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may
reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place.
At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will
regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea
as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war
by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any
serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being
fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has
not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause
for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the
prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his
influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike
measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all
Page 677
events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is
not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal
position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be
possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
WAR IMMINENT
Balmoral, 10th October 1853.
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning,
and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen
and him26 made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord
Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a
course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his
desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to
concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of
the policy, while he held out no hope of being able
permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's
position as a very painful one. Here were decisions taken by
the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most
momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence
or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or
impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the
Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief
reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and
constitutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the
whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed
before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what
it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be
involved in war, of which the consequences could not be
calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep
his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the
Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a
not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal
position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be
possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
WAR IMMINENT
Balmoral, 10th October 1853.
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning,
and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen
and him26 made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord
Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a
course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his
desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to
concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of
the policy, while he held out no hope of being able
permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's
position as a very painful one. Here were decisions taken by
the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most
momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence
or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or
impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the
Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief
reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and
constitutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the
whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed
before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what
it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be
involved in war, of which the consequences could not be
calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep
his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the
Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a
Page 678
war on her hands.LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE Lord Aberdeen
renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the
Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the
sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the
Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it
can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a
decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham
perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to
Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord
Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall
arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to
have an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that
the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is
best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should
be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.
Albert.
Footnote 26: The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham.
Submitted to the Queen.
Argyll House, 8th October 1853.
My dear Graham,—... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of
résumé of what had taken place before we all separated, but ended
with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from
different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan. Lord John faintly
supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about
it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of
war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith.
Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read
an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement
from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our
great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the
Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in
defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that
this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black
Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus
assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be
sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot
last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably
become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted,
which is probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We
should have a French army, and perhaps English money—all for
defence.
renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the
Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the
sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the
Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it
can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a
decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham
perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to
Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord
Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall
arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to
have an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that
the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is
best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should
be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.
Albert.
Footnote 26: The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham.
Submitted to the Queen.
Argyll House, 8th October 1853.
My dear Graham,—... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of
résumé of what had taken place before we all separated, but ended
with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from
different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan. Lord John faintly
supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about
it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of
war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith.
Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read
an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement
from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our
great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the
Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in
defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that
this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black
Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus
assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be
sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot
last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably
become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted,
which is probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We
should have a French army, and perhaps English money—all for
defence.
Page 679
The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good. Gladstone,
active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and
Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but
good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike
enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views
perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was
cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been
some mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough; but we
shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the
Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he
came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had
spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision
respecting domestic matters, as it would at this moment be quite
unseasonable. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours,
etc., etc.,
Aberdeen.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS
Balmoral, 11th October 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had
written to Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause
before giving her consent to the measures decided on in the
Cabinet, until she should have received an explanation on
the views which dictated that decision, and of the ulterior
steps involved in it; and Sir James Graham is gone up to
Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's feelings.
She has now received and read the Despatches, which have
in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination
without having received her sanction!
The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and
justly to define the present position of the question at
issue.27
The instructions to Lord Stratford,28 on the other hand,
appear to her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous
active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and
Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but
good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike
enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views
perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was
cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been
some mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough; but we
shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the
Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he
came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had
spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision
respecting domestic matters, as it would at this moment be quite
unseasonable. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours,
etc., etc.,
Aberdeen.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS
Balmoral, 11th October 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had
written to Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause
before giving her consent to the measures decided on in the
Cabinet, until she should have received an explanation on
the views which dictated that decision, and of the ulterior
steps involved in it; and Sir James Graham is gone up to
Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's feelings.
She has now received and read the Despatches, which have
in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination
without having received her sanction!
The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and
justly to define the present position of the question at
issue.27
The instructions to Lord Stratford,28 on the other hand,
appear to her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous
Page 680
powers and a latitude of discretion which is hardly to be
called safe. As matters have now been arranged, it appears to
the Queen, moreover, that we have taken on ourselves in
conjunction with France all the risks of a European war,
without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect
to provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks
constituting the Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges
of the line of policy to be pursued, and made cognisant at the
same time of the fact that England and France have bound
themselves to defend the Turkish Territory! This is
entrusting them with a power which Parliament has been
jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It
may be a question whether England ought to go to war for
the defence of so-called Turkish Independence; but there can
be none that if she does so, she ought to be the sole judge of
what constitutes a breach of that independence, and have the
fullest power to prevent by negotiation the breaking out of
the war.
The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be
sent for her use as soon as convenient.
Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring to the
interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the Vienna Note,
and the Russian rejection of it as amended by the Porte, told Lord
Westmorland that it would be useless and dishonourable to recommend
it in its unaltered form, that the Czar was contending for privileges for
Christian subjects of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a
war embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in
history.
Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to employ the
British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit for defending
Turkish territory from aggression, and he was instructed that if the
Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the British Fleet was to pass through the
Bosphorus.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
called safe. As matters have now been arranged, it appears to
the Queen, moreover, that we have taken on ourselves in
conjunction with France all the risks of a European war,
without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect
to provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks
constituting the Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges
of the line of policy to be pursued, and made cognisant at the
same time of the fact that England and France have bound
themselves to defend the Turkish Territory! This is
entrusting them with a power which Parliament has been
jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It
may be a question whether England ought to go to war for
the defence of so-called Turkish Independence; but there can
be none that if she does so, she ought to be the sole judge of
what constitutes a breach of that independence, and have the
fullest power to prevent by negotiation the breaking out of
the war.
The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be
sent for her use as soon as convenient.
Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring to the
interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the Vienna Note,
and the Russian rejection of it as amended by the Porte, told Lord
Westmorland that it would be useless and dishonourable to recommend
it in its unaltered form, that the Czar was contending for privileges for
Christian subjects of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a
war embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in
history.
Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to employ the
British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit for defending
Turkish territory from aggression, and he was instructed that if the
Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the British Fleet was to pass through the
Bosphorus.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Page 681
RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR
Windsor Castle, 16th October 1853.
We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through
the whole of the proceedings of the last six weeks with
respect to the Eastern Question. Regretted Count
Nesselrode's Note,29 which Baron Brunnow owned nobody
would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged
the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's
insincerity towards him and the Government,... as he had to
Lord Aberdeen's certain knowledge called "the conduct of
the Government infamous" and declared "he would let the
world know that his name was Canning." He acknowledged
the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet,
which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had
to concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have
been broken up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he
known what the Queen's opinion was, he might have been
more firm, feeling himself supported by the Crown, but he
had imagined from her letters that there was more animosity
against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.
Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the Austrian
Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact that the Russian
interpretation of the Vienna Note differed from that of the other
Powers.
Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw
still reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be
obtained. The French were ready to do anything we pleased,
go to war, remain at peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon
had experienced the great advantage for his position of the
Alliance with England.... Lord Stratford was thoroughly
frightened, and had made a proposal himself, which
accordingly he would support con amore. The Emperor of
Russia had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League
against the Western Powers.... The Emperor complained
bitterly of the conduct of the Powers, who had disgraced him
before the world by making him accept a Note, and
Windsor Castle, 16th October 1853.
We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through
the whole of the proceedings of the last six weeks with
respect to the Eastern Question. Regretted Count
Nesselrode's Note,29 which Baron Brunnow owned nobody
would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged
the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's
insincerity towards him and the Government,... as he had to
Lord Aberdeen's certain knowledge called "the conduct of
the Government infamous" and declared "he would let the
world know that his name was Canning." He acknowledged
the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet,
which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had
to concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have
been broken up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he
known what the Queen's opinion was, he might have been
more firm, feeling himself supported by the Crown, but he
had imagined from her letters that there was more animosity
against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.
Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the Austrian
Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact that the Russian
interpretation of the Vienna Note differed from that of the other
Powers.
Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw
still reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be
obtained. The French were ready to do anything we pleased,
go to war, remain at peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon
had experienced the great advantage for his position of the
Alliance with England.... Lord Stratford was thoroughly
frightened, and had made a proposal himself, which
accordingly he would support con amore. The Emperor of
Russia had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League
against the Western Powers.... The Emperor complained
bitterly of the conduct of the Powers, who had disgraced him
before the world by making him accept a Note, and
Page 682
sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they should do
what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and
bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied
of the whole business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."
What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the
Emperor's advice and agree with Turkey upon a Note,
leaving out all that she had objected to in the Vienna Note as
Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as much as
possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal
of it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmütz to
the Powers, that he sought for no new right, privilege, or
advantage, but solely for the confirmation of the legal status
quo, but accompanying this with a declaration, that if Turkey
created needless difficulties and tried to evade a peaceful
settlement the Powers would withdraw their support and
leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the
Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest
caution in their wording. It is evident that the Turks have
every inducement not to let this opportunity slip in going to
war with Russia, as they will probably never find so
advantageous a one again, as the whole of Christendom has
declared them in the right, and they would fight with
England and France actively on their side!
LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP
At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much
better. Lord John has convinced himself that, under present
circumstances it would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen
to retire from the Prime Ministership and let him step in in
his place; perhaps he has found out also that the Peelites will
not serve under him; his own Whig colleagues would very
much regret if not object to such a change, and that Lord
Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So he
told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was
clear, however, that he was now looking for an opportunity
to break up the Government on some popular ground, which
what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and
bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied
of the whole business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."
What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the
Emperor's advice and agree with Turkey upon a Note,
leaving out all that she had objected to in the Vienna Note as
Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as much as
possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal
of it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmütz to
the Powers, that he sought for no new right, privilege, or
advantage, but solely for the confirmation of the legal status
quo, but accompanying this with a declaration, that if Turkey
created needless difficulties and tried to evade a peaceful
settlement the Powers would withdraw their support and
leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the
Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest
caution in their wording. It is evident that the Turks have
every inducement not to let this opportunity slip in going to
war with Russia, as they will probably never find so
advantageous a one again, as the whole of Christendom has
declared them in the right, and they would fight with
England and France actively on their side!
LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP
At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much
better. Lord John has convinced himself that, under present
circumstances it would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen
to retire from the Prime Ministership and let him step in in
his place; perhaps he has found out also that the Peelites will
not serve under him; his own Whig colleagues would very
much regret if not object to such a change, and that Lord
Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So he
told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was
clear, however, that he was now looking for an opportunity
to break up the Government on some popular ground, which
Page 683
it was impossible to hope that he should not find. He now
had asked for the immediate summoning of Parliament,
called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This would
create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment
to the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord
Aberdeen told Lord John quite plainly he knew what the
proposal meant—he meant to break up the Government. "I
hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.
The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking
to Lord John of his own readiness to leave office, which he
acknowledged, but called very natural in a man of seventy.
Lord John was dissatisfied with his position;... upon Lord
Aberdeen telling him that he had the most powerful and
honourable position of any man in England as leader of the
House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, there I am quite
happy!"
I asked how under such circumstances that all-important
measure of Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future
stability and well-being of the Country so much depended,
was to be matured and brought forward? Lord Aberdeen
replied that Lord John had it all ready and prepared in his
pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however, that
under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it
forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless
you sit in the chair which I now occupy?" Lord John
laughed.
We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's
retirement. Lord Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston,
Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord Clarendon would secede
with him, but this by no means implied that the whole party
would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John,
but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed
with Lord Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord
John, but was personally under great obligations to him, and
Sir James Graham had (as he said) been very much struck
with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at the last
had asked for the immediate summoning of Parliament,
called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This would
create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment
to the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord
Aberdeen told Lord John quite plainly he knew what the
proposal meant—he meant to break up the Government. "I
hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.
The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking
to Lord John of his own readiness to leave office, which he
acknowledged, but called very natural in a man of seventy.
Lord John was dissatisfied with his position;... upon Lord
Aberdeen telling him that he had the most powerful and
honourable position of any man in England as leader of the
House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, there I am quite
happy!"
I asked how under such circumstances that all-important
measure of Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future
stability and well-being of the Country so much depended,
was to be matured and brought forward? Lord Aberdeen
replied that Lord John had it all ready and prepared in his
pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however, that
under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it
forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless
you sit in the chair which I now occupy?" Lord John
laughed.
We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's
retirement. Lord Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston,
Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord Clarendon would secede
with him, but this by no means implied that the whole party
would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John,
but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed
with Lord Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord
John, but was personally under great obligations to him, and
Sir James Graham had (as he said) been very much struck
with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at the last
Page 684
meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very
much pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of
his own accord, told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of
Lord John's secession, he himself could not well sit in the
House of Commons under so much younger a man as Mr
Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be
objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be
quite ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord
Aberdeen.
Albert.
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.30
THE CZAR'S LETTER 18
Tsarsko, ce — Octobre 1853.
30
Madame,—Votre Majesté connaît,
je l'espère, les sentiments d'affection sincère qui m'attachent
à Sa personne, depuis que j'ai eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il
m'a semblé qu'Elle daignait aussi m'accorder quelque
bienveillance. A la veille d'événements, peut-être fort graves,
qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit à Elle, pour
essayer de prévenir des calamités, que nos deux pays ont un
égal intérêt à éviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de
confiance, que longtemps encore avant que les affaires
d'Orient eussent pris la fâcheuse tournure qu'elles ont
acquise depuis, je m'étais adressé directement à votre
Majesté, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour, pour
appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des éventualités, alors
encore incertaines, mais déjà fort probables à mes yeux, et
que je désirais éclaircir, avant tout, avec le Cabinet Anglais,
pour écarter autant qu'il m'était possible, toute divergence
d'opinion entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle
daigne de la faire relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le
Gouvernement Anglais au fait de mes plus intimes pensées
sur ces graves éventualités, tandis que, je devais au moins le
much pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of
his own accord, told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of
Lord John's secession, he himself could not well sit in the
House of Commons under so much younger a man as Mr
Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be
objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be
quite ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord
Aberdeen.
Albert.
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.30
THE CZAR'S LETTER 18
Tsarsko, ce — Octobre 1853.
30
Madame,—Votre Majesté connaît,
je l'espère, les sentiments d'affection sincère qui m'attachent
à Sa personne, depuis que j'ai eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il
m'a semblé qu'Elle daignait aussi m'accorder quelque
bienveillance. A la veille d'événements, peut-être fort graves,
qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit à Elle, pour
essayer de prévenir des calamités, que nos deux pays ont un
égal intérêt à éviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de
confiance, que longtemps encore avant que les affaires
d'Orient eussent pris la fâcheuse tournure qu'elles ont
acquise depuis, je m'étais adressé directement à votre
Majesté, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour, pour
appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des éventualités, alors
encore incertaines, mais déjà fort probables à mes yeux, et
que je désirais éclaircir, avant tout, avec le Cabinet Anglais,
pour écarter autant qu'il m'était possible, toute divergence
d'opinion entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle
daigne de la faire relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le
Gouvernement Anglais au fait de mes plus intimes pensées
sur ces graves éventualités, tandis que, je devais au moins le
Page 685
penser ainsi, j'obtiens en réponse un égal exposé des vues du
Gouvernement de votre Majesté.
Sûrs ainsi de ce que nous désirions de part et d'autre, par
quelle fatalité devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir à une
mésintelligence aussi prononcée, sur des objets qui
paraissaient convenus d'avance, où ma parole est engagée
vis-à-vis de votre Majesté, comme je crois celle du
Gouvernement Anglais engagée de même vis-à-vis de moi.
C'est à la justice, au cœur de votre Majesté que j'en appelle,
c'est à Sa bonne foi et à Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle
daigne de décider entre nous.
Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans
une bonne intelligence également profitable à nos deux
États, ou juge-t-Elle, que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter
près du croissant, pour combattre la croix de Saint André!!!
Telle que soit la détermination de votre Majesté, qu'Elle
veuille être persuadée de l'inaltérable et sincère attachement
avec lesquels je ne cesserais d'être, de votre Majesté, le tout
dévoué frère et ami,
Nicolas.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien faire mes amitiés à
Monseigneur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an unusual step;
but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, the Queen
observed that its despatch was an important and advantageous fact, as
it both committed the Czar personally, and enabled her to state certain
truths to him, as well as to explain privately the views which guided
her own and her Ministers' conduct.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL
Gouvernement de votre Majesté.
Sûrs ainsi de ce que nous désirions de part et d'autre, par
quelle fatalité devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir à une
mésintelligence aussi prononcée, sur des objets qui
paraissaient convenus d'avance, où ma parole est engagée
vis-à-vis de votre Majesté, comme je crois celle du
Gouvernement Anglais engagée de même vis-à-vis de moi.
C'est à la justice, au cœur de votre Majesté que j'en appelle,
c'est à Sa bonne foi et à Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle
daigne de décider entre nous.
Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans
une bonne intelligence également profitable à nos deux
États, ou juge-t-Elle, que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter
près du croissant, pour combattre la croix de Saint André!!!
Telle que soit la détermination de votre Majesté, qu'Elle
veuille être persuadée de l'inaltérable et sincère attachement
avec lesquels je ne cesserais d'être, de votre Majesté, le tout
dévoué frère et ami,
Nicolas.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien faire mes amitiés à
Monseigneur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an unusual step;
but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, the Queen
observed that its despatch was an important and advantageous fact, as
it both committed the Czar personally, and enabled her to state certain
truths to him, as well as to explain privately the views which guided
her own and her Ministers' conduct.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL
Page 686
Windsor Castle, 5th November 1853.
Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord
Aberdeen this evening, she wishes to make some
observations on the subject of Lord Stratford's last private
letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord Clarendon.31
They exhibit clearly on his part a desire for war, and to drag
us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not only
have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says,
the war to be successful must be a "very comprehensive one"
on the part of England and France, the intention is
unmistakable, and it becomes a serious question whether we
are justified in allowing Lord Stratford any longer to remain
in a situation which gives him the means of frustrating all
our efforts for peace. The question becomes still graver
when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems
from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him
equally anxious for extreme measures.
The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford
should have coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as
Redschid Pasha's note asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the
amalgamation of our Fleets with the Turkish one, and the
sending of our surplus ships to the "White" Sea (!) without
any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note ends,
however, by saying that the Porte desires que les points ci-
dessus émenés (sic) soient appréciés par les Cours
d'Angleterre et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien
déclarer leur intention d'agir en conséquence, this appears
to the Queen to afford an admirable opportunity for stating
plainly and strongly to the Turkish Government that we have
no intention of being used by them for their own purposes.
This time such a declaration might be handed in to the
Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about
the matter for the future.
The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord
Aberdeen to show her letter to Lord Clarendon.
Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord
Aberdeen this evening, she wishes to make some
observations on the subject of Lord Stratford's last private
letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord Clarendon.31
They exhibit clearly on his part a desire for war, and to drag
us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not only
have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says,
the war to be successful must be a "very comprehensive one"
on the part of England and France, the intention is
unmistakable, and it becomes a serious question whether we
are justified in allowing Lord Stratford any longer to remain
in a situation which gives him the means of frustrating all
our efforts for peace. The question becomes still graver
when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems
from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him
equally anxious for extreme measures.
The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford
should have coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as
Redschid Pasha's note asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the
amalgamation of our Fleets with the Turkish one, and the
sending of our surplus ships to the "White" Sea (!) without
any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note ends,
however, by saying that the Porte desires que les points ci-
dessus émenés (sic) soient appréciés par les Cours
d'Angleterre et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien
déclarer leur intention d'agir en conséquence, this appears
to the Queen to afford an admirable opportunity for stating
plainly and strongly to the Turkish Government that we have
no intention of being used by them for their own purposes.
This time such a declaration might be handed in to the
Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about
the matter for the future.
The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord
Aberdeen to show her letter to Lord Clarendon.
Page 687
Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha was
unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and that unless
some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind should come from
Vienna very soon, there would be no chance of avoiding hostilities.
Lord Stratford added that he had obtained a promise that no act of
hostility should take place on the Turkish side before the expiration of
fifteen days, and concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the
decree of Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring it
to a thoroughly good conclusion."
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia.
THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR
Windsor Castle, ce 14 Novembre 1853.
Sire et très cher Frère,—C'est avec une profonde et sincère
satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a
bien voulu m'écrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement
touchée des sentiments affectueux que vous m'y témoignez.
V.M. me connaît assez pour savoir combien ils sont
réciproques.
Je vous remercierai également, Sire, de la franchise avec
laquelle vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne
saurais mieux répondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en
lui exprimant à mon tour, et avec toute droiture, mes
opinions à ce sujet, car c'est là, j'en suis sûre, le meilleur
moyen de conserver utilement une amitié bien véritable.
J'ai, mon cher Frère, conformément à votre désir, relu les
communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu
me faire, ce printemps, par l'intermédiaire du bon Sir
Hamilton Seymour, et les réponses que mon Gouvernement
a reçu l'ordre d'adresser à V.M.
Bien qu'une différence d'opinion très notable devînt alors
évidente entre V.M. et moi relativement à la manière
d'envisager l'état de la Turquie et l'appréciation de sa vitalité,
le Mémorandum de V.M. en date du 3/15 Avril vint
unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and that unless
some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind should come from
Vienna very soon, there would be no chance of avoiding hostilities.
Lord Stratford added that he had obtained a promise that no act of
hostility should take place on the Turkish side before the expiration of
fifteen days, and concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the
decree of Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring it
to a thoroughly good conclusion."
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia.
THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR
Windsor Castle, ce 14 Novembre 1853.
Sire et très cher Frère,—C'est avec une profonde et sincère
satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a
bien voulu m'écrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement
touchée des sentiments affectueux que vous m'y témoignez.
V.M. me connaît assez pour savoir combien ils sont
réciproques.
Je vous remercierai également, Sire, de la franchise avec
laquelle vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne
saurais mieux répondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en
lui exprimant à mon tour, et avec toute droiture, mes
opinions à ce sujet, car c'est là, j'en suis sûre, le meilleur
moyen de conserver utilement une amitié bien véritable.
J'ai, mon cher Frère, conformément à votre désir, relu les
communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu
me faire, ce printemps, par l'intermédiaire du bon Sir
Hamilton Seymour, et les réponses que mon Gouvernement
a reçu l'ordre d'adresser à V.M.
Bien qu'une différence d'opinion très notable devînt alors
évidente entre V.M. et moi relativement à la manière
d'envisager l'état de la Turquie et l'appréciation de sa vitalité,
le Mémorandum de V.M. en date du 3/15 Avril vint
Page 688
néanmoins dissiper de la manière la plus heureuse ces
fâcheuses appréhensions; car il m'annonçait que, si nous
n'étions pas d'accord sur l'état de santé de l'Empire Ottoman,
nous l'étions cependant sur la nécessité, pour le laisser vivre,
de ne point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que
tout le monde en agît de même, et que personne n'abusât de
sa faiblesse pour obtenir des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans
ce but, daigna même se déclarer prête "à travailler de concert
avec l'Angleterre à l'œuvre commune de prolonger
l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en évitant toute cause
d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."
J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait
exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au
sujet des réclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints,
réclamations qui, j'avais droit de le croire, constituaient le
seul grief de la Russie contre la Porte.
Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entière dans la parole que
V.M. a bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances
subséquentes, dues à votre amitié, sont venues confirmer, en
me donnant la connaissance de Vos intentions. Personne
n'apprécie plus que moi la haute loyauté de V.M., et je
voudrais que les convictions que j'ai à cet égard pussent
seules résoudre toutes les difficultés. Mais quelle que soit la
pureté des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain
même le plus élevé par le caractère, V.M. sait que ses
qualités personnelles ne sont point suffisantes dans des
transactions internationales par lesquelles un État se lie
envers un autre en de solennels engagements; et les
véritables intentions de V.M. ont été à coup sûr méconnues
et mal interprétées, à cause de la forme donnée au
réclamations adressées à la Porte.
Ayant à cœur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce
fâcheux malentendu, mon attention a été naturellement
attirée par l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; et je dois dire à
V.M. qu'après avoir consulté, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir
été attaché à cet article, les personnes les plus compétentes
fâcheuses appréhensions; car il m'annonçait que, si nous
n'étions pas d'accord sur l'état de santé de l'Empire Ottoman,
nous l'étions cependant sur la nécessité, pour le laisser vivre,
de ne point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que
tout le monde en agît de même, et que personne n'abusât de
sa faiblesse pour obtenir des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans
ce but, daigna même se déclarer prête "à travailler de concert
avec l'Angleterre à l'œuvre commune de prolonger
l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en évitant toute cause
d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."
J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait
exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au
sujet des réclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints,
réclamations qui, j'avais droit de le croire, constituaient le
seul grief de la Russie contre la Porte.
Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entière dans la parole que
V.M. a bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances
subséquentes, dues à votre amitié, sont venues confirmer, en
me donnant la connaissance de Vos intentions. Personne
n'apprécie plus que moi la haute loyauté de V.M., et je
voudrais que les convictions que j'ai à cet égard pussent
seules résoudre toutes les difficultés. Mais quelle que soit la
pureté des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain
même le plus élevé par le caractère, V.M. sait que ses
qualités personnelles ne sont point suffisantes dans des
transactions internationales par lesquelles un État se lie
envers un autre en de solennels engagements; et les
véritables intentions de V.M. ont été à coup sûr méconnues
et mal interprétées, à cause de la forme donnée au
réclamations adressées à la Porte.
Ayant à cœur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce
fâcheux malentendu, mon attention a été naturellement
attirée par l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; et je dois dire à
V.M. qu'après avoir consulté, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir
été attaché à cet article, les personnes les plus compétentes
Page 689
de ce pays-ci; après l'avoir relu ensuite moi-même, avec le
plus sincère désir d'impartialité, je suis arrivée à la
conviction que cet article n'était point susceptible de
l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M.
ont, comme moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abusé
du pouvoir, que vous eût ainsi été accordé; mais une
demande de ce genre, pouvait à peine être acceptée par un
Souverain qui tient à son indépendance.
Je ne cacherai pas davantage à V.M. l'impression
douloureuse qu'a produit sur moi l'occupation des
Principautés. Cette occupation a causé, depuis les quatres
derniers mois, une perturbation générale en Europe, et
pourrait amener des événements ultérieurs que je déplorerais
d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions
de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et
désintéressées, j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le
moyen de les exprimer et mettre à exécution de manière à
détourner de plus graves dangers, que tous mes efforts, je
vous assure, tendront sans cesse à empêcher. L'attention
impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont fait
échouer jusqu'à présent toutes les tentatives de conciliation,
me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle
réel qui ne puisse être écarté ou promptement surmonté avec
l'assistance de V.M.
Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux résultat, même
après les tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les
Principautés; car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part
les intentions sont droites et lorsque les intérêts bien
entendus sont communs, le Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas
que l'Europe entière qui contient déjà tant d'éléments
inflammables, soit exposée à une conflagration générale.
Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, à
l'attachement sincère avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frère,
de votre Majesté Impériale, la bien bonne Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
plus sincère désir d'impartialité, je suis arrivée à la
conviction que cet article n'était point susceptible de
l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M.
ont, comme moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abusé
du pouvoir, que vous eût ainsi été accordé; mais une
demande de ce genre, pouvait à peine être acceptée par un
Souverain qui tient à son indépendance.
Je ne cacherai pas davantage à V.M. l'impression
douloureuse qu'a produit sur moi l'occupation des
Principautés. Cette occupation a causé, depuis les quatres
derniers mois, une perturbation générale en Europe, et
pourrait amener des événements ultérieurs que je déplorerais
d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions
de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et
désintéressées, j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le
moyen de les exprimer et mettre à exécution de manière à
détourner de plus graves dangers, que tous mes efforts, je
vous assure, tendront sans cesse à empêcher. L'attention
impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont fait
échouer jusqu'à présent toutes les tentatives de conciliation,
me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle
réel qui ne puisse être écarté ou promptement surmonté avec
l'assistance de V.M.
Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux résultat, même
après les tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les
Principautés; car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part
les intentions sont droites et lorsque les intérêts bien
entendus sont communs, le Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas
que l'Europe entière qui contient déjà tant d'éléments
inflammables, soit exposée à une conflagration générale.
Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, à
l'attachement sincère avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frère,
de votre Majesté Impériale, la bien bonne Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
Page 690
Albert est très sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le
mettre à vos pieds.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES
London, 26th November 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
The Cabinet met to-day for the consideration of the
overtures made by the French Government for the settlement
of the Eastern Question.32 These proposals were in
substance adopted; although a considerable change was
made in their form, and in some of their details. The step
now taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely
venture to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific
language is accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and
it remains to be seen what effect will be produced on the
Emperor of Russia by the entrance of English and French
ships of war into the Black Sea, under the pretext of
bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the
grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This
information has hitherto been only communicated by
telegraph; but it is calculated to lead to serious
consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be perfectly
well aware.
Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord
Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt; but the
anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the nation, and, as will be
seen from the Queen's letter of the 27th of November, Lord Stratford
seemed resolved on war.
mettre à vos pieds.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES
London, 26th November 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
The Cabinet met to-day for the consideration of the
overtures made by the French Government for the settlement
of the Eastern Question.32 These proposals were in
substance adopted; although a considerable change was
made in their form, and in some of their details. The step
now taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely
venture to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific
language is accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and
it remains to be seen what effect will be produced on the
Emperor of Russia by the entrance of English and French
ships of war into the Black Sea, under the pretext of
bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the
grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This
information has hitherto been only communicated by
telegraph; but it is calculated to lead to serious
consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be perfectly
well aware.
Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord
Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt; but the
anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the nation, and, as will be
seen from the Queen's letter of the 27th of November, Lord Stratford
seemed resolved on war.
Page 691
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 27th November 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday.
She is sorry to find that after all a considerable change was
made in the form of the French proposal. She is not aware at
present of what that change consists in and is therefore
unable to form an opinion as to the effects of its
introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord Aberdeen's
apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's
orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's
Despatches of the 5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest
impression that, whilst guarding himself against the
possibility of being called to account for acting in opposition
to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper and deeper into
the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore should
three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard
the Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol,
which would thus constitute the much desired contingency
for our combined Fleets to attack it, and so engage us
irretrievably!
The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the
Cabinet to consider whether they are justified in allowing
such a state of things to continue!
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN 2
S. Pétersbourg, le — Décembre 1853.
14
Madame,—Je remercie
votre Majesté d'avoir eu la bonté de répondre aussi
amicalement que franchement à la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur
de lui écrire. Je la remercie également de la foi qu'elle
Osborne, 27th November 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday.
She is sorry to find that after all a considerable change was
made in the form of the French proposal. She is not aware at
present of what that change consists in and is therefore
unable to form an opinion as to the effects of its
introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord Aberdeen's
apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's
orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's
Despatches of the 5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest
impression that, whilst guarding himself against the
possibility of being called to account for acting in opposition
to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper and deeper into
the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore should
three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard
the Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol,
which would thus constitute the much desired contingency
for our combined Fleets to attack it, and so engage us
irretrievably!
The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the
Cabinet to consider whether they are justified in allowing
such a state of things to continue!
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN 2
S. Pétersbourg, le — Décembre 1853.
14
Madame,—Je remercie
votre Majesté d'avoir eu la bonté de répondre aussi
amicalement que franchement à la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur
de lui écrire. Je la remercie également de la foi qu'elle
Page 692
accorde à ma parole,—je crois le mériter, je l'avoue,—28
années d'une vie politique, souvent fort pénible, ne peuvent
donner le droit à personne d'en douter.
Je me permets aussi, contrairement à l'avis de votre Majesté,
de penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays à
pays, rien ne peut être plus sacré et ne l'est en effet à mes
yeux que la parole souveraine, car elle décide en dernière
instance de la paix ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes
pas l'attention de votre Majesté par un examen détaillé du
sens qu'elle donne à l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji;
j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans la Russie
et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore. Ce
sens-là n'a été interrompu qu'en derniers temps, à la suite
d'instigations que votre Majesté connaît aussi bien que moi.
Le rétablir dans son réception primitive et la justifier par un
engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il
sera, Madame, quand même le sang devrait couler encore
contre mon vœu le plus ardent; parce que c'est une question
vitale pour la Russie, et mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles
pour y satisfaire.
Si j'ai dû occuper les Principautés, ce que je regrette autant
que votre Majesté, c'est encore Madame, parce que les
libertés dont ces provinces jouissent, leurs ont été acquises
au prix du sang Russe, et par moi-même Madame les années
1828 et 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de conquêtes, mais à la
veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en plus probable,
il eût été indigne de moi de les livrer sûrement à la main des
ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persécutions ne sont un
secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'espérais avoir
répondu ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majesté
avec la plus entière franchise. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle
ne doute pas qu'avec mon aide le rétablissement de la paix
ne soit encore possible, malgré le sang répandu; j'y réponds
de grand cœur, Oui, Madame, si les organes des volontés de
votre Majesté exécutent fidèlement ses ordres et ses
intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varié dès le
années d'une vie politique, souvent fort pénible, ne peuvent
donner le droit à personne d'en douter.
Je me permets aussi, contrairement à l'avis de votre Majesté,
de penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays à
pays, rien ne peut être plus sacré et ne l'est en effet à mes
yeux que la parole souveraine, car elle décide en dernière
instance de la paix ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes
pas l'attention de votre Majesté par un examen détaillé du
sens qu'elle donne à l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji;
j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans la Russie
et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore. Ce
sens-là n'a été interrompu qu'en derniers temps, à la suite
d'instigations que votre Majesté connaît aussi bien que moi.
Le rétablir dans son réception primitive et la justifier par un
engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il
sera, Madame, quand même le sang devrait couler encore
contre mon vœu le plus ardent; parce que c'est une question
vitale pour la Russie, et mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles
pour y satisfaire.
Si j'ai dû occuper les Principautés, ce que je regrette autant
que votre Majesté, c'est encore Madame, parce que les
libertés dont ces provinces jouissent, leurs ont été acquises
au prix du sang Russe, et par moi-même Madame les années
1828 et 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de conquêtes, mais à la
veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en plus probable,
il eût été indigne de moi de les livrer sûrement à la main des
ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persécutions ne sont un
secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'espérais avoir
répondu ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majesté
avec la plus entière franchise. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle
ne doute pas qu'avec mon aide le rétablissement de la paix
ne soit encore possible, malgré le sang répandu; j'y réponds
de grand cœur, Oui, Madame, si les organes des volontés de
votre Majesté exécutent fidèlement ses ordres et ses
intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varié dès le
Page 693
début de cette triste épisode. Reculer devant le danger,
comme vouloir maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en
violant ma parole, serait au-dessous de moi, et le noble cœur
de votre Majesté doit le comprendre.
J'ajouterais encore que son cœur saignera en apprenant les
horreurs qui se commettent déjà par les hordes sauvages,
près desquels flotte le pavillon Anglais!!!
Je la remercie cordialement des vœux qu'Elle veut bien faire
pour moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront
réciproqués de ma part. Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en
l'assurant du sincère attachement avec lequel je suis,
Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué Frère and Ami,
Nicolas.
Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son
Altesse Royale le Prince Albert et le remercie également de
ses paroles obligeantes.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM
London, 6th December 1853.
... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your
Majesty to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your
Majesty the present state of the discussions on Reform, and
the progress of the Measure.33 Lord Aberdeen feels it to be
his duty to inform your Majesty that on Saturday evening he
received a visit from Lord Palmerston, who announced his
decided objection to the greater part of the proposed plan.34
He did this in such positive terms that Lord Aberdeen should
imagine he had made up his mind not to give the Measure
his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that
such is the case.
comme vouloir maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en
violant ma parole, serait au-dessous de moi, et le noble cœur
de votre Majesté doit le comprendre.
J'ajouterais encore que son cœur saignera en apprenant les
horreurs qui se commettent déjà par les hordes sauvages,
près desquels flotte le pavillon Anglais!!!
Je la remercie cordialement des vœux qu'Elle veut bien faire
pour moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront
réciproqués de ma part. Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en
l'assurant du sincère attachement avec lequel je suis,
Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué Frère and Ami,
Nicolas.
Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son
Altesse Royale le Prince Albert et le remercie également de
ses paroles obligeantes.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM
London, 6th December 1853.
... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your
Majesty to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your
Majesty the present state of the discussions on Reform, and
the progress of the Measure.33 Lord Aberdeen feels it to be
his duty to inform your Majesty that on Saturday evening he
received a visit from Lord Palmerston, who announced his
decided objection to the greater part of the proposed plan.34
He did this in such positive terms that Lord Aberdeen should
imagine he had made up his mind not to give the Measure
his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that
such is the case.
Page 694
Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord
Palmerston may also desire to separate himself from the
Government, in consequence of their pacific policy, and in
order to take the lead of the War Party and the Anti-
Reformers in the House of Commons, who are essentially
the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly be
formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove
dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the
improvement of Lord John's Foreign Policy.
Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to the
Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of the
Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional
suggestions, e.g., for finding a means of bringing into the House
official persons or men without local connections, and for dealing with
Ministerial re-elections.
Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving an
account of the affair:—
"Carlton Gardens, 8th December 1853.
"My dear Lansdowne,—I have had two conversations with Aberdeen
on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform Bill, and I have said
that there are three points in it to which I cannot agree.
"These points are—the extent of disfranchisement, the extent of
enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal Franchise in
Boroughs to the pound;10 Householder Franchise....
"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of bribeable
Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by ignorance and
poverty.
"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as
proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the two
Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and that I do not
choose to be a party to a contest between the two Houses or to an
Appeal to the Country for a Measure of which I decidedly disapprove;
and that I cannot enter into a career which would lead me to such a
position, that, in short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt
by John Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of
Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you, that I
might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the question of
Parliamentary Reform.
"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very sorry to
give up my present Office at this moment: I have taken a great interest
in it, and I have matters in hand which I should much wish to bring to
Palmerston may also desire to separate himself from the
Government, in consequence of their pacific policy, and in
order to take the lead of the War Party and the Anti-
Reformers in the House of Commons, who are essentially
the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly be
formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove
dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the
improvement of Lord John's Foreign Policy.
Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to the
Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of the
Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional
suggestions, e.g., for finding a means of bringing into the House
official persons or men without local connections, and for dealing with
Ministerial re-elections.
Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving an
account of the affair:—
"Carlton Gardens, 8th December 1853.
"My dear Lansdowne,—I have had two conversations with Aberdeen
on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform Bill, and I have said
that there are three points in it to which I cannot agree.
"These points are—the extent of disfranchisement, the extent of
enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal Franchise in
Boroughs to the pound;10 Householder Franchise....
"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of bribeable
Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by ignorance and
poverty.
"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as
proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the two
Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and that I do not
choose to be a party to a contest between the two Houses or to an
Appeal to the Country for a Measure of which I decidedly disapprove;
and that I cannot enter into a career which would lead me to such a
position, that, in short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt
by John Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of
Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you, that I
might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the question of
Parliamentary Reform.
"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very sorry to
give up my present Office at this moment: I have taken a great interest
in it, and I have matters in hand which I should much wish to bring to
Page 695
a conclusion. Moreover, I think that the presence in the Cabinet of a
person holding the opinions which I entertain as to the principles on
which our Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in
modifying the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously
to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a disposition in
other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding all this. I cannot consent
to stand forward as one of the Authors and Supporters of John
Russell's sweeping alterations. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston".
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne, 9th December 1853.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—The Queen has consulted with
Lord John Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the
question of Lord Palmerston's position with regard to it; and
he will doubtless give you an account of what passed. She
wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what strikes her
with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen
clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success
unless prepared and introduced in Parliament by a united
Cabinet; that, if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to
oppose it and to leave the Government, there will be no use
in trying to keep him in it, and that there will be danger in
allowing him to attend the discussions of the Cabinet,
preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a successor to
him would after all have to be found at the Home Office, it
will be unfair not to give that important member of the
Government full opportunity to take his share in the
preparation and deliberation on the measure to which his
consent would be asked. Under these circumstances it
becomes of the highest importance to ascertain—
1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston
entertains to the Measure;
person holding the opinions which I entertain as to the principles on
which our Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in
modifying the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously
to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a disposition in
other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding all this. I cannot consent
to stand forward as one of the Authors and Supporters of John
Russell's sweeping alterations. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston".
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne, 9th December 1853.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—The Queen has consulted with
Lord John Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the
question of Lord Palmerston's position with regard to it; and
he will doubtless give you an account of what passed. She
wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what strikes her
with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen
clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success
unless prepared and introduced in Parliament by a united
Cabinet; that, if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to
oppose it and to leave the Government, there will be no use
in trying to keep him in it, and that there will be danger in
allowing him to attend the discussions of the Cabinet,
preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a successor to
him would after all have to be found at the Home Office, it
will be unfair not to give that important member of the
Government full opportunity to take his share in the
preparation and deliberation on the measure to which his
consent would be asked. Under these circumstances it
becomes of the highest importance to ascertain—
1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston
entertains to the Measure;
Page 696
2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to
have made to you.
This should be obtained in writing, so as to make all future
misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision
can well be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the
Cabinet could alone deliberate.
Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the
view of having the Measure modified it will be right to
consider how far that can safely be done, and for the Queen,
also, to balance the probable value of the modification with
the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to put himself at the
head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does the
possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of
that Party.
Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a
"notice to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be
clearly put on record, and no attempt should be made to
damage the character of the Measure in the vain hope of
propitiating him. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to
meet the Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his
resignation in a short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further
correspondence with Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, Lord
Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied the two most
important letters which follow here.
have made to you.
This should be obtained in writing, so as to make all future
misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision
can well be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the
Cabinet could alone deliberate.
Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the
view of having the Measure modified it will be right to
consider how far that can safely be done, and for the Queen,
also, to balance the probable value of the modification with
the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to put himself at the
head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does the
possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of
that Party.
Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a
"notice to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be
clearly put on record, and no attempt should be made to
damage the character of the Measure in the vain hope of
propitiating him. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to
meet the Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his
resignation in a short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further
correspondence with Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, Lord
Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied the two most
important letters which follow here.
Page 697
Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord
Palmerston's conduct "treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen
hardly understands, as against him he has been perfectly
consistent with regard to the Reform Measure, from the
beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of
Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show
boldness and energy, and to undertake the Home Office at
once himself; this would have a great effect under the
difficulties of the circumstances, would show that he was in
earnest and determined to carry his Reform Measure. Lord
John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to consider;
after seeing Lady John, however, he declined.
Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern
Question, Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord
Aberdeen had followed my advice, and had a long
explanation on the subject, in which they both agreed that
their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought matters
settled when Lord John now asks for contingent
engagements to make war on Russia if her forces cross the
Danube (which Lord Aberdeen thinks quite uncalled for),
and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in the Black Sea,
even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc. The
Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.
When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with
Lord Palmerston to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would
be very awkward for you if Palmerston quarrels one day
with you about Reform, and I the next about Turkey!"
There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try
to put himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and,
with the present indifference of the Country upon Reform,
the fate of the Bill is by no means certain. On the question of
Peace or War, Lord Aberdeen is quite certain that the House
of Commons will adopt no war resolutions.
Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord
Lansdowne, who has great influence in the House of Lords,
Palmerston's conduct "treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen
hardly understands, as against him he has been perfectly
consistent with regard to the Reform Measure, from the
beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of
Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show
boldness and energy, and to undertake the Home Office at
once himself; this would have a great effect under the
difficulties of the circumstances, would show that he was in
earnest and determined to carry his Reform Measure. Lord
John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to consider;
after seeing Lady John, however, he declined.
Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern
Question, Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord
Aberdeen had followed my advice, and had a long
explanation on the subject, in which they both agreed that
their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought matters
settled when Lord John now asks for contingent
engagements to make war on Russia if her forces cross the
Danube (which Lord Aberdeen thinks quite uncalled for),
and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in the Black Sea,
even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc. The
Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.
When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with
Lord Palmerston to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would
be very awkward for you if Palmerston quarrels one day
with you about Reform, and I the next about Turkey!"
There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try
to put himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and,
with the present indifference of the Country upon Reform,
the fate of the Bill is by no means certain. On the question of
Peace or War, Lord Aberdeen is quite certain that the House
of Commons will adopt no war resolutions.
Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord
Lansdowne, who has great influence in the House of Lords,
Page 698
and whose secession would spread great alarm over the
Country as to the real tendency of the Measure (which the
Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great increase of
power to the land35). We agree that the Queen should write
to him to prevent any hasty step.
The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir
George Grey, and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell
(the President of the Board of Trade).
Albert.
Footnote 35: I.e., the landed interest.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Country as to the real tendency of the Measure (which the
Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great increase of
power to the land35). We agree that the Queen should write
to him to prevent any hasty step.
The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir
George Grey, and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell
(the President of the Board of Trade).
Albert.
Footnote 35: I.e., the landed interest.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Page 699
LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation
of Lord Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord
Lansdowne has not been able to reconcile himself to the
Measure of Reform as now proposed in the Cabinet, which
has caused Lord Palmerston's withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne
is aware of the paramount importance which the Queen
attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the
maintenance of her present Government; and she would
press upon Lord Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final
determination before she shall have an opportunity of seeing
him. The Queen will go to Windsor on Thursday, and hold a
Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be convenient to
Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen the
greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has
succeeded in removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH
Osborne, 17th December 1853.
The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord
Clarendon.
She has never been so much perplexed respecting any
decision she has had to make, as in the present instance. She
has read Lord Stratford's Despatch (358) over several times,
and she is struck, every time more, with the consummate
ability with which it is written and argued; but also with the
difficulty in which it places the person reading it to extract
distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation
of Lord Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord
Lansdowne has not been able to reconcile himself to the
Measure of Reform as now proposed in the Cabinet, which
has caused Lord Palmerston's withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne
is aware of the paramount importance which the Queen
attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the
maintenance of her present Government; and she would
press upon Lord Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final
determination before she shall have an opportunity of seeing
him. The Queen will go to Windsor on Thursday, and hold a
Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be convenient to
Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen the
greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has
succeeded in removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH
Osborne, 17th December 1853.
The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord
Clarendon.
She has never been so much perplexed respecting any
decision she has had to make, as in the present instance. She
has read Lord Stratford's Despatch (358) over several times,
and she is struck, every time more, with the consummate
ability with which it is written and argued; but also with the
difficulty in which it places the person reading it to extract
distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.
Page 700
The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most
important consequences. As the Queen understands it, it
promises war with Russia in a given contingency, but the
contingency is: Russia rejecting terms which are "in their
spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets forth in
your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such
tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague
expressions. The more so, as "the spirit and character"
alluded to, appears to her to be, as if purposely, obscure.
When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied
"with a renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the
formal Declarations and Treaties already existing in favour
of the Porte"—the Queen cannot understand what is meant
—as all the former Treaties between Russia and Turkey have
certainly not been in favour of the Porte. Nor is it clear to
the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable
deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual
matters" is compatible with the former treaties.
Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle
that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show
herself regardless of the best interests of Europe" by
rejecting every fair term, the time will have arrived "for
adopting measures of more active coercion against her"—
she cannot sanction such a Declaration except on terms
which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all
misinterpretation.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
SINOPE
(Undated.)
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th,
and enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks
important consequences. As the Queen understands it, it
promises war with Russia in a given contingency, but the
contingency is: Russia rejecting terms which are "in their
spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets forth in
your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such
tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague
expressions. The more so, as "the spirit and character"
alluded to, appears to her to be, as if purposely, obscure.
When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied
"with a renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the
formal Declarations and Treaties already existing in favour
of the Porte"—the Queen cannot understand what is meant
—as all the former Treaties between Russia and Turkey have
certainly not been in favour of the Porte. Nor is it clear to
the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable
deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual
matters" is compatible with the former treaties.
Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle
that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show
herself regardless of the best interests of Europe" by
rejecting every fair term, the time will have arrived "for
adopting measures of more active coercion against her"—
she cannot sanction such a Declaration except on terms
which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all
misinterpretation.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
SINOPE
(Undated.)
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th,
and enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks
Page 701
to have a copy of it, together with the Despatch from Lord
Westmorland to which it refers.
She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain
exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the
views of the French Government "upon the utterly
unjustifiable course that Russia has pursued," etc., is stated.
If, as the Queen must read it, this refers to the affair at
Sinope,36 it is a dangerous assertion, as we have yet no
authentic account of the circumstances of the case, which
would make it possible to judge what degree of justification
there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be
qualified by some expression such as "as far as we know," or
"should present accounts prove correct," etc.
The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left
out, as a state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.
On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to
make the statement precise and correct.
The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as
tantamount to a declaration of war, which, under the guarded
conditions however attached to it, she feels she cannot
refuse to sanction. It would, in the Queen's opinion, be
necessary, however, distinctly and fully to acquaint the
Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.
Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that
advantage, that it threatened steps which it was hoped would
not become necessary, whilst those hitherto taken, started on
the principle of not needlessly offending Russia by threats,
obliging us at the same time to take the very steps which we
refused to threaten.
The Queen has to make one more and a most serious
observation. The Fleet has orders now to prevent a
recurrence of such disasters as that of Sinope. This cannot
mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet in acts of
aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on
Westmorland to which it refers.
She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain
exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the
views of the French Government "upon the utterly
unjustifiable course that Russia has pursued," etc., is stated.
If, as the Queen must read it, this refers to the affair at
Sinope,36 it is a dangerous assertion, as we have yet no
authentic account of the circumstances of the case, which
would make it possible to judge what degree of justification
there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be
qualified by some expression such as "as far as we know," or
"should present accounts prove correct," etc.
The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left
out, as a state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.
On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to
make the statement precise and correct.
The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as
tantamount to a declaration of war, which, under the guarded
conditions however attached to it, she feels she cannot
refuse to sanction. It would, in the Queen's opinion, be
necessary, however, distinctly and fully to acquaint the
Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.
Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that
advantage, that it threatened steps which it was hoped would
not become necessary, whilst those hitherto taken, started on
the principle of not needlessly offending Russia by threats,
obliging us at the same time to take the very steps which we
refused to threaten.
The Queen has to make one more and a most serious
observation. The Fleet has orders now to prevent a
recurrence of such disasters as that of Sinope. This cannot
mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet in acts of
aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on
Page 702
Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have
to be made quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.
The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft,
when corrected, of Lord Cowley's Despatch.
Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from
Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope, a
naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it. The feeling in the
country against Russia was greatly inflamed by the incident, which
was referred to as the "massacre of Sinope."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PUBLIC FEELING
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday
afternoon. He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C.
Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been
very anxious that Lord Palmerston should be readmitted into
the Cabinet; they had had interviews with him in which he
had expressed his hope to be allowed to reconsider his step.
Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this point with
her husband. All the people best conversant with the House
of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of
going on with Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the
present temper of the public, which was quite mad about the
Oriental Question and the disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W.
Molesworth shared this opinion.
Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in
which he begs to have his resignation considered as not
having taken place, as it arose entirely from a
misapprehension on his part, his having believed that none
of the details of the Reform Measure were yet open for
to be made quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.
The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft,
when corrected, of Lord Cowley's Despatch.
Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from
Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope, a
naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it. The feeling in the
country against Russia was greatly inflamed by the incident, which
was referred to as the "massacre of Sinope."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PUBLIC FEELING
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday
afternoon. He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C.
Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been
very anxious that Lord Palmerston should be readmitted into
the Cabinet; they had had interviews with him in which he
had expressed his hope to be allowed to reconsider his step.
Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this point with
her husband. All the people best conversant with the House
of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of
going on with Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the
present temper of the public, which was quite mad about the
Oriental Question and the disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W.
Molesworth shared this opinion.
Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in
which he begs to have his resignation considered as not
having taken place, as it arose entirely from a
misapprehension on his part, his having believed that none
of the details of the Reform Measure were yet open for
Page 703
consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the
Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham,
who convinced themselves that under the circumstances
nothing else remained to be done. Lord Aberdeen having
asked Lord John whether he should tell the Queen that it was
a political necessity, he answered: "Yes, owing to the
shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen
rejoined: "Not shabbiness; cowardice is the word."
Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the
Government, although it ought to damage Lord Palmerston
still more. Lord John's expression was: "Yes, it would ruin
anybody but Palmerston."
Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further
difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham
were determined to make no material alterations in the Bill.
Graham is suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in
again, on the part of a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue
to get the Measure emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not
believe this....
Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good
and cordial towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him
a long speech to show his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's
kindness to him.
Albert.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE
London, 26th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty,
has the honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's
letter to him,37 and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not
Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham,
who convinced themselves that under the circumstances
nothing else remained to be done. Lord Aberdeen having
asked Lord John whether he should tell the Queen that it was
a political necessity, he answered: "Yes, owing to the
shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen
rejoined: "Not shabbiness; cowardice is the word."
Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the
Government, although it ought to damage Lord Palmerston
still more. Lord John's expression was: "Yes, it would ruin
anybody but Palmerston."
Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further
difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham
were determined to make no material alterations in the Bill.
Graham is suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in
again, on the part of a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue
to get the Measure emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not
believe this....
Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good
and cordial towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him
a long speech to show his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's
kindness to him.
Albert.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE
London, 26th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty,
has the honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's
letter to him,37 and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not
Page 704
without some apprehension of receiving a rejoinder; but
instead of which, a note arrived this morning, merely asking
if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the course of the
week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note just as
if nothing whatever has taken place!
Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was mistaken in
inferring from your letter that the details of the intended Reform Bill
had been finally settled by the Government, and that no objection to
any part of those details would be listened to." He went on to say that,
under the circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish
of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his
resignation.
Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. London and Aylesbury.
Paper supplied by John Dickinson & Co., Ld., London.
Transcriber's Note:
This is the second volume of three.
instead of which, a note arrived this morning, merely asking
if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the course of the
week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note just as
if nothing whatever has taken place!
Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was mistaken in
inferring from your letter that the details of the intended Reform Bill
had been finally settled by the Government, and that no objection to
any part of those details would be listened to." He went on to say that,
under the circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish
of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his
resignation.
Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. London and Aylesbury.
Paper supplied by John Dickinson & Co., Ld., London.
Transcriber's Note:
This is the second volume of three.
Page 705
The index is in Volume III, with links to all three volumes; and some footnotes are
linked between volumes.
These links are designed to work when the book is read on line. However, if you want
to download all three volumes and have the links work on your own computer, then
follow these directions carefully.
1. Create a directory (folder) named whatever you like (e.g., Victoria). (The name of
this directory (folder) is not critical, but the inner folders must be named as listed
below, or the links between volumes will not work).
2. In that directory (folder) create 3 directories (folders) named
20023
24780
28649
3. Create the following directories (folders):
In the 20023 directory create a directory named 20023-h
In the 24780 directory create a directory named 24780-h
In the 28649 directory create a directory named 28649-h
4. Download the zipped html version of each volume.
Download Vol. I from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/20023
Download Vol. II from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/24780
Download Vol. III from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/28649
5. Unzip the downloaded files and move them into the appropriate directories:
Move the unzipped 20023-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
20023-h directory.
Move the unzipped 24780-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
24780-h directory.
Move the unzipped 28649-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
28649-h directory.
Use the BACK button to return from a link.
The original pageheadings have been retained, and moved to appropriate positions in
the right-hand margin close to the text to which they refer, so as not to interrupt the
flow of the text.
Likewise, footnotes have been moved to the end of the appropriate letter, or the
appropriate paragraph, in the case of longer passages of text.
Only footnotes in longer letters or passages of text, or those that refer to earlier or later
letters etc., are linked.
linked between volumes.
These links are designed to work when the book is read on line. However, if you want
to download all three volumes and have the links work on your own computer, then
follow these directions carefully.
1. Create a directory (folder) named whatever you like (e.g., Victoria). (The name of
this directory (folder) is not critical, but the inner folders must be named as listed
below, or the links between volumes will not work).
2. In that directory (folder) create 3 directories (folders) named
20023
24780
28649
3. Create the following directories (folders):
In the 20023 directory create a directory named 20023-h
In the 24780 directory create a directory named 24780-h
In the 28649 directory create a directory named 28649-h
4. Download the zipped html version of each volume.
Download Vol. I from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/20023
Download Vol. II from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/24780
Download Vol. III from https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/28649
5. Unzip the downloaded files and move them into the appropriate directories:
Move the unzipped 20023-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
20023-h directory.
Move the unzipped 24780-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
24780-h directory.
Move the unzipped 28649-h.htm file and its "images" directory into your
28649-h directory.
Use the BACK button to return from a link.
The original pageheadings have been retained, and moved to appropriate positions in
the right-hand margin close to the text to which they refer, so as not to interrupt the
flow of the text.
Likewise, footnotes have been moved to the end of the appropriate letter, or the
appropriate paragraph, in the case of longer passages of text.
Only footnotes in longer letters or passages of text, or those that refer to earlier or later
letters etc., are linked.
Page 706
Initial letters are spaced as in the original, i.e., personal initials: spaced; academic
initials: unspaced.
Mr or Mr.
Most instances of this form of address, in the book, are 'Mr', without the period. There
are a few spelt as 'Mr.', with the period. These have been left as they appeared in the
original book.
Russian Dates.
The difference between the Russian Calendar and the Calendar used in Western Europe
was 12 days...22nd March 1848, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 3rd April in
Russia; 8th April 1853, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 20th April in Russia,
etc.
General Note: consistency
There are some differences in personal spelling, and the use or non-use of hyphens and
accents, from one year to another; the original has always been retained.
Errata - old typos:
Obvious punctuation errors have been repaired.
The remaining corrections made are indicated by dotted lines under the corrections.
Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will appear.
initials: unspaced.
Mr or Mr.
Most instances of this form of address, in the book, are 'Mr', without the period. There
are a few spelt as 'Mr.', with the period. These have been left as they appeared in the
original book.
Russian Dates.
The difference between the Russian Calendar and the Calendar used in Western Europe
was 12 days...22nd March 1848, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 3rd April in
Russia; 8th April 1853, in Great Britain and Western Europe, was 20th April in Russia,
etc.
General Note: consistency
There are some differences in personal spelling, and the use or non-use of hyphens and
accents, from one year to another; the original has always been retained.
Errata - old typos:
Obvious punctuation errors have been repaired.
The remaining corrections made are indicated by dotted lines under the corrections.
Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will appear.
Page 707
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LETTERS OF
QUEEN VICTORIA, VOL. 2, 1844-1853 ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be
renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law
means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the
Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States
without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying
and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a
registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook,
except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge
anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg
eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by
U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
QUEEN VICTORIA, VOL. 2, 1844-1853 ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be
renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law
means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the
Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States
without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying
and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a
registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook,
except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge
anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg
eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by
U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
Page 708
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any
other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you
agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License
available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work,
you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the
terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright)
agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement,
you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy
of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to
be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on
or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can
do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a
lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you
follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to
Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation”
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual
work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any
other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you
agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License
available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work,
you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the
terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright)
agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement,
you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy
of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to
be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on
or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can
do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a
lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you
follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to
Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation”
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual
work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are
Page 709
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works
based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are
removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing
Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can
easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you
share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a
constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the
laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before
downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work.
The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status
of any work in any country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone
anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may
copy it, give it away or re-use it under the
terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License
included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located
in the United States, you will have to check
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works
based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are
removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing
Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can
easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you
share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a
constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the
laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before
downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work.
The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status
of any work in any country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone
anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may
copy it, give it away or re-use it under the
terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License
included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located
in the United States, you will have to check
Page 710
the laws of the country where you are
located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from
texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice
indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the
work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without
paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a
work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on
the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs
1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the
permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply
with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed
by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the
copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License
terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any
other work associated with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently
displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or
immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the
official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no
additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of
exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work
in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from
texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice
indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the
work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without
paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a
work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on
the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs
1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the
permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply
with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed
by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the
copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License
terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any
other work associated with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently
displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or
immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the
official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no
additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of
exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work
in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
Page 711
must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph
1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing,
copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply
with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to
or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing,
copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply
with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to
or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
Page 712
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in
this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works
not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and
the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as,
but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription
errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that
damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except
for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to
you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE
THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE
THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you
can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in
this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works
not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and
the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as,
but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription
errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that
damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except
for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to
you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE
THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE
THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you
can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
Page 713
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the
defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund.
If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to
you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you
may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING
BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR
FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or
limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable
to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum
disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity
or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that
arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause
to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg
work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the
defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund.
If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to
you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you
may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING
BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR
FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or
limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable
to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum
disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity
or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that
arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause
to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg
work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
Page 714
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic
works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including
obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the
efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of
life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance
they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring
that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for
generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for
Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations
can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)
(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of
Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service.
The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541.
Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s
laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516,
Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the
works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including
obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the
efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of
life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance
they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring
that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for
generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for
Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations
can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)
(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of
Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service.
The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541.
Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s
laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516,
Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the
Page 715
number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are
particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort,
much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not
received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or
determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have
not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against
accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us
with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any
statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the
United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods
and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including
checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with
anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg
eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are
particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort,
much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not
received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or
determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have
not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against
accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us
with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any
statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the
United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods
and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including
checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with
anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg
eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Page 716
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions,
all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a
copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in
compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how
to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email
newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a
copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in
compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how
to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email
newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
Page 717
back
Page 718
back
Page 719
Page 720
back
Page 721
Page 722
back
Page 723
Page 724
back